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How they got there: examining the advancement of women of color in K–12 leadership roles
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How they got there: examining the advancement of women of color in K–12 leadership roles
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Content
How They Got There: Examining the Advancement of Women of Color in K–12
Leadership Roles
Michele Lew
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2023
© Copyright by Michele Lew 2023
All Rights Reserved
The Committee for Michele Lew certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Christina Kishimoto
Stefanie Phillips
Gregory Franklin, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023
iv
Abstract
Although the percentages of women and people of color (POC) in K–12 leadership positions
have increased over the past 2 decades, they continue to be underrepresented in school
administration. Using Bronfenbrenner’s theory of bioecological development, this study
examines the lived experiences of women of color in K–12 educational leadership and the
mechanisms that support and hinder their career advancement. Specifically, this study examined
the effect positionality and microaggressions had on career advancement, and examined the
protective factor of mentorship. Findings revealed that positionality supported career
advancement at the microsystem level (e.g., school sites) and hindered it at the mesosystem level
(e.g., district). Strong relational connections and mentorship also supported women of color in
their career advancement. Barriers included organizations that held traditional, male centric
views about leadership, which fostered gendered racial microaggressions. Identity taxation, in
the form of hypervisibility and invisibility, was another barrier to women of color’s career
advancement. Participants who were more acculturated exhibited a higher level of internalized
racism than those who had a strong sense of their cultural and ethnic identity. Mentorship served
as the most powerful support for participants and also served as a protective factor for
participants. A mentor as buffer provided a safe space for participants to share and process the
negative experiences of discrimination, and renewed their sense of purpose as an educational
leader.
v
Dedication
To my parents, who have always believed in me.
vi
Acknowledgements
This work would not have been possible without the excellent guidance I received in the
University of Southern California’s Rossier School of Education Educational Leadership
program. I am grateful for all of my professors, who have given me greater insight on equitable
leadership. I am especially grateful for my Dissertation Committee Chair, Dr. Gregory Franklin
and committee members Dr. Christina Kishimoto and Dr. Stefanie Phillips for their
encouragement, wisdom, and unwavering support.
For my dear friends and colleagues who encouraged me to begin this adventure and
guided me through it. Our reflective conversations over these many years have shaped the values
and beliefs I hold about myself, education, and leadership. You have made me a better person.
Thank you to the members of my cohort who shared their insight and brought their
authentic experiences to class. I learned more from you than I can possibly convey. A special
thank you to Lynette Ohanian and David Keys, who are my partners in thought and treasured
friends. Fight on!
vii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. x
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ xi
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 3
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 5
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 6
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 7
Limitations and Delimitations ............................................................................................. 7
Definition of Terms ............................................................................................................. 8
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................. 11
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ........................................................................................ 12
Women in Educational Leadership ................................................................................... 13
Gender Stereotypes and Cultural Norms .......................................................................... 13
Women of Color in Educational Leadership .................................................................... 15
Microaggressions .............................................................................................................. 21
Mentorship ........................................................................................................................ 30
Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................... 36
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 39
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 41
Sample and Population ..................................................................................................... 42
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 44
viii
Interview Instrument ......................................................................................................... 44
Survey Instrument ............................................................................................................. 45
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 46
Credibility and Trustworthiness ........................................................................................ 47
Member Checks ................................................................................................................ 47
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 48
Chapter Four: Results ................................................................................................................... 50
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 50
Results ............................................................................................................................... 52
Results Research Question 1 ............................................................................................. 53
Gender as a Support for Career Advancement ................................................................. 54
Race as a Support for Career Advancement ..................................................................... 55
Strong Relational Connections as a Support for Career Advancement ............................ 56
Discussion Research Question 1 ....................................................................................... 62
Results Research Questions 2 ........................................................................................... 62
Cultural Norms Around Leadership Influence Organizational Structures ....................... 63
Identity Taxation ............................................................................................................... 66
Discussion Research Question 2 ....................................................................................... 71
Results Research Question 3 ............................................................................................. 72
Internalized Racism and Cultural Identity ........................................................................ 74
The Buffering Effect of Mentorship ................................................................................. 77
Discussion Research Question 3 ....................................................................................... 79
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 80
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 82
Findings ............................................................................................................................ 84
ix
Research Question 1 ......................................................................................................... 84
Research Question 2 ......................................................................................................... 87
Research Question 3 ......................................................................................................... 90
Limitations ........................................................................................................................ 92
Implications for Practice ................................................................................................... 93
Future Research ................................................................................................................ 95
Conclusions ....................................................................................................................... 96
References ..................................................................................................................................... 98
Appendix A: Survey Items .......................................................................................................... 112
Appendix B: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................. 114
x
List of Tables
Table 1: Survey Participants 51
Table 2: Interview Participants 52
xi
List of Figures
Figure 1: Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological Framework 39
1
Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Although the percentage of women and people of color (POC) in K–12 principal and
superintendent positions has increased over the past 2 decades (National Center for Educational
Statistics, 2020), they continue to be underrepresented in school administration. “Females and
persons of color continue to be underrepresented because their presence in the position does not
reflect the diversity of both the national population and the total student population in public
schools” (Kowalski et al., 2011, p. 85). In California, 2021–22 student demographic data
(ACSA, 2021) shows that 21.7% of students are White; 55.3% are Hispanic, 12.8% are Asian
American and Pacific Islanders (AAPI), 5.2% are African American, and 4.1% are of multiple
ethnicities. By contrast, California’s educational leadership is still predominantly White reflected
in 61.4% of superintendents and 47% of principals. Although the majority of students in
California are Hispanic, only 22% of principals and 14% of superintendents are Hispanic. On a
national level, the disproportionality is even more marked with Hispanic principals comprising
9% while nationally, Hispanic students make up 27% of the student population. (NCES, 2018).
This trend is also evident in the Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) population. In
California, AAPI students are 13% of the population, yet only 6% of California school
administrators are Asian American (ACSA, 2022). A 2021 longitudinal study conducted by the
Wallace Foundation looked at the evolution of principalships since 2000 and found that “despite
dramatic changes in the racial and ethnic composition of students, racial and ethnic diversity of
school leadership has moved only slightly, creating growing racial and ethnic gaps between
principals and the students they serve” (Grissom et al., 2021, p. 8). When gender is factored into
the equation, the underrepresentation of persons of color in K–12 educational leadership
becomes even more prominent (NCES, 2017).
2
For women in educational leadership there has been a slow and steady increase of
representation in principalships (Grissom et al., 2021). The National Center for Education
Statistics (NCES, 2017) shows the percentage of women principals has increased 10% in the last
twenty years and women now have a slight majority (53.7%) over male principals (46.3%).
Superintendent positions, however, have remained overwhelmingly male. In a 2015 survey
conducted by AASA, the national association for public school superintendents, they found that
only 27% of superintendents were female.
Many terms have been used to describe this slow increase in women leadership, such as
the familiar glass ceiling (Hymowitz & Schellhardt, 1986). In recent years, this barrier for
women in leadership has been described as a labyrinth, indicating the uneven path of upward
progression for women in organizations (Eagly & Carli, 2007). A woman's trajectory is often
met with detours, challenges, and unexpected situations that rarely follow a direct path to the
executive leadership position. The gender gap remains “a global phenomenon whereby women
are disproportionately concentrated in lower-level and lower-authority leadership positions than
men” (Northouse, 2019, p. 405). Women in leadership positions tend to have fewer
developmental opportunities at work, receive less encouragement, are not included in networks,
and receive less formal job training (Emulti et al., 2009; Moorosi, 2010). This leads to fewer
mentor relationships and more barriers to advancement (Northouse, 2019).
Prejudice, discrimination, and gender bias also exist for women leaders, which can make
it harder for them to obtain high level leadership positions and contribute to the idea they are less
effective at their job. Men are often seen as competent leaders if they exhibit masculine qualities
such as dominance, while women are often seen as less apt if they exhibit communal qualities
such as compassion (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010). As a result, this contributes to the false
3
notion that women are not competent and lack the experience to deal with tough situations
(Bodalina & Mestry, 2020).
Background of the Problem
Women of color in K–12 principal and superintendent positions face an even more
complex situation because of the intersectionality of race and gender. Unlike women of color,
White females can focus solely on gender discrimination without consideration for other forms
of discrimination (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010). Women of color are the most vulnerable to
discrimination, as color and gender are the most difficult traits to disguise; the more recognizable
the difference, the more likely discrimination will occur (Sanchez & Thorton, 2010). They might
also feel the effects of gendered racism. “A woman who feels she is experiencing discrimination
must decide if this prejudice is due to race, ethnicity, gender, or some other dimension of her
identity” (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010, p. 173). Women of color face more discrimination
than White women in the workplace and often have to maintain a positive self-image in the face
of microaggressions that could impede promotions, mentoring, and success (Holvino & Blake-
Beard, 2004). Women of color carry the burden of racism and sexism combined.
Current data on women of color in principal and superintendent roles is fairly limited.
There is a perceived “invisibility” of women, and particularly women of color, in the
conversation of representation in executive educational roles (Brunner, 2008, p. 655). “The
representative sample is so overwhelmingly dominated by the responses of White men that the
response of women and persons of color, for all practical purposes, are invisible in the reports
that discuss superintendency” (Brunner, 2008, p. 655). The National Center for Educational
Statistics (2017) data on women principals show that 75.1% are White, 12.9% are Black, 8.3%
are Hispanic, and 3.5% are other ethnicities. So, while women overall have made a steady
4
increase in representation in educational leadership, women of color continue to be
underrepresented.
The representation of women of color in educational leadership is especially crucial as
research has shown that having a principal of color leads to positive outcomes for teachers of
color (Bartanen & Grissom, 2021). Representation increases the retention of racially diverse
teachers (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019) and racially diverse teachers have a positive impact on
student achievement. When students are taught by a teacher who shares their racial/ethnic
background, they have more positive achievement outcomes (Gershenson et a., 2018). Bartanen
and Grissom (2021) found that when Black students had a Black teacher their math achievement
increased. White students may also benefit from having a racially diverse teacher, as they learn
how to interact with people of diverse backgrounds and adopt more prosocial behaviors (Wells et
al., 2016). Principals have substantial influence over the hiring process at their school site
(Strauss et al. 2000), and play an outsized role in teacher retention. “Teachers’ perceptions of
principal support and effectiveness are among the most important factors of teachers’ decisions
to remain in or leave their schools” (Ladd, 2011, p. 244). Principals of color create school
cultures where teachers of color feel more supportive and connected (Bartanen & Grissom,
2021). Additionally, principals of color have a direct, positive effect on achievement for students
of color (Grissom et al., 2017). For example, a Vanderbilt University (Grissom et al., 2017)
study found that Black and Latinx students had more opportunities in gifted programs if their
principal shared their racial identity. As a result, it behooves us to look critically at the principal
representation gap.
There is limited research in studying the underrepresentation of women of color in
educational leadership (Johnson-Bailey & Tisdell, 1998), and the studies that do focus on women
5
of color in educational leadership only point out their low representation in executive leadership
positions (Loder, 2005). A number of studies look at the reasons for underrepresentation of
women of color in Higher Ed (Aiston & Yang, 2017; Chance, 2022; Delgado & Ozuna Allen,
2019; Hill & Wheat, 2017), but there are fewer studies that do the same with women of color in
K–12 educational leadership. For these reasons, the underrepresentation of women of color in
principal and superintendent positions requires further exploration (Kowalski & Brunner, 2011).
There is a need to explore the mechanisms that support women of color advancement to senior
leadership positions in an effort to close the gap in the research and increase the representation of
women of color in principal and superintendent positions (Wrushen & Sherman, 2008). For
women of color aspiring to a principalship or superintendent position, identifying the
mechanisms that support career advancement could provide insights and a roadmap for their path
to educational leadership.
Based on the underrepresentation of WOC in K–12 principal and superintendent
positions and the limited research, this study will focus on understanding the mechanisms that
support or hinder women of color’s decision to advance their career in K–12 educational
leadership. This research study will provide insight into the lived experiences that contribute to
the advancement of women of color in K–12 principal and superintendent positions by
understanding the interrelational effects of positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship.
Statement of the Problem
Although there has been a steady increase of women in educational leadership positions
(NCES, 2017), women continue to have less access to mentoring and networking opportunities
and face gender bias and stereotyping. Women leaders internalize these negative notions, which
can impact the way they lead (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010). Although there is a general
6
acknowledgement that women of color continue to be underrepresented in educational leadership
(Chance, 2022; Lui & Quezada, 2019; Pacis, 2004), there is less research on the mechanisms that
support the advancement of women of color to K–12 leadership positions. Women of color
leaders face a more complex identity than their White counterparts (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis,
2010) as they have the complicated layering of sexism and racism. Additionally, women of color
must navigate the daily microaggressions that people of color often face in their personal and
professional lives (Sue et al., 2007).
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to examine the experiences of WOC in K–12 educational
leadership and how those experiences support or hinder their advancement into leadership roles.
This study will use Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory of human development (Rosa &
Tudge, 2013) as the conceptual framework in order to examine the interrelational effects of
positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship on women of color’s advancement in
educational leadership. Specifically, this study will look at mentorship as a protective factor for
women of color and its interactions with positionality and microaggressions. This study seeks to
understand what effect mentorship has on mitigating the negative impact of identity biases and
microaggressions on WOC’s career advancement. Bronfenbrenner’s model emphasized an
individual’s interactions with their immediate environment, as well as the larger social context,
both formal and informal (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). This study will examine the interactions of
women of color within the micro and mesosystems. Surveys and interviews will be conducted
with women of color in K–12 educational leadership positions in order to understand how
positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship have affected their advancement in educational
leadership.
7
The following research questions were used to guide this study:
1. How do women of color describe their experiences that support their career
advancement in K–12 educational leadership positions?
2. What are the barriers that keep women of color from advancing to K–12 educational
leadership positions?
3. How do positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship affect the advancement of
women of color to K–12 educational leadership positions?
Significance of the Study
When this study is finished, it will provide insight to practitioners and researchers. By
understanding how culture, microaggressions, and mentorship support WOC educational leaders,
school districts can examine and align their cultural and institutional practices to create an
organization that attracts, supports, and advances women of color in principal and superintendent
positions.
The findings from this study can contribute to the existing research on women of color in
K–12 educational leadership and provide a basis for further research on the significance and
impact of positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship on the advancement of women of
color in leadership positions.
Limitations and Delimitations
This study was limited to WOC principals and superintendents in California and their
self–reported personal narratives as educational leaders. Although every effort was made to
interview WOC from a variety of cultures, including a representative of every culture of women
in K–12 educational leadership was not feasible for the scope of this study.
8
The delimitations of this study were limited by position (principals and superintendent
leadership), gender and ethnicity of those positions (women of color), geographic region
(California), and the number of principals and superintendents interviewed.
Definition of Terms
Bronfenbrenner’s theory of bioecological human development is the theory that
researchers should study the settings in which a developing individual spends time and the
relations with others in the same settings, the personal characteristics of the individual, (and
those with which they typical interact), both development over time and the historical time in
which these individuals live, and the mechanisms that drive development (proximal processes)
(Rosa & Tudge, 2013).
Culture is a way of life, especially the general customs and beliefs, of a particular group
of people at a particular time (Meng & Berger, 2019).
Ethnicity is a grouping of people who identify with each other on the basis of shared
attributes that distinguish them from other groups. Those attributes can include common sets of
traditions, ancestry, language, history, society, culture, nation, religion, or social treatment within
their residing area (Chandra & Wilkinson, 2008).
Gender bias refers to a person receiving different treatment based on the person’s real or
perceived gender identity. Men are associated with being leaders because they more commonly
exhibit masculine traits such as assertiveness and women are less likely to be perceived as
leaders because they exhibit communal qualities such as compassion (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis,
2010).
Gender gap is the “phenomenon whereby women are disproportionately concentrated in
lower-level and lower-authority leadership positions than men” (Northouse, 2019, p. 405).
9
Gendered racism refers to “a woman who feels she is experiencing discrimination must
decide if this prejudice is due to race, ethnicity, gender, or some other dimension of her identity”
(Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010, p. 173).
Gendered racial microaggressions is defined as everyday expressions and exchanges,
regardless of intention, that denigrates individuals based on their intersecting gender and racial
identities (Crenshaw, 1989; Lewis & Neville, 2015).
Glass ceiling is a metaphor used to represent an invisible barrier that prevents a given
demographic (typically applied to women) from rising beyond a certain level in a hierarchy
(Hymowitz & Schellhardt, 1986).
Identity taxation includes recognizing how various marginalized social identities—
including gender, race, and sexual orientation—may result in more non-academic service
obligations for particular academics (Hirshfield & Joseph, 2012).
Internalized racism is defined as the adoption or acceptance of oppressive actions,
beliefs, and values of dominant White culture about racial minorities, internalized racism can
manifest through self-hatred, negative stereotypes, discrimination, racist doctrines, and White
supremacy beliefs (Choi et al., 2017).
Interrelational is the reciprocal way in which the individual and their environment
interact (Bronfenbrenner, 1977).
Intersectionality explains how race, class, gender, and other individual characteristics
intersect with one another and overlap (Crenshaw, 1989).
Labyrinth indicates the uneven path of upward progression for women to executive
leadership positions (Eagly & Carli,2007).
Leadership is taking a global view of an organization, designing structures that lead the
10
organization towards the goal, and providing the “social architecture that allows people to do
their best” (Bolman and Deal, 2017, p. 52).
Mentorship is women role models who can serve as career role models, give career
advice, sponsor them within the organization, advise on successfully balancing career and home
life, and give strategies for overcoming gendered and racial barriers (Hill & Wheat, 2017).
Mesosystem is the interrelationship between major environment settings and an individual
(e.g., immediate workplace and the larger organization) (Bronfenbrenner, 1977).
Microaggressions are “racial microaggressions that are brief and commonplace daily
verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that
communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults toward people of color”
(Sue et al., 2007, p. 271).
Microsystem is an intricate relationship between an individual and their immediate
environment (e.g., home, school, workplace; Bronfenbrenner, 1977).
Person of color describes a person who is not White (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010).
Villaverde (2008) defines positionality as “how one is situated through the intersection of
power and the politics of gender, race, class, sexuality, ethnicity, culture, language, and other
social factors” (pp. 60–61).
Principal representation gap is the gap between the racial and ethnic makeup of students
and the race and make up of principals (Grissom et al., 2021).
Race is a categorization of humans based on shared physical or social qualities into
groups generally viewed as distinct within a given society (Darr, 2008).
Representation is defined as school staff (principals, teachers, support staff) who reflect
the racial and cultural diversity of the local communities they serve (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019).
11
Women of color is defined as women who identify as Asian or Asian American, Black or
African American, Hispanic or Latina/Latinx, Native American (American Indian or Alaska
Native), Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, or mixed race/ethnicity (Ong et al., 2011).
Underrepresentation is defined as females and persons of color continue to be
underrepresented because their presence in the position does not reflect the diversity of both the
national population and the total student population in public schools” (Kowalski et al., 2011, p.
85).
Organization of the Study
How They Got There: Experiences that Support the Advancement of Women of Color in
K–12 Leadership is organized into five chapters. Chapter One provides an overview of the study
and introduces data and context for the current study, including a definition of terms used in the
study. Chapter Two presents a literature review of WOC experiences in the following three
areas: identity and positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship. Chapter Three describes the
methodology selected for this research study and includes: sample and population selection,
interview questions, data collection, and data analysis. Chapter Four is a report of the research
findings. Chapter Five includes a summary of findings, implications for practice, conclusions,
and recommendations. References and appendices are included at the conclusion of this study.
12
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
Women and people of color (POC) remain underrepresented in K–12 schools and are
often absent in educational research (NEA, 2020). Decentering whiteness and moving from a
colonial educational system that emphasizes Euro-American cultures, concerns, and perspectives
is necessary for the pursuit of an equitable educational system that is multiethnic, multiracial,
multilingual, and intersectional (Tuck & Gorlewski, 2016). Moving from a colonial educational
system involves providing avenues for people and women of color (WOC) to advance in K–12
educational leadership. Although there is a lack of research on WOC in K–12 leadership, more
research has been done around WOC in higher education (Aiston & Yang, 2017; Chance, 2022;
Delgado & Ozuna Allen, 2019; Hill & Wheat, 2017). This chapter will look at the research on
WOC in educational leadership in K–12 and higher education, with a focus on themes that have
been brought up in previous research. This literature review will also focus on mentorship as a
protective factor for WOC as they navigate the educational leadership system.
In this chapter, I will start by giving a brief overview of women in leadership. Next, I will
review the intersectionality of gender and race and its impact on women of colors’ advancement
in educational leadership. Thirdly, I will discuss the history, types, and effects of
microaggressions and their presence in the lived experiences of WOC. Fourthly, I will examine
the role of mentorship and its benefits in the professional advancement of WOC. Lastly, I'll
discuss Bronfenbrenner’s ecological framework of human development and how his
interrelational model serves as the conceptual framework for my study.
13
Women in Educational Leadership
Although women continue to obtain positions in K–12 educational leadership, it wasn’t
until 2007 that women principals gained the majority over their male counterparts (NEA, 2019).
Even as the majority (54.2%), they continue to be disproportionately represented when compared
to the percentage of female teachers (76.6%; NEA, 2019). It’s also important to note the
disproportionate distribution of women principals in elementary and secondary schools. Women
make up 67% of elementary school principals, as compared to 32% of secondary school
principals (NEA, 2019).
Even after obtaining a leadership position, women face challenges related to their gender
(Bodalina & Mestry, 2020). They continue to face negative attitudes from colleagues, district
personnel, and the school community, which has a direct impact on their leadership performance
and career advancement (Moorosi, 2010). Additionally, women in leadership positions usually
have small networks of female colleagues to collaborate with, often resulting in feelings of
isolation and marginalization (Bynum, 2015).
Gender Stereotypes and Cultural Norms
Women in leadership often face gender stereotypes and bias (Gipson et al., 2017). Gender
stereotypes are “culturally shared beliefs that dictate expectations about how women and men are
and how they ought to behave” (Gipson et al., 2017, p. 35). Koenig et al. (2011) conducted a
meta-analysis of leadership characteristics and found that across all studies, leadership
characteristics aligned more closely with masculine traits than with feminine traits. They also
found that both male and females prefer masculine characteristics in leaders. These general
masculine leadership attributes included aggression, ambition, domination, self-confidence, and
force (Eagly and Carli, 2007). Women leaders who don’t fit the traditional, masculine traits of
14
leadership will be at a disadvantage and possibly subject to gendered bias. Because masculine
attributes are most valued, women are compared to those traits, and often have to prove
themselves to be competent leaders and fit for the position (Bodalina & Mestry, 2020). Although
more women have obtained educational leadership positions, the concept of masculine leadership
remains deeply embedded in the pedagogy of leadership.
Despite commonly held beliefs that masculine traits are the most effective for leaders to
be successful, a number of studies have shown that female leadership traits, the special
leadership abilities that females manifest in organizational practices that differ from their male
counterparts (Jing et al., 2022), can lead to more effective and successful leadership. Female
leadership traits include empathy, resilience, strong communication skills, team building, and
higher adaptability to organizational changes (Chen, 2017). Gipson et al. (2017) found that
female leaders were rated more highly than their male counterparts at developing people,
building teams, and collaborating. They were also rated highly by their colleagues and direct
reports on their service orientation and conflict resolution skills (Gipson et al., 2017). Women
used interpersonal abilities (including persuasion, collaboration, and conflict management) more
frequently than men did (67% vs. 62%). In spite of this, women frequently undervalued and
underutilized their skills (Gipson et al., 2017). Female leaders often have more self-doubt and
lack self-confidence, believing they need to develop specific skills, particularly in business savvy
and leadership, before viewing themselves as an effective leader. They are also less likely to
advocate for themselves and ask for what they want (Gipson et al., 2017). The continued
existence of a Euro-centric, male dominated leadership system is a challenge for women in
educational leadership.
15
Women of Color in Educational Leadership
Women of color in educational leadership face an even more complex situation and there
is a lack of research surrounding the experiences of women of color in educational leadership,
especially K–12 leadership. Traditionally, leadership has been studied and researched from a
White male perspective (Eagly & Karau, 2002). It was not until the 1970s that interest in the
research of women in leadership increased (Chemers, 2000) as more women entered leadership
roles in academia (Northouse, 2013). Women in leadership research frequently focuses on the
aspirations and experiences of White women (Allen et al., 1995). White privilege has a large role
in leadership; hence, women as leaders are often White and the research surrounding women in
leadership too often emphasize the lived experience of White women in leadership (Olow, 2021).
WOC's leadership experience is typically not included in the leadership canon because Western
nations associate leadership with White men (Coleman, 2012). In all areas of the literature—
leadership studies, theories, concepts, and research—the experience of WOC is rarely
emphasized (Olow, 2021).
The research that has been conducted on women of color in leadership and academia
centers primarily on higher education (Dobbs & Leider, 2021). Emerging themes from the
research include isolation and lack of understanding about the hidden curriculum for success that
WOC often have to navigate (Dobbs & Leider, 2021). WOC in education also face questions of
legitimacy as they are often thought to be less qualified than White counterparts (Yoshinaga-
Itano, 2006) and their work undervalued. As mentioned previously, women in general suffer
from the challenges of gender stereotypes, and WOC often face a conflation of stereotypes
related to race and gender. For example, they can be seen as aggressive during times of conflict
16
or viewed as an overtly motherly presence when expressing compassion or empathy (Dobbs &
Leider, 2021).
Intersectionality and Multiple Marginality
In 1989, Kimberle Crenshaw coined the term “intersectionality” to describe how racism
and gender shape one another. A woman of color is neither Black nor a woman. Instead, she is
both at the same time and is affected by both (Thomas et al., 2018). The combination of race and
gender affects how WOC view their leadership roles and organizational relationships. Because
their identity is rooted in the intersectionality of race and gender, their lived experiences can
include gendered racism; where WOC have to determine what part of their identity is causing the
discrimination (Delgado & Ozuna Allen, 2019). WOC in educational leadership often face the
dual challenge of racism and sexism (Jean Marie, et al., 2009).
Intersectionality provides a framework within which marginalization can be understood.
WOC are one of the most marginalized social identity groups in the United States for a variety of
reasons, including their economic and social position, political influence, and social roles
(Crenshaw, 1989). WOC also suffer in different ways from sexism, racism, and other interwoven
repressive systems that create privilege and oppression in a range of social identities and social
responsibilities, including leadership (Crenshaw, 1989). Women of color experience multiple
marginalities because they identify with more than one marginalized identity and have no
affiliation with the dominant group (White males). In contrast, White women share racial
characteristics and males of color share gendered characteristics with the dominant group (Jean
Marie, et al., 2009).
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Identity Taxation
One of the concepts that has emerged from the literature on people of color in academia
is cultural taxation. First coined by Amado Padilla (1994), cultural taxation is the extra burden
put on faculty of color to address diversity-related issues and initiatives at the institutional level.
This can include being called upon to be the expert on diversity issues, spearheading diversity
committees, and continually being sought out to educate the majority on issues of diversity
(Padilla, 1994). These cultural expectations are often in addition to the regular responsibilities of
faculty of color and can lead to burnout and stress (Cleveland et al., 2018). Padilla (1994) shares
his personal experience with cultural taxation:
Often I, like many ethnic scholars, have responded to these and similar situations out of a
deep sense of ‘cultural obligation.’ However, I have experienced annoyance about
having to take on these responsibilities, which tend to be very time consuming and often
emotionally draining, when my nonethnic colleagues are seldom affected by similar
obligations. (p. 26)
In 2012, Hirshfield and Joseph expanded Padilla’s concept of cultural taxation to identity
taxation, recognizing how various marginalized social identities—including gender, race, and
sexual orientation may result in more non-academic service obligations for particular academics.
They used qualitative faculty interviews at a public institution in the Midwest to study identity
taxation concerning gender and the confluence of gender and race. Their objective was to
demonstrate how women in general, and women of color in particular, feel that their affiliation
with racial and gender groupings affects their professional lives. Hirshfield and Joseph (2012)
found that all participants experienced gendered identity taxation. The emerging themes from the
participants’ narratives included being the token woman at department meetings and public
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gatherings, an expectation to mentor more female students than their male counterparts, and
skepticisms and discrimination from male colleagues on their abilities and skills. These extra
burdens affected their emotional health and productivity (Hirshfield & Joseph, 2012).
For women of color, their identity becomes more complex with the intersectionality of
the multiple marginalized identities of gender and race (Hirshfield & Joseph, 2012). A double
minority identity means WOC face issues their male and White female counterparts do not
(Kobayashi 2002; Smith 2010). Thus, women of color in academia face a greater identity
taxation than their White female counterparts. Women of color in Hirshfield and Joseph’s (2012)
study described the same identity taxation as their White female colleagues: tokenization,
advocates for female students, and discrimination. They also identified an additional barrier of
being portrayed as mothering or nurturing as a negative stereotype. Students and colleagues often
assumed they were naturally more mothering and nurturing because of their gender and race, and
felt they were afforded less respect from students than their White male colleagues. Colleagues
who positioned participants as more nurturing often expected them to fulfill responsibilities they
found to be “culturally insensitive, insulting, and job-inappropriate” (Hirshfield & Joseph, 2012,
p. 223). All participants acknowledged the physical and emotional toll identity taxation played in
their career.
A study by Jean Marie et al. (2009) also highlights the additional burden of identity
taxation for women of color in leadership. Jean Marie et al. (2009) examined the intersectionality
of race, gender, and leadership in Black woman’s experiences as leaders in higher education
(HE) and its effect on their leadership style. Researchers found that the participants’ cultural
identity played a significant role in their positionality. They were all shaped by the Civil Rights
Movement, in particular their experiences as children growing up in segregated communities
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(Jean Marie et al., 2009). As they pursued their educational and professional goals, the
participants also encountered gender and racial discrimination from White men and women, and
Black males. Challenges identified by participants included lack of confidence in their
capabilities and skills, invisibility and indifference, and overt racism and sexism (Jean Marie et
al., 2009). Participants' identity taxation increased the barriers they faced as leaders in higher
education. One participant described it as “shattering a concrete building” (Jean Marie et al.,
2009, p. 573), in reference to the glass ceiling most women were familiar with. Their
intersectionality of race and gender, and the discrimination they faced because of it, was a
catalyst for participants to develop an inclusive, consensus-building, collaborative, and student-
centered leadership style.
The participants articulated a leadership that is tied to social change, institutional reform,
and structures and processes of power and influence—what the Civil Rights Movement
was about. Their involvement and ongoing interactions with students, staff, constituents
at their institutions, and community characterize a social and political activism that is
reminiscent of leadership practices of their predecessors of the Civil Rights Movement.
(Jean Marie, et al., 2009, p. 574)
The research on identity taxation advances an understanding of how race and gender are
intertwined. These studies demonstrate how racial and gender issues interact to obstruct women's
advancement. Institutions that acknowledge the burden of identity taxation on women of color in
academia can become more equitable in granting tenure and promotion if they acknowledge that
identity taxation creates disparities for WOC who are required to devote more time to mentoring,
departmental service, and emotional work than their colleagues (Hirshfield & Joseph, 2012). The
results imply that women's intersectionality of race and gender can impede the development of
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leadership. Women of color may find it harder to prove their skills and advance to senior
educational leadership positions because of the intersectionality of race and gender.
Hypervisibility and Invisibility
As mentioned in the previous section, women of color are often tokenized because they
are the only or the first in their leadership roles (Jean Marie et al., 2009). This lack of
representation and tokenization contributes to hypervisibility; as they are the only one and must
act as the representative for a whole group. In a duo-ethnographic study by Dobbs and Leider
(2021), they explore experiences related to hypervisibility and invisibility. Both women are often
asked to speak at events for newly admitted students and Dobbs described her feelings to being
asked, “I’ll wonder if I have done the right thing as I answer about a place wherein I have
worked for years but seldom felt I belonged” (p. 1). As a contrast to their hypervisibility as a
symbol or token of their culture, Leider expressed feelings of invisibility at work in all other
instances (Dobbs & Leider, 2021). This led to feelings of discouragement, stress, frustration, and
anger. Additionally, Dobbs and Leider (2021) found that hypervisibility and invisibility existed
simultaneously. This occurred for Dobbs when her organization participated in diversity without
gathering input from marginalized groups. She recalls being featured in her school’s diversity
report, yet she had not been consulted and had no idea she was part of the publication (Dobbs &
Leider, 2021).
Hannum et al., (2015) also found themes of hypervisibility and invisibility in their study
of women in senior leadership roles. They conducted semi structured interviews with 35 senior
women leaders—20 White women and 15 WOC—and found that more women of color (67%)
experienced instances of scrutiny and criticisms in comparison to White women (20%). Seventy-
three percent of WOC also experienced less support and opportunities for career advancement
21
than their White counterparts (20%) (Hannum et al., 2015). This feeling of being scrutinized and
criticized is connected to women of colors’ feelings of hypervisibility and the idea that they have
to prove themselves and work harder to be thought of as competent (Dobbs & Leider, 2021). At
the same time, participants felt less support and opportunities for career advancement than White
participants, indicating there are many more barriers to advancement for WOC. This lack of
support and career opportunities contribute to feelings of invisibility within the organization
(Hannum et al., 2015).
Women in leadership positions still face challenges and barriers related to gender bias
and stereotypes. Women of color in leadership face an even more complex identity because of
the intersectionality of their race and gender. WOC face the same challenges as women in
leadership, but have the added layers of gendered racism, tokenization, increased non-academic
service, and hypervisibility and invisibility. These complexities must be taken into consideration
when considering the lived experiences of WOC in educational leadership.
Microaggressions
As part of the intersectionality of their race and gender, women of color in educational
leadership face consistent and continuous discrimination in their lived experiences. This
discrimination often takes the form of covert racism; what we now identify as microaggressions.
Microaggressions are part of the evolution of racism in America. This new, subtle form of racism
has been called contemporary racism (Sue et al., 2007), whose characteristics include covert and
veiled racism. Contemporary racism moves away from overt, outright forms of racism, which are
easy to identify, to subtle racism that can often be harder to discern and acknowledge (Sue et al.,
2007). In 1970, Pierce coined the term microaggression to describe “subtle, surprising,
frequently automatic, and non-verbal put-downs” (Williams et al, 2021, p. 996).
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Microaggressions, whether deliberate or unintentional, are “brief and frequent every day verbal,
behavioral, or environmental insults that reflect hostile, disparaging, or negative racial slights
and insults toward persons of color” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 271).
There are various types of microaggressions (Sue et al., 2007). The first is microassault,
which can be verbal or nonverbal and is most closely associated with overt expressions of
traditional racism. The nonverbal can be seen, for instance, when White clients are served in a
restaurant before those of color. Microassault also includes verbal abuse, such as referring to
someone as oriental. They are often deliberate, conscious and reflect the private thoughts of
people who only express them in public when there is a reasonable sense of anonymity. Most
microassaults are expressed in private (micro) situations and “people are likely to hold notions of
minority inferiority privately and will only display them publicly when they (a) lose control or
(b) feel relatively safe to engage in a microassault” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 274).
Another type of microaggression is microinsult. Microinsults disparage a person of
color’s racial heritage or identity in subtle, rude, and insensitive ways (Sue et al., 2007). Most
perpetrators of microinsults are ignorant that they are being racist. For example, a White
employer might tell a prospective person of color candidate, “We only hire the most qualified
candidate, regardless of race,” or a person of color might be asked, “How did you get this
position?" Both microinsults convey the subliminal message that POC were either employed to
fill a quota, or were not qualified for the position (Sue et al., 2007). Microinsults can also be
nonverbal. For example, a White teacher who fails to acknowledge students of color in the
classroom or consistently calls on boys instead of girls during a science lesson. In the workplace,
a microinsult happens when a White employer is speaking with an employee of color, but seems
23
distracted during the conversation. Both nonverbal messages convey that contributions of people
of color are insignificant or less valuable than their White counterparts.
A third type of microaggression is microinvalidation. Microinvalidation refers to
“communications that exclude, negate, or nullify the psychological thoughts, feelings, or
experiential reality of a person of color” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 274). For example, Asian
Americans who are constantly asked where they are from or told they speak good English may
start to feel like perpetual foreigners even though they have their own rich American heritage.
When Blacks are told, “I don’t see color,” or “we are all human beings,” this nullified their lived
experiences as racial and cultural beings (Helms, 1992 in Sue 2007).
Women of color face a unique situation because of the intersectionality of their race and
gender. They often face gendered racial microaggressions (GRM), a term coined by Lewis et al.
(2013) “to capture the intersecting forms of racism and sexism experienced by Black women.
Gendered racial microaggressions (GRM) is defined as everyday expressions and exchanges,
regardless of intention, that denigrates individuals based on their intersecting gender and racial
identities” (Martins et al., 2020, p. 54).
Effects of Microaggressions on Women of Color
Because microaggressions are subtle and often codified in societal mores, both the
offender and the victim can be oblivious to the slights; this is also what makes them especially
effective and dangerous. Microaggressions are embedded into our societal fabric; so much so
that people of color often accept them as part of the minority experience (Sue, 2005). For White
Americans, most believe they are moral, upright, and decent people who favor democracy and
equality. As a result, they struggle to acknowledge their prejudicial racial beliefs and potential
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discriminatory behavior (Sue, 2004). A review of the literature regarding the lived experiences of
women of color in leadership positions reveal themes around microaggressions in the workplace.
Environmental Microaggressions
Research has shown that microaggressions are often systematized and embedded in
workplace structures (Holder & Ponterotto, 2015; Nuru & Arendt, 2018; Weiner et al., 2021).
These ideas were explored by Nuru and Arendt (2018), who looked at the effect of racial
microaggressions on the experiences of women of color as they occurred “in online support
groups designated as feminist–ally safe spaces” (Nuru & Arendt, 2018, p. 85). This group was
made up of WOC and White women who identified themselves as allies. They examined the role
that White fragility, the discomfort and defensiveness that White people display when confronted
with social and racial injustice, played in interactions between the WOC and White women
allies, and particularly in how White fragility was expressed in racial microaggressions (Nuru &
Arendt, 2018). They found that microaggressions were expressed in three ways as tone policing,
expecting to be educated, and defensive posturing. Many of the White women used their power
to assert their privileged status over the WOC. In response, they found that WOC responded to
microaggressions using active confrontation; casual consciousness, WOC informally
recommending literature to White women to “informally educate others about race without
invoking guilt, shame, or blame” (Nuru & Arendt, 2018, p. 211); and aggressive confrontations
(Nuru & Arendt, 2018). Their study is important because it shows the nuances of
microaggressions, specifically microinsult and microinvalidation, on women of color. It also
highlights the way in which White women reinforced our White, Euro-centric system even as
they viewed themselves as allies (Nuru & Arendt, 2018).
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The systemization of microaggressions against women of color also extends to the
professional space. Weiner at al. (2021) conducted a study of Black female school leaders to
examine how identity, leadership, and discrimination were discussed in their administration
preparation programs. They found that microaggressions occurred at the macro, or
environmental, level (Weiner et al., 2021). All participants, except for one, expressed there was a
lack of demographic diversity in their preparation programs. Most of the instructors and guest
speakers were White and often male. The disproportionality of people of color was never
addressed in the curriculum and participants felt that being the only Black person in their
program made them hesitant to discuss issues of equity and diversity (Weiner et al., 2021).
Researchers concluded that the very nature of the program lent itself to systemic environmental
microaggressions.
Holder and Ponterotto (2015) examined the experiences of Black women in corporate
leadership and also found the presence of environmental microaggressions. There was an
underrepresentation of minority leaders in senior corporate positions and diversity was not an
integral part of the company’s brand or mission, and they were often given second class status
within the organization (Holder & Ponterotto, 2015). They also found that Black employees were
often tracked into certain job pathways because of their racial background. “Ghettoization …
where Black employees were tracked or positioned for certain roles in ethnic brands, support
function (e.g., operations) areas and less desirable positions” (Holder & Ponterotto, 2015, p.
168). Several of the participants expressed frustration and isolation at being the only
representative of women of color in leadership positions.
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Silencing and Tokenization
Women of color in leadership positions also experienced silencing and tokenization. The
tokenism theory (Kanter, 1977) states that tokens, those who comprise less than 15% of a
group’s total, will experience heightened visibility, isolation, and limited opportunity for growth
in the workplace (Kanter, 1977). Participants in Weiner et al.’s (2021) study were subjected to
microinvalidations, which expressed itself in silencing and tokenization. The program’s
curriculum included discussion on students’ racial, cultural, and socioeconomic identities,
highlighting the need for school administrators to be responsive, but it did not explore the
administrators’ own identities. Participants felt that programs ignored the discrimination people
of color faced in school administration and did not address how school leadership was reflective
of the dominant cultural norms (Weiner et al., 2021). Many felt that programs presented
leadership as “identity neutral (e.g., ‘this is how anyone going into this role should be’) by
ignoring the gendered (and racial) nature of leadership, these programs also ignored the very real
challenges participants would undoubtedly face in these roles” (Weiner et al., 2021, p. 16).
When discussions on race came up organically, program presenters would stop the
conversation because they, as White people, felt uncomfortable. To participants, it seemed that
presenters were worried about the emotional state of the White leaders in the room which
resulted in the Black women feeling silenced and their experiences made invisible. Additionally,
participants experienced feelings of tokenization when, as the only minority in the program, they
were called on to educate the other participants and share their experiences. Instead of feeling
included by being asked, many of the participants perceived a voyeuristic curiosity by the other
program participants. That experience discouraged several participants from further sharing their
experiences (Weiner et al., 2021). Although the experiences of minority school leaders were
27
ignored, most programs did include discussions on White identity and White privilege, which
mostly puzzled participants (Weiner et al., 2021). They were happy the topic of White privilege
was mentioned, but in doing so, programs continued to focus on the White experience.
In Holder and Ponterotto’s (2015) study, they also found that participants were tokenized
by employers. In one instance, they showcased the success of a few employees of color to
indicate their commitment to diversity, which aligns with the experiences of Dobbs and Leider
(2021), who were tokenized by their universities when their images were used for a diversity
pamphlet without their consent. Yet while they were being tokenized as a way to shore up the
reputation of the company, people of color continued to feel silenced (Holder & Ponterotto,
2015). Despite holding senior level positions, women of color often felt invisible or ignored,
specifically citing body language as a way others communicated that invisibility (i.e., no eye
contact, head down, and writing when a participant was speaking) (Holder & Ponterotto, 2015).
The silencing also extended to workplace meetings and social gatherings; as being excluded
from these events limited their career opportunities. Additionally, women of color felt invisible
when colleagues assumed the universality of the Black experience. Colleagues would assume
that all Black people had the same experiences, opinions, and interests because they belonged to
the same racial group (Holder & Ponterotto, 2015).
From the findings, we can see how microaggressions in the workplace are often
systematized and the lived experiences of women of color leaders are largely ignored. Even in
senior leadership positions, women of color continued to face microaggressions (Holder &
Ponterotto, 2015). Attempts to address White privilege only serve to reinforce that privilege
(Weiner et al., 2021). Researchers found a continued need to better prepare and train presenters
to facilitate conversations about discrimination and equity, and to critically examine their
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approach to leadership (Weiner et al., 2021). Organizations should also create formal training
opportunities to inform and educate staff on microaggressions and how they impact practices
within the organization (Holder & Ponterotto, 2015).
Microaggressions and Mental Health
The relationship between institutionalized racism and the impacts on mental health have
been well documented (Paradies et al., 2015; Pascoe & Richman, 2009; Steven-Watkins et al.,
2014). In a meta-analysis conducted by Paradies et al. (2015) on the impacts of perceived
discrimination on mental health, they found correlations between experiences of discrimination
and mental health disorders, stress, and depressive symptoms. Research has also indicated that
higher frequency of discrimination, discrimination that is continuous and persistent, predicted
worse rates of mental health among people of color (Steven-Watkins et al., 2014). Additionally,
perceived discrimination has a negative impact on physical health and is related to increased
participation in unhealthy behaviors, such as substance abuse, and decreased participation in
healthy behaviors (Pascoe & Richman, 2009).
In recent years, there has been an exploration into gendered racial microaggressions
(GRMS) and their impact on women of colors’ mental health. Gendered racial microaggressions
was coined by Lewis et al. (2013) to conceptualize the intersecting forms of racism and sexism
experienced by Black women. Gendered racial microaggressions are “defined as everyday
expressions and exchanges, regardless of intention, that denigrates individuals based on their
intersecting gender and racial identities” (Lewis et al., 2013, p. 54). Lewis et al. (2013)
conducted a qualitative study of Black women attending a predominantly White institution and
found that GRMS were a constant, everyday occurrence for Black women and existed across all
contexts—including school, work, and social—and the participants expressed feeling ignored,
29
tokenized, and stereotyped across all contexts (Lewis et al., 2013). Gendered racial
microaggressions can lead to marginalization, silencing, and objectification (Martins et al.,
2020). Steven-Watkins et al. (2014) found that discrimination can lead to a suppression of
emotions and negative effects on mental health. African American women reported twenty times
more psychological distress that White women in their study, and the Center of Disease Control
found a higher rate of sadness and hopelessness among Black women, which can lead to suicidal
ideation and planning (CDC, 2018). Higher frequency of gendered racial microaggressions
predicted worse mental health outcomes for women of color regardless of their culture (Erving,
et al., 2022; Keum et al., 2022; Martins et al., 2020).
Research into GRMS has also looked at the connection between a WOC’s self-esteem
and self-identity (Erving, et al., 2022; Keum et al., 2022; Martins et al., 2020), and gendered
racial microaggressions. In a study involving 76 women of color, Martins et al. (2020) found that
low self-esteem characteristics predicted worse levels of mental health, as those with low self-
esteem tended to internalize the opinions of others. A negative self-identity also predicted worse
mental health outcomes for women of color (Keum et al., 2022). Keum et al. (2022) conducted a
study on GRMS and suicidal ideation among Asian American women (AAW), and whether
internalized racism played a factor in suicidal ideation. They found that GRMS significantly
predicted suicidal ideation, particularly amongst those who internalized negative images of
themselves as Asian individuals (Kuem et al., 2022).
In the same way that low self-esteem and negative self-identity predicted worse mental
health outcomes for WOC experiencing GRMS, researchers have also found that high self-
esteem and a strong identity can act as protective factors against the stress caused by GRMS
(Erving, et al., 2022; Keum et al., 2022; Martins et al., 2020). Self-esteem mediates the
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relationship between microaggression and general health, and is a protective factor of mental
health. It also plays a moderating role in the impacts of daily discrimination on depressive
indicators (Martins et al., 2020). Martins et al. (2020) also found that participants who had a
strong identification as a Black woman related to lower levels of negative mental health
symptoms when faced with daily gendered racial microaggressions. Similarly, Keum et al.
(2022) found that AAW who did not internalize racism and had a positive view of their identity
had lower instances of suicidal ideation. Erving et al. (2022) explored the protective factors of
psychosocial resources, self-esteem, social support, and mastery, for women of color
experiencing GRMS, and found that access to psychosocial resources were associated with lower
levels of stress and improved mental health outcomes among Black women.
Mentorship
From the research, it is clear that women of color in educational leadership face
challenges that can hinder their professional advancement. The intersectionality of their identity,
coupled with systemic discrimination—in the form of microaggressions for this literature
review–can present significant barriers to advancement in the K–12 education system. Yet
despite these barriers that hinder WOC in educational leadership, women have advanced to
senior levels. Mentorship is one mechanism that can support women of color as they navigate
their career advancement in educational leadership.
Mentorship can be defined as “a relationship whereby an experienced mentor is paired
with a less experienced protégé to support them in their career advancement, as well as
psychosocial development” (Kram, 1985, p. 609). Mentorship is an important part of their
professional development and career advancement for leaders (Mendez-Morse, 2004). For
aspiring leaders, a key factor for career advancement is a mentoring relationship (Mendez-
31
Morse, 2004). In her seminal work on mentorship, Kram (1985) identified two core functions of
mentorship: career support and psychosocial support. Career support includes coaching,
visibility, exposure, and sponsorship. Psychosocial support focuses on the socioemotional facets,
such as role modeling, acceptance and confirmation, counseling, and friendship (Kram, 1985).
Research shows these core functions of mentorship benefit educational leaders. In a study
conducted by Parylo et al. (2012), assistant principals and teachers who were mentored by a
principal cited mentorship as one of the main reasons they pursued leadership degree and career
advancement. Participants also described mentorship as the most effective professional
development, as it provided embedded support, feedback, and accountability (Parylo et al.,
2012). On the psychosocial front, informal and formal mentoring served as socialization for new
principals, helping to address feelings of isolation as they build non-judgmental, non-intrusive
relationships with more experienced principals (Parylo et al., 2012). Hill and Wheat (2017)
studied the influence of mentorship on university women leaders’ pathway to the presidency and
found the three most commonly reported benefits were receiving career advice, skills, and
training. The participants also reported feeling supported and encouraged by both traditional and
non-traditional mentors (Hill & Wheat, 2017).
Historically, the traditional mentoring paradigm in educational leadership has been a
White, male centric practice. Gardiner et al. (2000) explains that the “dominant culture of
educational administration is androcentric, meaning informed by White, male norms” (p. 1), and
that mentorship is part of this culture. The good old boy network is used by White males to
network and mentor other men (Peters, 2010), and historically, White males have mentored
White proteges (Gardiner et al., 2000), perpetuating the cycle of White males in educational
leadership and limiting the access of people of color (Peters, 2010). The benefits of mentorship
32
on career advancement are many (Gardiner et al., 2000; Kram, 1985; Peters, 2010), and for
women of color, it is important to study the ways in which they have access to mentorship and
the additional benefits that mentorship affords them as they navigate their career path.
Women of Color and Mentorship
Historically, women have had limited access to leadership positions in education and a
significant contributor has been the lack of support and guidance necessary to advance in these
positions because of the traditional, White male centric design of mentorship and career pipelines
(Mendez-Morse, 2004). As more women have gained leadership positions, researchers have
examined the experiences of women and mentorship. One of the most effective mechanisms for
career advancement was women networking groups (Peters, 2010). Peters (2010) found that
mentors took on many different roles for mentees, including that of navigator, teacher, coach,
sounding board, and problem solver, which contributed to the psychosocial and professional
support and development of women. They also found that the women mentor/mentee
relationship disrupted the hierarchy of the traditional mentoring paradigm, and a collaborative
team approach was most often used (Peter, 2010).
Because women leaders existed outside of the traditional mentorship paradigm, they
often relied on informal and nontraditional mentoring relationships (Mendez-Morse, 2004). In a
qualitative study of Mexican American female school leaders, Mendez-Morse (2004) found that
the participants’ mentors were primarily from their non-professional lives, and most identified
their mothers or other family members as mentors. These nontraditional mentors mitigated the
absence of a formal, traditional mentoring relationship. Mentors were assembled from a variety
of sources to meet the specific needs and priorities of the participants (Mendez-Morse, 2004).
Most of the women leaders (87%) in Hill & Wheat’s (2017) study also reported that they did not
33
have a key or primary career mentor in a more senior level position, and several participants
identified their mothers and extended family members as mentors. In both studies, the
participants often sought out professional guidance from multiple sources (Hill & Wheat, 2017;
Mendez-Morse, 2004). Women of color might not have access to traditional sources of
mentorship, but they were resourceful in seeking out mentorship from nontraditional sources.
They were also good at synthesizing the skills, abilities, and attributes of various professionals to
further develop their own leadership skills (Mendez-Morse, 2004).
There are specific benefits for women of color when they have WOC mentors (Delgado
& Ozuna Allen, 2019). Delgado and Ozuna Allen (2019) conducted a qualitative study of women
of color leaders in a Texas community college district and found that mentorship played a
significant role in their advancement to high level positions. Their mentors functioned as cultural
mediators, cultural translators, or as role models (Delgado & Ozuna Allen, 2019). Cultural
mediators were mentors from the mainstream group and vital to the participants’ success as they
provided job opportunities and showed appreciation and understanding of participants’ culture.
Cultural translators, mentors from participants’ own minority culture, were also instrumental in
their success as they provided cultural connection, helping participants stay optimistic during
stressful times (Delgado & Ozuna Allen, 2019). Role models helped participants navigate the
leadership pipeline, providing support and opportunities (Delgado & Ozuna Allen, 2019).
Women of color experience mentorship differently than their White, male counterparts.
Mentorship is often nontraditional and informal, and women of color are resourceful in cobbling
together resources and relationships from a variety of sources in order to meet their needs
(Mendez-Morse, 2004). Mentorship may also serve as a protective factor against sexism and
racism in the workplace.
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Mentorship as a Protective Factor
The career and psychosocial benefits of mentoring for people of color have been
documented in numerous studies (Delgado & Ozuna Allen, 2019; Hill & Wheat, 2017; Mendez-
Morse, 2004; Peters, 2012), and recently, researchers have begun to examine the protective
factors that mentorship might have on people of color (South-Paul, et al., 2021). The mentor as a
buffer hypothesis posits that mentoring serves as a buffer against the negative effects of
discrimination in the workplace (South-Paul et al., 2021). High quality mentoring relationships
not only provide career and social support, but also help mentees cope with discrimination such
as exclusive workplace culture and toxic managers (South-Paul et al., 2021). In a study
examining the efficacy of mentoring in facilitating coping with racial discrimination in low-
income Latina youth, Sanchez et al. (2017) found that higher quality mentoring led to higher
coping efficacy with the negative effects of discrimination. Researchers have posited that
mentorship acts as a protective factor because mentors often exhibit holding behaviors, a concept
originated in psychology, and is a person who gives space—through listening, validating,
confirming, and accepting another person when they are in distress (Khan, 2001; South-Paul et
al., 2021). “This buffering effect means that negative experiences do not derail the careers of
diverse leadership or reduce the negative impact on feelings of psychological safety,
organizational commitment, and perceptions of organizational support” (South-Paul et al., 2021,
p. 5). In a study of Asian American woman’s pathways to school leadership, Liang et al. (2018)
found that mentorship support helped the participants navigate the racial and gender expectations
of their workplace and contributed to their career advancement.
Mentors can also have a buffering effect on the way WOC cope with microaggressions
(Nair & Good, 2021). In a qualitative analysis of microaggression experience of
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marginalized groups, researchers examined the coping methods of participants and its
linkage to mentorship (Nair & Good, 2021). They identified six coping methods
including resisting or reclaiming their voice; retreating, reframing, or withdrawing;
rejecting or stonewalling; restraining and internalizing; seeking support and reconnecting
with safe spaces; and redoubling effort. Nair and Good (2021) found in all coping
strategies, mentorship played a role in guiding mentees:
Perhaps the most frequently recognized role of mentors is that of offering support. Those
who cope with microaggressions by finding safe spaces are well served by mentors who
serve as sounding boards and share ideas in groups that foster support for those who
identify with marginalized groups. (p. 13)
No matter the way in which participants responded to microaggressions, Nair and Good
(2021) found that mentoring served as a way for mentees to process the negative impact of
microaggressions, and so mentoring served as a protective mechanism for the mentees.
Although research into the protective effects of mentorship on women of color is
emerging, the research available is promising and significant for WOC as they navigate
educational leadership. In addition to providing career and psychosocial support (Parylo et al.,
2012; Peters, 2010), mentorship may provide a buffering effect against sexism and racism in the
workplace (Nair & Good, 2021; South-Paul et al., 2021). Mentoring can provide a safe space for
mentees to express their feelings in a holding environment. Mentors also provide empathy,
confirmation, and validation about discriminatory events, such as microaggressions (Nair &
Good, 2021), giving mentees the opportunity to make meaning out of their experiences, interpret
those experiences, and find coping mechanisms and strategies (Murrell et al., 2021).
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Theoretical Framework
I have chosen to use Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological framework for human development
as the conceptual framework for my study. Bronfenbrenner examined the interactions between
the individual and their environment, giving a broader perspective on human development
(Bronfenbrenner, 1977). The ecological framework is the “scientific study of the progressive,
mutual accommodation, throughout the lifespan, between a growing human organism and the
changing immediate environments in which it lives, as well as the larger social contexts, formal
and informal, in which it lives” (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, p. 514). Previous theories on human
development focused on static interactions between a person and their environment, but
Bronfenbrenner posited that the study of human development should be conducted in a dynamic,
reciprocal, and interrelational way—where subjects and their environments were constantly
changing within the system (Bronfenbrenner, 1977).
Bronfenbrenner’s theory evolved over time and he put more emphasis on the continuous
and long-lasting types of contact in the immediate environment (Bronfenbrenner, 1995). As
opposed to his original ecological theory, he shifted focus from environmental influences to the
bioecological processes, and his theory became known as the bioecological theory (Rosa &
Tudge, 2013). Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory of human development pays more attention
to the individual person and their developmental processes with an emphasis on proximal
processes, defined by Bronfenbrenner as reciprocal interactions between an individual and
environments, incorporating persons, objects, and symbols (Rosa & Tudge, 2013).
Bronfenbrenner’s system of environments is arranged in a nested manner where each
environment is contained within the next environment. An individual’s immediate setting is their
microsystem, and can include family, friends, school, and work (Christensen, 2010).
37
Relationships in a microsystem are reciprocal, so in addition to being impacted by those around
them, a person may also influence the attitudes and behaviors of others. Microsystem
interactions are typically close-knit; where people have personal, meaningful contact with family
members, colleagues, and supervisors (Bronfenbrenner & Evans, 2020).
The microsystem is nestled within the broader mesosystem, and there is an interrelational
aspect of a person’s micro and mesosystems (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). Mesosystems are
composed of the major settings within a person’s environment, such as workplace, home life,
and social groups. Reciprocity exists between an individual, their microsystem, and their
mesosystem. Interactions within any of these systems can have a direct impact on the other
systems and the experiences of the individual (Rosa & Tudge, 2013).
The third system is the exosystem, defined by Bronfenbrenner (1977) as the “extension of
the mesosystem embracing other specific social structures that do not themselves contain the
person but encompass the settings in which the person is found” (p. 515). Policies within the
ecosystem can often have an influence over the other environments within which the person
lives. Exosystems include societal structures, such as government agencies, mass media, and the
distribution of goods and services (Bronfenbrenner, 1977).
The fourth and largest system is the macrosystem, which encapsulates the beliefs and
cultural norms of a society, including the social, economic, and political, which expresses itself
in the micro, meso, and exosystems. The macrosystem is the overarching ideology of a culture
and influences the meaning and motivations of the other systems. Macrosystems also influence
the way in which individuals within the system interact with their environment, as it provides the
ideological guidelines for societal structures (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). Bronfenbrenner's model
and the four system elements, which range from the very specific micro to the very general exo
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and macro models of understanding, help us examine how people interact within their own
environments, and how that interaction fits within society as a whole.
For the purpose of this study, I will focus on the micro and mesosystems. My research
questions focus on the immediate environments and interactions that women of color have in
their daily lives and how that has affected their career advancement. Women of color have
complex interactions within their micro and mesosystems due to their positionality and the
discrimination that stems from their identities. I am interested in examining how the
interrelationality of their identities is shaped by their immediate environment and interactions.
Using Bronfenbrenner’s framework, I also hope to identify the mechanisms that support WOC in
their immediate environments. Bronfenbrenner (1977) emphasized the role reciprocity played in
an individual’s development, and I hope to uncover in my study ways that the immediate
environment can be responsive to the lived experiences of women of color. See Figure 1.
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Figure 1
Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological Framework
Conclusion
Women of color continue to be underrepresented in K–12 educational leadership roles
(National Center for Educational Statistics, 2020), and from a review of the literature, they face
more challenges than White leaders and male leaders of color due to the intersectionality of their
race and gender (Hirshfield & Joseph 2012). The intersectionality of race and gender exposes
women of color to gendered racism (Lewis et al., 2013) within an educational institution that
emphasizes colonial, Euro-American culture (Tuck & Gorlewski, 2016). As a result, women of
color in educational leadership often face multiple marginality (Thomas et al., 2018), tokenism
40
(Jean Marie et al., 2009), invisibility (Hannum et al., 2015), stereotypes (Dobbs & Leider, 2021),
and discrimination (Sue et al., 2007), all of which can hinder their career advancement.
In spite of the challenges women of color face in advancing to senior level positions,
some WOC have shattered the glass ceiling (Sanchez & Thornton, 2010), and one of the
mechanisms that supports WOC in their advancement is mentorship (Hill & Wheat, 2017).
Mentorship for women of color diverges from the traditional paradigm (Gardiner et al., 2000) as
most women seek mentorship from multiple sources with an emphasis on nontraditional
mentoring (Mendez-Morse, 2004), and emerging research has looked at mentorship as a
protective factor against the negative effects of discrimination in the workplace (South-Paul et
al., 2021).
The research on women of color in educational leadership has focused primarily on WOC
in higher education (Aiston & Yang, 2017; Chance, 2022; Delgado & Ozuna Allen, 2019; Hill &
Wheat, 2017), and less on women of color in K–12 educational leadership. Using past research
as my foundation, I will examine the mechanisms that support or hinder WOC in K–12
leadership, with an emphasis on the interactions of their identity with their immediate
environments: What role does positionality play in their career advancement? How have
microaggressions impacted their advancement? Does mentorship serve as a protective factor?
Because I am interested in the interrelational nature of WOC and their immediate environment,
using Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological framework is effective in studying those interactions in the
micro and mesosystems. I will use a qualitative approach, with a combination of survey and
interview data, which I have outlined in detail in Chapter Three.
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Chapter Three: Methodology
Although there has been a steady increase of women in educational leadership positions
(NCES, 2017), women continue to have less access to mentoring and networking opportunities
and face gender bias and stereotyping. Women leaders internalize these negative notions, which
can impact the way they lead (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010). Although there is a general
acknowledgement that women of color continue to be underrepresented in educational leadership
(Chance, 2022; Lui & Quezada, 2019; Pacis, 2004), there is less research on the mechanisms that
support the advancement of women of color to K–12 principal and superintendent positions.
Women of color principals and superintendents face a more complex identity than their White
counterparts (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010) as they have the complicated layering of sexism
and racism. Additionally, women of color must navigate the daily microaggressions that people
of color often face in their personal and professional lives (Sue et al., 2007).
The purpose of this study is to examine the experiences of women of color in K–12
educational leadership and how those experiences support or hinder their advancement into
principal and superintendent positions. This study will look specifically at the effects of
positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship on women of color’s advancement in
educational leadership. Understanding how positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship
impact women of color’s career advancement in educational leadership can inform school
district’s organizational systems, policies, and practices. This study will also add to the
burgeoning research on women of color in K–12 educational leadership.
The following research questions were used to guide this study:
1. How do women of color describe their experiences that support their career
advancement in K–12 educational leadership positions?
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2. What are the barriers that keep women of color from advancing to K–12 educational
leadership positions?
2. How do positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship affect the advancement of
women of color to K–12 educational leadership positions?
Sample and Population
I surveyed and interviewed women of color in administrative roles—principals, directors,
assistant superintendents, and superintendent—in order to better understand how their lived
experiences supported or hindered their advancement in K–12 educational leadership. The
knowledge gained from these interviews can assist school districts in improving established
processes and creating new avenues to support the advancement of WOC to higher leadership
positions. The research can also aid WOC and their colleagues in formal and informal
interactions at the workplace. The research can be used to raise awareness and consciousness of
what WOC face in the workplace.
This qualitative study utilized surveys and semi-structured interviews. This methodology
was selected to understand what supports or hinders WOC in educational leadership in order to
inform organizational practices and support WOC of culture in their professional journey. The
surveys were used to create a general understanding of participants’ experiences as related to
their career advancement (Maxwell, 2013). In-depth interviews were selected because of its
focus on “understanding how people interpret their experiences, how they construct their worlds,
and what meaning they attribute to their experiences” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015, p. 46).
Additionally, narrative inquiry relies on “the use of stories as data, and more specifically, first-
person accounts of experience” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015, p. 112). It was important to
understand the broader themes and professional experiences of WOC, in addition to hearing the
43
individual and unique experiences of participants. I employed surveys and a semi-structured,
open-ended approach to the interviews. Surveys provided a framework for topics to discuss
during the interview (Patton, 2002).
Participants were selected based on their identification as a woman of color. WOC is
defined as women who identify as Asian or Asian American, Black or African American,
Hispanic or Latina/Latinx, Native American (American Indian or Alaska Native), Native
Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, or mixed race/ethnicity (Ong et al., 2011). Participants self-
identified as a woman, as well as a person of color. Selection criteria for the survey was based on
WOC holding K–12 educational leadership positions—principals, directors, assistant
superintendents, and superintendents—with one or more years of experience. Participation
criteria for the interviews was women of color in superintendent and cabinet positions.
To recruit participants, I utilized my professional networks. I reached out to WOC
colleagues in K–12 educational leadership and asked them to participate. I also reached out to
members of professional organizations that I am a member of, including the Association of
California School Administrators (ASCA), the California Association of Asian and Pacific
Leaders in Education (CAAPLE), and the California Association of Latino Superintendents and
Administrators (CALSA). I compiled a list of potential participants and contacted them via email
or phone call to explain my research study, invited them to participate, and answered any
questions. Once participants agreed to be in the study, I sent them the survey. After reviewing
the survey data, I selected participants for interviews based on the selection criteria. Interview
participants were contacted and an online interview was scheduled.
The survey participants in this study were 27 women of color in K–12 education
leadership roles (principals, directors, assistant superintendents, superintendents) who have
44
served or are currently serving in California public schools during the 2022–23 school year.
Participants had one or more years of experience. Participants were drawn from Southern and
Northern California and served in school districts ranging from 7,000 to 50,000 students in
suburban and city school districts. From the participants surveyed, 12 WOC in principal and
assistant principal positions were interviewed.
Data Collection
Data was collected through a quantitative survey and through semi-structured interviews
that consisted of open-ended guiding questions. Utilizing a mixed methods approach allowed me
to triangulate the data and verify the findings and results (Maxwell, 2013). This also allowed me
to collect rich, descriptive data about the participants’ experiences as an educational leader
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Semi-structured interviews were utilized to allow flexibility within
the protocol so interviewees could share their unique experiences around the research questions.
The survey and interview protocols were developed to specifically answer the research
questions. I was interested in collecting data about the participants’ pathway to their current
position and their views on leadership. Participants were surveyed to obtain a broader cross
section of women of color and their journey to educational leadership. Principals and assistant
principals were interviewed in order to understand the impact of positionality on their career
advancement. Additionally, participants were interviewed to understand the influence that
microaggressions and mentorship had on their advancement as women of color in educational
leadership positions. All three research questions were addressed in the mixed methods protocol.
Interview Instrument
The interview protocol consisted of 15 questions (see Appendix A) with probes or follow
up questions added to certain questions if more information or clarification was needed (Merriam
45
& Tisdell, 2015). The interview protocol began with a general leadership question. The body of
the interview consisted of three topics: positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship. The
interview protocol concluded with an open-ended question that allowed the interviewee to share
any other pertinent information. The interviews conducted were recorded and transcribed for
accuracy (Seidman, 2013).
Before conducting interviews with participants, I field tested the interview protocol with
colleagues. I conducted five interviews with WOC who worked at my school site, including three
teachers, an athletic director, and a school counselor. Conducting the field test gave me insight
on the effectiveness of the interview questions, time frame, and flow of the interview protocol.
After each interview, I asked participants for feedback. Based on my reflections and feedback
from participants, I refined my interview questions protocol. Interviews were conducted online
via Zoom. Prior consent and confidentiality (Patton, 2002) was explained to participants, as well
as the purpose and structure of the interview. I conducted one interview per participant, ranging
from 60 to 75 minutes in length, with a total of 16 hours of interview data. All interviews were
recorded, transcribed, and reviewed. Follow up phone calls were made if necessary for
clarification or more information (Patton, 2002).
Survey Instrument
I collected survey data from a larger pool of WOC administrators. The survey consisted
of four parts with a total of eleven questions (see Appendix B). The survey questions centered on
my three research questions. Part one of the survey collected participants’ demographic
information, part two focused on the intersectionality of race and gender, part three focused on
microaggressions, and part four centered on mentorship. The survey questions were aligned with
Bronfenbrenner’s conceptual framework. Questions 1–9 were designed as close-ended questions,
46
and Questions 10–11 were written as open-ended questions. The open-ended questions were
utilized to give participants the freedom and space to expand on their observations and lived
experiences. They also gave participants the opportunity to give feedback on what would be
helpful in the career advancement of WOC to leadership positions (Irwin & Stafford, 2016). The
survey questions were developed to be relevant to participants and used unbiased language
(Irwin & Stafford, 2016). Additionally, the survey utilized a 5-point Likert scale from 1 (strongly
disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). The survey instrument was given to participants using the
Typeform platform and designed to give a numeric description of the lived experiences of
participants (Creswell, 2009).
Data Analysis
My study utilized a mixed method approach with data collected from surveys and
interviews. The research questions guided the data analysis for this study, and data was
interpreted according to Patton’s (2002) definition of “looking for patterns, putting together what
is said in another place, and integrating what different people have said.” (Patton, 2002, p. 380).
The survey data was analyzed using descriptive statistical methods as the goal of the
survey was to describe and summarize the characteristics of participants’ experiences. Data was
analyzed to assess the mean and median of their responses. The open-ended questions were
analyzed and coded for analysis and interpretation (Noyes, 2019). Data findings from the surveys
were used to inform the interview protocol (Noyes, 2019).
After collecting the interview data from all participants, the first stage of data analysis
included transcribing the recorded interviews using the Rev Application. The transcribed
interviews were uploaded to NVivo, a software program that supports qualitative data analysis.
After transcribing and uploading the interviews, I coded the data for analysis and interpretation
47
(Stuckley, 2015). This allowed me to organize and sort the qualitative data. I used two coding
methods during data analysis-priori and emergent. The priori coding method allowed me to
select predetermined categories for coding based on the themes of my research questions
(Stuckley, 2015) and the conceptual framework. For example, based on my research questions, I
choose mentorship, microaggressions, and positionality prior to data analysis. Additionally, I
used emergent coding for data analysis, as certain concepts, themes, and meanings emerged from
the data (Stuckley, 2015).
Credibility and Trustworthiness
In my role as researcher, I acknowledge my identities as a Chinese American woman, a
woman of color, and an assistant principal in K–12 education. I also acknowledge that my
identity is firmly situated within this study as it focused on women of color leaders in K–12
education. Additionally, I have more than 17 years’ experience in public education. When
interviewing participants, my positionality and professional background made it easier for me to
connect and understand their lived experiences as women of color in educational leadership. My
positionality could have contributed to research bias (Maxwell, 2013) because of the similarities
between myself and the participants, so it was important that I remembered to separate my
personal experiences and feelings from the experiences of the participants.
Member Checks
I conducted member checks throughout the study to ensure reliability and validity.
Member checks were conducted throughout the interviews by summarizing and restating the
participants’ responses to determine accuracy (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). I conducted member
checks before the transition to a new topic. For example, after asking questions about
48
positionality, I summarized the participants’ statements and asked for feedback before moving
on to the next topic.
I also conducted member checks after interviews were completed by sending my findings
to all participants. They had the opportunity to analyze and validate the findings. All participants
affirmed that the findings reflected their views, feelings, and experiences. They also affirmed the
accuracy and completeness of the findings (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). To further ensure
credibility, I employed the peer review process (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015) by sharing data
findings with my dissertation chair. We discussed and analyzed my findings during monthly
meetings to check the accuracy of the assertions being made.
Summary
This study used a mixed methods approach by utilizing surveys and interviews for data
collection. The data collected from women of color leaders in K–12 public education was
analyzed to target the three research questions: the experiences of women of color that support or
hinder advancement to an educational leadership position, how positionality, microaggressions,
and mentorship affect the advancement of women of color in principal and district leadership
positions, and the barriers that keep women of color from advancing to principal and
superintendent positions. The survey data was analyzed using descriptive data analysis and I
utilized narrative inquiry as a method of qualitative research to highlight the lived experiences of
women of color and their advancement in K–12 educational leadership. I conducted semi-
structured interviews as data collection strategies, and used a combination of emergent coding
and priori coding, which were determined based on my research questions, previous literature,
and the conceptual framework. To ensure credibility, I conducted member' checks of the data and
49
engaged in self-reflection. The results and findings have been presented in Chapter Four, with a
discussion of the findings in Chapter Five.
50
Chapter Four: Results
The purpose of my study is to examine the experiences of women of color (WOC) in K–
12 educational leadership and identify the mechanisms that support or hinder their advancement
in K–12 educational leadership roles. Specifically, my study seeks to examine and understand
the effects of positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship on the career advancement of
women of color in educational leadership. The results of my study add to the research on women
of color in K–12 leadership, and can be a roadmap for districts interested in aligning their
practices to support WOC in their organization. My research questions focus on the mechanisms
that support or hinder WOC’s advancement, with an emphasis on positionality,
microaggressions, and mentorship.
Participants
All study participants met the criteria of identifying as a woman of color currently
holding a K–12 leadership position with one or more years of experience in a California school
district. These positions included assistant principals, principals, directors, coordinators, assistant
superintendents, and superintendents. A survey was sent to participants who met the
aforementioned criteria and 27 school leaders completed the survey (Table 1). From the survey, I
invited 12 participants to take part in the interview. All interviewees met the criteria of being
women of color in K–12 educational leadership roles; seven participants were principals and five
participants were assistant principals (Table 2). Principals and assistant principals were
purposefully chosen for the interview portion as I wanted a commonality between work roles,
responsibilities, and experience. Of the principals, one identified as Black, three identified as
Latinx, one as Vietnamese, one as Japanese, and one as Pacific Islander. Of the assistant
51
principals, I had one participant each that identified as Black, Persian, and Korean, and two who
identified as Latinx.
Table 1
Survey Participants
Ethnicity Total
Black 6
Chinese 2
Japanese 1
Korean 1
Latinx 13
Pacific Islander 1
Persian 1
Vietnamese 2
Position Total
Assistant principal 8
Principal 11
Director 5
Assistant superintendent 2
Superintendent 1
Organization Total
Public 24
Charter 3
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Table 2
Interview Participants
Ethnicity Total
Black 2
Japanese 1
Korean 1
Latinx 5
Pacific Islander 1
Persian 1
Vietnamese 1
Position Total
Assistant principal 5
Principal 7
Results
The results of my research are presented below and are grouped by research question.
Within each research question, I have provided a brief review of the literature and identified
emerging themes based on my data. A summary of results is provided for each research question,
and a final summary is included at the end of the chapter. The following research questions were
used to guide my study:
1. How do women of color describe their experiences that support their career
advancement in K–12 educational leadership positions?
2. What are the barriers that keep women of color from advancing to K–12 educational
leadership positions?
3. How do positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship affect the advancement of
women of color to K–12 educational leadership positions?
53
Results Research Question 1
Research Question 1 asked, “How do women of color describe their experiences that
support their advancement in K–12 educational leadership positions?” One of the most
significant supports for all educational leaders in their career advancement is mentorship
(Mendez-Morse, 2004). Mentorship serves two key roles: career support and psychosocial
support (Kram, 1985). In a study conducted by Parylo et al. (2012), mentee participants cited
mentorship as the most effective professional development, providing embedded support,
feedback, and accountability. For WOC, however, the traditional, male centric mentorship design
and career pipeline (Mendez-Morse, 2004) does not give them adequate access to mentorship as
a support to career advancement. Instead, women of color benefit from women networking
groups (Peters, 2010), and informal and nontraditional mentoring relationships (Mendez-Morse,
2004). Hill and Wheat (2007) found that the majority of women in their study did not have a
primary mentor, and often sought out mentorship from multiple sources.
Participants in this study were asked to identify the factors which have supported their
career advancement. Results from survey and interview participants indicated that their
positionality, the intersection of their race and gender, served as a significant support to their
career advancement. This result was surprising as most research around WOC and positionality
identifies barriers and disadvantages of being a leader of color (Bodalina & Mestry, 2020;
Koenig, 2011; Yoshinaga-Itano, 2006), and the benefits are not commonly identified in existing
research. Participants identified gender specific supports and race specific supports to career
advancement, which I expand upon subsequently. Additionally, support for career advancement
included strong relational connections, both informal and formal, which reinforces existing
research on networks and mentorship (Mendez-Morse, 2004; Peters, 2010).
54
Gender as a Support for Career Advancement
Of the 12 participants interviewed, seven specifically identified positionality as a support
to their career advancement, citing the benefits of being a female leader and being a leader of
color. When speaking about the advantages of their gender, three participants cited being a
mother as an advantage to building trust with their school community. Devon explained,
Being a mother has also been a way for me to connect with students and families. My
own kids go to school in this district and that creates trust with the parents at my school;
they know I’m on the same journey they are as a mother and this has helped me
tremendously in building trust.
This theme of motherhood extended to womanhood, as the majority (57%) of participants
claimed that being female was also a way to connect with staff (largely female) in an
“accessible” and “non-threatening” way. “My staff feels that I’m approachable and accessible,
and I believe that’s connected to my collaborative and caring leadership style,” Rosa explained.
Indeed, most participants identified their leadership style as being a support to their
career. When asked about their leadership style, nine of the 12 participants interviewed identified
with servant leadership, shared leadership, or collaborative/coaching leadership. They used
words and phrases such as, “input from stakeholders,” “feedback,” “discussion,” “transparency,”
“accessible,” “asking questions,” and “valuing team members,” when describing their leadership
traits. This style of leadership can be seen as feminized, especially when compared to the
traditional masculine idea of leadership, which includes characteristics such as aggression,
ambition, domination, self-confidence, and force (Koenig et al, 2011). Talia recalls her interview
for a principalship,
55
The question was, “What is your experience in dealing with unions?” I told them the
truth. I didn’t have a lot of experience dealing with unions because if there was a problem
or issue, I believed in being proactive and working with teachers to find a solution before
it got to the union level. Afterwards, an interview panelist told me he really liked my
answer, and I did get the job as principal!
Seven other participants agreed that cultivating a more feminized leadership style; one that was
shared, collaborative, and transparent, created a culture of trust with their staff, and that trust
became the foundation for any organizational change needed to improve student outcomes, and
in turn led to career advancement opportunities.
Race as a Support for Career Advancement
Another part of women of colors’ identity, their race, also played a role in supporting
their career advancement. Half of the participants interviewed identified as the same or similar
race to the majority of the student population as their school site; three Latinx participants, one
Armenian participant, one Black participant, and one Vietnamese participant. All six participants
cited their race and culture as being a “huge benefit” to their site leadership and career
advancement. Having a strong cultural connection to students and families gave some
participants “automatic credibility,” especially in high poverty schools that faced a number of
challenges. Debbie, a Latinx principal, explains, “My positionality as a Latina woman has
allowed me to make connections organically with the school community. Communicating with
families in their home language has been extremely beneficial.” Participants’ cultural
connections allowed them to lead successfully at their sites and often led to other career
opportunities. Cynthia explained,
56
I was an assistant principal at a middle school and, being Vietnamese, I understood the
culture and spoke the language. My district noticed and the next year asked me to apply
for a principal position at another middle school, which also had a high population of
Asian students.
These six participants also expressed a sense of responsibility to students who were of
similar race. “Representation matters, and I need to do something a little extra for kids that look
like me because I understand what they face and what they’re going through,” explained Talia.
Three participants spoke about the importance of being a role model for the girls of color at their
school, to show them “what’s possible for someone who looks and sounds like them.”
When speaking about the benefits of their intersectionality, it was clear that each of the
12 participants interviewed had a high degree of self-awareness and understood the implications
of their identity to the greater school community. When looking at the totality of participants’
responses, there was a recurring theme of capitalizing on their positionality in order to create
strong relationships with all stakeholder groups. When participants realized that feminized
leadership traits, such as collaboration and transparency, netted positive outcomes, they
intentionally put more effort into being that type of leader. When a shared culture provided a
foundation of trust with their school community, participants leveraged that connection to build a
positive, cohesive school culture. Participants were able to strategically use their positionality,
something that previous research has shown can be a significant barrier for WOC in education
leadership (Dobbs & Leider, 2021) as a way to support their career advancement.
Strong Relational Connections as a Support for Career Advancement
Another support to WOC’s career advancement was strong relational connections in all
facets of their lives. After reviewing the data, I chose relational connections as an umbrella
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phrase, as results revealed that a variety of relationships had a positive impact on career
advancement. These relationships can be categorized into mentorship and networks, and personal
relationships.
Mentorship and Networks
Research literature has extensively documented the positive effects of mentorship on
career advancement (Delgado & Ozuna Allen, 2019; Kram, 1985; Mendez-Morse, 2004; Parylo
et al., 2012), and participant data reflected those findings. When asked, “What factors do you
feel have supported your advancement to your current role,” every participant cited mentorship
as a support to their career advancement. Aligning with existing research, five of the 12
participants did not have the traditional mentoring relationship with just one person (Mendez-
Morse, 2004), but found multiple avenues for mentorship. “I often find mentors from multiple
places. Different people give me different perspectives and I value having more than one
person’s advice,” Talia explained. Devon agreed, “I don't have just one mentor, but there are
multiple people who have mentored me depending on the situation.” The nontraditional
mentorship path could be partly attributed to a lack of existing mentorship structures for women
of color. “My district doesn’t have a mentoring program for administrators, so I’ve sought out
people on my own when I needed advice and support,” Susan, a middle school principal,
explained. Cynthia echoed these sentiments, “I don't have a specific mentor, but I have
networked with others through the Association of California School Administrators (ACSA) and
have found people to be my sounding board and thought partners.” Seeing a lack of mentorship
within her organization, Belinda, a principal, sought a professional mentor outside of her district.
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There was a woman I knew from committees we had served on together and I had always
admired her. A couple of years ago, I asked her to be my mentor and that relationship has
become such an important one for my career.
The mentorship connections also served as sponsorship for some participants.
Sponsorship involves a professional colleague, usually in a senior position, directly advocating
for a person because they believe in their ability and potential (Pace, 2018). Jessie, an elementary
school principal, elaborated,
I think there's a difference between mentors and sponsors. I personally prefer sponsorship
because it's someone in a position of power that can create opportunities for me. For a
year I had a position as data coordinator in my district before I became a principal. My
sponsor saw my potential and created a position for me because the district needed their
data cleaned up.
Three other participants also credited their mentors for giving them advancement opportunities
through guided advice and access to senior district leaders; putting them in charge of new
projects, and encouraging them to apply for senior positions.
My principal was my mentor when I was an assistant principal, and he would often tell
me, “Devon, you should go sit in on that district meeting to learn more about that new
initiative and meet the assistant superintendent in charge of it.” He never told me I had
[emphasis added] to do anything, but I knew he was trying to help me by giving me
exposure to central office.
Alexis and Maggie recall their mentors asking them to spearhead a new program or
initiative. “She [my mentor] called me one day and asked me to take on a new district project.
She had already spoken with the executive team about me. I was so grateful for that opportunity
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as it led to my current position,” Alexis explained. Being “shoulder-tapped” for opportunities,
and advised to apply for senior leadership positions by their mentors, provided the guidance and
influence participants needed to pursue new opportunities.
In addition to career advancement, mentorship also served as social-emotional support.
Faith explains, “My mentors will never judge me and will guide me no matter what. There is a
great comfort in having someone like that in your corner. They allow me to vent and also push
me by asking difficult questions.” Five of the 12 participants mentioned that what started off as a
professional mentorship relationship eventually blossomed into a deep, abiding friendship.
Because mentorship relationships are so personal, in most successful partnerships, that
mentorship relationship inevitably led to friendship. Rosa explains,
I initially sought out my mentor for the knowledge and opportunity pieces; she was
someone who knew the day-to-day work and guided me through doors I wasn’t even
looking at. But there’s also an SEL [social emotional learning] piece. She’s someone I
can vent to, who doesn’t judge me, someone I can share all my issues with.
Participants also reported that peer networks provided support for career advancement,
which aligns with existing research on WOC seeking lateral relationships for support (Alarcón &
Bettez, 2017; Chang et al., 2014; Tran, 2014). These relationships were made up of women and
women of color, often in comparable educational leadership roles, where the participants felt
they could “recharge” in a “safe, trusted space.” Different from mentorship, participants sought
these networks as a way to build community; a place where they felt valued and affirmed.
Cynthia reported,
There are a group of women I met through ACSA and we have regular check-ins
monthly. We go out to dinner, we chat, we vent. We're all in similar roles, so it helps for
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context. It's more of a lateral relationship but it supports me so much.
Rosa echoed this sentiment,
I have a good group of girlfriends I met through work and even though we’re in different
districts, we still lean on each other. We have a group chat that keeps us connected even
if we can’t find the time to physically check in with each other.
Susan, who craved that community and didn’t see any formal structures for women
networks in her organization, created an informal network six years ago,
It’s [the informal network] been one of the things I’m most proud of in my career. When
new women are hired in our district, they have a place to go for fellowship; a built-in
network of support to help them navigate the system.
Personal Relationships
Along with professional mentors and peer networking groups, participants emphasized
the importance of strong personal relationships in supporting their career advancement. Familial
support was mentioned by eight of the 12 participants as integral to their career advancement. All
participants who were also mothers reported their advancement to their current position would
not be possible without the support of family members. Two participants, Maggie and Devon,
cited their husbands as a support to their career. Maggie explains,
I wouldn’t be an assistant principal without the support of my husband. In my culture,
women take on the traditional role of homemaker and caretaker, but my husband and I
decided together that if this was my goal, then he would support me. He’s gotten really
good at making dinner and taking care of the house. He believes in me and is proud of
me.
Devon echoed this sentiment,
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As a principal, I work long hours and often have nighttime events. With four kids, it’s not
humanly possible for me to do my job and be there for them. My husband picks up a lot
of slack in that department.
Familial support for career advancement also came in the form of emotional support.
Being a woman of color in educational leadership can often be a lonely and isolating experience,
especially if you are in a traditional, male dominated organization (Eagly & Karau, 2002).
Families can provide the context for women's lived experience, specifically as it applies to
culture and the minority experience. Cynthia elaborates,
When I get discouraged about a situation, my mom will remind me that they came to
America so I could have opportunities. It kind of shakes me out of my ‘poor me’
mentality when I remember how much they have sacrificed so that my siblings and I
could have a better life. From that perspective, what I’m dealing with is so small in
comparison.
Similar to the sense of responsibility many participants had towards students of color,
some participants expressed a similar responsibility to “make their family proud,” and “be a
representation to their culture of what’s possible.”
Strong personal relationships supported participants’ career advancement in a physical
and emotional sense. In a physical sense, these relationships provided logistical support for
women as they navigated the day-to-day responsibilities of their roles. In an emotional sense,
these relationships renewed participants’ commitment and determination when they became
discouraged by providing context and connection in their lived experiences as a woman of color.
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Discussion Research Question 1
When examining the mechanisms that support WOC in their career advancement, the two
themes that emerged were positionality and strong relational connections. Positionality was an
unexpected finding as previous research has focused on the intersectionality of race and gender
as a hindrance for WOC leaders (Bodalina & Mestry, 2020; Koenig, 2011; Yoshinaga-Itano,
2006). Based on participant data, this support can be attributed to their leadership characteristics,
the demographics of the communities they serve, and participant’s high level of self-awareness
to capitalize on these supports to leverage success within their role and subsequent career
advancement. Strong relational connections as a support for career advancement was in keeping
with existing research (Delgado & Ozuna Allen, 2019; Kram, 1985; Mendez-Morse, 2004;
Parylo et al., 2012), and many of the participants employed nontraditional forms of mentorship,
informal networks, and strong personal relationships to support their advancement.
Results Research Questions 2
Research Question 2 asked, “What are the barriers that keep women of color from
advancing to principal and district leadership positions?” Although representation of women in
educational leadership positions has increased steadily over the years, women of color continue
to be underrepresented in all leadership roles (NCES, 2017). The National Center of Educational
Statistics (2017) reports that 53.8% of women are principals, yet only 25% of women principals
are women of color. Existing research on women in leadership has identified gendered
stereotypes (Gipson et al., 2017) and cultural norms surrounding leadership characteristics
(Koenig et al., 2011) as hindrances to career advancement. Koenig’s (2011) metanalysis of
leadership characteristics found that most were closely aligned with masculine traits, such as
aggression, ambition, domination, self-confidence, and force. Women leaders who did not
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exhibit these masculine traits of leadership were at a disadvantage and possibly subject to
gendered bias; they often had to prove their competence as a leader (Bodalina & Mestry, 2020).
Women of color in leadership positions face even more barriers to career advancement due to
their multiple marginality (Thomas et al., 2016). Identifying with more than one marginalized
group-gender and race-often leads to feelings of isolation, illegitimacy in the role, and being
undervalued for their work (Yoshinaga-Itano, 2006).
Participants in this study were asked to identify the barriers which have hindered their
career advancement. Results from survey and interview participants align with the existing
research on barriers for WOC and their career advancement (Bodalina & Mestry, 2020; Koenig,
2011; Yoshinaga-Itano, 2006). The findings centered on (a) cultural norms around leadership
which influence organizational structures and (b) identity taxation.
Cultural Norms Around Leadership Influence Organizational Structures
The majority of survey (52%) and interview participants (58%) expressed that their
organizations held traditional beliefs about leadership, which was reflected in the demographic
representation of district leadership and cultural norms. During their interview, six participants
pointed out that senior leadership within their organization was “still mostly White and male.”
Devon elaborated,
Our district talks a lot about equity and inclusivity for students, but it doesn’t feel like
that applies to staff. Most of the district administrators are White males. If we really are
an equitable organization, why aren’t we looking at equity among administrators?
In keeping with Yoshinaga-Itano’s (2006) findings, this can create feelings of isolation
and loneliness for participants. “I’m the only Black principal in the district, it's lonely and a lot of
pressure. I spent 17 years at my previous school as a teacher and administrator, and I was the
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only Black member on staff,” Talia reported. The underrepresentation of minorities in district
leadership can become a barrier when organizations fail to acknowledge the extra burden that
leaders of color face or see the need to implement supportive structures. Maggie expanded,
Leadership starts at the top and if the superintendent and assistant superintendents, all
White, don’t see the need to address equity among administrators, then no one sees the
need to acknowledge it. In my district, there is no place to talk about the challenges of
being a Latina principal.
When discussing this topic, many of the participants explained that they had to create
their own spaces for camaraderie and connection. As previously mentioned in Research Question
1 about supports for career advancement, many participants sought out mentors and peer
networks independently, creating intentional spaces of support due to the absence of
organizational support structures.
Participants also felt the need to conform to the cultural norms around leadership that
were held by their organization. These norms were often grounded in a traditional, conservative,
male centric view of leadership. Two of the participants reported feeling the effects of the glass
ceiling (Hymowitz & Schellhardt, 1986) when it came to their career advancement. Both started
their administrative career as high school assistant principals, and both were encouraged to apply
for elementary principalships by district leadership. Jesse reports,
All of the elementary principals in my district are female, and all of the secondary
principals are male. Is this a coincidence? I don’t think so. I do love being an elementary
school principal, but I’m also aware that I am conforming to the stereotype of a female
principal.
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All 12 participants reported feeling the need to conform to their organization’s idea of
leadership, which was often in direct contradiction to their cultural identity and race. Five
participants described this conflict and used phrases such as, “careful not to act like the
stereotype of my race,” “choose my words carefully,” “always aware of my identity and how
others view me,” and “this doesn’t come naturally to me, but I know it’s how I have to present
myself.” Jessie speaks about her experience as an Asian American principal, “I work in a
predominately White district and I'm the only Asian American principal in the district. I know
and accept that it will be harder for me to fit in.”
The way in which participants conformed was often based on their racial and cultural
identity. Asian American participants spoke of the model minority mentality, the ethos of “stay
quiet, put your head down and work hard,” as a contradiction to their organization’s cultural
beliefs around effective leadership where “self-confidence, speaking up, being extroverted” was
valued. Cynthia explained,
For the first 15 years of my career, I was not outspoken. I was quiet and observant and fit
the mold of the subservient Asian American woman. I decided one day that I needed to
make a change and needed to speak up. I resolved to speak up more and even though it
went against my personality, I knew I needed to do it, especially for the students who I
was working so hard for. It was a big personal change for me.
For Black and Latinx participants, conforming to cultural norms involved “moderating
my tone of voice,” “making sure I didn’t have a large emotional reaction,” “being careful with
my word choice and speech pattern,” and “working twice as hard to prove my competence.”
They were fighting against racial stereotypes of “the angry Black woman” and “that being Latina
automatically meant I was less educated and less intelligent.” For all participants, conforming to
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the traditional cultural norms of their organization took an emotional toll. Susan, a 25-year
veteran, explains,
It’s exhausting. It’s exhausting having to always work twice as hard, to constantly prove
yourself, to prove you are valuable. We’ve made some progress as an organization, but
not nearly enough. It’s like fighting an uphill battle when you know you’re probably
going to lose.
When participants spoke of conforming to cultural norms, it was in relation to interacting
with colleagues and district leadership; not when interacting with site staff. This supports the
findings for Research Question 1, where participants’ positionality was a benefit due to their
ability to connect to stakeholders based on their gender and cultural identity, and their feminized
leadership style. Their positionality was beneficial at the microsystem level-in their daily
interactions with students, staff, and families—but did not seem to extend to the meso—or
exosystems (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). Per Bronfenbrenner’s theory, each system is interrelational
and reciprocal, and if the broader systems—which encompasses organizations’ core beliefs and
values—adhere to traditional cultural norms around leadership, that could be a hindrance to
career advancement. Participant data indicates that at the grassroots level of the ecological
framework, there has been a shift in some of the attitudes and beliefs surrounding WOC in
leadership positions, but within the larger social contexts of the meso and exosystems, barriers
still persist.
Identity Taxation
Identity taxation is how various marginalized social identities—including gender, race,
and sexual orientation—may result in more non-academic service obligations for particular
academics, affecting their emotional health and productivity, and impeding their advancement to
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senior leadership positions (Hirshfield & Joseph, 2012). Existing research commonly applies
identity taxation to higher education institutions (Hirshfield & Joseph, 2012), but participant data
indicates that identity taxation can also exist in K–12 education, hindering the career
advancement of WOC.
A common theme among all participants was the acknowledgement that they would have
to “work twice as hard at the job,” “prove myself not only because I was a woman, but a woman
of color,” and “be more educated [than White counterparts].” This is reflected in the
demographic data as all participants held doctoral degrees. Talia reports,
My positionality as a Black woman with a doctorate degree could have helped me get this
job. The previous principal was a White male and didn’t have a doctorate or a master’s
degree. It’s hurtful and it’s hard because it shows that we all still have some work to do.
All participants felt they often started out at a disadvantage compared to men and White
women. “I’m routinely mistaken for a teacher by new staff members or parents,” reports Alexis,
“and often get asked, ‘So what do you teach?’ When I say I’m an assistant principal, I see the
look of surprise in their eyes.” Rosa echoes,
I had a White, male colleague [another assistant principal] who had less experience than I
did, but he was thought to be more experienced. People deferred to him and automatically
thought he was competent. I had to prove myself before people trusted that I was capable
and good at my job.
Seven participants noted they have experienced identity taxation throughout their career.
As teachers, colleagues and parents often made assumptions about subjects they taught or
questioned their competence as an educator. “Because I’m Latina, people assumed that I taught
Spanish. I’m a social science teacher, but I always had to explain, as if Latina’s can’t be good
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social science teachers!” Devon shared. “I had a parent ask me outright what my credentials
were, ‘Are you qualified to teach?’ I found myself having to justify my education before they
would take me seriously,” reports Maggie. “Being a Black woman teaching honors science was
uncomfortable for some parents. It was only after their child had been in my class for a while
that they trusted I knew what I was doing,” Faith explained.
Hypervisilibty was also experienced by eight of the 12 study participants. Hypervisibility
was expressed as tokenization because participants were often the only or the first in their
leadership roles (Holder & Ponterotto, 2015). All eight participants felt they experienced more
scrutiny in their positions as compared to men or White female colleagues. Four participants
were the only of their race and gender in their positions, and six participants were the first of
their race and gender in their leadership role. Participants reported feeling “a ton of pressure,” “a
huge responsibility,” and “spotlighted in my position.” Four of the participants acknowledged
that most of this pressure was internalized because they felt a responsibility not only to represent
themselves, but to represent their gender and race. “I’m the face of my school and I know that all
of my actions and decisions will be scrutinized through the lens of my gender and race,” Maggie
explained. Tokenization was also reinforced by participants’ own family members. “My dad
loves telling his friends that I’m a principal. He says, ‘My daughter is the only Vietnamese
principal in her district.’” Cynthia relays. “I know he’s proud of me, but it makes me feel even
more pressure not to fail.”
Half of the participants experienced feelings of invisibility due to their positionality.
Participants felt invisible because they lacked the common identity their White, male
counterparts shared. Rosa explains,
When I started my career, I realized that there was some marked difference between
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myself and my male counterparts. They had silent agreements and a language that I
wasn't a part of. I felt invisible and excluded. I started learning the male language—
football, poker—and immersing myself in it in order to be accepted.
Susan recalls a similar experience,
I found out after the fact that there had been a gathering over the weekend of district
leadership and male principals. When I asked about it, I was told, “Oh, we just got
together to watch a game. We didn’t think you’d be interested.”
Participants also reported feeling invisible when opportunities for career advancement
arose within their organization. For most participants, the path to their current position can be
described as a labyrinth, the uneven path of upward progression for women that rarely follows
the direct path to executive leadership positions (Eagly & Carli, 2007). Of the seven principals
interviewed, only two followed a traditional path of teacher to assistant principal to principal. Of
the five assistant principals interviewed, only one had gone from teacher to assistant principal.
The other nine participants had held a teacher on special assignment (TOSA) role, most
commonly as an instructional coach or program coordinator. “Women have to sit in more seats
than men before reaching the highest levels. A man can go from teacher to assistant principal to
being a principal, but most women have to be a coach or TOSA.” Jessie noted.
Two participants were actively discouraged from applying for a higher position within
their district and told “You need a little more time in your current position,” and “This position
comes with a lot of responsibility. Are you sure you’re up for it?” In one participant’s
experience, a fellow assistant principal from her school site got the principal position she was
discouraged from applying for. “It felt really discouraging. I don’t like to think about why,
maybe I truly wasn’t the right fit, but he was a Latinx male with less experience than me, so I
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can’t help but wonder.” Belinda explained. Another participant’s mentor, who was male, also
seemed to discourage her from applying for a principalship.
He kept telling me about the long hours, the responsibility, and lack of time I’d have with
my family. I do think he was looking out for me and wanted me to see the reality of the
position, but I thought, ‘Would he be having the same conversation if I were a man?’”
Participants' experiences of identity taxation align with existing research on gendered
racism (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010). When participants felt at a disadvantage due to their
positionality, when they were discouraged from applying for senior positions, when they were
excluded from social events, they had to decide if it was due to their gender or race. Identity
taxation is a barrier to career advancement because of the psychological toll it can take on
women of color (Lewis et al., 2013). WOC are continuously exposed to gendered racism, which
can lead to negative effects on mental health (Steven-Watkins et al., 2014). When interviewing
participants about the barriers to career advancement, my follow up question was, “How did that
make you feel?” Participants used phrases such as, “I felt discouraged,” “I was upset and
frustrated,” “I started to think, ‘Can I even do this job?” “Am I competent?” “Do I deserve to be
here?” and “I felt like an imposter.” The findings show that gendered racism can erode
participants’ self-belief and increase their self-doubt, leading them to be more hesitant in
applying for senior positions. Mentorship moderated participant’s self-doubt and increased their
self-efficacy, which were discussed in the Research Question 1 section. Mentorship served as a
protective factor against identity taxation and other discrimination WOC faced in the workplace
(South-Paul et al., 2021).
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Discussion Research Question 2
When examining the barriers that hinder women of color in their career advancement, the
two themes that emerged were cultural norms around leadership that influence organizational
structures and identity taxation. The majority of participants felt that the organization itself was a
barrier to career advancement for WOC. Most organizations operated from a traditional, White,
male centric idea of leadership that was exclusionary of participants in this study. Most
participants felt their organizations did not create spaces to acknowledge and support their lived
experiences and sought out their own networks for connection and camaraderie. All participants
felt the pressure to conform to their organization’s cultural norms around leadership, which were
sometimes at odds with their cultural identity. The majority of participants also felt the burden of
identity taxation. Participants felt at a disadvantage, that they had to work twice as hard to prove
their competence as compared to their male and white female counterparts. Identity taxation was
also felt as hypervisibility and invisibility. Participants were often the first or the only in their
position and felt increased pressure and responsibility because of their position. Simultaneously,
the majority of participants felt invisible when it came to opportunities for advancement. Almost
all participants had a longer and non-traditional path to their current positions, as compared to
the career paths of male counterparts, and some felt purposefully overlooked for senior
leadership opportunities. Gendered racism was the underlying theme as many participants
expressed uncertainty in determining which part of their identity—race or gender—was the
cause, and often led to feelings of self-doubt. The psychological toll of identity taxation and
gendered racism contributed to the hindrance of women of color’s career advancement.
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Results Research Question 3
Research Question 3 asked, “How do positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship
affect the advancement of women of color in principal and district leadership positions?”
Existing research on the impact of a women of colors’ positionality identifies culture (Padilla,
1994) and identity (Hirshfield & Joseph, 2012) taxation as having a significant impact on WOC
in the workplace. WOC leaders also experience hypervisibility and invisibility due to the
intersection of their race and gender (Jean Marie et al., 2009). They are often the first or the only
WOC in their leadership position and thus, must act as a representative of the whole group. Their
position is hyper-visible and WOC often experience more scrutiny and criticism than White
female leaders (Hannum et al., 2015). Concurrently, women of color often feel invisible in their
roles as they have less support and opportunities for career advancement within organizations
(Hannum et al., 2015). Findings from existing studies found that women of color often felt
invisible or ignored on a micro level (during informal interactions with colleagues) and on a
meso level (during meetings or social gatherings; Holder & Ponterotto, 2015).
Gendered racial microaggressions (GRMS), the intersection of racism and sexism (Lewis
et al., 2013), can also affect WOC in their leadership advancement. Because GRMS are subtle
and often codified into social mores, WOC can be oblivious to the slights or accept them as part
of the minority experience (Sue, 2005). Existing research has shown that women of color often
experience workplace environmental microaggressions (Holder & Ponterotto, 2015; Nuru &
Arendt, 2018; Weiner et al., 2021), which are systematized and embedded into workplace
structures.
The impact of GRMS on women of colors’ mental health can be significant. When WOC
experience a high frequency of microaggressions, their mental health outcomes are often worse
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than their White counterparts (Erving, et al., 2022; Keum et al., 2022; Martins et al., 2020). High
self-esteem and positive self-identity mediate the relationship between microaggressions and
general health (Martins et al., 2020). High self-worth also moderates the impact of daily
discrimination on depressive symptoms (Keum et al., 2022). Research has also shown that
having a negative self-identity and low self-esteem predicted worse mental health outcomes for
women of color experiencing gendered racial microaggressions (Kuem et al., 2022).
The positive effect of mentorship on leaders’ professional development and career
advancement have been well documented (Delgado & Ozuna Allen, 2019; Hill & Wheat, 2017;
Mendez-Morse, 2004; Peters, 2012), and recent research has begun to examine the protective
factors that mentorship has on people of color (South-Paul, et al., 2021). The mentor as a buffer
hypothesis posits that mentoring serves as a buffer against the negative effects of discrimination
in the workplace (South-Paul et al., 2021). Researchers have posited that mentorship acts as a
protective factor because mentors often exhibit holding behaviors; someone who gives space—
through listening, validating, confirming, and accepting—to another person when they are in
distress (Khan, 2001; South-Paul et al., 2021). The buffering effect of mentorship can serve as a
space for leaders of color to process and interpret their negative experiences and renew their
commitment to the role. A strong mentor–mentee relationship also has a positive impact on the
coping strategies mentees develop under a mentor’s guidance and advice (Nair & Good, 2021).
Participants in this study were asked about the effect positionality, microaggressions, and
mentorship had on their career advancement. The findings for this question are divided into two
sections, (a) the effects of positionality and microaggressions on women of color and (b)
mentorship as a protective factor. In regards to positionality and microaggressions, results from
this study found that internalized racism and a strong connection to one’s cultural background
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and ethnic identity had an effect on women of color’s self-concept, but it was less clear if
positionality and microaggressions had a direct effect on their career advancement. The findings
on the effect of mentorship on women of color’s career advancement align with existing research
that mentorship serves as a protective factor. All participants reported mentorship as a support to
their emotional health and career advancement.
Internalized Racism and Cultural Identity
Internalized racism involves both “conscious and unconscious acceptance of a racial
hierarchy in which Whites are consistently ranked above people of color” (Pyke, 2010, p. 552).
Internalized racism is when people of color believe in negative stereotypes, assimilate to White
cultural standards, and accept the status quo (Pyke, 2010). Internalizing racism can have a
negative impact on people of color’s mental health; eroding their self-esteem, and increasing
stress, depression, and anxiety (Willis, 2021). One of the questions I asked participants was,
“Can you remember a time when you experienced microaggressions in a professional setting?”
Of the 12 participants, five could immediately recall an experience, six had to take time to recall
an experience, and one couldn’t recall any experience of microaggressions in a professional
setting.
For the six participants who needed time to recall an experience, they used phrases such
as, “Hmm, let me think about that,” “I can’t really recall an instance,” “Maybe something
happened a long time ago,” and “Does this count as a microaggression?” When asked directly
about microaggressions, the majority of the six participants weren’t able to identify a specific
instance, which reinforces how subtle and codified microaggressions are with our culture (Sue,
2005). When they did recall an experience, half of the participants recalled instances from their
past—either from childhood or from their teaching career. Rosa recalls,
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As a child recently from Mexico, I was placed in an ELD class and I remember a teacher
at the end of the year saying to my mom, ‘Wow, I’m surprised how much she’s
improved.’ I didn't understand what that meant at the time, but it felt like I didn’t want to
be that other, older version of myself.
Jesse shares her experience, “In my previous position, I was the only Asian staff member,
and I overheard someone refer to me as ‘That Asian lady.’ It was hurtful, like, you can’t even
remember my name?” As participants started thinking and talking about their experiences, they
were able to recall more instances of microaggressions and some even expressed surprise at their
realizations. “I guess I never really thought about it as a microaggression, but now that we’re
talking about it, it was.” Faith mused.
One commonality between the six participants was their level of assimilation into
American culture. All six had come from immigrant families; three were first generation and
three were born in the United States. All participants mentioned “fitting in,” “putting my head
down and working hard,” “coming here [America] for better opportunities,” and “feeling
comfortable in American culture.” This commonality might explain why the six participants had
unconsciously internalized racism and the status quo; the desire to fit into the dominant culture
meant wholeheartedly embracing institutional beliefs around gender and race. These participants
used phrases such as, “That’s just the way it is,” and “I never thought about it that way,” when
asked to describe how they felt about specific incidences of microaggressions. For the participant
who couldn’t recall any experiences of microaggressions, she stated, “I can't remember specific
times where I've been subject to microaggressions, but maybe it's because I choose not to see it.”
Internalizing racism can be a barrier for women of color pursuing senior leadership
positions because they accept and reinforce the status quo instead of questioning it; perpetuating
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the cycle of underrepresentation of women of color in educational leadership positions. The
participant’s responses indicate the importance for women of color to have space to discuss their
identities. Once they began talking about their experiences in relation to positionality and
microaggressions, an awareness was awakened and they were able to reflect on and question
those experiences. Although the participants had commonalities in their immigrant experiences,
centered on assimilating to the American culture, further research should be conducted in order
to ascertain if those common experiences correlate with internalized racism.
The five participants who were able to immediately recall instances of microaggressions
also exhibited commonalities. All participants had strong ties to their cultural background and
ethnic identity. A strong sense of one’s cultural and ethnic identity can serve as a protective
factor for WOC when faced with discrimination as it increases their sense of self and self-esteem
(Erving, et al., 2022; Keum et al., 2022; Martins et al., 2020). “Being Armenian has always been
a huge part of my identity. As I’ve gotten older, I’ve come to really appreciate my culture and
traditions,” explained Alexis. When recalling her experiences with microaggressions, she added,
“I make a conscious effort to remind myself that I can do it, that I'm capable. I don’t have to
accept what they say I should or shouldn’t be.” Devon, who identifies as a first-generation
Mexican American immigrant, feels “extremely connected to my roots in Mexico. I take my kids
back whenever I can because it’s important for them to know where they came from.” She
remembers an experience where she overheard a colleague express skepticism of her capabilities
as a principal, and shared her reaction,
When faced with people who don't believe in me because of my positionality, I always
take that as a challenge, like, “I'll show you.” But I also know not everyone is like me and
responds in that way. It's made me stronger and more determined, but I think that other
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women of color might have the opposite response. That's why it's so important for me to
be a role model for the females at my school. To show them that it's possible and to never
give up.
The five participants did not subscribe nor readily accept the beliefs held by the dominant
culture in regards to their positionality. As a result, they were able to clearly recognize when they
were the target of microaggressions. They also adopted an attitude that was dissimilar to the
other seven participants; they questioned and challenged the status quo instead of accepting it.
When faced with microaggressions, participants did not internalize or equate microaggression to
their value as a leader. Instead, they took the opportunity to challenge and change what they
could by educating and raising awareness on microaggressions. When faced with
microaggressions, participants would respond in a curious and questioning way: “What did you
mean by that?” “Can you clarify what you meant?” “Can you explain that to me?” Their strong
sense of self did not waver when facing microaggressions, and their strong ties to their cultural
identity prevented these five participants from internalizing racism. These characteristics also
served as a protective factor against microaggressions.
The Buffering Effect of Mentorship
The general benefits of mentorship have been discussed previously under Research
Question 1, and this section on mentorship focuses on the buffering effect that mentorship has on
women of color leaders and their career advancement. Results from participants align with the
existing research on mentorship as a protective factor and support for their career advancement
(Mendez-Morse, 2004; Peters, 2012).
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All participants shared that mentorship had a positive effect on their career advancement
and social emotional health, as discussed under Research Question 1, and part of this can be
attributed to the protective nature of mentorship. Maggie explains,
My mentors will never judge me and will guide me no matter what. There is a great
comfort in having someone like that in your corner. They allow me to vent and also push
me by asking difficult questions. We all need to have a mentor.
Interviewees used words and phrases such as “spiritual support,” “deep connection,”
“vulnerable and trusting,” “very personal,” and “in my corner,” to describe their mentorship
relationship. Mentorship also provided a safe place for participants when they were feeling
discouraged, frustrated, or upset. Alexis reports,
I call my mentor my ‘work mom’ because that’s who she is to me. I don’t have to filter
myself and can say exactly what I think and feel, and she’ll listen and support and guide
me. I always feel better after speaking with my mentor.
Eight of the 12 interviewees recalled a time when their mentor helped them process
feelings when they encountered gendered racial microaggressions, using words and phrases such
as “helped me put things into perspective,” “made me feel less alone,” “gave me clarity about the
situation,” and “helped me figure out the next steps.” Jesse explains,
There have been so many times when I’m overwhelmed and ask myself, “Why am I even
doing this? It’s not even worth it!” But my mentor always helps me refocus. She gives
me space to vent and cry and rage, and then she brings me back to my why. I would’ve
quit a dozen times already if it wasn’t for her.
For women of color, mentorship supports career advancement by providing a buffer,
ensuring their careers aren’t derailed by the negative effects of discrimination.
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Five of the 12 participants had a woman of color mentor and received additional benefit
as their mentor functioned as cultural mediators, cultural translators, and role models (Delgado &
Ozuna Allen, 2019). WOC mentors could share their experiences and assist participants in
navigating cultural norms. “Mentors are essential for WOC because expectations are higher and
we have to learn how to navigate and accommodate those expectations,” Talia reported.
Participants’ positionality often led to feelings of loneliness and isolation (Yoshinaga-Itano,
2006), but having a mentor who could relate to their lived experiences served as a protective
factor. Rose reports,
My mentor told me that I shouldn't act upset in response to microaggressions because I’ll
be perceived as hostile. She told me to respond in a calm way because as a leader of color
I can’t afford to respond in a way that will play into people's prejudice and stereotypes.
Women of color mentors also equipped participants with tools to address and combat gendered
racial microaggressions in a healthy and productive way. Susan explained,
My mentor is the one who taught me to be curious when I encountered microaggressions.
Asking questions and seeking to understand automatically diffuses the situation and
might make the other person reflect on their comments. My go-to is always, “Can you
expand on that?”
Discussion Research Question 3
Positionality and microaggressions have an effect on women of colors’ attitudes, beliefs,
and response to discrimination, but it is unclear if they have a direct effect on their career
advancement. For all participants, they had successfully advanced to their current position in
spite of their positionality and discrimination. The findings of this study revealed a connection
between participants’ assimilation to the dominant culture and a higher rate of internalized
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racism. It also revealed a connection between strong cultural identity, high self-esteem, and
lower levels of internalized racism.
Based on the findings, mentorship served as a support to career advancement through the
advice, opportunities, and psychological support provided to participants. Additionally,
mentorship was a protective factor because it provided a buffer between participants and the
negative effects of discrimination.
Summary
Research Question 1 and two focused on the supports and barriers for women of color in
their career advancement in K–12 education. The results from this study indicate that
participants’ positionality, the intersectionality of their race and gender, served as both a support
and barrier to their career advancement. In the immediate environment (e.g., school site),
positionality provided a way for participants to connect with students, families, and staff.
Exhibiting feminized qualities of leadership—collaboration, accessibility, transparency—served
to support participants in their careers. Results indicated that positionality also served as a barrier
to career advancement due to organizations’ adherence to traditional cultural norms surrounding
leadership. In a systemic way, organizations’ underlying belief in traditional, White, male centric
leadership served to exclude participants from achieving more senior positions within the
organization. The findings from this study also found that identity taxation was a barrier to career
advancement for women of color. Participants had to work harder than male and White female
counterparts to prove their competence as leaders. The findings on identity taxation concur with
existing research that women of color (Hirshfield & Joseph, 2012). Additionally, the findings
indicate that strong relational connections supported women of color in their career
advancement. These relational connections included mentorship, professional networks and
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personal relationships. This aligns with existing research on the benefits of mentorship and
professional networks for women of color’s career advancement (Mendez-Morse, 2004; Peters,
2010).
Research Question 3 focused on the effect positionality, microaggressions, and
mentorship had on women of color’s career advancement in K–12 education. Results from this
study indicate that positionality had an impact on participants’ attitudes, beliefs, and response to
microaggressions, but it was unclear if positionality and microaggressions had an effect on career
advancement. This study found a connection between assimilation into the dominant culture and
the internalization of racism. It also found a connection between a strong cultural identity, high
self-esteem, and lower rates of internalized racism. Along with providing support to participant’s
career advancement, mentorship served as a protective factor to WOC as it provided a buffer
between participants and the negative effects of discrimination. This is in keeping with current
research on mentorship as a protective factor of women of color (South-Paul et al., 2021).
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Chapter Five: Discussion
Chapter Five summarizes findings and implications for practice within the educational
community. Key research findings are discussed with the intention of informing current and
future educational leaders on the lived experiences of women of color (WOC) leaders and the
mechanisms that support and hinder their career advancement within the K–12 educational
system. Additionally, recommendations for future research are made within the context of this
study.
This study focused on examining the experiences of WOC in K–12 educational
leadership and how those experiences support or hinder their advancement into leadership roles.
Although the percentage of women and people of color (POC) in K–12 principal and
superintendent positions has increased over the past 2 decades (National Center for Educational
Statistics, 2020), they continue to be underrepresented in school leadership. Prejudice,
discrimination, and gender bias exist for women of color leaders, which can make it harder for
them to obtain high level leadership positions (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010). Based on the
underrepresentation of WOC in K–12 principal and superintendent positions and the limited
research, this study focused on understanding the mechanisms that support or hinder women of
color’s decision to advance their career with the hope of providing a roadmap to increasing
representation of WOC in K–12 educational leadership positions. The purpose of this study was
to provide insight into the lived experiences that contribute to the advancement of women of
color in K–12 educational leadership positions by examining the interrelational effects of
positionality and microaggressions, and mentorship as a protective factor. The following
questions guided this research:
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1. How do women of color describe their experiences that support their career
advancement in K–12 educational leadership positions?
2. What are the barriers that keep women of color from advancing to K–12 educational
leadership positions?
3. How do positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship affect the advancement of
women of color to K–12 educational leadership positions?
This qualitative study utilized surveys and semi-structured interviews. This methodology
was selected to understand what supports or hinders WOC in educational leadership in order to
inform organizational practices and support WOC of culture in their professional journey. The
surveys were used to create a general understanding of participants’ experiences as related to
their career advancement (Maxwell, 2013). In-depth interviews were selected because of its
focus on “understanding how people interpret their experiences, how they construct their worlds,
and what meaning they attribute to their experiences” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015, p. 46).
Additionally, narrative inquiry relies on “the use of stories as data, and more specifically, first-
person accounts of experience” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015, p. 112). It was important to
understand the broader themes and professional experiences of WOC, in addition to hearing the
individual and unique experiences of participants. Twelve principals and assistant principals
were purposefully chosen for the interview portion as I wanted a commonality between work
roles, responsibilities, and experience. I employed surveys and a semi-structured, open-ended
approach to the interviews.
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Findings
Study findings suggest that women of color’s positionality supported their career
advancement at the microlevel (e.g., school sites) and hindered their career advancement at the
macrolevel (e.g., within the greater organization). The findings also reinforce existing research
on the extra burden of identity taxation that WOC face in leadership positions (Hirshfield &
Joseph, 2012), and the protective factor that mentorship provides for women of color leaders
both professionally and psychologically (Mendez-Morse, 2004; Peters, 2012; South-Paul, et al.,
2021). Seven themes emerged related to the three research questions. This section presents a
summary and discussion of the study’s findings in relation to existing literature and current
practice.
Research Question 1
Research Question 1 asked, “How do women of color describe their experiences that
support their advancement in K–12 educational leadership positions?” Qualitative data related to
Research Question 1 produced two findings. Results from survey and interview participants
indicated that their positionality, the intersection of their race and gender, served as a significant
support to their career advancement. This result was surprising as most research around WOC
and positionality identifies barriers and disadvantages of being a leader of color (Bodalina &
Mestry, 2020; Koenig et al, 2011; Yoshinaga-Itano, 2006), and the benefits are not commonly
identified in existing research. Participants identified gender specific supports and race specific
supports to career advancement. Additionally, support for career advancement included strong
relational connections, both informal and formal, which reinforces existing research on networks
and mentorship (Mendez-Morse, 2004; Peters, 2010).
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The first finding that emerged was that positionality at the microlevel (e.g., school sites)
was a support to career advancement, and participants cited the benefits of being a female leader
and being a leader of color. When speaking about the advantages of their gender, being a mother
was an advantage to building trust with their school community. This theme of motherhood
extended to womanhood, as the majority of participants claimed that being female was also a
way to connect with staff (largely female) in an accessible, collaborative, and non-threatening
way. Positionality was also a support to WOC’s career advancement as all participants identified
having a leadership style that was more feminized than more traditional, masculine leadership
styles (Koenig et al., 2011). Participants identified with servant leadership, shared leadership,
and coaching/collaborative leadership, which included characteristics such as transparency,
consensus-based decision making, collaboration, and valuing all staff members. Their feminized
leadership style created a culture of trust, thus increasing their effectiveness as leaders and
supporting their career advancement. Participants' positionality as a person of color also
supported their career advancement. The majority of participants identified as the same or similar
race to the majority of the student population as their school site, and race gave a strong cultural
connection to students and families, especially in high poverty schools that faced a number of
challenges. The participants in this study also expressed a strong sense of responsibility to
students who were of similar race.
The findings suggest that participants had a high degree of self-awareness and understood
the implications of their identity to their greater school community. When looking at the totality
of participants’ responses, there was a recurring theme of capitalizing on their positionality in
order to create strong relationships with all stakeholder groups. When participants realized that
feminized leadership traits netted positive outcomes, they intentionally put more effort into being
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that type of leader. When a shared culture provided a foundation of trust with their school
community, participants leveraged that connection to build a positive, cohesive school culture.
Participants were able to strategically use their positionality, something that previous research
has shown can be a significant barrier for WOC in education leadership (Dobbs & Leider, 2021)
as a way to support their career advancement.
Strong relational connections as a support to women of colors’ career advancement
emerged as the second finding. Relational connections are an umbrella phrase used to include the
variety of relationships that had a positive impact on career advancement. Based on the data, two
themes emerged under strong relational connections, (a) mentorship and networks and (b)
personal relationships.
Research literature has extensively documented the positive effects of mentorship on
career advancement (Delgado & Ozuna Allen, 2019; Kram, 1985; Mendez-Morse, 2004; Parylo
et al., 2012), and participant data reflected those findings. All participants identified mentorship
as a support to their career advancement. Mentors provided professional guidance, opportunities
for career advancement, and psychological support. Most participants sought out mentorship
from multiple sources, which aligns with existing research on mentorship and WOC (Mendez-
Morse, 2004). The nontraditional mentorship path could be partly attributed to a lack of existing
mentorship structures for women of color with organizations. Mentors also served as sponsors
for some participants. Sponsorship involves a professional colleague, usually in a senior position,
directly advocating for a person because they believe in their ability and potential (Pace, 2018).
Mentors took on the role of sponsorship when they gave WOC advancement opportunities
through guided advice, new projects and initiatives, access to senior district leaders, and shoulder
tapping them for senior positions. Additionally, mentorship served as social-emotional support
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for WOC leaders. Mentorship provided a space for participants to express their feelings without
fear of judgment; a space where they could be encouraged and renewed in their position.
The findings also identified peer networks as support for career advancement, which
aligns with existing research on WOC seeking lateral relationships for support (Alarcón &
Bettez, 2017; Chang et al., 2014; Tran, 2014). These relationships were made up of women and
women of color, often in comparable educational leadership roles, where the participants felt
they could “recharge” in a “safe, trusted space.” Different from mentorship, participants sought
these networks as a way to build community; a place where they felt valued and affirmed.
Along with professional mentors and peer networking groups, participants emphasized
the importance of strong personal relationships in supporting their career advancement. Familial
support was mentioned by most of the participants as integral to their career advancement. All
participants who were also mothers reported their advancement to their current position would
not be possible without the support of family members. Familial support for career advancement
also came in the form of emotional support. Being a woman of color in educational leadership
can often be a lonely and isolating experience, especially if you are in a traditional, male
dominated organization (Eagly & Karau, 2002). Families provided the context for women's lived
experience, specifically as it applied to culture and the minority experience.
Research Question 2
Research Question 2 asked, “What are the barriers that keep women of color from
advancing in K–12 educational leadership positions?” Results from survey and interview data
related to Research Question 2 align with existing research on barriers for WOC and their career
advancement (Bodalina & Mestry, 2020; Koenig et al, 2011; Yoshinaga-Itano, 2006), and
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centered around (a) cultural norms around leadership which influence organizational structures
and (b) identity taxation.
Although women of color experienced their positionality as a support to their career
advancement on a microlevel, as reported in Research Question 1, the data from this study
revealed that they simultaneously experienced their positionality as a barrier to career
advancement on a macro level (e.g., within the greater organizational structure). Although
representation of women in educational leadership positions has increased steadily over the
years, women of color continue to be underrepresented in all leadership roles (NCES, 2017). The
National Center of Educational Statistics (2017) reports that 53.8% of women are principals, yet
only 25% of women principals are women of color. For superintendent positions, the percentage
of women and WOC is even smaller. A survey conducted by AASA, the national association for
public school superintendents, found that only 27% of superintendents were female, 4.4% of
superintendents (male and female) were Black, and 3.1% (male and female) were Hispanic
(ASSA, 2022). The findings from this study reflect the underrepresentation of WOC in district
leadership. The majority of participants’ district leadership positions were held by White males,
and participants cited this as a barrier to career advancement as women of color were not often
allowed entry into the highest positions of educational leadership within their organization.
Participants also felt the need to conform to the cultural norms around leadership that
were held by their organization. These norms were grounded in a traditional, conservative, male
centric view of leadership (Gipson et al., 2017; Koenig et al., 2011) and were often in direct
contradiction to their cultural identity and race. The way in which participants conformed was
often based on their racial and cultural identity. Asian American participants spoke of the model
minority mentality, the ethos of assimilating and being a model American, as their way of
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conforming to their organization’s culture around leadership. For Black and Latinx participants,
conforming to cultural norms involved fighting against racial stereotypes, such as the angry
Black woman, the assumption that they were less intelligent, or that they fulfilled a hiring quota
as the token minority. Participants also reported that conforming to the traditional cultural norms
of their organization took an emotional toll. In keeping with Yoshinaga-Itano’s (2006) findings,
conforming to cultural norms created feelings of isolation and loneliness for participants who
were often the only or the first women of color in their position or organization.
Identity taxation was the second theme within Research Question 2. Identity taxation is
the extra burden marginalized social identities face within educational positions, resulting in
more non-academic service obligations, affecting emotional health and productivity, and
impeding advancement to senior leadership positions (Hirshfield & Joseph, 2012). All
participants felt they started out at a disadvantage compared to men and White women. They
experienced hypervisibility as they were often the first or the only in their organization. They had
to work twice as hard to prove their competence and they experienced more scrutiny in their
positions as compared to men or White female colleagues. Some participants acknowledged that
this pressure was internalized because they felt a responsibility not only to represent themselves,
but to represent their gender and race.
Participants also reported feeling invisible when opportunities for career advancement
arose within their organization. For most participants, the path to their current position can be
described as a labyrinth, the uneven path of upward progression for women that rarely follows
the direct path to executive leadership positions (Eagly & Carli, 2007). Three of the 12
participants followed the traditional path of teacher to assistant principal to principal.
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Participants’ experiences of identity taxation align with existing research on gendered
racism (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010). Identity taxation is a barrier to career advancement
because of the psychological toll it can take on women of color (Lewis et al., 2013). WOC are
continuously exposed to gendered racism, which can lead to negative effects on mental health
(Steven-Watkins et al., 2014). The findings show that gendered racism eroded participants’ self-
belief and increased their self-doubt, leading them to be more hesitant in applying for senior
positions.
Research Question 3
Research Question 3 asked, “How do positionality, microaggressions, and mentorship
affect the advancement of women of color in principal and district leadership positions?” In
regards to positionality and microaggressions, results from this study found that internalized
racism and a strong connection to one’s cultural background and ethnic identity had an effect on
women of color’s self-concept, but it was less clear if positionality and microaggressions had a
direct effect on their career advancement. Internalized racism is when people of color believe in
negative stereotypes, assimilate to White cultural standards, and accept the status quo (Pyke,
2010). The majority of participants couldn’t immediately recall a time when they experienced
microaggressions in a professional setting, which reinforces how subtle and codified
microaggressions are within our culture (Sue, 2005), and indicated the participants had
internalized and accepted the racial hierarchy of a dominant White culture (Pyke, 2010). A
commonality among participants who internalized racism was their high level of assimilation
into American culture. Internalizing racism can be a barrier for women of color pursuing senior
leadership positions because they accept and reinforce the status quo instead of questioning it;
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perpetuating the cycle of underrepresentation of women of color in educational leadership
positions.
The participants who immediately recalled an experience of microaggressions in the
workplace had strong ties to their cultural background and ethnic identity. A strong sense of
one’s cultural and ethnic identity can serve as a protective factor for WOC when faced with
discrimination as it increases their sense of self and self-esteem (Erving, et al., 2022; Keum et
al., 2022; Martins et al., 2020). These participants did not subscribe to nor readily accept the
beliefs held by the dominant culture in regard to their positionality; they questioned and
challenged the status quo instead of accepting it. When faced with microaggressions, participants
did not internalize or equate microaggression to their value as a leader. Instead, they took the
opportunity to challenge and change what they could by educating and raising awareness about
microaggressions.
Positionality and microaggressions had an effect on women of colors’ attitudes, beliefs,
and response to discrimination, but it is unclear if they had a direct effect on their career
advancement. All participants had successfully advanced to their current position in spite of their
positionality and discrimination. The findings of this study revealed a connection between
participants’ assimilation to the dominant culture and a higher rate of internalized racism. It also
revealed a connection between strong cultural identity, high self-esteem, and lower levels of
internalized racism.
Research Question 1 found that mentorship was a support to WOC’s career advancement,
and the findings in this section indicate that mentorship also serves as a protective factor. Recent
research has begun to examine the protective factors that mentorship has on people of color
(South-Paul, et al., 2021). The mentor as a buffer hypothesis posits that mentoring serves as a
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buffer against the negative effects of discrimination in the workplace (South-Paul et al., 2021).
The buffering effect of mentorship can serve as a space for leaders of color to process and
interpret their negative experiences and renew their commitment to the role. A strong mentor–
mentee relationship also has a positive impact on the coping strategies mentees develop under a
mentor’s guidance and advice (Nair & Good, 2021). The majority of participants recalled a time
when their mentor helped them process feelings when they encountered gendered racial
microaggressions, and provided them a safe space to process their emotions. For women of
color, mentorship supports career advancement by providing a buffer, ensuring their careers
aren’t derailed by the negative effects of discrimination. For participants who had a WOC
mentor, they received additional benefit as their mentor functioned as cultural mediators, cultural
translators, and role models (Delgado & Ozuna Allen, 2019). Women of color mentors shared
their lived experiences and assisted participants in navigating cultural norms. Mentorship was a
protective factor because it provided a buffer between participants and the negative effects of
discrimination.
Limitations
Limitations of study findings include generalizability due to the small sample size and
internal validity due to self-reported data in the form of surveys and interviews. A small number
of participants were surveyed and interviewed, thereby limiting the racial and cultural variability
of participants. Because of the limited sample size, participants were selected mainly from three
broad racial categories: Asian, Black, and Hispanic. This is a limitation as it does not capture all
the varied lived experiences of WOC in K–12 educational leadership, therefore limiting
generalizability of the findings. Another limitation to generalizability was the focus on principal
and assistant principal positions for the interviews. These positions were purposefully chosen to
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maintain consistency and commonality between work roles, responsibilities, and experience, but
the findings from these participants offer a very specific point of view that may not apply to
other women of color in K–12 educational leadership positions. Inability to generalize study
findings may serve as a delimitation due to the size and scope of the sample population.
Additionally, internal validity might be a limitation as this study relied on self-reported data in
the form of surveys and interviews, although triangulation of findings was employed to
strengthen the validity of the findings.
Although findings from this research may not be generalizable, that was not the sole
intent of this study. The intention of this study was to capture the lived experiences of women of
color in K–12 educational leadership positions, and through their experiences find common
themes within their positionality, and the supports and barriers that contributed to their career
advancement. Their experiences, while not generalizable to all lived experiences of WOC in
educational leadership positions, nevertheless allow for inferences and applicability within the
context of K–12 educational leadership.
Implications for Practice
This study examined the lived experiences of women of color in K–12 education to better
understand the mechanisms that support and hinder their career advancement. Study findings
established themes that can inform educational organizations and leadership at the site and
district level. By understanding how culture, microaggressions, and mentorship affect WOC
educational leaders, school districts can examine and align their cultural and institutional
practices to create an organization that attracts, supports, and advances women of color in
leadership positions. Based on the scope of this study and resulting thematic findings,
implications for practice were established.
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The overarching implication for practice is establishing intentional, systematic support
for women of color leaders in K–12 educational organizations. Findings from this study indicate
that pockets of support exist for WOC, especially at the microlevel, but cease to exist at the
organizational level. In fact, findings indicate that while positionality was a support to
participants at the microlevel, it was simultaneously a barrier at the meso level. Implementing
systematic support for women of color at the organizational level can connect the pockets of
support into a cohesive structure that will institutionalize support for women of color leaders.
The first implication of practice involves hiring practices and representation of WOC in
K–12 educational leadership positions. This study found that women of color are
underrepresented in leadership positions and that underrepresentation burdens WOC with
identity taxation that results in women of color leaders feeling isolated and disenfranchised.
Participants noted their organizations valued diversity, equity, and inclusivity (DEI) when it
applied to students, but those same values were not reflected in organizational leadership
positions. The findings suggest that more diverse hiring practices will contribute to supporting
current WOC leaders. It behooves educational organizations to examine their current recruitment
and hiring practices to ensure there is equitable representation of women of color in leadership
positions.
The second implication of practice involves establishing initiatives that create space for
diversity, equity, and inclusion at the organizational level. The purpose of this initiative is to
raise awareness, educate, and train organizational leadership on how to support WOC leaders.
This implication of practice could also be applied to other minoritized groups. The findings from
this study indicate that intentional space to discuss the challenges of being a WOC leader were
nonexistent in most organizations, who failed to recognize the need to address the extra burden
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that leaders of color face. To fill the gap, study participants sought out mentors and peer
networks independently, creating intentional spaces of support due to the absence of
organizational support structures. Incorporating equity initiatives at the organizational level not
only supports women of color leaders, but it strengthens the entire organization by building trust
and allyship amongst colleagues.
The third implication for practice involves establishing a mentorship program at the
organizational level. Based on study findings, mentorship was the most powerful support for
participants. Mentorship supported all facets of women of color’s career advancement, including
professional guidance and opportunities, but the biggest impact was the protective nature of
mentorship. Mentorship provided a buffer between women of color leaders and the negative
impacts of discrimination. Without the buffering effect, WOC might not have advanced as far in
their career; mentorship renewed their purpose and reaffirmed their commitment to their
leadership role. Organizations should examine their current leadership mentorship program and
seek to implement a system of support for women of color leaders. Establishing a comprehensive
mentorship program at the organizational level not only supports women of color leaders, but
benefits all educational leaders within their organization.
Future Research
There is limited research in studying the underrepresentation of women of color in
educational leadership (Johnson-Bailey & Tisdell, 1998), and most studies about women of color
in educational leadership focus on higher education (Aiston & Yang, 2017; Chance, 2022). For
these reasons, the underrepresentation of women of color in K–12 education requires further
exploration (Williams, 2018). There is a need to explore the mechanisms that support women of
color advancement to senior leadership positions in an effort to close the gap in the research and
96
increase the representation of women of color in principal and superintendent positions
(Wrushen & Sherman, 2008).
The first recommendation for future research is further exploration into the lived
experiences of women of color in K–12 educational leadership in order to build a more robust
body of research, which practitioners can use to support women of color in their organizations.
The research on the experiences of women of color in K–12 educational leadership is sparse, and
although this study found common themes that support WOC leaders and contributes to the
existing literature on WOC in K–12 educational leadership, the scope of this study is limited. It
would be beneficial for future research to focus on the lived experiences of women of color in
K–12 educational leadership and the mechanisms that support them in their career.
The second recommendation for future research is an examination of organizations’
mentorship programs that specifically support minoritized groups. Recent research on the
protective factor of mentorship, the mentor as buffer hypothesis (South-Paul, et al., 2021),
indicates that mentorship can serve as a buffer between minoritized groups and the negative
effects of discrimination. The findings from this study also support the mentor as buffer
hypothesis. Mentorship can be a powerful tool in mitigating the effects of discrimination and
further research into established mentorship programs can provide insight on the most effective
and supportive programs.
Conclusions
This study confirmed that the experiences of women of color leaders in K–12 educational
leadership were inextricably tied to their positionality, shaped by cultural norms around
leadership in K–12 organizations, impacted by discrimination, and supported by mentorship. A
woman of color’s positionality has been well documented as a barrier to career advancement
97
(Davis, 2009), and findings from this study aligned with the research. This study also found,
however, that positionality served as a support to their career advancement at the microlevel.
Findings further suggest that a strong cultural identity and mentorship served as protective
factors for women of color against the negative effects of discrimination, supporting their career
advancement. This study offers practitioners insight into the lived experiences of WOC in K–12
educational leadership and the mechanisms that support or hinder their career advancement so
they can examine and align organizational practices to best support women of color within their
organization.
98
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Appendix A: Survey Items
The following questions were used for my survey. Most questions were close-ended with
answer options that included 1 (strongly disagree), 2 (disagree), 3 (neutral), 4 (agree), and 5
(strongly agree). If participants selected agree or strongly agree, they were prompted to answer
an additional question.
1. What administrative position do you currently hold?
2. My race and gender identity have impacted me professionally.
3. If agree or strongly agree; how has your race and gender identity impacted you
professionally?
4. My race and gender identity has been a barrier to my career advancement.
5. If agree or strongly agree; how has your race and gender identity been a barrier to
your career?
6. My race and gender identity has supported my career advancement.
7. If agree or strongly agree; how has your race and gender identity supported your
career advancement?
8. I have experienced microaggressions at my workplace.
9. If agree or strongly agree; what microaggressions have you experienced in the
workplace?
10. Microaggressions have been a barrier to my career advancement.
11. If agree or strongly agree; how have microaggressions been a barrier to your career
advancement?
12. When I experience microaggressions in the workplace I feel
13. When I experience microaggressions in the workplace I do the following
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14. I have a professional mentor.
15. My mentor(s) has supported my professional career advancement.
16. If agree or strongly agree; how have your mentors supported your career
advancement?
17. I value my mentor for the following reasons
18. My organization currently supports women of color in achieving goals to advance
professionally.
19. If agree or strongly agree; how does your organization support you in achieving goals
to advance professionally?
20. My organization can support my professional advancement in the following ways
21. The following factors have contributed to my career advancement
22. The following factors have been a barrier to my career advancement
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Appendix B: Interview Protocol
The following script was used during my interviews. The script includes an introduction,
interview questions, and transition sentences.
Thank you very much for agreeing to participate in my study. I truly appreciate the time
you are dedicating to answering my questions. The interview should take around an hour to
complete. Is this still okay with you? Before we begin, I want to remind you about the purpose of
this study, review the Study Information Sheet, and address any questions that you may have
about participating in this interview. I am a student at USC and am conducting a study on the
perceived influences in the immediate organizational system that support or hinder the
professional advancement of women of color to principal and district office positions. I want to
assure you that I am strictly participating in this interview solely as the researcher. This means
that my questions are not meant to be evaluative in nature. My goal is to understand your
perspective.
1. Please state your name and a brief overview of your journey to your current position.
2. How did you decide to pursue a K–12 administration position?
Thank you for sharing about your journey to your current position. I would like to know
more about your perspectives on yourself as a leader.
3. How would you describe yourself as a leader?
4. What factors have contributed to your definition of leadership?
I would now like to shift to your positionality. Positionality has been defined as “how one
is situated through the intersection of power and the politics of gender, race, class, sexuality,
ethnicity, culture, language, and other social factors” (as cited by Douglas & Nganga, 2013, p.
60–61).
115
5. How would you describe your identity?
6. How would you describe your gender?
7. How would you describe your race?
8. Tell me about a time when your gender identity impacted you professionally?
9. Can you share an experience when your race impacted you professionally?
10. How do you feel you are perceived as a woman of color in a leadership position?
11. Can you tell me about a time when you felt your positionality impacted your career
advancement?
12. Do you feel your race and gender identity have been a barrier to your career
advancement? If so, how?
I would now like to transition the discussion to microaggressions. Racial
microaggressions are brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental
indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or
negative racial slights and insults toward people of color (Sue et al., 2007, p. 271).
13. Tell me about your thoughts on how microaggressions can affect a WOC in a
professional setting.
14. Can you remember a time when you experienced microaggressions in a professional
setting?
15. In what ways has this had an effect on your career path?
16. What are some things you’d like your organization to implement to support you as a
woman of color in addressing microaggressions in the workplace?
I would now like to shift to your experiences with mentorship in non-professional and
professional circles.
116
17. How do you define mentorship?
18. Who would you identify as a mentor in your non-professional circles, such as family
and friends?
19. Can you tell me about a time when one of these mentors influenced your professional
growth?
20. Who would you identify as a mentor in your professional circles?
21. Can you tell me about a time when one of these mentors influenced your professional
growth?
22. What were the driving motivators to find mentors outside of your professional
circles?
23. Overall, how has mentorship affected your career path?
24. Reflecting on your experience, what, if any, other factors do you feel have supported
your career advancement?
25. Reflecting on your experience, what, if any, other factors do you feel have hindered
your career advancement?
Thank you again for all you have shared throughout the interview.
Abstract (if available)
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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Lew, Michele
(author)
Core Title
How they got there: examining the advancement of women of color in K–12 leadership roles
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Educational Leadership
Degree Conferral Date
2023-05
Publication Date
05/24/2023
Defense Date
05/23/2023
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
education administration,Educational Leadership,K-12 education,OAI-PMH Harvest,women leadership,women of color leadership
Format
theses
(aat)
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Franklin, Gregory (
committee chair
), Kishimoto, Christina (
committee member
), Phillips, Stefanie (
committee member
)
Creator Email
michelel@usc.edu,mlew814@gmail.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113134785
Unique identifier
UC113134785
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etd-LewMichele-11889.pdf (filename)
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etd-LewMichele-11889
Document Type
Dissertation
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Rights
Lew, Michele
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(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
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Tags
education administration
K-12 education
women leadership
women of color leadership