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School district leadership and the motherhood penalty

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School district leadership and the motherhood penalty

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Content School District Leadership and the Motherhood Penalty
By
Rachel Mercer Garcia
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
December 2023

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© Copyright by Rachel Mercer Garcia 2023
All Rights Reserved

iii
The Committee for Rachel Mercer Garcia certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Maria Ott
Brandon Martinez
Monique Datta, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

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Abstract
Significant gender disparities in K-12 school district leadership persist, as roughly a quarter of all
superintendents are women. Previous research hypothesizes that parenting responsibilities
present barriers that prevent women from ascending to this pinnacle role in school districts. This
study sought to understand the Motherhood Penalty within the context of K-12 public school
district senior leadership, including the barriers mothers face in their pursuit of leadership. The
study applied Brofenbrenner’s ecological theory to understand the factors of the microsystem,
mesosystem, and exosystem that influence the careers of mothering women as they pursue and
hold senior leadership roles in school districts. Interviews with mothering women in these
positions found that time expectations and gender biases are significant barriers. However,
deepened empathy and credibility, as well as key relationships, including mentors and sponsors,
propel the careers of mothering women in senior leadership positions in K-12 public school
districts. Study recommendations include resetting expectations about time commitments,
particularly for community engagement and the principalship role, as well as the development of
formal sponsorship programs in K-12 school districts.
Keywords: Motherhood Penalty, school district superintendent, leadership

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Dedication
To Manuel, you believed I could pursue a doctorate, and you championed me every step
of the way. You inspired me to begin this journey and supported me through the finish. Thank
you.
To Elliott, my daughter, being your mother is my life’s work, joy, and privilege. May you
see possibility and experience passion in all that you do and pursue.

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Acknowledgements
Thank you to my committee, Dr. Brandon Martinez and Dr. Maria Ott for challenging me
to think deeply and consider multiple perspectives during this study, and particular gratitude to
Dr. Datta, my chair, who championed and encouraged me along the way. I also extend my
gratitude to the faculty of the Rossier OCL program for supporting my learning and
development, and I am forever grateful for members of Cohort 20, who became friends, mentors,
and cheerleaders. To Dr. Maria Ott, whose mentorship and impact is apparent in the powerful
women and mothers leading K-12 school districts across the U.S. To the women who
participated in this story, thank you for sharing your experiences with such candor. The love you
hold for your families and the commitment you hold to make public schools the system you
would want for your children inspires and motivates me. Thank you.
There are no conflicts of interest to disclose.
Correspondence concerning this dissertation may be addressed to
mercersmith.r@gmail.com.

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Table of Contents
Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………...........iv
Dedication………………………………………………………………………………………....v
Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………………… vi
List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………………...x
List of Figures………………………………………………………………………………….....xi
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study…………………………………………………………...1
Context and Background of the Problem………………………………………………….2
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions…………………………………………...4
Importance of the Study…………………………………………………………………...5
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology………………………………….7
Definition of Terms……………………………………………………………………….8
Organization of the Dissertation…………………………………………………………..8
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature…………………………………………………………...9
Gender Disparities in School System Leadership…………………………………………9
Defining the Motherhood Penalty………………………………………………………..18
Explaining the Motherhood Penalty……………………………………………………..23
Conceptual Framework…………………………………………………………………..29
Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….32
Chapter Three: Methodology…………………………………………………………………….34
Research Questions………………………………………………………………………34
Overview of Design……………………………………………………………………...34

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Research Setting……………………………………………………………………….35
The Researcher…………………………………………………………………………...36
Data Sources……………………………………………………………………………..37
Participants……………………………………………………………………………….37
Instrumentation…………………………………………………………………………..38
Data Collection Procedures………………………………………………………………39
Data Analysis…………………………………………………………………………….40
Trustworthiness and Credibility………………………………………………………….41
Ethics.……………………………………………………………………………………42
Chapter Four: Findings…………………………………………………………………………..43
Participants………………………………………………………………………………44
Thematic Analysis……………………………………………………………………….45
Findings from Research Question One…………………………….…………………….46
Discussion of Research Question One…………….……………………………………..56
Findings from Research Question Two……………………….…………………………56
Discussion of Research Question Two……………………….………………………….68
Summary…………………………………………………………………………………69
Chapter Five: Recommendations and Discussion……………………………………………….71
Discussion of Findings…………………………………………………………………...71
Recommendations for Practice…………………………………………………………..77
Limitations and Delimitations……………………………………………………………83
Recommendations for Future Research………………………………………………….84

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Gender Equity Connections to the Rossier Mission…………………………………….86
Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….86
References………………………………………………………………………………………..88
Appendix A: Information Sheet for Exempt Studies…………………………………………….98
Appendix B: Interview Protocols…………………………………………………………….…100
Appendix C: Participant Invitation Email………………………………………………………103

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List of Tables
Table 1: Data Sources……………………………………………………………………………35
Table 2: Study Participants and Demographic Summaries………………………………………45
Table 3: Participant Themes: Barriers to Senior Leadership…………………………………….47

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List of Figures
Figure 1: Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Theory and the Motherhood Penalty .......................32
Figure 2: Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Theory and Participant Themes………………….…..57

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Chapter One: Introduction to the Study
The Motherhood Penalty, or the disparate experiences and barriers mothering women
face in the workplace, impacts the career trajectories and earnings of working mothers, and has
persisted and potentially worsened since the 1980s (Misra & Murray-Close, 2019). The
Motherhood Penalty and gender disparities are evident in K-12 public school systems, where
roughly a quarter of all superintendents are women (Robinson et al., 2017). Understanding the
barriers and career challenges mothering women experience while holding senior leadership
roles in K-12 public school districts is particularly important given the persistent gender
disparities among the leadership of public-school districts in the United States (Gullo &
Sperandio, 2020). Less than one-third of school district superintendents are women, though a
majority of the public-school teacher workforce in the United States are women (White, 2021).
The underrepresentation of women in school district leadership is not only a problem of gender
representation, but it may also contribute to significant superintendent shortages in the United
States if women choose not to pursue senior leadership roles in public school systems.
Nationally, 25% of school superintendents left their roles in 2022, compared to roughly 14% in
previous years, and senior leaders in school districts are currently less likely to express interest in
the role (Morton & Valley, 2022). Thus, it is of national importance to understand the particular
barriers mothering women face in their pursuit of senior leadership roles in K-12 public school
districts in the United States. This study defines senior leadership as superintendents, members
of the superintendent’s cabinet, or direct reports of members of the cabinet within K-12 public
school districts and aims to explore and understand these barriers.

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Context and Background of the Problem
K-12 public school systems in the United States serve nearly 50 million students
annually in over 13 thousand public school districts (U.S. Department of Education, 2022). The
13,000 superintendents who oversee K-12 public school districts in the United States hold
complex roles with high levels of responsibility and public accountability for student outcomes,
operational maintenance, and financial stewardship. Public school district superintendents
collectively oversee nearly $700 billion in annual expenditures and manage more than 6 million
employees across the United States (U.S. Department of Education, 2022). Superintendents also
lead the educational programs for increasingly diverse students while serving as public figures
who typically report to elected public school boards. Amidst the Covid-19 pandemic and
increased political polarization in the United States, the role of the public-school superintendent
is even more challenging (Morton & Valley, 2022). Historically, men have held these expansive
and highly complex roles, and far fewer women have served as public school superintendents.
This field-based study aims, thus, to capture the experiences of mothering women who hold
senior leadership roles in public school districts, intending to understand the barriers they face.
Men predominantly lead K-12 public school systems, and gender disparities in school
system leadership are well documented, persistent, and reflect gender disparities in other
industries. While women typically make up the K-12 public school teaching workforce, men
tend to lead public school districts. Women have historically represented 75% of the K-12 public
school teaching workforce, but the representation of women in system-level leadership is far
less, and researchers have documented these disparities since the 1970s (Robinson et al., 2017;
Sharp et al., 2004). For example, in 1992 the American Association of School Administrators
reported 7% of all public-school superintendents were women. Since then, the proportion of

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women leading K-12 public school systems has grown, though the organization’s 2015 MidDecade Survey found only 27% of superintendents were women (Robinson et al., 2017).
Researchers have made a variety of causal connections to explain why these disparities exist,
including differences in career trajectories of men and women education administrators
(Robinson et al., 2017), less successful application attempts among female applicants (Munoz et
al., 2014), and experiences of sexism and gender stereotypes (Skrla et al., 2000). The gender
disparity in school district leadership also reflects national gender disparities and trends in
organizational leadership, and women led only 15% of the largest organizations in the United
States in 2022 (Buccholz, 2022). More generally, Americans report men to have a better chance
of leading organizations and cite various reasons, including the perception that employers hold
women to higher standards and the belief that women carry family responsibilities which impede
organizational leadership (Pew Research Center, 2015).
In addition to the disadvantages commonly associated with gender in the workplace
broadly, mothering women experience particular disadvantages, which manifest in the form of
disparities in pay, promotion, hiring, and perceived competence and ability (Bear & Glick, 2017;
Correll et al., 2007; Glass, 2004; Jee & Murray-Close, 2019; Khan et al., 2014). Some research
suggests gender disparities in the workplaces broadly result from a “Motherhood Penalty.” For
example, Glass (2004) noted women experience a per-child wage penalty of roughly 5% per
child and reported employed mothers are the primary group of women who account for the
gender pay gap. In addition, Correll et al. (2007), a foundational study about the Motherhood
Penalty, concluded mothering women are penalized and perceived as less competent in hiring
and salary decisions by hiring managers. Further research related to the Motherhood Penalty has
primarily focused on the wage disparities and hiring decisions associated with women and

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mothers in the workplace and consistently finds mothers experience particular barriers and biases
in the workplace (Kahn et al., 2014).
This study methodology involves semi-structured interviews with mothers who hold
senior-school K-12 district roles across the country, intending to capture the experiences of
professional women in diverse geographies and school district settings to understand the
professional barriers they face within their workplaces. Research participants are mothers and
senior school-district leaders who share their dual experiences as parents and senior leaders in
complex and expansive roles. In addition, senior school-district leaders often serve as the
pipeline for public school superintendents, and research participants who hold senior-leadership
roles may aspire to superintendent roles. For this reason, understanding their perspectives,
experiences, and challenges is particularly valuable to understanding and addressing gender
disparities in public school districts. This field-based, qualitative study examines the problem of
the Motherhood Penalty within the context of K-12 public school district leadership to
understand the barriers and experiences of mothers in senior leadership roles leading public
school districts across the United States.
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
This study aims to understand the barriers and experiences of mothering women in K-12
public school district senior leadership roles. The Motherhood Penalty is expressed in the
disparities in wages, hiring, promotion, and perceived efficacy women in the education sector
experience as they pursue careers in K-12 school system administration and leadership. The
research questions of this qualitative study are:
1) What barriers do mothers in K-12 public school system senior leadership positions
experience?

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2) How do factors of Bronfenbrenner’s microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem influence
the career trajectories and experiences of mothers in senior leadership roles in K-12
public school systems?
Specifically, this study aims to understand specific factors affecting mothering leaders
within each system. Within the microsystem, the study aims to understand the role that
individual career choices and decisions play in shaping the leadership trajectories of mothers
pursuing K-12 school district leadership. Within the mesosystem, the study seeks to understand
how biases or expectations held by managers, colleagues, or family members influence the
career trajectories of mothers pursuing K-12 school district leadership. Finally, within the
exosystem, this study intends to understand the human resource policies or practices that affect
the experiences and career trajectories of mothers pursuing K-12 school system leadership.
Importance of the Study
The Motherhood Penalty is associated with reduced lifetime earnings, negative job
attainment, and stigmatization among professional women. Studies have estimated the negative
impact of motherhood to range between 5% and 24% in lifetime lost earnings, and they have
noted the negative impacts of motherhood are particularly detrimental to the wages of highskilled women workers (Anderson et al., 2003; Jee & Murray-Close, 2019; Wilde et al., 2010).
In addition, motherhood negatively impacts job attainment and promotion among qualified
women candidates, whereas fatherhood appears to positively impact both men’s earnings and job
attainment when employers label fathers as the familial breadwinner (Bear & Glick, 2017; Corell
et al., 2007). Finally, the Motherhood Penalty may negatively impact the career trajectories of
women who experience stigmatization associated with flexible work arrangements, choose parttime work, or remove themselves from the workforce because of caregiving responsibilities, and

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it may also result from implicit discrimination about the competence and commitment of mothers
in the workplace (Corell et al., 2007; Stone & Hernandez, 2013). Given the obstacles and
negative impacts mothering women experience in their careers and pursuit of leadership, the
macro problem of the Motherhood Penalty is essential to address.
The Motherhood Penalty may contribute to and explain, in part, the gender disparities in
school system leadership and thus is important to address on a micro level. While often not
explicitly researched through the lens of motherhood, the literature finds women pursuing
education-system leadership roles experience discrimination related to their perceived
competence for the school system superintendent role (Munoz et al., 2014). This study reports
qualified women pursuing school system superintendent roles experience application success
33% of the time, compared to a success rate of 70% among comparable applicants who are men.
Women who ascend to the school superintendency report overt and covert questions about their
competence, particularly related to leadership functions typically associated with male leaders,
such as finance and operations (Kelsey et al., 2014; Skrla et al., 2000).
Women who successfully secure a superintendency role also report experiences of
sexism, gender stereotypes, and questions about their competence throughout their tenure (Skrla
et al., 2000). Often, however, the literature does not explicitly explore or address the role
mothering plays in creating or perpetuating barriers and challenges women face in their pursuit
of K-12 system leadership and only discusses the broad role of gender. However, women
superintendents do report delaying the pursuit of leadership positions until later in their careers
because of familial obligations (Kelsey et al., 2014). Within the context of K-12 school system
leadership, the micro problem of a Motherhood Penalty is vital to address because the
superintendency, which men have disproportionately filled, plays a critical role in leading,

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shaping, and governing the experiences of diverse public-school students and is a national issue
of equity and lever for improving student outcomes (Gullo & Sperandio, 2020; Sharp et al.,
2004).
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory provides a framework for understanding the complex
relationships and factors that contribute to the Motherhood Penalty among women in the
education sector. This study applies Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory to understand
interconnected barriers that women pursuing senior leadership roles in K-12 school system
leadership experience. Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory conceptualizes five nested and
interacting systems that shape individual behavior and development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979).
Researchers have applied the framework to understand similar research questions about
workplace gender disparities (Carr et al., 2008). This study focuses on factors of the
microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem that influence the career trajectories and experiences
of mothers in senior leadership roles in K-12 public school systems.
The study design uses a field-based, qualitative methodology to gather and analyze data
collected through interviews with mothers who hold senior leadership roles within K-12 school
districts to answer the research questions. Narrative inquiry, a qualitative method, is an
appropriate and popular design to access and analyze human actions and experiences, as this
research intends to conduct a series of interviews with women who experience the problem of
practice (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Definition of Terms
This section defines and contextualizes key terms pertinent to this study.

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Mother is defined as a female parent to a child, for the purpose of this study. The mother
may not be the biological parent to the child but has taken on parenting responsibilities and
defines themselves as a mother.
The Motherhood Penalty is defined as the disadvantages mothers experience in the
workplace, including wage penalties, disadvantages in hiring and promotion decisions, and
cultural biases (Correll et al., 2007).
Senior leadership is defined as superintendents, members of the superintendent’s cabinet,
or direct reports of members of the cabinet within K-12 public school districts, for the purpose of
this study.
Leadership is defined by Northouse (2019) as the process when an individual or group,
the leader influences another individual or group, the follower, to achieve a common goal.
Organization of the Dissertation
This study follows a traditional five-chapter model. This first chapter includes the
introduction of the problem of practice, context, and background surrounding the Motherhood
Penalty and gender disparities in K-12 school system leadership. Additionally, this chapter
discusses the research questions of this study, as well as the importance of the study. Chapter
Two provides a comprehensive review of the literature associated with the Motherhood Penalty
and gender disparities associated with K-12 school system leadership, as well as a summary of
theories that aim to explain these problems. Chapter Three describes the qualitative methodology
used in the study to understand the experiences of mothers who hold senior leadership positions
within K-12 public school districts. Next, Chapter Four analyzes and synthesizes the findings of
this qualitative, field-based research. Finally, Chapter Five discusses recommendations and areas
of future research based on the findings of this study.

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Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
This literature review provides an overview of the research associated with gender
disparities in school district leadership, including gendered differences in the career trajectories
of men and women superintendents, and research analyzing barriers and causal influences
associated with gender disparities in K-12 public school system leadership. Additionally, this
literature review examines research associated with the Motherhood Penalty, including
documented evidence of the wage, labor participation, and career advancement gaps experienced
by mothers in the workplace, as well as theoretical explanations about the factors that produce
these disparities. Finally, this chapter provides a model of the conceptual framework and applies
this model to data collection and analysis in this study.
Gender Disparities in School System Leadership
The gender gap in superintendent leadership has sustained over several decades. Public
school districts began to create the school district superintendent position in the mid-1800s, and
by the end of the 19th century, most school districts employed a leader in the superintendent role
(Kowalski & Brenner, 2011). For a short time during the 20th century, women were slightly
more likely to hold the superintendent role than they are today; in the 1930s and 1940s, women
held an estimated 30% of superintendent positions nationally (Sharp et al., 2004). However, the
superintendent gender gap widened during the latter half of the 20th century, and according to
Kowalski and Brenner (2011), men held 99% of all superintendent roles prior to the 1980s. At
the beginning of the 1990s, only 7% of school superintendents were women (Glass, 2000).
Throughout this decade, women continued to dominate the education profession overall.
Nevertheless, in 2000 women comprised 72% of the nation’s K-12 education workforce but only

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13% of K-12 superintendents (Glass, 2000). Since the 1990s, the gender gap in K-12 school
district leadership has continued.
Persistence of the Gender Gap
The gender gap in school district senior leadership persists in the twenty-first century.
Notably, women comprise 76% percent of all teachers and 52% of school principals (Superville,
2017). Yet, as the 2015 mid-decade survey of America’s school districts conducted by the
American Association of School Administrators noted, women make up only one-quarter of all
superintendents, though the rate is slightly higher in the nation’s largest school districts (School
Superintendent’s Association, 2015). More recently, White (2021) used a dataset of school
superintendent first names to conclude that women made up 26% of school superintendents
leading K-12 school districts in the United States during the 2019-2020 school year. In totality,
these data suggest that while gender disparities in K-12 school district leadership have narrowed
in the last few decades, gender disparities continue, which has inspired researchers to explore
and explain contributing factors.
Career Trajectories of Men and Women in School System Leadership
In pursuit of the superintendency, the senior-most leadership role in K-12 public school
districts, men and women follow distinctly different career paths. Glass (2000) conducted much
of the foundational research about gender disparities among school superintendents and
concluded that the differences in career trajectories are one of the most commonly cited
explanations for gender disparities in school system leadership. Glass (2000) cited survey data
from the 2000 AASA Survey of School Systems, which noted that more than half of all school
superintendents come from a high school teaching and principalship background, and men are
more likely to hold these roles. Additionally, Glass (2000) reported that while 75% of all

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elementary school teachers are women, nearly 75% of school superintendents have no
experience teaching elementary school before ascending to the superintendency. Thus, women
begin their careers in education within teaching positions that are less common in the
backgrounds of school superintendents, and several of these trends continued over the twenty
years since Glass’s foundational research.
Career trajectory differences persist as men and women take on different leadership roles
within K-12 public school districts. Men and women who do ascend to the superintendency tend
to follow different career paths, with men in current superintendent roles spending less time as
classroom teachers and more frequently being promoted to the superintendency following a high
school principalship (Munoz et al., 2014). In contrast, women superintendents tend to follow a
career path that includes elementary principalship and roles in district central offices before
being promoted to the superintendency (Robinson et al., 2017). School districts frequently hire
women into elementary school leadership positions, but school districts rarely promote
elementary principals to the superintendency. Additionally, elementary schools have fewer midlevel leadership positions, such as coordinators or department heads, which are often
steppingstones to the principalship (Glass, 2000; Sharp et al., 2004). Moreover, high schools,
which are significantly larger and employ many adults and large budgets, are often led by men,
and these experiences and skillsets are desirable among superintendents (Maranto et al., 2018).
Women are more likely than men to hold district-level leadership roles as steppingstones
to the superintendency, and this trend has held true for several decades (Glass, 1992; Sharp et al.,
2004). For example, Sharp et al. (2004) reported 53% of women superintendents were assistant
or deputy superintendents prior to assuming the superintendency, 19% were previously middle or
elementary school principals, and 13% previously held high school principal roles. In contrast,

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Davis and Bowers (2019) analyzed the most common career pathways of superintendents overall
and noted 15% of all superintendents previously held an associate or deputy superintendent role,
and 37% of superintendents were hired directly from a principalship role. Davis and Bowers
(2019) also noted gender differences in the career trajectories of superintendents, finding men
were more likely to begin and stay within campus-level roles before ascending to the
superintendency. In contrast, women were more likely to hold district-level positions and
assistant superintendent roles before assuming the superintendent role. Additionally, when
women ascend to the superintendency, they tend to do so later in their careers than men
(Robinson et al., 2017).
Finally, women holding senior leadership roles in school districts are less likely to
express interest in the superintendent role than men, and when they pursue the superintendency,
women experience less initial success when applying. The role of the assistant superintendent is
a steppingstone to the superintendent role, yet men in these central office administrator roles
express greater interest in the superintendent role. Assistant superintendents who are women are
1.3 times less likely to express interest in a superintendent role than assistant superintendents
who are men (Gullo & Sperandio, 2020; Munoz et al., 2014). However, 40% of all female
central office administrators do aspire to the role (Grogan & Brunner, 2005), suggesting a
substantial pool of women in school district leadership positions are interested in pursuing the
superintendency.
Most men and women who pursue the superintendent role ultimately acquire the position,
but women experience greater challenges obtaining the role than men. Within a year of initiating
a job search, 73% of women and 72% of men obtained the desired role (Grogan &Brunner,
2005). However, when women in central office roles pursue superintendent roles, they are less

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likely to obtain the role when they initially apply. Women in central office school administration
roles aspiring for the superintendency successfully earn the role following application 30% of the
time, compared to a 70% successful application rate among men aspiring for the superintendency
(Munoz et al., 2014).
Biases and Barriers Faced by Women Pursuing School System Leadership
Researchers propose a variety of causal explanations for observed gender gaps among
school superintendents. Glass (2000) and Skrla et al. (2000) provided anchoring research
explanations for the underrepresentation of women in the superintendency that proposed a
variety of factors, including explicit stereotypes, differences in career trajectories, and familial
and personal factors present barriers which prevent women from ascending to the
superintendency. Subsequent research often builds upon, clarifies, or refutes these initial
explanations.
Gender Stereotypes and the Superintendency
Over the last few decades, researchers have posited that gender discrimination and
stereotyping contribute to disparities in school system leadership. Skrla et al. (2000), whose early
work in this area is frequently cited, described the superintendency as a highly gendered
profession and noted that women who held the role believe school boards and district employees
overtly and covertly challenge their competence. The women in the Skrla et al. study directly
attributed the questions about their competence to be related to their gender. In addition, the
women described experiencing sex-role stereotypes that often fell into three categories:
perceptions of being malleable or easily influenced because of their genders, assumptions about
their operational knowledge and lack of specific areas, particularly physical plant operations and
finance, and expectations of feminine behavior.

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Evidence of gender bias persists in more recent research about the superintendency.
Derrington and Sharratt (2009) suggested that overt external gender biases have declined, and
women aspiring to the superintendency are more likely to report self-imposed barriers than overt
discrimination. However, women in the superintendent role continue to advise peers who aspire
to the role about the prevalence of gender bias, asserting women colleagues who seek the role
will need to work harder than men to attain and keep a superintendent position (Wallace, 2015).
Women are also more likely to pursue an insider path, applying for superintendent roles inside
their current district than an outsider path, applying for roles in external districts. These strategies
may be the result of efforts to avoid stereotypes and gender biases in school districts where
female superintendent candidates are unknown and lack relationships (Gullo & Sperandio,
2020).
Gender stereotypes may influence school board perceptions and reluctance to hire female
superintendents. For example, Skrla et al. (2000) reported that women superintendents believe
the school board who hired them often questioned their competence, and women reported
experiences of intimidation by school boards and community members. Glass (2000) asserted
that school boards are reluctant to hire women and suggested 82% of women superintendents
believed their school board did not perceive them as a strong manager. Glass also reported 76%
of women superintendents feel their school board does not believe they are capable of handling
district finances. This foundational work has influenced further research in this area in
subsequent decades.
Potential biases among school boards continue to impact the gendered experiences of
superintendents. Women superintendents continue to believe school board reluctance to hire
women remains a contributing factor to the underrepresentation of women in the profession

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(Sampson & Davenport, 2010). While the 2015 AASA mid-decade survey of superintendents did
not explicitly ask questions about board relations and gender discrimination, Robinson et al.
(2017) noted that gender differences in board relations exist, and school boards are more likely to
take a chance on an unknown male candidate than an unknown female candidate. Robinson et al.
(2017) also suggests that men and women identify the same three primary school board
expectations of the superintendent: effective communication, problem-solving, and fiscal
oversight. However, women are more likely to believe school boards hired them because of their
administrative and curricular experience, while men are more likely to believe the board selected
them for the role because of personal characteristics (Robinson et al., 2017). Thus, differences in
gender perceptions may be a contributing factor when school boards make hiring and evaluation
decisions about superintendents.
Preparation and Mentorship
While explanations of disparities in leadership have pointed to preparation and
mentorship, the relationship between formal preparation programs, informal mentoring, and the
ascension to the superintendency is complex. For several decades, researchers have noted that
women outnumber men in formal education administration graduate programs, with recent
estimates suggesting the ratio of women to men within education administration graduate
programs is 2:1(Glass, 2000; Guramatunhu, 2015). In addition, women are more likely to seek to
enhance their educational credentials prior to applying to a superintendent role (Munoz et al.,
2014), and women who do ascend to the superintendency are more likely to hold a doctorate than
their male counterparts (Brunner & Kim, 2010; Kowalski & Brunner, 2011; Robinson et al.,
2017). Taken together, these data indicate that the profession does not lack women who hold the
formal credentials for the role. In fact, women who aspire to the superintendency often meet or

16
exceed the preparation requirements associated with the role (Brunner & Kim, 2010). However,
women may believe that they require more formal preparation than men for school boards to
consider them for the superintendent role.
A lack of informal development in the form of mentorship from other female leaders may
contribute to disparities in the pursuit and ascension to the superintendency role. In one of the
foundational works describing gender disparities among superintendents, Glass (2000) asserted
that women experience less developed mentoring systems. Mentorship influences and supports
the ascent of women into the superintendency; women in superintendency roles cite informal
development through mentorship by other female superintendents as critical to their pursuit and
success as superintendents (Kelsey et al., 2014). While the number of women in superintendent
roles is far smaller than the number of men in superintendent roles, research over the last twenty
years challenges Glass’ assertion. Brunner and Kim (2010) argued that female administrators are
more likely to report experiencing mentorship in their careers. Munoz et al. (2014) noted that
while successful superintendents report having a mentor who supports their aspiration to the
superintendency is important, women superintendents are slightly less likely than men
superintendents to report having a mentor. However, Munoz et al. (2014) also asserted mentoring
of women and by women aspiring to the superintendency is more prevalent than older literature
might suggest. Thus, while the availability of female superintendent mentorship is limited,
female superintendents believe mentorship is critical, and women positioning themselves for the
superintendency appear to seek and find mentorship.
Childbearing and Family Responsibilities
The role of the superintendent is demanding and extensive, and it requires working late
nights and weekends in a publicly facing arena. Women superintendents report work stressors

17
include long days and weeks and pressures to be highly visible in the community (Robinson &
Shakeshaft, 2015). Glass (2000) asserted that the publicly facing work of superintendents is less
appealing to early and mid-career women, and mothering prevents women from pursuing
superintendent roles until much later in their careers than men. While Grogan and Brunner
(2005) disproved the belief that attitudinal factors cause women to lack interest in superintendent
roles, research does suggest familial responsibilities are a barrier that may lead women to selfselect out of a superintendent career path or delay the pursuit of the role. Superintendents who
are women are less likely to have children compared to men superintendents (Robinson et al.,
2017). Parenting appears to play a role in whether or not women seek the superintendency; few
female superintendents have children between the ages of 1 and 19, and women superintendents
are more likely to have adult children or no children (Derrington & Sharratt, 2009). These
researchers also suggested that women perceive familial and child-rearing responsibilities as
insurmountable barriers to holding a superintendent role.
Not only are women with children less likely to hold the superintendent role, but women
also believe caring for children and other familial responsibilities prevent them from pursuing,
accepting, or sustaining a superintendent role. Women superintendents often cite raising children
as a significant factor and perceived constraint influencing their decision about when they
pursued the superintendency (Calderone et al., 2020). In addition, women superintendents cite
familial responsibilities and an obligation to childrearing as primary compromises associated
with superintendent positions (Sampson & Davenport, 2020). The need to reside in the school
district is also a particular barrier women superintendents note related to childrearing and the
superintendency, as women aspiring to the role expressed an interest in avoiding relocating
school-aged children (Sampson & Davenport, 2020; VanTuyle & Watkins, 2009). Women in the

18
superintendent position report that job stressors can negatively impact familial relationships and
responsibilities (Robinson & Shakeshaft, 2015). The real and perceived stressors of familial
responsibilities women experience often lead them to delay their pursuit of the superintendency
or self-select out of the role in a manner that likely contributes to their underrepresentation in
school district leadership.
Defining the Motherhood Penalty
Barriers associated with the ascent to the superintendency are not unique to K-12 public
school districts, and researchers have well documented the Motherhood Penalty. The
Motherhood Penalty, defined as disparities in wages, hiring, promotion, and other disadvantages
mothers experience in the workplace, contributes to gender disparities in the workplace (Correll
et al., 2007). The impact of caregiving responsibilities is distinctly different for women, and men
who are fathers tend to experience a benefit or bonus within the workplace, known as the
Fatherhood Bonus (Wilde et al., 2010). Various factors, including cognitive biases and social
policies, may explain why mothering women experience professional disadvantages in the
workplace.
Gender Wage Disparities
Often, researchers measure and define the Motherhood Penalty within the context of
compensation and lifetime earnings. Despite a wage gap that has narrowed in the United States
since the 1960s, women continue to earn less than men (Miller & Vagins, 2018) and make
roughly 80% of the wages men make in the United States, even after controlling for differences
in educational attainment (Fontenot et al., 2018). Economists attribute much of the gender wage
gap to the Motherhood Penalty, and disparities in pay experienced by mothers are welldocumented; estimates suggest women experience between a 3% and 15% wage reduction

19
compared to childless women (Anderson et al., 2002; Correll et al., 2007; Cukrowska-Torzewska
& Matysiak, 2020; Glass et al., 2004; Wilde et al., 2010). While Jee and Murray-Close (2019)
reported that the Motherhood Penalty has narrowed over time as mothers increasingly invest in
their education and workplace experience, Cukrowska-Torewska and Matysiak (2020) noted the
gap in pay experienced by mothers persists.
Studies focused on the Motherhood Penalty wage gap reach different conclusions about
the effects of skill, educational attainment, and career timing on the Motherhood Penalty.
Anderson et al. (2002) suggested that mothers who hold college degrees experience a greater
wage gap than those with less educational attainment, and Wilde et al. (2010) indicated that the
lifetime costs of bearing children are particularly large for highly skilled women, leading highlyskilled women to delay or forego childbearing. However, college-educated women are less likely
to experience a wage gap associated with motherhood compared to women without college
degrees (Amuedo-Dorantes & Kimmel, 2005). Having children when further along in their
careers may reduce but not eliminate the lifetime costs associated with childrearing (Wilde et al.,
2010), and some evidence suggests the gap in wages associated with mothering rebounds and
improves by the time working mothers reach their 40s or 50s if they have three or fewer children
(Kahn et al., 2014). By the 2010s, the Motherhood Penalty experienced by high-wage earners
had narrowed, but lower earners continued to pay a significant penalty for mothering (Glaubner,
2018). In total, the literature concludes that mothering is associated with a significant and
persistent impact on working women’s wages and lifetime earnings.
Hiring Decisions
Employers broadly penalize mothering women in hiring and promotion decisions, which
affect their career trajectories. Researchers find employers across a variety of sectors

20
discriminate against mothering women in hiring decisions, particularly when making hiring or
promotion decisions for roles traditionally held by men, and they perceive anticipated job
commitment and competence as lower among mothering women (Benard et al., 2008; Heilman
& Okomoto, 2008). For example, in an experimental study Correll et al. (2007) presented
research participants with identical resumes, distinguished only by a statement that signaled a
woman applicant was a mother. These researchers observed that mothers were 2.1 times less
likely to receive an interview than childless women. Similarly, in a controlled experiment, Katz
(2012) observed people making hiring decisions were less likely to offer mothers an executive
role compared to equally qualified childless women. The researcher also noted that when these
hiring decision-makers considered mothering to be a woman’s choice, they were less likely to
offer the woman the role. They also imposed a more significant wage penalty on mothers
compared to hiring decision-makers who considered mothering less of a personal choice. Given
how employers exhibit bias when evaluating mothering candidates, particularly when deciding to
hire candidates for roles traditionally held by men, the Motherhood Penalty may contribute to
gender gaps in superintendent recruitment and hiring decisions.
A few effects, including intersections with race and perceived family devotion, mitigate
the effects of mothering on hiring and promotion decisions. When hiring decision-makers
evaluate women for roles, mothers whom employers perceive as “family-devoted” experience
stronger hiring discrimination than women whom employers perceive as “work-devoted”
(Arnanda & Glick, 2014). Similarly, Bear and Glick (2017) repositioned the Motherhood Penalty
as a breadwinner bonus; if women positioned themselves as primary breadwinners in hiring
negotiations, they were more likely to receive leadership training offers than women who
positioned themselves as familial caregivers. Kumar (2020) noted most Motherhood Penalty

21
research has focused on the experiences of White women and that race may play a moderating
effect because employers are more likely to perceive women of color as familial breadwinners.
Kumar’s research observed mothers received lower job ratings than non-mothers, but only when
they were White. Thus, complex and nuanced perceptions of women’s roles and beliefs about her
devotion to family over work and role in her family may impact the relationship between the
Motherhood Penalty and hiring and promotion biases.
Perceptions of Leadership
Despite penalties to wages, hiring, and promotion associated with motherhood, research
suggests motherhood is also connected to perceptions of traits associated with leadership
competence. Across a variety of industries and contexts, women are perceived to be less
effective leaders than men, and they face challenges when demonstrating the leadership traits
deemed effective among male leaders (Kawakami et al., 2000; Place & Vardeman-Winter, 2018;
Rosser, 2003). However, when employers evaluate the performance of women leaders using 360
assessments, managers and employees rate the leadership competencies of women more highly
than men (Zenger & Folkman, 2019). Motherhood may improve perceptions that a woman
demonstrates skills associated with leadership. For example, a national survey conducted by
childcare provider Bright Horizons found that Americans believe motherhood prepares women
for leadership roles; survey respondents described mothers as calmer during crises, more
diplomatic, and better at time management than fathers or employees without children (Bright
Horizons, 2018).
When professional women become leaders, survey respondents perceive them as less
competent, which can negatively impact their careers, but they are also perceived as
demonstrating greater warmth, a desirable leadership trait (Cuddy et al., 2004). Gender and

22
parenting stereotypes related to leadership and management also persist; in association tests,
workers across industries perceive women as less similar to managers than men and believe
mothers are less ideal managers than fathers (Morgenroth et al., 2021). However, these research
participants perceived mothers as more similar to ideal managers than childless women,
indicating women may experience a motherhood advantage related to their perceived skill as
managers (Morgenroth et al., 2021). Thus, while employers and colleagues may appraise
mothers as less competent than fathers or their childless peers, mothers may acquire and
demonstrate desirable traits that position them well for leadership roles.
Fatherhood Bonus
The disparate experiences and consequences of childrearing do not impact the
professional experiences of men and women in the same ways. While women experience a
professional penalty associated with parenting, men appear to experience a professional benefit
or boost when they are also fathers. The wages of fathers are higher than childless men, holding
other variables constant (Bear & Glick, 2017; Wilde et al., 2010). The Fatherhood Bonus has
also increased since the 1990s and is larger for high-wage earning fathers than for low-wage
earning fathers (Glaubner, 2018). Using an experimental design, Correll et al. (2007) reported
undergraduate research subjects awarded equally qualified mothers starting salaries that were 7%
lower than women who were not mothers, but they awarded men who were fathers significantly
higher salaries than men who were not fathers. Bear and Glick (2017) theorize that the wage
benefit fathers experience may result because employers label fathers as familial breadwinners,
not because they are demonstrating gender discrimination. When women present themselves as
caregivers and men present themselves as breadwinners in salary and hiring negotiations,
employers award fathers higher salaries and provide women with less flexible schedules.

23
However, women fare better in salary negotiations when employers perceive them as the familial
breadwinner (Bear & Glick, 2017).
The professional benefits fathers experience extends to other hiring and promotional
practices. For example, while employers hold mothers to higher standards for overall work
commitment and time commitment than non-mothers when making hiring decisions, they hold
fathers to more lenient standards in hiring decisions (Fuegen et al., 2004). In addition, employers
perceive fathers as more competent and warmer than childless men when making hiring and
promotion decisions, while employers evaluate mothers as exhibiting greater warmth but less
competence (Cuddy et al., 2004). Overall, research reveals that while women experience a
professional penalty associated with parenting, men may experience a benefit from fatherhood,
and these varying experiences may result from different social expectations of mothers and
fathers.
Explaining the Motherhood Penalty
Various researchers theorize that the Motherhood Penalty arises from social norm
violations and cognitive biases. Societal stereotypes about gender shape gender roles and
expectations. Social role theory suggests that people form beliefs and stereotypes about gender
by observing the roles men and women play in social settings, leading them to infer men and
women possess certain dispositions (Eagly & Wood, 2012). Social role theory also asserts that
gender role beliefs represent people’s perceptions of the roles men and women play in society
(Eagly & Wood, 2012). These expectations lead both men and women to behave in ways that
conform to these social roles and demonstrate cognitive biases that presuppose men and women
mold themselves to meet social expectations. In turn, social role theory and cognitive biases are
broadly used to explain career trajectory differences between men and women, particularly

24
mothering women. Against the backdrop of social norms and expectations, organizational and
social policies also influence women’s career trajectories and mother’s experiences. For
example, women are more likely than men to take time out of the workplace after childbirth
(Jones & Wilcher, 2019), and only 23% of working women in the United States have access to
paid maternity leave (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2021). The absence of workplace policies that
support caregiving mothers contributes to the Motherhood Penalty women experience across
professional sectors (Rossin-Slater et al., 2013; Ruhm, 1998).
Social Role Theory and Cognitive Biases
Social role theory may explain why men pursue high-status positions while women do so
less frequently. According to social role theory, people hold beliefs about gendered roles from
their observations of the roles men and women have played throughout history and in modern
social contexts, and gendered attributes are evident in consensually shared beliefs or genderstereotypes (Eagly & Wood, 2012). Within the United States and many other western countries,
women often continue to perform domestic duties, while men perform occupational duties and
serve as breadwinners within families (Sabat et al., 2016). These observed social roles cause
people to infer trait differences between women and men, and gender role violations may occur
when men or women cross into counter-stereotypical roles (Burgess, 2013; Fuegen et al., 2004).
Additionally, social role theory suggests women in general and mothers in particular are
discouraged from entering high-status occupational roles. In contrast, men in general and fathers
specifically are encouraged to enter high-status positions to provide for their families (Sabat et
al., 2016). Thus, social role theory is a way to conceptualize how gendered expectations may
influence and contribute to the Motherhood Penalty and gender disparities in organizational
leadership.

25
Theorists also propose that a variety of cognitive biases exist related to women,
mothering, and work. Benard et al. (2008) defined cognitive biases as people’s tendency toward
implicit associations between categories and attributes. The association or lack thereof between
categories and attributes, such as women, work, commitment, and competence, result in
cognitive biases that explain, at least in part, the Motherhood Penalty (Benard et al., 2008).
Cognitive bias results from a lack of fit between the stereotypes of mothers, who employers
perceive as warm, communal, and nurturing, and male-dominated work, which they believe
requires assertiveness, agency, and competition (Benard et al., 2008). Correll et al. (2007)
theorized that the Motherhood Penalty results because the role of motherhood exists in tension
with perceptions of the ideal worker. These incongruous schemas lead employers to
unconsciously exhibit bias and perceive mothers as less competent and suitable when making
hiring, promotion, and compensation decisions. Cognitive biases also exist when employers
assume mothering women will conform to a specific stereotype, such as working fewer hours
than single women or men. These biases disadvantage mothers in hiring and promotion decisions
(Burgess, 2013). Thus, cognitive biases held by peers, managers, and employers influence the
professional experiences of mothering women, and these biases or gender expectations may also
influence the career decisions women make.
Individual Career Choices of Mothers
The Motherhood Penalty may also result because mothers make individual career choices
to remove themselves from the labor force, initiate part-time work, or slow their career
trajectories to balance familial responsibilities. Women continue to play primary caregiving roles
and, by nature of the time commitment involved in this work, create a conflict with professional
expectations to work long hours (Jacobs & Gerson, 2004). In a foundational study about the

26
choices working women make, Stone (2007) asked mothering women about their career choices
and the competing demands of motherhood and professional careers. Women often leave
professional careers not because of a pull to remain home but a push when the workforce
becomes untenable amidst mothering (Kim & Rasdi, 2019). According to the Pew Research
Center, women are more likely to make career adjustments to accommodate familial
responsibilities than men, and roughly 42% of all women with work experience report that they
reduced their work hours after having children, compared to only 28% of men with work
experience (Parker, 2015). Though taking time out of the workforce is less common than in
previous decades, particularly among college-educated women, many women continue to make
this choice; roughly 20% of college-educated women are out of the workforce because of
caregiving responsibilities (Stone & Hernandez, 2013). Overall, mothers are 14% less likely to
participate in the labor force than childless women (Jones & Wilcher, 2019). To balance
caregiving responsibilities, women make adjustments to their professional careers that translate
into career consequences.
When seeking flexibility, reduced hours, or removing themselves from the workforce,
mothering women face career penalties. Mothering women often decide to opt out of the
workplace, interrupting or suspending their careers, because they experience inflexibility related
to time and schedules, and the result significantly impacts their careers (Stone & Hernandez,
2013). Following childbirth, workforce participation of mothers declines for more than a decade
(Jones & Wilcher, 2019). Such professional interruptions have a significant negative impact on
the self-image of professional women (Stone, 2007). Leaving the workforce also has a lasting
effect on professional women’s lifetime earnings and wages, and long-term wage paths predict
economic and gender wage inequality (Weisshaar & Cabello-Hutt, 2020). When women seek

27
additional time and schedule flexibility to accommodate familial responsibilities, they face bias
and stigma, leading some women to opt out of the workforce entirely (Stone & Hernandez,
2013). When women leave the workforce and return, they experience negative career
consequences, including returning to low-level positions and wage penalties (Bian & Wang,
2019). All of the consequences associated with scaling back or opting out of professional work
may thus contribute to a causal explanation for the longitudinal Motherhood Penalty women
face, which results in gender disparities as professionals ascend organizational career ladders.
Workplace Policies
The absence of supportive caregiver leave policies also contributes to the Motherhood
Penalty. Women are more likely than men to take time off work to care for children (Jones &
Wilcher, 2019), and a variety of policies aim to provide women with the ability to take time
away and then return to work. The U.S. Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993 (FMLA)
provides job protection, allowing men and women to take up to 12 weeks of unpaid leave over
the 12 months following the birth of a child. However, only 54% of working parents have access
to FMLA because of exemptions associated with federal law (Jones & Wilcher, 2019). Research
suggests that FMLA has increased the likelihood that parents caring for infants take leave, return
to work, and return to work more quickly following childbirth (Hofferth & Curtin, 2006; Kerr,
2016). FMLA generally provides unpaid leave for eligible workers. However, not all workers
can afford to take unpaid leave (Jones & Wilcher, 2019). The United States remains the only
OECD country that does not guarantee a national level of paid caregiver leave, though California
and New Jersey provide a guaranteed leave benefit at the state level (Jones & Wilcher, 2019). As
of 2021, the Kaiser Family Foundation estimates that only 23% of working women in the United
States have access to paid maternity leave (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2021). While access to

28
paid leave has increased the return of women to the workforce following childbirth, the absence
of paid caregiver leave may contribute to women remaining out of the labor force following
childbirth.
In contrast, paid caregiver leave may increase women’s likelihood of returning to the
labor force following childbirth. Several researchers have examined the effects of paid caregiver
leave policies in California and New Jersey and determined that paid caregiver leave has shortterm labor participation impacts. Paid caregiver leave policies may increase mothers’ labor force
participation for up to five years following childbirth, and paid caregiver leave may lead women
with young children to ultimately work more hours, compared to women without paid leave
(Jones & Wilcher, 2019; Russing-Slater et al., 2013). The positive impact of paid caregiver leave
on labor force participation is also well-documented in European countries that require such
policies (Adema et al., 2016; Akgunduz & Plantenga, 2013; Ruhm, 1998). The benefits of paid
caregiver leave to workforce participation also extends to fathers, as mothers are more likely to
return to the workforce after childbirth if fathers have paid paternity leave available (Adema et
al., 2016; Andersen, 2018). However, broader cultural norms related to gender and parenting also
play a role in the institutionalization and efficacy of paid caregiver leave policies (Budig et al.,
2012). Thus, paid caregiver leave policies may increase the likelihood that mothers return to the
labor force, reducing the push-out phenomenon that causes women to leave the labor market
because of parenting responsibilities and delays or interference with career trajectories.
Other policies, including childcare access, schedule or location flexibility, and hiring
practices, may also affect the Motherhood Penalty. Research has long established that the
availability and cost of childcare influences mothers’ labor market participation (Chevalier &
Viitanen, 2002; Connelly, 1992). More recently, the Covid-19 pandemic led to significant

29
disruptions in childcare, demonstrating the impact of reliable childcare on the participation of
women in the workforce. During the pandemic, women with school-aged children were more
likely to leave the labor force than women without school-aged children (Heggeness & Suri,
2021). Job arrangements that allow for flexible hours and remote work also increase mothers’
labor force participation (Goldin, 2014; Heggeness & Suri, 2021). In addition, changes to human
resource policies can help mitigate gender disparities associated with evaluation, hiring, and
promotion practices. For example, changes to performance evaluation tools and measures can
reduce gender bias (Rivera & Tilcsik, 2019), and changes to hiring practices, including providing
evidence of past performance and competence that are relevant to the desired role, can mitigate
gender biases in hiring decisions (Isaac et al., 2009). Thus, workplace policies can play
significant roles in mitigating biases and barriers associated with the participation and
advancement of mothers in the workplace.
Conceptual Framework
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory asserts that humans create their environments, and
these environments in turn shape human behavior and development. The characteristics of the
individual, immediate environment, culture, and historical context in which the individual lives
influence their behavior and development (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2010). Bronfenbrenner’s
model conceptualizes five nested and interacting ecological systems: the microsystem,
mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem, and chronosystem. The microsystem involves the
interrelationships and structures within a person’s immediate setting with which the individual
interacts. The microsystem includes elements of the individual’s environment, such as their
home, individual characteristics, and physical environment (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The
mesosystem includes the interrelationships and interactions between groups that comprise the

30
microsystem, such as families, school communities, and other groups (Bronfenbrenner, 1979).
The exosystem is composed of factors that influence the interrelationships within the
mesosystem, such as community institutions. Meanwhile, the macrosystem involves overarching
patterns of ideology and the organization of social institutions and culture, such as the customs,
values, and laws of a given culture (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Finally, the chronosystem recognizes
the phase of life and time that may influence an individual (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2010).
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory ties together complex nested interactions that influence
human development and behavior, and thus researchers apply the theory to conceptualize human
behaviors and phenomena.
The purpose of this study is to understand the barriers mothering women in K-12 public
school district senior leadership roles experience, and the study applies Bronfenbrenner’s
ecological theory to explain the barriers and interactions in the environments of mothers that
produce the Motherhood Penalty within school district leadership. Factors that may influence the
workplace experiences of mothering women include personal relationships and beliefs, familial
and professional relationships, perceptions and biases, systems of policy and the nature of work,
and historical gender roles related to work and family. Bronfenbrenner’s theoretical framework
may be applied to understand complex social problems of practice, allowing researchers to
analyze how individuals develop or a problem manifests as a result of interactions between the
different systems within the model. As a result, researchers may utilize Bronfenbrenner’s
ecological theory to understand and propose solutions related to various complex organizational
and social problems that deal with disparate outcomes among social groups.
Researchers have used Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory to analyze similar problems of
practice, and thus this theory provides an appropriate theoretical framework for understanding

31
the Motherhood Penalty within the education sector. For example, Carr et al. (2018) used
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model to investigate the problem of barriers to career advancement
among women working in science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) fields and
provided intervention recommendations at each of the levels within Bronfenbrenner’s model.
Applied to similar problems and research contexts, Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory allows
researchers to analyze the problem of the Motherhood Penalty within the education sector to
understand the individual, organizational, and social factors and mindsets that interact and
contribute to the problem.
This study applies Bronfenbrenner’s model and focuses on microsystem, mesosystem,
and exosystem factors that influence the career trajectories and experiences of mothers in senior
leadership roles in K-12 public school systems. Figure A provides a visual representation of the
framework within the context of the problem of practice examined in this study. Beginning with
the individual in the center of the model and radiating outward, elements of the microsystem,
including the individual professional and career choices of the mother, as well as their familial
relationships and structures, interact to create the work-family context in which the mother
operates. At the mesosystem level, professional relationships, biases, or beliefs held by managers
and colleagues and elements of the professional setting interact with elements of the
microsystem to shape the woman’s professional experience as a mother within a K-12 public
school system. Finally, at the exosystem level, public school system formal policies, professional
expectations, and human resource practices influence the career trajectories and experiences of
mothering women in senior leadership roles within K-12 public school systems. While not a
focus of this study, these systems also operate within the context of the macrosystem, which
includes cultural norms, expectations, and laws within which women and K-12 school systems

32
operate. This study will particularly explore and seek to understand the elements of the
microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem that influence the career trajectories of mothering
women in K-12 school district leadership roles and how women navigate the interactions with
these systems while balancing familial responsibilities and career aspirations.
Figure 1
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Model and the Motherhood Penalty
Conclusion
As mothering women pursue careers in K-12 public school system leadership, they
experience complex tensions and barriers that may contribute to the gender disparities observed
among public school superintendents in the United States. These disparities are well documented

33
and persistent, as less than one-third of superintendent positions are held by women in the United
States, even though a majority of public-school teachers in the United States are women (White,
2021). Researchers have proposed various explanations for these disparities, including gender
biases associated with the leadership role and different career trajectories of men and women in
public school system leadership. Overall, aspiring superintendents consistently cite the
challenges of familial responsibilities as barriers to pursuing the role, and women in the
superintendent role rarely have school-aged children (Derrington & Sharratt, 2009; Robinson &
Shakeshaft, 2015; Skrla et al., 2000). Professional challenges and barriers associated with
mothering are not unique to the K-12 public school sector, as the Motherhood Penalty results in
well-documented disparities in compensation, hiring, and promotion that affect the career
trajectories of women across sectors (Benard et al., 2008; Fontenot et al., 2018; Parker, 2015).
As such, mothering women appear to experience particular barriers to achieving the publicschool superintendent role, and understanding the experiences of mothering women in K-12
senior leadership positions through the lens of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory is the focus of
this study.

34
Chapter Three: Methodology
This chapter outlines the qualitative research design for this study, including the
methodology, sampling approach, and interview protocol used. In addition, this chapter discusses
the researcher’s positionality and ethical practices applied in the research design. The purpose of
this study is to understand the barriers mothering women in K-12 public school district senior
leadership roles experience. Therefore, this section begins by reasserting the research questions
of this study, detailing the demographics of the intended study participants, and describing the
methods used in the collection and analysis of the data.
Research Questions
The study design addresses the following research questions:
1) What barriers do mothers in K-12 public school system senior leadership
positions experience?
2) How do factors of Bronfenbrenner’s microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem
influence the career trajectories and experiences of mothers in senior leadership
roles in K-12 public school systems?
Overview of Design
The study methodology uses a qualitative design, incorporating semi-structured
interviews to answer the research questions posed in this study. The study employs a semistructured interview methodology because this design provides a holistic approach to
interviewing that allows a researcher to respond to the situation and context (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Table 1 details an overview of the study design.

35
Table 1
Data Sources
Research questions Method 1
1. What barriers do mothers in K-12 public school system senior
leadership positions experience? X
2. How do factors of Bronfenbrenner’s microsystem, mesosystem, and
exosystem influence the career trajectories and experiences of mothers
in senior leadership roles in K-12 public school systems?
X
Research Setting
The research design uses a field-based approach to sample participants across public
school districts in the United States. The research setting intentionally focused on gathering the
perspectives of senior school district leaders across public school districts located in different
geographies and working in school districts of varying sizes to collect a variety of perspectives.
Intentionally collecting perspectives across a variety of public-school districts allowed the
research to explore the barriers and factors that influence the professional experiences and career
trajectories of mothering women pursuing school district leadership. The study design
intentionally focused on public school districts, excluding private school systems, to focus
deeply on the unique experiences of mothers in senior leadership positions within K-12 public
school systems. The study centered on public school districts because the leadership of these
systems involves unique, public-facing roles, typically selected by a publicly elected school
board, and the study assumed this context may influence the experiences of aspiring
superintendents. For the purpose of this study, senior school district leadership is defined as

36
superintendents, members of the superintendent’s cabinet, or direct reports of members of the
cabinet within K-12 public school districts. This study concentrated on this population because
these positions have historically served as career pathways for women superintendents and play
significant, public-facing roles in the leadership of K-12 public schools.
The Researcher
Within the context of this research, elements of my identity as a researcher influence my
positionality and relationship with my subjects. For example, I am a White woman who is also a
mother, a salient element of my identity that is a crucial identity associated with subject
participation in this study. In this way, I will share elements of my identity with the participants.
This shared identity may both lead me to relate to my subjects and shape relevant research
questions. It may also lead me to experience a level of bias by interpreting subject responses as
similar to my own or assume that participant experiences are similar to my own.
In addition, I have held a central office leadership role within a school district, which
shaped both my interest and perspective about the career trajectories of women working within
K-12 school district leadership. Because I leveraged a snowball sampling design, I interviewed a
few women with whom I share a professional network or with whom I am professionally
acquainted, which may influence the level of trust and candor with which research participants
shared their experiences. However, the research design aimed not to intentionally sample
members of my current close professional network to limit bias that might result in participant
responses. Holding awareness about my positionality and acknowledging this positionality are
essential factors in the research design and should be acknowledged in the research summary and
analysis (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Applying reflexivity, being aware of my positionality, and
disclosing my shared identity with participants in a consistent manner served as strategies to

37
mitigate bias in the research, as Merriam and Tisdell (2016) recommends researchers consider
issues of positionality and insider-outsider stances and attempt to own their effects throughout
the research process.
Data Sources
The study methodology involved semi-structured interviews of mothers who hold senior
leadership positions in K-12 public school systems, and the study collected data during the
summer and fall of 2023. The interview protocol used in the study aimed to understand the
barriers and factors of Bronfenbrenner’s microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem that influence
the career trajectories and experiences of mothers pursuing school district leadership. Interview
data was collected via video conferencing and was coded and analyzed to identify themes and
draw conclusions regarding the research questions. The study intended to interview 10 to 12
women who are mothers and currently hold senior leadership positions in K-12 public school
districts in the United States using semi-structured, open-ended interview questions. Ultimately,
the study ceased upon reaching saturation, and the study included 10 participants. Appendix C
presents details about the interview protocol.
Participants
Study participants identified as mothers and have children; their children may be
preschool-aged, school-aged, or adults. The study recruited participants through a purposeful
approach that began with a convenience sample. I contacted potential participants via email. In
addition, the study employed a snowball sampling approach and, after locating several initial
participants, asked each participant to refer other participants to the study. I then contacted these
potential participants via email. This common form of purposeful sampling effectively builds a
sample of participants and accumulates information-rich cases (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The

38
study aimed to include 10 to 12 participants; research ceased when thematic analysis reached
saturation, and interview participants were no longer sharing substantively new information.
Instrumentation
The research design used a semi-structured interview approach, leveraging an interview
protocol that included more and less structured open-ended interview questions. The design
employed semi-structured interviews so that the researcher could ask questions flexibly with an
order that varied between participants and allowed for follow-up or probing questions (Merriam
& Tisdell, 2016). The semi-structured methodology was appropriate for this study, as it allowed
the identification of specific information from participants while allowing responses and the
exploration topics surfaced by participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Because the research
questions in the study aimed to explore personal and complex topics associated with personal
and professional participant experiences related to the Motherhood Penalty, the semi-structured
interview is an appropriate interview approach. Interviews employed an interview guide and
introductory script with 15 questions, including potential probes prepared to explore participant
responses further. Each interview lasted approximately an hour. The interview questions
specifically explored the participant’s experiences related to elements of the microsystem,
mesosystem, and exosystem within Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory that influence the career
trajectories of mothering women in K-12 school district leadership roles. The interview protocol
primarily asked experience and opinion questions, aiming to understand participant behaviors
and actions and their beliefs and opinions about their experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
The interview protocol also included a few demographic and background questions to understand
participant contexts, though the researcher protected and excluded any individually-identifying
information from interview summaries and analysis. See Appendix C for the interview protocol.

39
Data Collection Procedures
Prior to each interview, an email with information about the study was sent to each
participant. Pre-interview information outlined (a) the purpose of the research, (b) interview
procedures, (c) foreseeable risks and benefits associated with participation, (d) information about
the length of the interview, (e) whom to contact with questions, (f) a statement about voluntary
participation, and (g) a statement about the choice to discontinue participation at any time (see
Appendix D). All interviews were conducted via Zoom to allow for the participation of school
district leaders across a variety of geographies. The interviews used the Zoom transcribe function
to record an audio transcript of the interview and the visual recording function was disabled so
only an audio recording of the interview was taken by Zoom. In addition, the Zoom transcription
function captured a transcript of the interview. All interview transcripts and recordings were
automatically uploaded to a secure cloud storage system online and retained in a secure Google
Drive.
During an initial review of interview transcripts, I removed all identifying information,
including names, locations, and other information that may identify the participant, and the
researcher assigned each participant a pseudonym in the transcript. I am the only person who has
the key that connects the participant to their identity. During a second review of the transcripts,
using the audio recording as a control document, any transcription errors that result from the
automated Zoom transcription, such as spelling errors, were corrected by the researcher.
Additionally, brief field notes were collected during each interview to guide the semi-structured
interview and synthesize key phrases or themes in the interview. Field notes assigned
participants a pseudonym in as well. Field notes captured information about the interview tone,
long pauses, or vocal pitch of the interviewee. Finally, interview notes and transcripts were

40
stored on a secure Google Drive and destroyed within one year of the completion of this
dissertation. The transcription process and review removed all personally identifying information
to maintain the anonymity of the participant, and no personally identifiable information was
included in the data analysis or summary.
Data Analysis
The data collection process included the completion of analytic memos to document
initial thoughts, connections, and preliminary conclusions related to the research questions and
theoretical framework for each interview. Interview transcript reviews included two cycles to
remove any personally identifiable information and edit misspellings and transcription errors.
Following the transcription, the researcher coded all interview transcripts using open coding to
identify themes related to the research questions and theoretical framework. This form of data
analysis allows the researcher to develop tentative findings and then ultimately substantiate,
revise, and reconfigure these findings (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Next, a round of analytic
coding interpreted initial codes and group open codes into categories or constructs that were
exhaustive, mutually exclusive, sensitive to the data, and conceptually congruent (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Once these initial categories were developed, all of the evidence was sorted into
these categories to draw thematic conclusions related to the research questions.
Trustworthiness and Credibility
Trustworthiness and credibility are types of validity, or the extent to which the academic
community considers research to be accurate, true, and correct, within qualitative research
methods (Allred et al., 2017). Qualitative research methods define trustworthiness as a
combination of truth-value, application, neutrality of findings, and consistency of procedures; it
is an external judgment of the validity of a study (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). A variety of strategies

41
may be used to establish trustworthiness in qualitative research, including respondent validation
of qualitative data and initial findings, spending adequate time in data collection, and seeking
alternative explanations, and through reflexivity (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Credibility in qualitative research is the measurement of agreement about the findings by
the subjects of the study; it is an internal judgment of the reliability of the study (Lincoln &
Guba, 1985). Researchers establish credibility through the intellectual rigor of their methodology
and through adherence to ethical principles in data collection. These ethical principles include
explaining the purpose of the study and the methods to be used, risk assessment, maintaining the
confidentiality of participants, data access, ownership, and boundaries (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016).
This study employed several strategies similar to those used by Allred et al. (2017) to
develop trustworthiness and credibility throughout the study. First, the study methodology and
interview protocol went through a rigorous academic review by the dissertation committee. Any
person who met the participant criteria and indicated interest was allowed to participate, and the
study did not cherry-pick interview participants. Second, the study methodology intended to
provide rich and descriptive qualitative data, as the study design used a semi-structured interview
protocol so that all participants were asked very similar questions and adhered to a common
framework that allowed for consistent coding of interview themes. I asked probing and follow-up
questions to clarify interview responses, build background context during the interviews, and
avoid misunderstanding or interpretation of responses. Finally, following the interviews,
participants had the opportunity to engage in transcript reviews, allowing them to preview the
synthesis of their interview and their interview transcript. Allowing participants to review their
interview transcript and summary are powerful tools to enhance trustworthiness and credibility

42
because participants may validate the researcher’s interpretation of what participants shared
during qualitative interviews (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Ethics
The study methodology also took several steps to enhance credibility and trustworthiness
by applying ethical principles when engaging interview participants. While the methodology
aimed to conduct 10 to 12 qualitative interviews, data collection continued until a point of
saturation, and the study gathered data following Institutional Review Board approval. During
interview recruitment, participants received the Information Sheet for Exempt Studies through
the interview confirmation email, and participants provided their confirmation of consent prior to
beginning an interview (see Appendices B and C). Additionally, in a pre-interview email,
participants received communication about the voluntary nature of participation, and participants
had the ability to withdraw their participation at any time and received confirmation that their
identities will remain confidential (see Appendix D).

43
Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this study is to understand through qualitative research the barriers and
experiences of mothering women who also hold senior leadership positions in public school
districts. Mothering women face penalties or challenges as they pursue both career and family.
The experiences of mothers in these positions are captured through semi-structured interviews
and analyzed through Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory, focusing on the factors of the
microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem that impact the career trajectories and experiences of
women pursuing senior leadership roles in school district. This chapter focuses on the study’s
findings, analyses of semi-structured interviews, and emerging themes related to two research
questions:
1. What barriers do mothers in K-12 public school system senior leadership
positions experience?
2. How do factors of Bronfenbrenner’s microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem
influence the career trajectories and experiences of mothers in senior leadership
roles in K-12 public school systems?
This chapter begins with a description of the research processes and participants and then
includes a summary of the research questions, as well as a discussion of research findings.
Overall, the study finds time expectations associated with leadership roles within school districts
as well as biases serve as barriers to mothering women pursuing senior leadership roles in school
districts. Yet despite these barriers, mothering serves as motivation for women pursuing
leadership, and participants bring individual assets of empathy and credibility to their work.
These microsystem factors prepare and motivate women for leadership. Meanwhile, mesosystem
factors of mentorship support mothering women, and women who achieve senior leadership

44
roles use their influence to shape cultural conditions and time boundaries to sustain their careers,
while paving the way for the next generation of women leaders. Finally, women leaders shape
factors of the exosystem, creating new policies or organizational cultures to enable and support
the assent of other women leaders.
Participants
The study design used a purposeful snowball sampling approach to identify and select
participants. I contacted potential interview perspectives using their USC email, and the 10 study
participants currently hold senior-leadership roles in K-12 school systems and are mothers.
Among the women interviewed, six are superintendents or acting superintendents, and four hold
other senior-level positions in school districts. The women work in diverse geographic contexts
and in school districts of varying size. All the women had at least one child, though several of the
women currently only parent adult children. Table 2 provides a summary of the professional and
mothering backgrounds of the participating women. Study analysis summarizes participant
thoughts, perspectives, and experiences, and each participant was assigned a pseudonym to
provide participants and their organizations anonymity enabling open, honest, and trustworthy
responses. All the participants responded favorably to the interview protocol. Interview
participants had an opportunity to review their transcripts for accuracy following the interviews
and prior to analysis, though no participant expressed interest or accepted the invitation for
transcript review.

45
Table 2
Study Participants and Demographic Summaries
Name Role Children Geographic Location
Estimated
Years of
Leadership
Experience
Ruth Senior Leader two, schoolaged East Coast 20+
Sonya Senior Leader
four, schoolaged and
adult
West Coast 10+
Elena Acting
Superintendent two, adult Southwest 20+
Michelle Superintendent three, adult Southwest 30+
Elizabeth Superintendent one, adult South 20+
Kamala Senior Leader one, schoolaged Midwest 15+
Alexandra Superintendent two, adult West Coast 20+
Lori Superintendent one, adult West Coast 30+
Angela Superintendent two, schoolaged West Coast 15+
Dolores Senior Leader two, schoolaged West Coast 10+
Thematic Analysis
Data analysis included the review of transcripts from the 10 interviews with mothers
who hold senior-leadership positions in K-12 school districts. During the interviews, women
shared information and perspectives about their personal and professional experiences.
Interviews included information about their career trajectories, perspectives about the barriers
they faced as mothers and professionals in K-12 school districts, aspirations for their careers, and
perspectives about the assets they bring to school district leadership because they are mothers.

46
Data analysis involved an iterative coding process, including transcript analysis and recording
codes using the software package NVivo. The coding methodology applied a series of 15 a priori
codes, grouped according to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory to analyze the transcript data.
The coding process evolved to add subcodes aligned to the three focus areas of Bronfenbrenner’s
ecological theory: the microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem. This process extracted themes
that address the research questions, presented in Table 3 and Figure 2.
Findings from Research Question One
The first research question and analyses focus on the barriers that mothering women face
as they hold senior school district leadership roles. Two primary themes emerged: the time
expectations and demands associated with senior leadership roles and bias and stereotypes
women face. These themes are summarized in Table 3. Women holding senior-leadership roles
in school districts navigate challenges as they pursue positions that require significant skill and
experience, as well as demanding time expectations. These roles are public-facing and come with
expectations that leaders will engage the public, interact with parents and students, and respond
to crises on nights and weekends. Historically, these roles are held by men, and the women who
participated in this study identified the time expectations associated with school district
leadership roles as barriers to these positions. The women also described biases and stereotypes
about the limitations or skill-gaps associated with women or motherhood to be barriers they had
to navigate when pursuing leadership opportunities. In some cases, women overcame the time
demands of leadership roles by delaying or forgoing leadership roles as they balanced mothering
responsibilities. Overall, women articulate barriers associated with the pursuit of the most senior
leadership roles in school districts, noting the presence of women, particularly mothering

47
women, to be the exception and not the norm, especially at the highest levels of school district
leadership.
Table 3
Participant Themes: Barriers to Senior Leadership
Theme Sub-Themes
Time Commitment and
Demands
Mothers experience guilt and judgment balancing professional
and parenting demands
The principalship is a particular barrier for mothering women
Mothers make career-timing decisions that may delay their
ascent to the most senior leadership roles
Bias and Stereotypes Women must work twice as hard to overcome bias and
stereotypes
Time Commitment and Demands
The time commitments expected of senior leaders present barriers to mothering-women
in K-12 school districts who aspire to leadership, as role expectations come into conflict with
parenting responsibilities. Senior leadership roles in public school districts, particularly
superintendent roles, are public-facing and require extensive time commitments beyond a typical
40-hour work week. Nine of the 10 interviewed women mentioned time expectations associated
with senior-leadership roles as barriers within their careers. The women described expectations
to put in lengthy hours on nights and weekends that interfere with family time. For example,
Elena described holding a cabinet role that required at least 55 hours per week, with little
flexibility with board meeting or school district events, while Lori noted, “the workload that I
held myself to…like the quality of work I am producing…and the time commitment, that is

48
challenging for a lot of reasons.” Senior leadership in school districts does not involve a typical
40-hour work week, and workloads come into tension with parenting time.
The commitment to engage the public and operate public board meetings late into the
night presents challenges for mothers with families. In some cases, board meetings and late-night
expectations discouraged women from pursuing more expansive leadership roles, while others
described the 24-hour a day nature of the role as challenging. Michelle explained, “we hit fire
alarms at two in the morning last night, you know….it’s not a typical 9 to 5 while Kamala shared
about board meetings, “now we can attend virtually, but it means that during prime time with my
daughter, Monday nights at least twice a month, I have ear buds in.” Senior-leadership roles
within public school districts require considerable investments of time outside of typical
workdays, including attendance and leadership in late night board meetings or school events.
These commitments may lead mothers to experience friction juggling professional and personal
responsibilities.
Guilt and Judgment
Ultimately, the time commitments required of senior leadership roles in school districts
can impact family dynamics and cause women to experience feelings of guilt. Several women
described the belief that their children would miss time with them or perceive their mothers to be
“workaholics” because of the time demands associated with senior leadership roles. Kamala
shared her daughter’s understanding of her demanding role began around age 3 or 4 saying, “so
she sees me working all the time, so that’s a significant barrier.” Dolores expressed guilt
resulting from missing experiences with her children, “my priority needs to be everybody else
because I’m supervising people…and so the guilt is missing out on experiences with my
kids…and them letting me know I missed out.” Elena mentioned, “you know when you are

49
sitting in these board meetings, your kids are growing up any way, and that is hard.” Angela
reflected, “I definitely still sacrifice family time.” As they balance the demands and
responsibilities of their roles, mothering women face the guilt of missing time with their families.
Some of the women leaders reported requests for flexibility during late evenings or
weekends resulted in perceptions of judgment from colleagues or supervisors. Ruth shared an
example in which a request to miss a few minutes of an evening board meeting was rebuffed:
I asked the superintendent if it was okay for me to be late to a board meeting because my
child had his first band concert…and it felt like I was somehow shirking my
responsibilities to miss 30 minutes of random community members screaming at the
board.
Women aspiring to leadership want to demonstrate their competence and commitment, yet they
must sometimes request flexibility when their roles require late nights and weekend work that
collides with parenting duties. The feelings of guilt and tension between professional
commitments and missing family experiences present barriers and challenges in the career
trajectories of mothering women pursuing school district leadership.
The Principalship
The time commitment associated with the principalship is a particular barrier for mothers,
as the mid-career level role is a steppingstone and critical line-position prerequisite to a
superintendent position. Seven of the 10 participants explicitly described the work hours
expected of principals are barriers for parenting women. Michelle explained, “I know a lot of
principals that are fabulous and have kids. But it’s hard because of the afterhours and nights. You
must be available 24 hours a day.” Kamala, Michelle, Angela, and Lori all sought alternative
roles or delayed the pursuit of principal roles because of the lengthy hours required to lead

50
school sites. Kamala asserted that the consistency of a central office role provided more
flexibility and allowed her to mother with greater balance, “I cannot mother the kids at this
school the way I know they need to be and be a mother. So, I left the principalship and came to
central office.” In these cases, women who held the principal position prior to becoming a
mother were able to seek promotions within central office that, in some cases, provided greater
work-life balance. As Munoz et al. (2014) suggested, many superintendents are promoted into
the role following a high school principalship. Yet, as Ruth reminds, this role is a barrier:
Women need to have access to the kinds of roles that give them experiences, that boards
are looking for. And also they need to have boundaries around time. And the high school
principalship means to be at a football game every Friday night.
The need to balance family responsibilities may be particularly incongruent with the
principalship role, which serves as a stepping-stone to the superintendency. The difficulty
holding the principal role while parenting, an opportunity that may be available to women in the
middle of their careers, thus serves as a gatekeeper that influences the ability of mothers to
pursue the superintendency and other senior leadership roles in K-12 school systems.
Career Timing
Mothering women carefully time their career moves in school districts. To balance
priorities to care for their children and families with the known expectations of senior leadership
roles, some study participants made thoughtful career timing decisions, including forgoing or
delaying career opportunities. Three of the women who hold superintendent positions mentioned
their pursuit of specific leadership roles were timed thoughtfully as their children grew older,
typically into high school or college. For example, Elena, Michelle, and Lori all hold
superintendent roles but waited until their children completed high school to pursue the most

51
senior leadership role in the district. Further, Elena assumed a part-time assistant principal
position until her children were elementary age. Then, after her children grew older, she took on
more demanding leadership roles and waited until her children had completed high school to
pursue a superintendent role. She stated, “I waited until my kids were almost through college.
So, I really time my decisions…my next career steps have been driven by their stage in life.” In
contrast, Michelle spent time as a school administrator and then returned to the classroom to
ensure she could devote time to her family before pursuing leadership opportunities after her
children finished high school. She reflected, “my family needed me to not be overly committed.
And so, I made the decision to hold back…I’m not sure I could do this job with young kids at
home. It would be really difficult.” The participating women who ascended to the highest level
of school district leadership did so with patience and balance, timing their career moves for
moments in their lives when their believed they could devote the necessary time to the role,
without impacting their families.
As the women in the study consider timing, several decided to forego leadership positions
or specific opportunities that could have propelled their careers. Four of the women described
roles they chose not to take or opportunities they were not pursuing because they did not want to
negatively impact their mothering responsibilities. Sonya detailed a choice not to take a role that
would have required too much time away from her family, while Kamala shared that leaders
urged her to take on the district’s Chief Talent Officer role, but she chose not to pursue the
opportunity stating, “so there was this conversation like would you consider the CTO world?
And I instantly said absolutely not.” Ruth noted while her children are completing high school,
“my door is closed, [though] I’ve been considered for other roles.”

52
Not all the mothers made decisions to delay or forgo opportunities. Alexandra asserted
she intentionally chose not to delay or forego opportunities because she knew her role as a
mother was permanent and would always be demanding, “for me timing has never been an issue.
I always tell [other women colleagues] there is always something in their lives that’s important.
But you’re still parenting adults, and their issues are different.” The decision to forgo leadership
opportunities that some women make may explain why researchers, such as Robinson et al.
(2017), find women who assume the superintendency are older or later in their careers than men
who take on the positions. Mothering women balance the needs of their families with their own
career aspirations, and they may delay taking stepping-stone roles until their children are older
and they are later in their careers.
Bias and Stereotypes
The second theme related to barriers emerged as women in the study recalled experiences
of gender stereotypes and biases. Some of the biases the participants faced were associated with
being women generally, while other experiences of bias were connected to their roles as
mothering women. These biases served as barriers, particularly in superintendent hiring
processes. Four of the women who held superintendent roles reported experiences of gender bias
within their own application or hiring processes, or they observed stereotypes in the hiring
processes of other women. Three of the women described experiences of not achieving
superintendent roles and noting gender may have been a factor. Ruth declared bluntly:
There have been a handful of times that I have been very close and
haven’t gotten it…and literally one time, the search consultant’s feedback to me was “I
don’t know how to coach a candidate to break a glass ceiling.”

53
The participating women shared similar themes about the ways in which gender played a
frustrating and limiting role in hiring experiences.
In other cases, the role of gender in superintendent hiring was less explicit but appeared
to be subtly present. Elena explained, “when I think about the jobs I haven’t gotten, the person
who got it was male. And I’m not saying it was because of their gender. I’m not trying to suggest
that. But that has been the pattern.” Lori echoed noticing a similar trend among members of her
cabinet:
I’ve had recent experiences with staff on my cabinet. A male candidate interviewed once
and got the job for superintendent. The female candidate has interviewed for several
positions and has not yet been selected. It was a really telling experience to watch.
Though sometimes explicitly expressed in hiring processes, women in the study who pursued the
superintendency noted they believe that gender continues to play a role in hiring processes, and
gender stereotypes remain barriers to women pursuing leadership.
Perceptions of Competence
Throughout their careers, women reported their competence and skill was questioned,
and they attributed these naysaying doubts to gender stereotypes. Alexandra recounted a
particularly salient experience of sexism when her superior said to her, “you keep on getting
promoted because you smile…and walk around in your heels. You are going to get promoted
because these men are looking at you.” While this participant example of sexism was explicit,
often the women in the study reported subtle questions about their competence, particularly in
non-academic areas associated with their leadership. Four of the women in the study described
doubts of their skill or knowledge, despite demonstrated experience. Ruth and Lori noted initial
questions of their competence came from the school board, with Ruth sharing “the board asked

54
me to sit in that seat, and then they treated me like I didn’t know what I was doing.” Lori
expressed what she perceives to be reality, “it’s an underestimation of what women are capable
of and gender bias in high-ranking positions.” As posited in the research of Glass (2000), Lori,
Michelle, and Jeanette all expressed frustration that their understanding of district operations or
finance might be questioned. Michelle described as an example her experience with building
construction, “we’ve got two big construction projects going…at this point I know more about a
lot of the details than many of my male colleagues…but [they] consistently assume I don’t know
what I am talking about.” The examples of the gender bias shared among the study participants
highlight the subtle and not-so-subtle ways in which stereotypes about the skills and competence
of women serve as barriers to the highest levels of leadership and management in school
districts.
Work Twice as Hard
To overcome the barriers of sexism and gender bias, women in school district leadership
report investing significant time to learn and master skills and specific areas of knowledge.
Often, women describe the need to work twice as hard or be deeply prepared to overcome sexism
and stereotypes. Four of the women, Angela, Lori, Michelle, Elena, Alexandra, and Ruth all
described this dynamic. Elena detailed her preparation for a superintendent interview, which
involved extensive community research and networking, just as Ruth expressed spending
significant time meeting with board members to build credibility. Alexandra invested time
understanding district finances because, as she highlighted:
I don’t want to come into this with the tendency to rely. My CBO will tell me we have a
sustainable budget. I want to have the right question so I don’t get fired. I can’t rely on
my CBO to tell me what my budget looks like.

55
The additional effort was not always expressed directly by participants but could be
inferred by the extensive experience women described seeking before pursuing a new role. For
example, Dolores explained that she has held herself back because, “I guess I’ve been
conditioned to think there’s more I need before I can lead,” while Angela felt the need to prove
herself in the “good ole’ boys’ network.” Overcoming biases or concerns about their competence
led women in the study to work overtime, invest in their own learning, and deepen their
preparation. The additional time and effort women spend preparing for the next leadership role
may, however, further explain and contribute to their decisions to delay the pursuit of the most
senior leadership roles in K-12 school districts.
Finally, mothering women expressed guilt and perceived judgment about the ways in
which they balanced parenting with their demanding professional roles. This guilt and judgment
may have furthered their motivation to overcome potential biases, while these factors also serve
as barriers. For example, several of the women shared experiences of offensive staff comments
or examples in which senior leaders chose not to elevate them for leadership experiences because
of their roles as mothers. Kamala relayed experiences of judgment both of her superiors and
subordinates, “some of it comes to me. I hear it. The perception is Kamala is a single
mom…there were doubts about whether I could invest in this or that project.” Or, as Ruth
articulated, women may feel judged for their need to balance demanding roles and parenting
responsibilities, “I just feel judged sometimes. Like when I have boundaries around my evenings
and weekends.” Sonya echoed a similar sentiment about judgment related to her commitment to
her family, “that shouldn’t be your first priority. They made us feel that way.” Women who hold
demanding senior leadership roles in school districts play artful balancing acts, attending to the
needs of their families, school district staff, and students. However, the women in this study

56
reveal mothers may experience judgment and perceived limitations in their commitment to work
as they attend to their families, and this judgment may impact their perceived capability and
commitment to lead.
Discussion of Research Question One
The literature documents the gender disparities in school district leadership, particularly
evident within the superintendent position. The themes that emerged from the interviews in this
study affirm the existence of unique barriers and challenges that mothering women face that may
contribute to these disparities. First, the time commitments and expectations associated with
senior leadership roles, beginning with the principalship, and extending into more senior roles,
are incongruent with parenting expectations. As the participants in this study suggest, the nights
and weekends expected in these roles present challenges for mothering women. Women may
address these time barriers by navigating difficult conversations with supervisors or delaying the
pursuit of career opportunities, as Kelsey et al. (2014) similarly reported. Compounding this
delay, women experience bias and stereotypes about their competence and skill, particularly in
areas of district leadership associated with operations and finance. To overcome these
challenges, women seek out additional leadership roles and opportunities, which may further
delay their ascent to the superintendency. Taken together, these two challenges are significant
barriers for mothering women pursuing school district leadership.
Findings from Research Question Two
The study further aims to understand the role various factors within the microsystem,
mesosystem, and exosystem in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory play in the career experiences
of mothering women in senior school district leadership. Themes that emerged from the
participant interviews include: deepened motivation, support from a village, efforts to establish

57
time boundaries, the importance of sponsorship, and responsibility to change cultural conditions.
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory asserts the interactions between nested shape people’s
behavior and experiences. Within the context of this study, Bronfenbrenner’s theory can
conceptualize and organize themes shared by the participants. At the microsystem level, mothers
in the study described the unique assets and skills they possessed as individuals because of their
roles as mothers. They then used these skills to propel their careers and succeed in their
leadership roles. The empathy and credibility these mothers developed positioned them for
success in leadership. Meanwhile, at the mesosystem level, study participants described key
relationships with mentors and sponsors that supported their leadership aspirations. Women also
rely upon critical relationships with a village, including spouses, extended family, and friends for
support. Finally, at the exosystem level, study participants described the cultural conditions and
organizational expectations and practices that can shift to support mothers, and the ways in
which they are using their positions of power to support the leadership journeys of other women.
Figure 2
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Theory and Participant Themes

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Microsystem
Bronfenbrenner’s microsystem describes elements of a person’s immediate setting,
including the patterns of activities or individual characteristics, that influence and shape the
person’s behavior and experiences. Within the context of this research, elements of the
microsystem include the individual leadership traits or characteristics of mothering leaders that
propel their careers within K-12 school districts. When in senior leadership of school districts
noted that their roles as mothers uniquely positioned them to succeed within district leadership
roles. Two themes related to increased motivation and commitment to students as well as
empathy are skills mothering-women develop and possess emerged. Mothering women leverage
these assets to succeed in senior leadership roles.
Motivation and Commitment
Mothering-women experience deepened motivation and commitment to academic
excellence and opportunity for students because of their parenting experience. This motivation
propelled study participants to pursue and sustain senior levels of leadership, where they believe
they can change or improve school experiences for students. Five of the study participants
expressed deepened commitment for students as a leadership asset, which Ruth articulated as a
“fire in the belly to make schools better.” Alexandra and Delores reflected upon the experiences
of their own children as a source for renewed commitment and source of vision for their
leadership. Delores shared, “so that’s our moral imperative in it.” Meanwhile, Kamala and Elena
described ways in which their resolve and vision for educational excellence became more
concrete, credible, and committed after they became mothers. Elena relayed an epiphany as a
leader, after becoming a mother, “oh my gosh. The love that I feel for this baby is what every
parent feels for their child. I knew that before I had kids, but I haven’t experienced it.” This

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realization ultimately shaped and made Elena more effective when communicating and
connecting with parents in the school district, “started to listen to [angry parents] in a different
way, through the lens of intensity.” When reflecting on motherhood as an asset in her
leadership, Kamala expressed, “it has renewed my commitment and drive, determination to make
it better.” The motivation and deepened commitment the participant mothers experienced
through parenting became assets in their leadership, kindling and propelling their vision for all
children within the districts they lead and shaping their career choices.
Empathy and Credibility
Empathy and credibility are important microsystem factors that enhance the skills of
mothering women. Every woman who participated in the study described the skills of empathy
and perspective they developed through motherhood to enhance their efficacy and credibility as
leaders. The study participants reported experiencing greater empathy for families, as well as
leading staff with greater connection. Some of the empathy developed by mothering women was
directed toward the parents among the staff they lead. When describing interactions with teachers
she led, Dolores reflected, “I became more empathetic. I was more sympathetic. I could relate,
and I was more compassionate.” In addition, the women reported developing and exhibiting
greater empathy for parents and families, which served as a leadership asset. Dolores, Elena,
Kamala, Lori, and Michelle all recounted their engagement and connection to families of
students in the district was enhanced by experiences as parents.
Finally, women in the study perceived their credibility as school district leaders was
bolstered because they identified as mothers. Alexandra and Elena believed their credibility was
enhanced among parents in the district, as Alexandra explained because she could say, “I have
kids who’ve gone through the system too. I understand certain programs.” When seeking roles,

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building connections with staff and families, and navigating leadership challenges, these women
drew upon their experiences as parents, particularly if their children attended the school in the
district. Ruth recounted leveraging her credibility as a district parent when facing one of the most
challenging decisions a superintendent must make, to close a school:
I communicated a lot. And used that identity, like I led with it. I could look at the
community and say “my kid goes to this school. And it is the right thing for all of our
kids that this building not be a school anymore.”
Similarly, Lori leverages her mothering- identity as a leadership asset when connecting with
members of the public:
I am a public figure in our community. But to whatever degree that I can show myself as
a whole human, I have tried to. And being a mother is a universal connector in our world.
It’s a relationship that I think is very valuable.
The women in this study who have ascended to the highest levels of leadership in K-12 districts
suggest that they do so because of, not despite, the fact that they are mothers. Their ability to
empathize with staff, students, and families is a desirable skill among K-12 senior school district
leaders. More importantly, a mothering identity brings to aspiring and practicing school district
leaders’ unique credibility that may make them more effective communicators and connectors
within their roles.
Mesosystem
Key relationships with mentors, sponsors, and other sources of support influence the
career aspirations and trajectories of mothering women. Bronfenbrenner’s mesosystem
encompasses the interactions between elements of the microsystem and includes relationships
that interact to influence behavior or development. This system includes exchanges women

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experience within their professional settings that shape their career trajectories and experiences.
Mothering women reported the critical role that mentors, sponsors, and managers play in shaping
their career trajectories. In addition, women in senior leadership positions rely upon support from
a village of spouses, extended family, and friends. These relationships deeply influence and
shape the experiences mothering women have as they aspire to, pursue, and hold senior
leadership roles in K-12 school districts.
Mentorship
Mentorship plays an influential role in the careers of mothering school district leaders,
influencing their aspirations for leadership and encouraging their pursuit of new roles and
opportunities. All the study participants began their careers as teachers, and none of the
participants aspired to leadership when they began their teaching careers. Women in the study
relayed similar themes of enjoying teaching but being “tapped” to take on progressively
influential leadership roles. Michelle believed her experience to be unique, but in fact her
sentiment was echoed by other participants. She mused, “[my experience] is probably a bit
different…honestly, I didn’t have a lot of intention of going into administration. But I took jobs
because somebody asked me to.” Alexandra similarly reflected, “there was a superintendent who
said, ‘I am going to promote you.’” Lori’s account of her leadership journey also mirrored those
of the other women, as she recounted, “I just had some really fortunate circumstances where
people tapped me to say…you should think about leadership.” Participants continued to be
invited to new leadership opportunities throughout their careers, though the women tended not to
express an initial career interest in pursuing such roles.
Explicit mentorship and coaching led women to admit or develop their aspirations for the
most senior leadership roles in school districts. The participants often noted they did not initially

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aspire for the most senior leadership roles, but with coaching or support from a mentor, they
came to seek significant leadership positions. For example, six of the participants revealed
conversations with a female mentor led them to articulate their own aspirations for deputy
superintendent or superintendent roles. Elena reflected that an associate superintendent had
encouraged her toward district leadership roles, while the dissertation chair in her doctoral
program, “really nailed me down and said, ‘you need to be a superintendent.’” Elena said this
mentor encouraged her to, “really own it and not be all shucks about it as women do,” and she
has learned from and been mentored by other women superintendents in her state as well.
Often the participants identified their mentors as women who changed the trajectories of
their careers. As an example, Lori cited “a couple of mentors with being turning points in my
career. Several African American women who were mentors to me.” Ruth, Alexandra, Dolores,
and Elena all credited the mentorship of other women with cultivating their aspirations and
encouraging them to take concrete steps toward pursuing senior leadership opportunities.
Sponsorship
Relationships with sponsors are influential mesosystem factors among women leaders.
The women participants also described sponsorship, or managers who promoted their
development and leadership, as fundamental to their career trajectories. A lack of sponsorship, or
the presence of powerful sponsors who demand and ensure women have the high-stakes
assignments and stepping-stone roles, prevents women from ascending to the highest levels of
leadership across industries and sectors (Ibirra, 2019). In addition, this researcher asserts most
CEOs nationally come from line positions, which manage other staff and oversee major
responsibilities in organizations. Though women in senior K-12 school district leadership
positions are relatively rare, mothers in the study who worked for other women noted the

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significant impact these women had on their careers. Four of the participants specifically stated
the influence women managers and leaders had on their career trajectories. Ruth moved her
family across the country for the opportunity to work for a woman superintendent who was also
a mother, and emphasized, “not just coaching, but sponsorship is really important” in the career
trajectories of mothers in school district leadership. Dolores also experienced sponsorship, as the
female superintendent of her school district directly asked her, “why haven’t you been applying
for principal positions?” and then supported her promotion into one of the district’s critical lineleadership roles.
Study participants believe women in senior leadership positions in school districts
directly advocated for and supported their advancement, even when the mothers perceived more
experience or qualifications might be needed. Dolores suggested she was reluctant to apply for a
principal role, especially because she was pregnant at the time. She recalled, “my boss told me I
needed 3 years of experience, but the superintendent was like, ‘what, no?” indicating the woman
superintendent encouraged Dolores to apply for and pursue the position. When mothers in school
districts experience sponsorship, particularly from powerful women in senior leadership
positions, they can take on progressive leadership roles. These experiences facilitate their career
trajectories in K-12 school systems, and the participants reinforced the importance of
sponsorship to overcome the motherhood penalty.
Support from a Village
The role of a support network is also a principal factor within the mesosystem. The
women within this study reveal support from a village made it more possible for them to pursue,
sustain, and succeed in senior K-12 school district roles. The village often includes spouses,
extended family, and friends. Seven of the women mentioned the presence of a supportive

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partner or spouse allowed them to pursue demanding leadership roles while raising a family.
Lori, Elizabeth, and Dolores discussed balancing their demanding roles with the careers of their
partners, and the priorities their spouses placed on co-parenting. Lori expressed gratitude for the
supportive partner she found in her spouse, “I’ve got a really supportive spouse…he’s been
supportive of me, including not doing things himself so that I could take up the opportunities that
were in front of me.” Ruth described familial decisions that defied gender expectations, “my
husband stayed home when they were little. He has kind of been the primary parent in terms of
physical caregiving.” In addition to support from a spouse, Kamala, Lori, Dolores, and Angela
shared they would not be able to balance the care for their families with the demands of their
leadership roles without support from extended family and friends. Kamala emphasized the
importance of her village of support, “I can do all things will the village that stands behind me.”
Despite the presence of supportive partners, extended family, and friends, study
participants reflected upon some of the ways their leadership roles and careers impacted their
familial relationships. Five of the participating women acknowledged ways in which the
demands of their roles may have caused them to miss out on experiences with their children and
families, and two of the participants noted they chose to only have one child because they
wanted to also pursue rewarding, demanding careers. Alexandra, Ruth, and Dolores reported
giving up time with their children, and Dolores shared her children have expressed the belief that
she, “works too much.” While at the same time, Dolores feels pride that her children see an
example of a successful, impactful leader in their mother. Similarly, Sonya lit up when relaying,
“I do want to be a role model for my own children.” All the participating women reinforced the
ways in which they valued and prioritized quality, caring relationships with their children, even
though they faced tradeoffs related to spending time with their families throughout their careers.

65
Overall, the women in the study expressed gratitude for the support they found within their
villages, which allowed them to find fulfilling roles as mothers and professional leaders.
Exosystem
Women who reach the pinnacle of leadership shape organizational cultures, influencing
exosystem factors. Bronfenbrenner’s exosystem involves the external environmental factors that
shape experience and behavior. Within the context of leadership development in school systems,
these factors may include formal district policies, human resource practices, and organizational
cultures. The women in the study rarely referenced specific school district policies or practices
that shaped their leadership trajectories. However, they consistently noted the barriers presented
by organizational cultures and the time expectations placed on senior leaders which are
incongruent with parenting responsibilities. Additionally, women cited cultural biases and gender
stereotypes that serve as barriers for mothers and women who aspire to the superintendency. To
overcome these barriers, study participants created boundaries around their time to allow them to
take on significant leadership roles. Finally, they described their own efforts to change
organizational cultures and practices to support the leadership ascent of other mothers and
women.
Navigating Time Boundaries
Mothers who take on senior leadership positions must establish time boundaries to
balance multiple priorities and meet role expectations. Six of the mothers described ways in
which they sought to establish boundaries within their professional realms to allow them to
prioritize care for their families. For example, Lori protected bedtime with her child, ensuring
she was home for this precious time, even though she then might need to work for several more
hours late into the night after putting her son to sleep. Similarly, Kamala communicated that she

66
would attend board meetings virtually, unless the board was discussing an item directly relevant
to her department, so that she could spend “prime time” with her daughter. The mothers in the
study were very clear about where their familial boundaries were placed, as Elena expressed:
I was very purposeful in what I chose to sacrifice and what I chose not to, and I would
encourage other moms with young ones coming up to do the same. There are times when
more of you is needed at home, and so work slips a bit. And then there are times when
more of you is needed at work.
Study participants carved out and communicated non-negotiable time and boundaries within
their professional worlds to ensure they could spend time with their children to ensure strong
family bonds.
While creating professional boundaries, the participants recounted times or experiences
of tension. Ruth highlighted a complex balance when establishing boundaries, including
instances when she felt guilt or negative consequences for doing so. She narrated, “I remember
getting a phone call at 9:30 at night from the superintendent who had been hollering for me from
my office…I had worked until probably 7pm.” She also conveyed the example “I remember the
first time I asked the superintendent if it was okay to be late for a board meeting for child’s first
band concert…it’s really hard to navigate.” Dolores echoed this friction as she recalled other
mothers in senior leadership have advised her to “just close the laptop. Get in the car,” but she
experiences strain creating this boundary because she wants to be present for the principals she
oversees and ensure she has done her job well. Ultimately, the theme of time boundaries is a
pressure point for women in senior K-12 leadership. While they express the importance of
creating boundaries in their professional lives so that they may also prioritize the care for their

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children, these women can also experience negative consequences or guilt for establishing these
expectations about their time.
Shaping Culture and Practices
Despite or perhaps because of the personal tensions they feel establishing professional
boundaries around their time, mothering leaders change organizational cultures. As the
participants ascend to positions of power in their school districts, the study participants intend to
create different experiences for other women and mothers within their organizations. When
asked about policies or practices they aspire to change as they ascend to senior leadership roles,
the mothers described creating cultures and practices to support other parents and women. Lori,
Elizabeth, Rebecca, and Angela all mentioned intentions to create cultures that support parents to
bring their children to school or district office buildings to support childcare challenges.
Similarly, Michelle and Ruth shared their own experiences as mothers have made them more
mindful about the time expectations they set and communicate about principals or central office
leaders they manage. Kamala reflected that she might create programs designed to support the
leadership journeys of women seeking the principalship.
Finally, as the study participants ascend to the most senior leadership roles in school
districts, they alluded to opportunities to change school district cultures and practices and to
support other women. For example, Michelle noted that she communicates the need to shift
hiring practices in the district she leads, even though the district has formal hiring policies in
place. She directed her team to be intentional to:
Make sure that we are training everybody that is hiring…so that you are considering just
lots of diversity and all of the positions, especially upper leader positions. I think the

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mistake we often make is that we just assume that people know how to do that…or we
have a vague conversation about that.
The participants emphasized the need for women in their positions to explicitly name and change
the barriers and disparities faced by women and mothers in leadership.
The women also acknowledged the role they play directly to support other women. As
Dolores articulated:
I think it is calling out, like who is in those positions? That is the first step…it’s tapping
people. It’s tapping new moms. It’s tapping moms period, you know to say ‘you can do
it. Being a mom doesn’t take away from what you can bring. It adds to what you can
bring to the experience of others. It adds empathy and understanding, connectedness,
passion, commitment. Because it is what you want for your own children. You can juggle
motherhood. You can juggle being a professional.
Ruth, Elena, Alexandra, and Lori all echoed efforts they have devoted to supporting other
mothers who work in their organizations, acknowledging their positions of power and
opportunity to change the conditions for women who aspire to K-12 school district leadership.
As the participants reach pinnacle roles, they use their leadership to improve the cultures and
opportunities available for mothering women in their districts, working to unwind the
motherhood penalty.
Discussion of Research Question Two
A nested set of interacting factors influence the career experiences of mothering women
who seek and pursue senior school district leadership. Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory
provides a framework to understand the factors and themes surfaced by interview participants. At
the microsystem level, the experience of mothering leads women to deepen their motivation and

69
commitment to lead educational systems. The participants developed enhanced empathy and
credibility that make them successful leaders within a profession focused on the development of
children. As Morgenroth et al. (2021) suggested, mothering influences the development of
specific skills that are ideal for specific leadership roles. In the case of senior school district
leadership, participant interviews reveal mothering skills are directly aligned with ideal
superintendent skills. Yet, while women possess the individual skills and motivation to succeed
in senior leadership roles, they must rely on supportive relationships from their villages to be
able to meet the demands of these roles. At the mesosystem level, the interviews suggest that key
relationships with mentors and sponsors cultivate the leadership aspirations of mothers within
school systems, and the support of women who enable them to take on new leadership
opportunities propelled the careers of these women. These findings build upon previous literature
which established barriers and challenges mothering women face by highlighting the individual
and environmental factors that allow women to overcome organizational and cultural barriers.
Finally, the interviews did not generally reveal trends related to specific exosystem constructs,
such as the existence of specific organizational hiring, compensation, or leave policies that
particularly influenced their career trajectories. Instead, participants relayed approaches they are
taking to change the cultural conditions and practices or their organizations to support more
women in the pursuit of leadership.
Summary
This study sought to understand the barriers mothering women face as they pursue and
hold the most senior leadership roles in school districts, as well as the factors that influence their
career progression. The research leveraged semi-structured interviews with mothering women in
leadership to gather themes and insights related to two research questions. The first research

70
question focused on professional barriers these women face, while the second research question
explored the individual and environmental factors that shape and influence their ascent to and
success within senior leadership roles in K-12 school districts. The findings in this research
center on the specific barriers women faced in their careers and the factors that allowed them to
succeed in their leadership careers. Data collected from the 10 interviews with mothering leaders
were analyzed and grouped according to themes.
Overall, the study corroborates the hypotheses and findings of Skrla et al. (2000) and
Wallace (2015) which suggested women who pursue the superintendent face bias and stereotypes
and will need to work twice as hard to achieve the highest levels of leadership. In addition,
women consistently cited the time commitments and expectations for late night and evening
work in the public eye to be in tension with parenting responsibilities, leading women to
navigate, negotiate, or delay their pursuit of the role. Meanwhile, the themes related to the
microsystem indicate mothering results in the development of specific leadership skills and
credibility that enable women to succeed within school district leadership, while support from a
village allows them to balance parenting and leadership responsibilities. In addition, women who
succeed in school district leadership often credit mentorship and sponsorship from other
mothering women as critical to their success. Once these women reach the highest levels of
leadership, they look to create the organizational conditions and shape the cultures that will
support the success of other mothering women in their school systems.

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Chapter Five: Recommendations and Discussion
This chapter begins with a discussion of the findings which emerged from qualitative
themes and makes connections back to established literature. Then, the section includes a
discussion of recommendations to address the research findings, followed by a summary of the
limitations and delimitations of the study. Potential areas for future research are also discussed,
as well as connections between this study’s findings and the University of Southern California
Rossier Schools of Education mission and commitment to equity.
Discussion of Findings
The qualitative research in this study resulted in five findings, which point to the barriers
mothering women face in their careers as their pursue the most senior roles in K-12 educational
systems, as well as the factors that enable and support the success of these women. Mothering
women face considerable barriers related to the time expectations associated with demanding
leadership roles in K-12 public school district, while they also come up against entrenched
gender biases and stereotypes. Yet, the experience of mothering results in the development of
key leadership skills that position these women well for K-12 school system leadership. In
addition, the existence of supportive relationships enables women to succeed in their pursuit of
senior leadership positions, which they then leverage to create new organizational conditions and
contexts to support the professional experiences of other women and parents.
Finding One: Time Commitment Expectations
Women who hold senior leadership roles in K-12 school systems while mothering find
time expectations and demands are difficult to balance and are often incongruent with their
commitments to raising children. Research Question 1 examined the barriers that mothering
women face in their ascent to senior leadership roles in K-12 school systems. The research

72
participants cited the time commitments and expectations of senior leadership roles and the
principalship to be significant challenges. In particular, the time expectations to attend late-night
board meetings or community events and to be “on call” 24 hours a date presented barriers as
women aimed to also raise their families and spend time with their children. Recognizing these
obstacles, some of the women made thoughtful career timing decisions, such as forgoing
leadership opportunities or delaying their pursuit of the most senior leadership roles in the school
district until their children completed school. This finding aligns with Robinson and Shakeshaft’s
(2015) research which documented the pressures female superintendents feel to be frequently
present in the community. In addition, this finding confirms Glass’s (2000), hypothesis that the
publicly facing work of superintendents may be less appealing to early and mid-career women,
and mothering prevents women from pursuing superintendent roles until later in their careers
than men. Ultimately, the public-facing and demanding nature of senior leadership positions in
school districts can be a barrier to women who are also juggling familial responsibilities.
In addition, this finding may explain some of the trends in the career trajectories of
women pursuing the superintendency, as the key principalship role can be unsustainable for midcareer, mothering women. Several women in the study highlighted the gatekeeping function the
principalship plays in the trajectory of a K-12 superintendent: school boards expect the district’s
leader to have experience leading a school site, particularly a high school. Yet, the high school
principalship is a barrier, as the school leader is expected to attend many events on nights and
weekends that can interfere with parenting responsibilities. Munoz et al. (2014) reported men
and women who do ascend to the superintendency tend to follow different career paths. Male
superintendents’ roles spend less time as classroom teachers and are more frequently promoted
to the superintendency by school boards following a high school principalship. In contrast,

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women superintendents tend to follow career paths that include elementary principalship and
multiple roles in district central offices (Robinson et al., 2017). The findings of this study, which
highlight the barrier the high school principalship presents to mothering women, may contribute
to the explanation of the common career paths of women superintendents. For example, several
women in the study described choosing to accept a central office leadership role that might
provide more stable work hours after becoming parents. Yet, these central office roles may
provide a less direct route to the superintendency, as school boards may expect superintendent
candidates to have experience as a high school principal and look for line-management
experience in candidates.
Finding Two: Bias and Stereotypes
Compounding challenges associated with time expectations that may lead women to
delay or pursue indirect career paths to the superintendency, women continue to face bias and
gender stereotypes that present barriers in their careers. Study participants described vivid
examples in which they experienced gender bias in their careers. These examples included
instances in which the school board, colleagues, or supervisors questioned their competence or
experience as a leader. While these questions may not have been relayed by the speaker in
gendered terms, the women walked away with the understanding that their skill, experience, or
competence was doubted, and they attributed the negative assessment to their gender. This
finding confirms the persistence of gender bias documented by Skrla et al. (2000) and runs
counter to the assertions Derrington and Sharratt (2009) made about the decline of overt external
gender bias as barriers to the superintendency.
The need to overcome gender bias and discrimination leads women to work hard to
demonstrate their competence and experience. Women in the study described instances in which

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well-qualified women were passed over by school boards and district officials for the
superintendency or other senior leadership roles, while male candidates with less experience
were able to quickly land pinnacle leadership roles in school districts. This trend mirrors the
findings of Munoz et al. (2014), which documented women in central office roles pursuing the
superintendent position successfully achieve the role 30% of the time, compared to a 70%
success rate among male candidates. Across a variety of industries and contexts, women are
perceived to be less effective leaders than men (Kawakami et al., 2000; Place & VardemanWinter, 2018; Rosser, 2003). Within K-12 school system leadership, women appear to face
similar challenges about the questions and perceptions of their efficacy as leaders.
While women did not often attribute bias associated with superintendent hiring to
mothering, these gender biases may present compounding challenges for mothering women who
have delayed or foregone leadership roles as they balance parenting responsibilities. Meanwhile,
women in the study reported seeking out additional leadership experiences and ensuring they
were deeply prepared for leadership roles, particularly finance and operations functions, to
demonstrate their competence. This phenomenon explains the trend Wallace (2015) described in
which women in the superintendent role continue to advise peers about the prevalence of gender
bias, asserting women colleagues who seek the role will need to work harder than men to obtain
and keep a superintendent position.
Finding Three: Deepened Motivation and Credibility
While women face barriers to the highest levels of leadership in K-12 school systems,
they also develop unique leadership skills and experience that enhance their capabilities as
leaders. All the women in this study described ways in which they are better leaders of school
systems because they are mothers. Often, the participants experienced deepened motivation and

75
commitment to equitable experiences for all the students in the school systems they lead, as well
as enhanced empathy and credibility within their leadership roles. Morgenroth et al. (2021)
suggested mothers may experience an advantage related to their perceived skill as managers, and
mothering women within K-12 school systems may also experience the enhanced perception of
their ability to connect with and understand parents in the school district. As a result of their own
experiences as parents, mothers have heightened credibility as systems leaders.
Mothering women also exhibit empathy, a valuable leadership trait. Nearly all the women
in the study suggested being a mother led them to develop empathy, and this trait is a key asset to
their success in K-12 school district leadership. Empathy is also one of the affective leadership
characteristics or traits of servant leadership. Leaders who demonstrate the qualities of servant
leadership experience outcomes that include societal impact, organizational performance, and
growth in the performance of their followers (Northouse, 2021). The work of a K-12 public
school superintendent often involves forms of servant leadership, as school system leaders must
consider and focus on the development and success of teachers and school building leaders, who
in turn influence the development and academic success of students. Thus, mothering women
who lead K-12 school systems can directly translate their skill in empathy to leadership success.
Finding Four: Key Relationships
Women who pursue senior K-12 school district leadership rely on mentorship and
sponsorship to propel their success. Study participants consistently described the impact the role
of mentors and sponsors in their success. Often, the study participants noted they did not initially
aspire to leadership, but they were “tapped” throughout their careers and encouraged to take on
new, more expansive leadership opportunities. Glass (2000) asserted women in K-12 school
system leadership experience less developed mentoring systems, yet the women in this study

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highlighted the influences of mentors. These mentors include women who participants knew as
higher education faculty, supervisors, or professional colleagues that influenced their decisions
to pursue the highest levels of leadership in school systems. This finding corroborates Kelsey et
al. (2014), whose work involved documenting mentorship as pivotal to the success of female
superintendents.
In addition, participants in the study suggest women directly promoted them into
progressive leadership roles, sponsoring their development. Sponsors, or people with power and
influence within an organization, help aspiring leaders bypass organizational hierarchy, receive
insider information, or obtain new roles and opportunities (Carbajal, 2014). Several of the study
participants described instances in which women in positions of authority and power within their
organizations encouraged them to apply for roles and supported their promotion. In addition,
several of the study participants sought out opportunities to work for women leaders, who they
believed would support their success, while one study participant also documented the ways in
which a woman sponsors helped cut through bureaucratic expectations for advancement. The
study findings echo the conclusions of Ibirra (2019), which documented the importance of
powerful sponsors in the ascent of women CEOs nationally. Yet, as Ibarra (2014) highlighted, K12 school districts lack women sponsors, and aspiring women cannot find women because few
women hold top positions. When women experience sponsorship, particularly from powerful
female leaders, they are able to gain the valuable leadership experiences that enable them to
ascend to the highest levels of leadership in K-12 school districts.
Finding Five: Shaping Cultures and Contexts
The women in this study generally did not describe specific formal organizational
policies that enabled or hindered their leadership trajectories, but they do aim to change

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organizational cultures to support the success of other women and parents. Once they have
ascended to the highest levels of leadership in K-12 school districts, mothering women actively
work to shift cultures and create environments that are more supportive of other parents. The
efforts of women in this study included creating cultures that allow parents to establish time
boundaries, normalizing children in central office spaces, encouraging staff to prioritize family
time and balance workloads, instituting their own time boundaries, and encouraging their staff to
do the same, and institutionalizing hiring practices that value the experiences of parents. Some of
these efforts mirror those captured in the research of Cheung and Halpern (2010), which
documented the ways in which top women executives blur the lines between home and family to
create more time and space for both. These researchers also documented ways in which women,
when in positions of leadership and power, make it easier for the mothers and others behind them
to handle the competing demands of leadership. Women in this study, like the women in the
Cheung and Halpern (2010) research, noted the importance of communication and team building
in creating the cultures of organizations that will better support the success of other women and
parents. As one study participant summarized, it is not so much that the mothers who ascend to
the highest levels of leadership make significant structural or blanket policies change, they
instead create cultures that open conversations about what an individual woman or mother might
find supportive.
Recommendations for Practice
School districts may take action to remove barriers and address the inequitable
experiences of mothering women. The problems associated with gender disparities in K-12
school system leadership, particularly within the superintendency, are complex and multifaceted.
Best practices and existing research about addressing gender disparities in organizations ought to

78
be leveraged to tackle this problem of practice. The recommendations described in this section
aim to address the findings and barriers uncovered in this study. The recommendations are
focused on school districts, including practices to remove time barriers experienced by
mothering women, implement formal structures to cultivate women sponsors, and initiate
training and interventions to address gender biases. They are presented in the order in which they
might be implemented, as changing hearts and minds by addressing gender bias is a likely a
foundational, prerequisite to making structural or policy change. These recommendations are
supported by external research and present opportunities to address the problem of practice that
results in the Motherhood Penalty in school districts and gender disparities in school system
leadership.
Recommendation One: Gender Bias Learning and Interventions
As the number of women who ascend to the superintendency remains limited, women
who do take on the role perceive they are judged more harshly by supervisors and school boards
than their male counterparts and experience questions about their competence. The women in
this study noted several sources for such bias, including supervisors and peers. Participants also
perceived bias among school boards to especially hold women back from achieving
superintendent roles. In addition, research conducted by the ILO Group, a women-owned
education consulting firm, finds superintendent search processes often preference the hiring of
men, and common processes, such as naming a sole finalist, can result in biased processes and
negative outcomes for women candidates. In contrast, the group recommends boards commit to
maintain a candidate pool that names multiple women, and this approach may allow more
women to accelerate into the superintendency (ILO Group, 2023). The specific example about
superintendent search processes and the potential for implicit bias highlights the need for training

79
about gender bias and hiring processes among school boards, who run superintendent search
processes and make decisions about superintendent hiring and firing.
Training efforts to intervene when people demonstrate bias can reduce prejudice, and
such training efforts among school boards and other school district leaders who make hiring
decisions could increase hiring among women. Prejudice-habit interventions help individuals
learn and become motivated to act in less biased ways by becoming aware of when they are
vulnerable to unintentional bias. Interventions also help people understand the consequences of
unintentional bias, learn and practice effective strategies to reduce the impact of unintentional
bias (Devine et al., 2017). These researchers demonstrated an increase in the hiring of women in
STEM fields within higher-education academic institutions when hiring decision-makers receive
gender bias habit-breaking training and interventions. School districts ought to consider similar
training and interventions to reduce gender bias in hiring decisions of senior leaders, particularly
at the school board level, that influence the career trajectories of women who aspire to the
superintendency.
Recommendation Two: Mentorship and Sponsorship Programs
The women in the study report mentorship and sponsorship significantly influence their
career trajectories, and school districts should establish opportunities to support mothering
women in their pursuit of senior leadership roles. Within school systems, sources of women
sponsorship include the superintendent, a board member, or other professional colleague. Female
superintendents in particular play a critical role in targeting and encouraging potential female
educational leaders through mentorship, networking, and advocacy (DiCanio et al., 2016). Yet,
research concludes mentorship and sponsorship networks and structures are less developed for
women who aspire to the superintendency (Glass, 2000). School systems could create structured

80
opportunities for women to engage with senior school system leaders, receive mentoring and
other support as they apply for and obtain leadership roles.
School districts could cultivate and task women in senior leadership roles to sponsor
other women. Research within the academic medicine setting outlines principles of effective
sponsorship. These factors include effective sponsors that are career-established and wellconnected talent scouts who have access to networks and provide unequivocal support when
promoting proteges (Manasa et al, 2019). K-12 school systems could identify such women
within their systems, or professional organizations might select leaders who meet these criteria
and develop structured opportunities or provide time for women to network and build
relationships with sponsors.
Recommendation Three: Addressing Time Expectations
The study’s findings demonstrate the ways in which the demanding expectations and 24-
hour nature of K-12 school district leadership roles present barriers for mothering women and
contribute to the gender disparities that ultimately develop at the highest levels of leadership in
K-12 educational systems. When women find the time demands associated with K-12 school
district leadership roles to be incongruent with their parenting responsibilities, they may forego
or delay their pursuit of these roles. K-12 school districts can, however, shift expectations about
public engagement and the culture of 24-hour work to allow more mothers to take on senior
leadership roles. For example, school districts might make modifications to the structure of
public board meetings to leverage technology and allow for the remote participation of school
district staff who are not directly running these meetings.
Similarly, school districts might consider leveraging technology to facilitate engagement
with the public in a way that does not always require late-night public meetings. For example,

81
senior school district leaders might choose to accept questions and feedback from the public via
social media and respond to public comments through a social media platform. Such public
engagement might both allow parents in the district to interact with and participate in public
meetings, as well as lessen the burden of late night and weekend public engagement that might
prevent mothers from accepting or sustaining leadership roles. Social media is an engagement
strategy for government entities with tremendous potential, and often the barriers to
implementation are the result of organizational culture and administration, not technology
(McNutt, 2014). Rethinking the ways in which senior school district leaders engage with the
public may both provide access and opportunity for parents in the district, as well as enable the
leadership of mothering women who would otherwise be side-lined.
In addition, school districts should consider ensuring multiple administrators led district
schools, both to provide additional leadership opportunities for women as well as to spread
principal responsibilities among multiple administrators. Women in this study consistently noted
expectations of the principal role are barriers to the leadership progression of mothering women.
Co-principal models of school leadership provide leadership stability and opportunities for
succession planning, as well as occasions for shared leadership decision-making and problem
solving (Wexler, 2018). This model of school leadership implemented within K-12 public
schools in California could also provide a model to support mothering women in the
principalship. The model would provide two principals on a campus to divide workload
responsibilities and share school event duties on nights and weekends. Ultimately, removing
barriers to this steppingstone role could increase the numbers of mothering women who hold
principalships and provide a broader bench of women to ascend the leadership ladder to the
superintendency.

82
Recommendation Four: State and Federal Policy Change to Support Caregiving
The study’s findings highlight the importance of a village and the ways in which key
relationships often provide caregiving support to the children and families of mothering women
who hold senior leadership roles in K-12 school districts. Yet, not all women have support
systems on which they can rely for child and family care. Consistent, safe, affordable, and
accessible childcare is an essential need for both men and women who work. State and federal
policy may be leveraged or changed to make childcare more accessible, available, and
affordable. Research about women’s labor force participation finds increased availability of
public early childhood care and education and reduced out-of-pocket costs for early childhood
care and education has positive impacts on mothers’ labor force participation and work hours
(Morrissey, 2017), and state or federal policies that address accessibility and affordability may
increase labor force participation of women. For example, research about families receiving
childcare subsidies in Massachusetts finds families report more affordable, high quality childcare
access than families not receiving subsidies (Marshal et al., 2014). States or the federal
government could increase subsidize childcare through a variety of mechanisms, including direct
subsidy payments to childcare providers or tax incentives or deductions, to increase access to
affordable childcare. These strategies may eliminate barriers to workforce participation and
reduce the challenges working mothering women experience finding accessible and affordable
childcare. Additionally, school systems could consider leveraging their resources, such as
providing space on their campuses for childcare centers, so that school and district personnel
have access to reliable and convenient childcare options.

83
Limitations and Delimitations
The methodology of this study presents limitations and delimitations. Limitations include
elements of the study, including design constraints and external factors, which cannot be
controlled by the research design. While the study methodology maintained a purposeful
sampling strategy, the study cannot control who participated and the truthfulness with which
participants respond to interview questions. Because the study was conducted remotely via
Zoom, the chance for environmental disruption was present, and a virtual format inhibited my s
ability to detect subtle non-verbal cues the participant may convey. To mitigate these concerns,
participants scheduled interviews during a time when they could minimize distractions and
conduct the interview in a quiet, private environment. Throughout the study, research
communication also reinforced the confidential nature of the study to encourage the participants
to share their experiences with candor.
In addition, because the methodology relied on a relatively small sample to gather rich
qualitative data, limiting the generalizability of study findings. Delimitations include decisions
made about the research design that present limitations to the methodology. The primary
limitation results from the decision to limit participation to a narrowly crafted participant profile,
which includes only women currently working in K-12 senior leadership positions, who are also
mothers. The study has intentionally excluded women who previously held but have left a senior
leadership role in K-12 public school districts, and women who are mothers but who do not hold
senior leadership roles within public school districts, such as principals. Thus, the narrowly
defined focus of the stakeholder group allows for a robust qualitative study of the identified
group but limits the generalizability of the study’s findings and conclusions. As such, the
research report must provide sufficient detail when describing the study methodology to allow

84
readers to make an informed judgment about the fit of the study to other contexts (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016).
The theoretical framework and the study’s focus on only three elements of
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory, the microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem, also
introduces a delimitation to the study. All the interview questions aligned to the research
questions and aimed to understand the ways in which the elements of these three systems interact
to affect the experiences of mothering women in K-12 school system leadership. However, other
elements of Bronfenbrenner’s systems may also play roles, and the study did not explore
questions about these levels. Additionally, the study’s reliance on qualitative methods prevents
the collection of robust quantitative data that might describe the relationship or association
between variables that interact to influence the Motherhood Penalty within K-12 school systems.
Other methodologies, worldviews, or sampling approaches would likely produce different
findings and research conclusions.
Recommendations for Future Research
This study aimed to understand the barriers mothering women face and the factors that
influence their experiences as they pursue senior leadership roles in K-12 public school systems.
The qualitative study did not intend to understand the relationship between specific factors, such
as the woman’s education, the existence of mentors, or the length of specific roles, and their
success in achieving the superintendency. Such quantitative analysis is an opportunity for future
research. In addition, future research related to the specific elements of effective mentorship and
sponsorship relationships among senior leaders who are mothers within K-12 educational
systems presents an opportunity to understand the specific factors and elements that make these
relationships effective propellers of the careers of mothering women.

85
Future opportunities for research also might consider the intersections of different
identities and relationship structures on the experiences of mothering women in K-12 system
leadership. This study design did not explicitly ask women about the ways in which their racial
or ethnic identities or cultures may have shaped their experiences, though several women
mentioned these factors. Future research might further explore the intersections of mothering,
racial, ethnic, and cultural identities. In addition, future research might explore the experiences
of women with different partner relationships, including women who are in heterosexual
partnerships, same sex partnerships, and single relationships, and how these relationships might
influence the experiences of mothering women in senior leadership. Several women in the study
discussed the ways in which their careers impacted the career experiences or choices of their
partners, and future research might explore the ways in which partners make career choices or
experience career impacts as women pursue senior leadership in K-12 school districts.
Ultimately, future research may seek to understand how different iterations of the village or
different cultural contexts shape the experiences and career trajectories of mothering women and
their partners.
Finally, this study recommended school districts consider shifting the structure of public
meetings, implementing co-principal models, and delivering training and interventions to address
gender bias within K-12 systems. All these strategies would benefit from evaluation to determine
the most cost-effective and impactful method for implementation, and the interventions may
have application in other professional sectors that experience gender disparities in senior
leadership, including higher education, government, and the private sector.
Gender Equity Connection to the Rossier Mission

86
While roughly 75% of the teaching workforce is comprised of women, roughly a quarter
of all K-12 school system superintendents are women (Robinson et al., 2017; Sharp et al., 2004).
Given more than 85% of all women in the United States will have a child by the time they reach
their mid-forties, the interaction between professional expectations and demands as well as
parenting responsibilities is salient for the majority of women working within K-12 educational
systems (Martinez & Daniels, 2023). The gender gap in the superintendency is a persistent
problem, and one worth addressing to increase the overall pool of superintendents working to
lead and improve K-12 school systems on behalf of students. The barriers and disparities that
mothering women in these systems face also contribute to inequitable experiences and stymy
their leadership potential.
This study’s focus on the experiences and barriers of mothering women in K-12 school
system leadership, as well as the study recommendations, align to the Rossier School of
Education at the University of Southern California’s mission to, “prepare leaders to achieve
educational equity through practice, research, and policy.” By reducing the barriers mothering
women experience and supporting their leadership, school districts can work to eliminate the
gender disparities in school system leadership, particularly in the superintendency. Ultimately,
the focus on equity within the leadership of school systems is an important endeavor if school
districts aim to achieve educational equity for students.
Conclusion
The leadership of school systems, which maintains dramatic gender disparities at the
most senior levels, highlights entrenched inequities. While research has underscored gender
disparities in the superintendency for several decades, the existing literature does not focus on
the unique experiences of mothering women and the ways in which the Motherhood Penalty

87
contributes to these disparities. Beyond wage comparisons which often define the Motherhood
Penalty, mothering bestows complex decisions about career and family professional women must
navigate. Women may choose to remove themselves from the labor force, forgo career
opportunities, or face discrimination within their careers. Within the context of K-12 school
systems, 75% of all teachers are women, but less than a third of all superintendents are women
(Robinson et al., 2017; Sharp et al., 2004). This disparity is a problem. Gender differences
observed among school district superintendents are connected to the barriers mothering women
face within K-12 school district careers. Mothering women experience challenges as they
navigate leadership positions in K-12 school systems, and these hurdles may ultimately prevent
them from taking on influential leadership roles and reaching the superintendent position.
Addressing the barriers and challenges mothering women face in school district leadership will
both make educational systems more equitable and increase the pool of effective leaders ready
and willing to ascend to the superintendent role.

88
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Appendix A: Information Sheet for Exempt Studies
STUDY TITLE: School District Leadership and the Motherhood Penalty
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Rachel Mercer Garcia
FACULTY ADVISOR: Monique Datta, Ed.D.
You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This document
explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything that is unclear to
you.
PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to understand the barriers mothering women in K-12 public school
district senior leadership roles experience. The Motherhood Penalty is expressed in the
disparities in wages, hiring, promotion, and perceived efficacy women in the education sector
experience as they pursue careers in K-12 school system administration and leadership.
We hope to learn about the career barriers mothering women in K-12 public school district
senior leadership experience and understand how various factors influence the career trajectories
of these women. You are invited as a possible participant because you hold a senior leadership
position in a K-12 public school district and are a mother.
PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
Participants will be asked to participate in a semi-structured interview and asked a series of
questions about their professional and personal experiences working in a senior leadership role
within a K-12 public school district. Interviews will be conducted via Zoom and will last roughly
60 minutes. Audio recordings of the interview will be collected to assist in data analysis. The
researcher will also collected summary notes in the event a participant declines consent for audio
recording.
If you decide to take part, you will be asked to participate in a semi-structured interview and
share information about your professional experiences within the K-12 public school system and
your experiences as a mothering professional.
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
Participation is entirely voluntary, and participants will not receive compensation for their
participation.
CONFIDENTIALITY
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California Institutional
Review Board (IRB) may access the data collected in this study. The IRB reviews and monitors
research studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

99
When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used. All personally identifiable information will be removed from the
research summary, and participants will be assigned a pseudonym in all data analysis and
research summaries to maintain the confidentiality of participants.
Only the researcher will have access to recorded interview transcripts. All recordings and
transcripts will be maintained on a password-protected computer and destroyed by December
2023. All personally-identifiable information will be removed from all research summaries, and
each participant will have an opportunity to review a synthesis of themes and notes collected
from their interview.
INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact Rachel Mercer Garcia via
mercersm@usc.edu or 505-699-7163.
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
irb@usc.edu.

100
Appendix B: Interview Protocols
Research Questions:
1. What barriers do mothers in K-12 public school system senior leadership
positions experience?
2. How do factors of Bronfenbrenner’s microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem
influence the career trajectories and experiences of mothers in senior leadership
roles in K-12 public school systems?
Interview Introduction Script:
Thank you for agreeing to participate in this research study. I appreciate the time that you have
set aside to answer my questions and share about your experiences as a mother working in a state
legislative office. Before we get started, I will share a bit more about the purpose of this study
and myself.
I am currently a graduate student at USC and, for the purposes of a dissertation, I am conducting
a study about different experiences of mothers who are senior leaders in K-12 public school
systems and how motherhood impacts their career trajectories. This study particularly aims to
understand more about the way in which motherhood has impacted your experience in the
workplace, and the way in which factors in your life, including personal beliefs and experiences,
interactions with colleagues, and organizational policies, have impacted your experience as a
mother pursuing roles in senior school district leadership. On a personal level, I am also
interested in this topic because I am a new mother.
I will be interviewing mothers who hold senior leadership roles in K-12 public schools for this
research to understand their perspectives and experiences. The content of each interview will
remain anonymous. A summary or synthesis of data collected through this interview may be
shared in an anonymous way in the research summary, and you will have the opportunity to
review any narrative you provide. I will do my best to protect your identity and any data
attributed directly to you by de-identifying all data and using a pseudonym in the research report.
This interview should take about one hour; does that still work for you?
Data collected in this interview will be destroyed by December 2023 and stored until that time on
a password protected computer. I will be recording this interview via Zoom for the purpose of
recording and accurately capturing what is shared. The recording is solely for the purposes to
best capture your perspectives and experiences.
Do I have your permission to record this interview?
Do you have any questions before we get started?
And overall, do you consent to participate in the study?

101
School-District Leadership and the Motherhood Penalty Interview Questions:
Interview Question Potential Probes RQ Addressed Key Concept
Addressed
1. First, tell me about your
background. What led you to
be interested in senior
leadership in a public school
district?
a) How long have you
worked for this entity?
b) What roles and positions
have you previously held?
Background Background/
Demographics
2. Next, will you tell me about
your background as a mother?
How many children do you
have, and what are their ages?
a) At what point in your
career did you have
children?
Background Background/
Demographics
3. What are your career
aspirations?
a) Are you interested in a
superintendent role? Why
or why not?
Background Background/
Demographics
4. When you became a mother,
how did you anticipate this
role might impact your career?
a) Can you share an
example?
1 Barriers
5. What barriers did you
anticipate you might face in
your career?
1 Barriers
6.What barriers, if any, have
you actually faced as a mother
in your career?
a) What barriers have you
faced related to your
personal choices or tradeoffs?
b) Interactions with
colleagues or work
systems?
c) Workplace policies?
1 Barriers
7. In what ways has your role
as a mother been an asset in
your career?
a) Can you share an
example?
1 Assets
8. What career choices have
you made since becoming a
mother?
a) Has motherhood led you
to make any career choices
you might not have made
before becoming a
mother?
2 Microsystem
9. How has motherhood
shaped or changed the way
a) Can you share an
example?
2 Microsystem

102
you view your career
aspirations?
10. What professional
expectations do you believe
your colleagues hold of you?
a) How are these different, if
at all, from expectations
colleagues held of you
before motherhood?
b) How, if at all, have you
experienced biases
associated with
motherhood in the
workplace?
2 Mesosystem
11.What professional
expectations do you believe
your manager/ the school
board holds of you?
a) How are these
expectations similar or
different from
expectations held before
motherhood?
2 Mesosystem
12. How has motherhood
changed the way you are
perceived or perceive yourself
in the workplace?
a) Can you share an
example? 2 Mesosystem
13. What policies related to
motherhood exist in your
workplace, and how have these
impacted your experience and
career?
Are there any workplace policies
you believe would/ would have
support(ed) you in both your career
aspirations and motherhood? 2 Exosystem
14. How has being a mother or
woman shaped the way you
lead or manage others in your
organization?
Have you shaped policies?
Procedures? Culture? 2 Mesosystem
15. What other insights do you
have about motherhood and
school district leadership that
we have not discussed today
that you would like to add? 1 and 2 Exosystem

103
Appendix C: Participant Invitation Email
Dear XXXXX,
I am a doctoral student at the University of Southern California, and I am writing to
invite you to participate in an interview as part of a research study I am conducting to fulfill the
requirements of a Doctorate of Education.
The focus of my dissertation study is about the experiences of mothers who hold roles in senior
leadership within K-12 public school systems. In particular, the goal of the study is to gain
information and understanding about the experiences and professional barriers mothering women
experience while pursuing and holding roles in school district leadership.
Would you be willing to participate in a 60 minute, confidential interview about your own
professional experiences?
If you agree to participate, I will send you a list of potential dates, times, and meeting options so
that you may select an interview time that meets your needs. Interviews will be held via Zoom,
and I will manage all of the logistics, based on your availability.
The study ultimately aims to gain insight about factors that may support mothers who also hold
senior leadership positions, and I do not anticipate any risk to you while discussing your
experiences and perspectives. However, the interviews may involve you discussing personal and
sensitive experiences. Your identity will remain confidential throughout the course of the study
and publication, and your participation will remain voluntary; you may choose at any time not to
continue with the interview. I’ve attached to this email a Participant Information Sheet that
includes the above information, as well as additional information about the study.
I deeply appreciate your consideration and support. Please let me know if you are interested in
participating or have any questions.
Warmly,
Rachel Mercer Garcia

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Asset Metadata

Creator Garcia, Rachel Mercer (author)

Core Title School district leadership and the motherhood penalty

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-12

Publication Date 11/03/2023

Defense Date 10/12/2023

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag leadership,motherhood penalty,OAI-PMH Harvest,school district superintendent

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Datta, Monique (committee chair), Martinez, Brandon (committee member), Ott, Maria (committee member)

Creator Email mercersm@usc.edu,mercersmith.r@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113763046

Unique identifier UC113763046

Identifier etd-GarciaRach-12450.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-GarciaRach-12450

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Garcia, Rachel Mercer

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20231103-usctheses-batch-1104 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu