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Silencing to belonging: the institutionalization of Black girls in public schools

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Silencing to belonging: the institutionalization of Black girls in public schools

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Content Silencing to Belonging: The Institutionalization of Black Girls in Public Schools
By
Crystal Robinson
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
December 2023

© Copyright by Crystal Robinson 2023
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Crystal Robinson certifies the approval of this Dissertation.
Doug Lynch
Esther Kim
Monique Datta, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

iv
Abstract
Black girls face significant barriers to educational opportunities because of racial and gender
biases. Few empirical studies have examined Black girls' educational experiences and their
impact on their academic achievement (Young, 2019). The study examines Black girls'
experience through the lens of the theoretical framework of Structural Belonging. Epistemic
violence in the form of narratives taught in the classroom reinforces the marginalization of Black
girls that normalizes their erasure, suppresses their experiences, and renders them invisible.
Black girls who have been marginalized by systemic racism endure an unfulfilled sense of
belonging (Gray et al., 2018; Murray & Zirkel, 2015) and can only be critically examined and
understood through a systemic approach offered through the theory of Structural Belonging. This
study aims to understand Black girls’ experience in public K-12 schools by examining the
classroom culture and teacher practices to provide opportunities to reimagine structures to create
belonging. The study’s recommendations based on the findings are to: provide asset-based
professional development to teachers, include an institutional culture of care foundation in
teacher preparation programs, and redesign the education system towards liberatory education.
Keywords: silencing, epistemic violence, culture of power, othering, marginalization,
belonging

v
Dedication
To my daughter Jaida and all Black girls, I want you to know that you are a beautiful, brave, and
intelligent young women. Do not bend, change, or diminish yourself for anyone. My hope is this
work will shine a light on your experiences that have been suppressed. That education becomes
an opportunity for liberation, where you are no longer asked to conform or silence your voice.
Instead, education serves as a platform for discovery and growth in which you can transform the
world around you.
“Education either functions as an instrument which is used to facilitate integration of the
younger generation into the logic of the present system and bring about conformity or it
becomes the practice of freedom, the means by which men and women deal critically and
creatively with reality and discover how to participate in the transformation of their world”
Paulo Freire, 1968

vi
Acknowledgements
I want to thank the Rossier Organizational Change and Leadership faculty for a
transformative experience and my professors who provided thought partnership, expertise, and
guidance. To my dissertation committee for their support through this journey when I boldly
decided to tackle a new theory and develop a new conceptual framework. To Dr. Kim for
pushing me to think critically about race, power, and narratives. Dr. Lynch who provided
encouragement, expertise, and thought partnership on my topic and leading change. To Dr.
Datta, who provided countless rounds of editing and pushed me to be explicit in my writing. The
drive to tackle my study’s problem was born from my experience and observing what Black girls
continued to go through in K-12, however, my dissertation was crafted through Dr. Kim’s
comment, “What would happen if we believed their experiences and stories?” Thank you for the
push to be courageous enough to try to answer the question.

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures................................................................................................................................. x
Chapter One: Overview of the Study.................................................................................. 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 2
Statement of the Problem.................................................................................................... 3
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 4
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 5
Definition of Terms............................................................................................................. 6
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................... 7
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature .......................................................................................... 9
The Endemic Nature of Race and Racism .......................................................................... 9
Education as the Great Equalizer...................................................................................... 14
Epistemology .................................................................................................................... 18
The Invisibility of Black Girls.......................................................................................... 21
Who Belongs?................................................................................................................... 26
Theoretical Framework: Structural Belonging ................................................................. 36
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 38
Chapter Three: Methodology........................................................................................................ 40
Research Questions........................................................................................................... 40
Research Setting................................................................................................................ 41
The Researcher.................................................................................................................. 42

viii
Data Sources ..................................................................................................................... 43
Participants........................................................................................................................ 43
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 44
Data Collection Procedures............................................................................................... 45
Data Analysis.................................................................................................................... 46
Credibility and Trustworthiness........................................................................................ 46
Ethics................................................................................................................................. 46
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 48
Participants........................................................................................................................ 49
Context and Background................................................................................................... 50
Findings for Research Question One ................................................................................ 51
Discussion for Research Question One............................................................................. 56
Findings for Research Question Two ............................................................................... 56
Discussion for Research Question Two............................................................................ 64
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 66
Chapter Five: Recommendations.................................................................................................. 68
Discussion of Findings...................................................................................................... 68
Recommendations for Practice ......................................................................................... 71
Limitation and Delimitations............................................................................................ 77
Future Research ................................................................................................................ 78
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 79
References..................................................................................................................................... 81
APPENDIX A: Interview Protocol............................................................................................. 100

ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Data Sources ...………………………………………………………………………..41
Table 2: Participant Demographics ………………………………………................................49
Table 3: Examples of Culture of Power ……………………………………………………….58
Table 4: Desire to be Seen and Heard ……………………………………................................63

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework ……………………………………………………………..38

1
Chapter One: Overview of the Study
The hierarchical structure of a K-12 classroom creates a ‘culture of power ’in which
Black girls are forced to assimilate or be silenced (Arnot, 2007; Delpit, 1988). School
normalization processes condition students' identities, behavior, and expectations through
established norms (Foucault, 1979, 1980). A classroom is designed with a hierarchical structure
that reinforces the power dynamic between teachers and students through the unconscious yet
visible part of the school culture (Andrews, 2019). The systematic and unreciprocated transfer of
power in the hierarchical structure of a classroom manifests as a form of social control through
the normalization process (Young, 1990). Racism has become normalized through ideological
hegemony in ways that reinforce a deficit-based approach that denies Black students’ cultural
capital and creates a school culture of disengaged Black girls who report strained relationships
with their teachers (Aldrige, 2018). Power differentials in access to knowledge, labeling, and
whose voices are valued have also been used to silence and marginalize students of color until
they are rendered invisible or pushed out (DeLeon, 2020).
Many teachers tend to label Black girls as defiant and disruptive by using words to
describe them as ‘loud, aggressive, and combative ’for behavior that does not align with White
feminine norms (Lei, 2003; Morris, 2005, 2007; Murphy, 2013). The cycle of labeling and
forced behavioral assimilation to the dominant norm for Black girls starts in preschool, where
they comprise 20% of the preschool population. Yet, Black girls account for 54% of out-ofschool suspensions for preschool girls (Johns, 2016). In K-12, the academic achievement gaps
widen for Black girls due to being pushed out of school. Amongst adolescents (age 12-18), the
data reflects that in one academic year in the United States, Black girls lost 77 days of instruction
per 100 students enrolled due to suspensions, which is 7 times higher than White girls (The Civil

2
Rights Project, 2020). Black girls who are not pushed out experience a ‘cloak of invisibility’ that
forces them to adjust, morph, and assimilate to institutional norms. This study examines the role
of institutionalization in K-12 public education that reinforces the exclusion and marginalization
of Black girls, resulting in silencing.
Background of the Problem
Race issues are present and often at the surface of school-related discourse, practices, and
policies. However, educators are silent on race and racism in education and serve to socialize
students to be silent about racism to preserve the status quo (Huber, 2006). The educational
institution’s allegiance to remaining color blind, promoting equality, and the entrenched belief in
meritocracy means that race cannot possibly matter or be a predictor for student success. If
racism existed, the education system would have to admit that either schools are not colorblind,
equal, and meritocratic, or teachers are not (Castagno, 2008).
Teachers have expunged themselves of any responsibility for the achievement of students
of color by claiming that race is no longer relevant or a predictor of student achievement
(Bonilla-Silva, 2009; Delgado, 1984; Harper, 2019). The refusal to name the role race and racism
have played in maintaining educational inequities by race has led to teachers having to create
justifications for inequitable discipline disparities, the pushing out of students of color in K-12,
and the intentional exclusion of access and preparation to postsecondary options for students of
color (Carter, 2017).
Although many educators avoid conversations on race and ignore the inequities it creates,
they remain in a system in which race structures how schools operate, influences teacher beliefs
that shape their practice, and student outcome data disaggregated by race (Ladson-Billings,
2005). The practice of educators remaining color mute has continued to excuse a system from

3
historically excluding to pushing out and ultimately failing to provide equitable, high-quality
instruction that is inclusive of all students, regardless of race (Milner, 2010). Inequities in
education are ignored through silencing, creating a culture where the status quo is maintained,
and Whiteness is the dominant norm by which everything else is measured (Castagno, 2008).
Delpit (1995) describes the “culture of power” as the codes or rules for participating in
power that ultimately reflect the culture of those with power. In schools, teachers have the power
to determine what is valued and who is capable of learning. America’s history of racism and
oppression has left society with pervasive and false ideas about race that have shaped perceptions
of who is valued and capable and who is not (Carter, 2017). Access to learning opportunities is
inequitable, and certain voices are excluded from the learning process.
A classroom is another hierarchical structure that reinforces a culture of power in which
teachers have the power and students are expected to adjust each year. Teachers decide what is
relevant, how students can express themselves, and whose knowledge is validated (Milner,
2016). The great contradiction of education is its potential power to emancipate and empower all
students. Yet, it remains oppressive and reinforces the marginalization of groups of students that
do not assimilate into the dominant norm (Yosso, 2006).
Statement of the Problem
Black girls being silenced, shut out, and even pushed out highlights the hegemonic
ideology in the United States education system and the hierarchical power that decides who gets
to be the positioner and who is positioned by others reflected in the classroom. The hierarchical
structure of the classroom reflects how Black girls are constrained by a system that historically
was never designed to include them. School structures are based on the dominant norms and
sense of belonging rather than recognizing and understanding the historical racial oppression

4
against Blacks and the refusal to educate them, which impedes Black students’ ability to belong
(Gray, 2020; Hope, 2015). How one sees oneself in one's environment determines one's sense of
belonging (Jefferson, 2018). How students see themselves in the educational setting is connected
to the explicit messages they receive that make them feel welcomed in the classroom or the
institution of education (Powell & Menendian, 2022). For Black girls to be included in the
‘culture of power,’ their voices need to be heard and valued such that it leads to them being
empowered to, in turn, shape their learning environment (Jefferson, 2018). An educator's role as
a co-constructor of learning is established through building upon students' cultural and linguistic
‘funds of knowledge.’ Hammond (2021) describes how we achieve equity by “helping diverse
students who are historically marginalized become more powerful learners is the endgame of
equity” (p.6). Supporting each student to co-construct their learning and bolster their knowledge
allows the education system to move beyond equity into a space where every student sees
themselves as learners and thereby belongs in the institution of education.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study is to examine the role of institutionalization in K-12 public
education that results in the silencing of Black girls. This study will use structural belonging as a
lens to understand how Black girls experience public K-12 institutions. Black students legally
have a right to a quality education, yet the system lacks a mechanism to reduce or abolish
practices that maintain social inequality. The theory of belonging provides a new structure in
which students’ voices are heard, their identities are reaffirmed, and they receive messages from
caring adults school-wide that they belong and are valued members of shaping the school
community (Cooper, 2017). Structural belonging has the potential to offer a new ideological

5
script so that Black girls do not have to choose between their identity and voice-over being
visible and valued (Haynes, 2016).
The research questions that guide this study will focus on first-year Black college
women’s experience in high school:
1. How do Black girls in public K-12 experience classroom culture and teacher
practices?
2. How do Black girls’ experiences of institutional structures and practices in public K12 inform their sense of belonging?
Significance of the Study
Research establishes the historical structural and systemic racism that continues to
exclude, devalue, and eventually renders Black girls invisible in the educational institution
(Epstein, 2017). A student’s relationship with their teacher is the strongest predictor of their
sense of belonging over race, socioeconomic status, or peer relationships (Hattie, 2009;
Whitaker, 2022). The research problem seeks to address how the classroom culture, based on
communicative interaction of and for learning, silences Black girls ’voices until they become
mute or are forced to assimilate into a false sense of belonging (Korpershoek, 2020; Li Li, 2004).
Few studies have addressed the need for the institution of education to provide
meaningful opportunities that validate versus seek to normalize Black girls' experiences and
design cultural structures that support their learning (Evans, 2019). The problem is critical to
address because Black girls experience epistemic violence in the education system in which their
self-narratives are silenced, and others' perceptions of who they are and should be are cast upon
them without their consent or agreement (Dotson, 2011). There is a need for further research to
understand this problem through the lens of structural belonging to examine ways to provide a

6
voice to Black girls' experiences, reaffirm their identities, and ensure they receive messages from
caring adults school-wide that they belong and are valued members in shaping the school
community (Cooper, 2017).
Definition of Terms
The following terms and definitions provide a window into the systemic challenges Black
girls face in K-12 and explore concepts that are sustained within structures of the institution of
education.
• Race is a social construct (Omi & Winant, 1994) not based on biological or genetic
differences (American Association of Physical Anthropologists, 1996). It has also
been described by Carter et al. (1997):
Race was created and reinforced as a consequence of slavery and conquest.
This history has left false and pervasive ideas that have shaped who is valued,
who is capable, who is safe, and who is not a part of society.
• Racism is a personal ideology based on racial prejudice and a system involving
cultural messages, institutional policies, practices, and beliefs that advantage some
over others (Tatum, 1997). It has also been described by Harper (2012):
Intentional and unconscious individual actions that lead to marginalization and
generate harm to minoritized people include structures and institutional
norms that sustain White privilege and remanufacture racial inequities
• Culture of power is the power of culture to disable those that do not symbolize the
status quo (Delpit, 1988).
• Epistemology is the accountability mechanism in the education system that
determines what we know is valid and valuable. One of the most widely used tools of

7
public pedagogy in the education system is the textbook, as it makes up the basis of
70-95% of all classroom instruction (Gay, 2000, p. 113). However, no mechanism
exists for shared conclusions or perspectives (Leonardo, 2015).
• Ideological hegemony is the shared beliefs, norms, and practices that become so
ingrained in our lives that it becomes automatically and unconsciously accepted.
Individuals willingly reinforce power structures and societal ideas, even when these
structures and ideas are harmful or silencing for those without access to power
(Castagno, 2008).
• Silencing is an institutionalized process that obscures the conditions that policies and
practices generate within the educational institution that form students ’everyday
experiences until they are expelled from written, oral, and nonverbal expression
(Fine, 1987).
• Voice emerges from an individual’s social position within the culture as much as it
comes from gaps in one’s positioning and opposition experienced (Bernstein, 1990,
85-86).
Organization of the Study
The study on the institutionalization of Black girls in K-12 will be designed through a
five-chapter dissertation. Chapter One will take a historical view of the problems that Black girls
face in public K-12 to explore the problems more deeply and, most importantly, name them so
that potential solutions can be identified. Chapter Two will cover the literature from a systemic
view down to how Black girls experience the institution of education. Chapter Three will provide
details of the research study, methodology, and data collection and analysis. Chapter Four will

8
provide the study’s findings, and Chapter Five will highlight the analysis of the study’s findings,
identify best practices, and acknowledge persisting gaps that require future research.

9
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
The United States education system has historically served to socialize, normalize, and
institutionalize students through the public K-12 system. The challenge for students of color,
particularly Black students, is that the education system reflects the structures of a racialized
social system (Diamond, 2006). The examination of literature aims to connect racism at the
structural level to its impact on the institutional level that plays out in classrooms yet is
reinforced at the symbolic level through the infrastructure of narratives. The dominant ideology
has been used to legitimize and normalize the Othering of students of color (Bonilla-Silva, 2001)
to devalue, dehumanize, and delegitimize other forms of knowledge (Southcott & Theodore,
2020). Black youth, particularly Black girls, are not only miseducated, but they are ‘deeducated,’ which is the process of systematically being excluded from the education system or
rendered invisible (Saddler, 2005). The literature review highlights the invisibility of Black girls
in research, which renders the education systems unable to fully understand their needs and
experiences to offer a structure for learning that leads to belonging.
The Endemic Nature of Race and Racism
Historically, race is a social construct used to justify the exclusion and marginalization of
some while securing opportunities for others. The social construct of race divides people into
groups based on phenotype and genotype that validates meaningful differences (Bonilla-Silva,
2009). The potential harm in utilizing differences in phenotype and genotype as the determiner
of one’s social and hierarchical status in society means that someone must be less than and
potentially less deserving of the same resources based on race. Racialization assigns racial
categories to perceived or ascribed differences between individual and collective identities,
producing racial hierarchies of power and privilege (Burton, 2010). It is the racial hierarchies

10
that provide the basis for discrimination, racism, and exclusionary acts in society and the
education system specifically (Kincheloe & McLaren, 2005). Institutional power is reinforced
through racial hierarchies to ensure its systemic and pervasive nature.
Critical race theorists (CRT) take a systemic approach to the conversation of racism.
Racism is pervasive and rooted in the ideology of the masses and reinforced through norms,
beliefs, and values that maintain the prevailing conditions (Bell, 1987, 1992; Crenshaw, 1995;
Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Vaught & Castagno, 2008). Kubota and Lin (2006) further
described the endemic nature of racism as a discourse and knowledge permeating social practices
that construct and perpetuate marginalization and exclusion based on racial differences. Racism
becomes the ideological hegemony institutions socialize their members into, but the individual
members perpetuate different forms of racism (Harper, 2012).
Racism is rooted in a system of advantage that, according to Young (2011), creates four
personas of racism seen in individuals: conscious, unconscious, deceived, and enlightened. In
education, the deceived and enlightened personas are the most significant contributors to a
system of advantage. The deceived persona are teachers who enter the teaching profession,
devoting themselves to the cause of racially oppressed people while blind to their contribution to
an oppressive system. Their denial serves as their complicity in racism. Denying one’s role in
preserving racism for the deceived persona differs from the enlightened persona of teachers who
recognize the hegemonic system of racism that they are both a producer of and a product of
(Young, 2011).
Racism does not only play out at the individual level but also at the societal level through
institutions. Racism has been reaffirmed through three societal components: individuals,
structures, and institutional norms (Harper, 2012). Harper described these three components as

11
individuals intentionally and unintentionally maintaining the marginalization of others, structures
that manufacture and remanufacture inequities, and institutional norms that sustain privilege and
the dominant norm. Tatum’s (1997) metaphor of a conveyor belt to portray a hegemonic society
highlights the deeply embedded and pervasiveness of racism in the United States that is essential
to maintaining the privilege of those in power.
The unacknowledged beliefs reinforce racial stereotypes and implicit biases that are
legally protected and institutionally reproduced (Carter et al., 2017; Huber & Solórzano, 2014;
Young & Liable, 2010). Societies deeply held secret of viewing others as inferior is hidden from
view, preventing those with power and privilege from examining their historical and pervasive
nature (Carter, 2017; Phillips & Lowery, 2018). The act of cloaking racism prevents the
examination of its role in institutions and from acknowledging the undiscussable nature of the
topic of race. There is a need for conversations about race, which force people to acknowledge
their unconscious beliefs about groups of students, question if opportunities to learn are equally
accessible for all, and identify which students need more care and support (Carter, 2012;
Cochran-Smith, 2004; Fine, 1991; Ladson-Billings, 2000; Neto, 2010; Singelton, 2012; Sleeter,
2001, 2009; Tatum, 2007).
Structural Racism
Racism has become embedded in institutional systems, becoming part of an individual’s
cultural consciousness. Everyday interactions maintain racism through stereotyping,
microaggressions, and implicit biases that operate to reinforce power differentials that advantage
some and marginalize others (Carter et al., 2014; Huber & Solórzano, 2014; Young & Liable,
2010). In a post-racial world where discrimination is less blatant, Whites can believe that racism
no longer exists (Rector-Aranda, 2016). In the education system, racism permeates facets of

12
everyday life based on attitudes, stereotyping, discriminatory policies, and the allocation of
resources (Healey & Stroman, 2021; Parker & Stovall, 2004).
Racism remains ingrained through systematic structures such as schooling (Saddler,
2005) yet is confirmed through institutional power that, historically, people of color have never
possessed (Huber, 2006; Kubota & Lin, 2009; Motha, 2014). When the dominant ideology that
serves as the symbol of Whiteness becomes justified and upheld, it creates structural and
institutional inequality (Bonilla-Silva, 2001; Diamond, 2006). Structural racism and the
sustaining of White supremacy are in institutional communicative interactions, written and
spoken (Annamma, 2017). The endorsement of White supremacy plays out through practices that
center White privilege in schools, seen through the absence of racially diverse content in the
curriculum, the lack of critical stances in examining power and privilege in schools, and access
to rigorous courses (Domina et al., 2017; Kubota, 2020).
Institutional and systemic outcomes emanate from the racial hierarchy the United States
was built on (Hayes-Greene, 2018). Structural racism is evident in the public education system
and exacerbated by policies, structures, and practices that disadvantage groups of students
(Diamond, 2006; Healey & Stroman, 2021). The institution of education cannot purge itself of
structural racism and oppression without explicitly naming the role race and racism have played
in shaping educational policies and practices (Galloway et al., 2019) that result in racial
disparities (Carter et al., 2014). Structural and institutional inequities persist based on a
concealed racialized ideology that nourishes and sustains hierarchical power reflected in
institutional outcomes.

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The Ideology of Whiteness
In the education system, the ideology of Whiteness is normed, standardized, and
reinforces structural and systemic conditions. In seminal research, Dyson (1996) makes sense of
the pervasiveness of Whiteness. The social construction of Whiteness as an identity, an ideology
that systematically reproduces the conception of Whiteness, and as an institution that has
reinforced a set of ideals and beliefs that society subscribes to (Chennault, 1998; Dyson, 1996).
Whiteness as a property right infers that anyone identifying as White is “guaranteed a form of
membership into a position of power and privilege” (Harris, 1993, as cited in Young 2011, p.4).
The historical foundation of the United States is predicated on race-based privilege (HaneyLopez, 1996; McIntosh, 1988). Everyday privilege remains hidden through herd invisibility
(Phillips & Lowery, 2018).
As Whiteness has taken on the dominant form of ideology in the United States, it
continues to thwart inclusion efforts as inclusion is the very threat to the ideology of Whiteness
(Leonardo & Manning, 2015). The inability to separate racism and White privilege from
structural and systemic conditions makes it the property of Whites (Vaught & Castagno, 2008).
Trying to align racism and White privilege to the role of individuals allows individuals to deny
their role in a larger structure and denies racism's systemic impact.
In the education system, White attitudes, beliefs, values, and forms of communication
take on the standard of excellence. The expectation is taught to students as it is used to assess
their mastery of the content and is a standard that students are held accountable to in the
classroom (Volosinov, 2006; Williams et al., 2020). The absence of a critical lens regarding
racial inequities, culturally and legally sanctioned beliefs, assumptions, and stereotypes justify
the social and economic advantages Whites have historically benefited from (Phillips & Lowery,

14
2018; Wellman, 1977). In examining Whiteness's structural and systemic nature, one must also
investigate the oppression and exclusion it produces, maintains, and reproduces for marginalized
races (Castagno, 2008). The rhetoric used to describe the system of education as legally inclusive
contradicts the continued centering of White ideology that reinforces exclusionary practices
towards marginalized students (Leonardo & Manning, 2015).
The entrenched notion of Whiteness invades teacher preparation programs, aligning
knowledge and dispositions for White teachers that normalize their experiences with the
dominant White society (Brown, 2014). The silencing discourse on race (Buck & Niesz, 2000)
further entrenches and rationalizes Whiteness, allowing the White teacher to maintain an illusion
that the system is fair and equal when it has generally worked for them (Castagno, 2008). The
knowledge and White normed system of meaning resonate and hold true for White teachers.
Education as the Great Equalizer
The legalized segregation of students in public schools based on race has historically
deprived students of color of the right to an education in the United States. Decades of litigation
have occurred to secure equitable schooling for non-White students (Board of Education of
Oklahoma City Public Schools v. Dowell, 1991; Brown v. Board of Education, 1954; Bush v.
Orleans Parish School Board, 1962). The 1954 Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas,
tasked the U.S. Supreme Court with answering whether publicly segregated schools deprived
children based on race of equal educational opportunities (Zirkel, 2005). The court ruled that
segregating children by race was wrong and left Black children feeling inferior. The court further
claimed that the need for Black students to see themselves in a positive, reaffirming way was just
as critical as curriculum, resources, and environment (Saddler, 2005). Education has been used to
maintain society's racial hierarchy by socializing Whites to a history of superiority and Blacks to

15
a history of being less than (Huber, 2006). The U.S. education system is one where academic
success is synonymous with assimilation into the dominant White culture, and thereby, schools
socialize students of color through internalized racism (Huber, 2006).
More than 6o years have passed since this ruling, and the institution of education has
failed to fulfill the dream of liberation for Black students as described in Brown v. Board of
Education of Topeka, Kansas. It is the naive belief that laws can force society to shift their
mindset, beliefs, and actions toward people they label as Other (Saddler, 2005). Blacks remain
disadvantaged in the education system in three ways: structurally by limited resources and access
in preparation for academic success, institutionally by being positioned in the least
systematically advantaged schools, and ideologically by having their knowledge and culture
questioned and devalued (Diamond, 2006). The issue is not Black students but rather the
historical, prevailing, and systemic nature of racism (Worthy, 2021).
The narrative that Black students are at risk, disengaged in the learning process, and
disruptive to the academic environment (Harper, 2009; Howard, 2008; Solórzano & Yosso,
2001) allows teachers and policymakers to blame Black students for the impact that systemic
racism has had on them (Harper et al., 2011; Smith et al., 2007; Williams et al., 2020). The
underlying assumption in this false rhetoric is that the solution lies in fixing Black students and
not transforming the ideology that informs structures and practices in the educational system
(Williams et al., 2020). When teachers accept an achievement gap narrative, rather than
acknowledging a pervasive opportunity gap, teachers tend to cast blame on students for failing to
achieve rather than recognize that the institution of education has historically failed to invest in
the education of all students (Carey, 2014; Ladson-Billings, 2006). The power of education to
serve as the great equalizer in an unequal society remains a lucid dream for Black students.

16
Culture of Power
Every institution has a culture that signals who possesses power and is subjected to its
effects. In her seminal research, Delpit (1995) describes the culture of power as the codes or
rules for participating in power that ultimately reflect the culture of those who have control.
There are five aspects of power: issues of power get enacted in classrooms, there are codes and
rules for participating in power, the rules reflect who has power, knowing the rules makes it
easier to obtain power, and those with power are least aware of it and those that do not possess it
are highly aware of its existence (Delpit, 1995). The institutionalization process serves to
normalize the learned behaviors of cultural systems. By recognizing the cultural systems,
teachers become open to the power of culture that prescribes teachers' beliefs, attitudes, and
practices that shape their students' learning experience (Ladson-Billings, 2006).
Teachers are consistently silent on topics of race and socialize students to be silent or
muted on the role race places in normativity, access, and power within schools (Boler, 2004;
Castagno, 2008; Pollock, 2004: Schultz, 2003; Thompson, 2005). The construction of concepts
and discourses on power is conveyed through the institutional practices and systematized
structures that implement the cultural imperatives of the institution (Chan, 2010). Power is not
static, just as culture is fluid, adaptable, and flexible. In schools, teachers can determine the
knowledge that is valued and who is capable of learning. In addition, teachers can label, define,
and classify students (Carter, 2007; Saddler, 2005; Shores, 2020).
The educational system serves as a stratification system by constructing categories and
then determining which categories individual students will occupy, thereby legitimizing social
inequalities (Bowker & Star, 2000; Domina, 2017; Shores, 2020). Schools are part of the
normalizing process by positioning themselves as a reproducer of hierarchical norms in the

17
institution of education. Categories and forced labels shape the resources and access provided to
students based on where they sit in the stratified system and impact students’ identities by
providing messages on ability and social standing (Domina, 2017; Tyson, 2011, 2013). Students
of color, specifically Black students, fighting for liberation in a system that has historically and
systematically ignored their needs and devalued their experiences highlights the institutional
culture of power (Hoffman & Mitchell, 2016). The institutional power structure reinforced by
teachers in the classroom maintains the marginalization of Others by denying their participation
in the power of culture.
The Systemic Marginalization of Others
Racial stratification and the marginalization of students of color have been maintained
through the label of Other by the dominant norm. Groups distinctly different from the dominant
group are defined as Others, resulting in limited social rights based on their differences (Rawls
& David, 2003). Powell and Menendian (2016) expand the definition of Othering as “a set of
dynamics, processes, and structures that engender marginality and persistent inequality across
the range of differences based on group identities” (p. 3). The label Other is the basis for group
identity and membership, reinforcing prejudices and behaviors embedded in systematic
processes (Powell & Menendian, 2018). The Othering of students is a practice rooted in customs
of silence and voice.
The marginalization of groups occurs when one is disconnected from the dominant White
norms and practices reinforced through the educational system’s institutionalizing process (Chan,
2010). Marginalization, powerlessness, and alienation become co-produced in the
institutionalization process (White, 1996). Healy and Stroman (2021) argued that students from
marginalized groups are expected to learn in an educational system that has historically excluded

18
them and sometimes makes it impossible to belong. Conversely, the educational system upholds
policies, practices, and norms that are historical structures of racism while systematically
ensuring that other students benefit from these same policies, practices, and norms to ensure they
belong (Healy & Stroman, 2021).
The hegemonic structure of schools serves as a mechanism that forces students to
assimilate or face the effects of being Othered. Many scholars have argued that the institution of
education defines and measures academic success based on an assimilationist agenda (Borrero et
al., 2012; Fine et al., 2004; Kliewer et al., 2006). Students’ academic identity is formed based on
achievements on assessments and mastery of curriculum that reinforces the hegemonic ideology
that determines the extent to which a student belongs in school (Borrero & Yeh, 2010; Tyler et
al., 2008). Schools serve as a structure to maintain the dissonance between the dominant and
marginalized groups (Borrero et al., 2012). Othering serves as a societal structure that is
institutionalized and culturally embedded. In the process of institutionalization, assimilation
attempts to erase the differences between marginalized groups by demanding they adopt the
dominant identity (Powell & Menendian, 2016). The cost of a students refusal to assimilate
becomes a lost opportunity to learn.
Epistemology
Epistemologies are accountability mechanisms embedded in an institution's structures,
procedures, and processes that hold people accountable for actions and outcomes.
Epistemologies highlight how racial inequities directly influence the production, consumption,
and erasure of knowledge (Kubota, 2020). Epistemology focuses on what one knows to be true
and the measure of validation (Bunch, 2015; Egbert & Sanden, 2014). What is not valid becomes
invalid or invisible.

19
The education system has no mechanism for ensuring shared perspectives, yet there is
institutional accountability to determine what is proper to measure student success. Whiteness
becomes the basis for standardized learning, the filter for valued knowledge, and measuring
success in K-12. The power lies in who determines which stories will be told and whose
narrative will be erased, omitted, distorted, or silenced (Carter, 2007; Healey & Stroman, 2021).
Master narratives are ideological scripts that establish norms, distribute power, and determine
who or what holds value (Acuff et al., 2012). Master narratives can be found in textbooks,
curricula, content in standardized tests, and the selection of historical novels. A school's teaching
and learning cycle reflects society's ideological scripts (Haynes, 2016). Master narratives define
color lines, use racially coded language, and justify school policies (Annamma et al., 2016;
DiAngelo, 2011; Morris, 2007).
Outside of the formal accountability role that infrastructures of narratives play, there is
also the informal role that teacher subjectivity plays in institutionalizing students. Teacher
subjectivity plays out in how teachers deem who has access to rigorous instruction, needs
additional academic support, and is capable of learning based on their perceptions and the reality
those perceptions infer (Frink et al., 2008). Tetlock’s (1992) seminal research described the
implications of accountability as that individuals' decisions and behaviors are premeditated based
on what they can justify. Thus, accountability serves objectively based on the context and the
subjectivity of one’s experience with the institutional conditions (Frink et al., 2008).
The implications, however, are not subjective. If the role of schooling is teaching and
learning and the role of teachers is to support learning and the development needs of students,
then the exclusion, marginalization, and silencing that some students experience by race
reinforces structures that privilege some and disadvantage others (Nasir, 2020). Epistemological

20
mechanisms are implemented through informal and formal roles to justify perceptions and
inform access through ideological scripts reinforced through master narratives.
The Infrastructure of Narratives
Through policies and procedures, the institution of education upholds an infrastructure of
narratives that socialize students into society's hegemonic ideology. People own and embody a
narrative woven into the fabric of society and the infrastructure of institutions (Weidinger, 2000).
Narratives shape how people process new information and understand new experiences, and
have the power to inform whom one is becoming (Araiza & Grossman, 2021). Narratives and
stories are everywhere, but the critical difference is how stories are told and by whom (Araiza &
Grossman, 2021).
History and knowledge recanted only from the viewpoint of those in power erase entire
knowledge systems, records, and accomplishments of Others. Dominant ideologies form
collective identities that coerce the masses through communicative expressions that retell and, at
times, reshape history that, silences the narratives of others (Foucault, 1969). Narratives inform
one’s concepts of identity, community, and belonging (Narrative Initiative, 2016). The narratives
and ideals that conform to those in power are told and archived in textbooks, and supplemental
curricula, whereas those whose narratives do not conform, are silenced into oblivion (Carter,
2006).
A school’s role is to regulate socially constructed histories that regulate behaviors and
institutional practices that form the basis of knowledge (Chan, 2010) and maintain social
stratification (Jefferson et al., 2018). Curriculum produces and distributes knowledge in ways
that privilege Whiteness (Allen, 2004). The denial of a humanized learning experience for Black
students occurs with a curriculum that messages that being Black in the United States exists

21
outside the accountability and importance of learning and achievement in the education system
(Williams et al., 2020).
Students are sent a clear signal that the classroom is not a place where they can talk about
race and bring their own lived experiences to make connections to the learning when teachers
avoid or remain silent on the conversation about race (Fine, 1987; LiLi, 2004). To deny the
importance and ways race has shaped history and its impact on people of color in the curriculum
allows the denial of reality (Domina, 2017; Rector-Aranda, 2016) and the devaluing of Black
students lived experiences.
The Invisibility of Black Girls
There is an overabundance of research on the treatment of Black boys and their
experiences in schools that result in the school-to-prison pipeline. Literature and studies on Black
girls are sparse, with the first ethnographic study completed in 2015 by Evans-Winter. An
intersectional approach is needed to identify a solution to the challenge of identity and belonging
for Black girls and address the categorical labels placed upon them (Ghavami & Peplau, 2018;
Kubota, 2020). Black girls become invisible in the face of the priority to improve the outcomes
for Black boys and are silenced by the curriculum (Derbigny, 2011). Rendering Black girls
invisible through mechanisms of silencing, normalizing their erasure, and falsely assuming that
because they are Black, their needs and experiences are the same as Black boys (Epstein, 2017;
George, 2020).
At the intersection of race, gender, and sexuality, Black girls experience multiple
marginalities that leave them subject to symbolic and epistemological violence (Crenshaw, 1997;
Wun, 2018). Embedded in school discipline policies, instructional practices, teacher perceptions,
and curricular pedagogy are gender and racial biases that manifest in exclusionary practices

22
aimed at Black girls that are more about their identity rather than their actions (Education Trust
& National Women’s Law Center, 2020). The suspension of Black girls is five times more likely
than White girls at least once and four times as likely as White girls to be arrested at school (U.S.
Department of Education, 2016). Black girls receive in-school suspension at 11.2% and out-ofschool suspension at 13.3%, which is twice the rate of students enrolled at 7.4% (U.S.
Department of Education, Civil Rights Office, 2021). Black girls are suspended more than girls
of any other racial group and more than Asian and White boys (Crenshaw & Nanda, 2014;
Morris, 2012; Wun, 2014, 2016). The data highlights that Black girls go unnoticed and
discarded; their voices are stifled in the education system rather than encouraged when they do
not assimilate into the sociocultural norms of society (Sanders & Bradley, 2005).
The education system perpetually excludes Black girls' experiences and needs in the
educational setting. The classroom becomes a pedagogical site that forms Black girls' identity
through forced labels of assimilation and othering (Haynes, 2016). The failure to seek to
understand Black girls' experiences allows the system to remain blind to systemic policies,
practices, or interventions that do not distinguish the ways that gender and race intersect for
Black girls that are different from Black boys ’experiences (George, 2020). Thus causing the
system to remain ill-equipped to provide targeted and effective interventions for Black girls to
persist and achieve academic success.
The paradoxical key to Black girls’ inclusion is to re-center their erased or silenced
narratives (Southcott & Theodore, 2020). However, their silence is exacted as the existing
narrative fits and fuels the image and standard of the dominant society (Wertsch, 2002).
Narratives fuel policy and culture; thus, narratives also have the power to change public
discourse and redefine societal beliefs and expectations of the treatment and inclusion of Black

23
girls (Araiza & Grossman, 2021). Through epistemological and symbolic violence, Black girls
experience a cloak of invisibility that forces them to assimilate by expunging their identity
(Haynes et al., 2016; Hooks, 1981) through the erasure of their voices and experiences (Collins,
2002).
Epistemic Violence
Girls of color are systematically marginalized in the public K-12 system. Racially
discriminatory practices and policies marginalize girls of color, rendering their
underachievement invisible (Hines-Datiri, 2017). Educational institutions try to mold Black girls
with White perceptions of femininity that deny the unique experiences of being Black and a
female in society (Morris, 2007). The oppression Black girls experience due to the ideological
hegemony and notions of White femininity minimizes and, at times, attempts to erase the identity
of Black girls (Opara et al., 2022). Black girls internalize the negative stereotypes placed on
them and their awareness of teachers' deployment of racialized stereotypes based on their
communicative (verbal and non-verbal) responses (Collins et al., 2015). There is a cost to Black
girls physically, emotionally, and academically when the educational system is ambivalent,
deprioritizes, and reproduces marginalization that renders Black girls invisible (George, 2020).
Three types of epistemic violence are enacted on Black girls: discrimination in the form
of othering, structural, and narrative. Discriminatory epistemic violence has been done through
dehumanizing marginalized groups that form the construction of Others as inferior (Bunch,
2015; Maoz & McCauley, 2008). Archives and historical narratives reinforce Othering's
generational categories and the legacy of Whiteness that produces discriminatory epistemic
violence (Bunch, 2015). Epistemic violence is the omissions or displacements of knowledge by
mechanisms that harm how knowledge is created and what is considered knowledge that

24
maintains structures of power over others (Shahid, 2018). An example of epistemic violence is
the forced curriculum Black girls must memorize to meet standards that distort and silence their
lived experiences (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002).
The lack of access to resources and historical denial of a quality education is another
form of epistemic violence (Dotson, 2011). Historically, a lack of access to resources in the
institution of education for Black girls has morphed over time from de-jure segregation to defacto segregation, to school segregation through school choice policies, and classroom
segregation through ability-based categorizations (Domina et al., 2017). The result nationally is
that White students are 1.8 times more likely to be placed in Advanced Placement classes than
Black students (National Center for Education Statistics, 2018). The distribution of structural,
institutional, and symbolic advantages continues across racial lines (Diamond, 2006; King,
2004). Black students are five times as likely as White students to attend schools that are highly
segregated by race and ethnicity; 31.3% of White students attend a high-poverty school
compared to 72.4% of Black students, resulting in Black students scoring on average 20 points
less on standardized math tests than their peers in low-poverty mostly White schools (National
Assessment of Educational Progress, 2017).
The third form of epistemic violence occurs in the power of narratives and the power to
silence narratives. Black girls receive narratives in the classroom through curricular materials
that reveal socially constructed notions of inferiority based on both their race and gender that
may be contradictor to what they have believed about themselves (Coles, 2020). Giving a voice
to others does not change the system, just as recognizing the marginalization of other groups
does not create equality (Southcott & Theodore, 2020). The way to bridge the contradictory

25
narratives Black girls receive in school is to provide them with a voice rather than silence them
and empower their narratives that give truth to their lived experiences (Coles & Powell, 2020).
There is a rise in socio-emotional learning curriculum that focuses interventions on the
need for students to develop skills to express themselves and how they feel, rather than placing
the intervention at the school level for changing structures that view and treat marginalized
students as Other (Nasir, 2020). The exclusion of Others from participating in creating social
meaning denies their ownership of knowledge (Fricker, 2013). Developing students’ identity
about others and the world around them is part of determining if they belong (Eccles & Roeser,
2011; Roser et al., 2006). Investing in Black girls' self-narratives provides data on the impact of
structural racism that operationalizes school experiences for Black girls that offer an opportunity
for schools to be accountable for providing healing spaces for liberation that lead to belonging
(Coles, 2020; Powell & Menendian, 2018). Epistemic violence occurs in the Othering of Black
girls and the power of narratives to dehumanize and deny Black girls a self-narrative.
Silencing of Black Girls
In society, silencing mechanisms apply to practices, ideology, and social control through
hierarchical power. Silence is used as a mechanism to empower those in power and disempower
those without (Savenije, 2019). Society makes a conscious choice to silence ideologies that
conflict with the dominant norm, and at the individual level, these exact mechanisms allow them
to remain unaware of other ideologies (Savenije, 2019; Zerubavel, 2006, 2010).
In institutional structures, silence reveals and sustains hierarchical power. Silencing is a
way to maintain oppressive institutions and practices (LiLi, 2004). Those in power silence topics
threatening the dominant ideology (Bar-Tal, 2017; Sosa, 2020). In education, the systematic
infrastructure allows for the conscious and unconscious construction and practice of silencing

26
(Savenije, 2019). In Michelle Fine’s (1987) seminal research, she described the process of
silencing in public schools found in the institutional policies and practices that obscure students'
everyday lives that expel any critical expression of these systematic institutional conditions.
The institution of education employs covert and overt mechanisms to silence, as seen in
gestures, looks given by teachers, and the rhetoric chosen to respond to students (Chan, 2010).
The mechanism of silencing students in the education system contradicts the vision of education
as empowering, uplifting, and a path toward liberation (Fine, 1987; Freire, 1985; Shor, 1985).
Students who have a voice are those who have conformed to the school’s behavioral standards
and norms (Holdsworth & Thomson, 2002). It is in the same ways that institutions conceptualize
and define what counts and for whom that perpetuates the invisibility and silencing of Black girls
(George, 2020).
Black girls who long to belong have perfected the mask of silence; they say nothing all
day and are never identified as a problem (Fine, 1987; LiLi, 2004). The price of educational
success comes from muting one’s voice. Black girls sometimes invoke silence to assert their
freedom through resistance against those in power (Carter, 2010). Teachers and those in power
cannot remain passive in the act of self-silencing by Black girls. Instead, they must investigate,
interrogate, and attempt to understand Black girls' choice to stay silent (Carter, 2021). The covert
and overt silencing mechanisms deployed in the educational system sustain hierarchical power
and the marginalization of Black girls that renders them mute.
Who Belongs?
The theory of belonging originated from Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs, which reinforced
the human need for acceptance in social settings. Baumeister and Leary (1995) further expanded
the need for acceptance as the need for having consistent interactions with caring individuals that

27
support a sense of belonging. One can measure and quantify belonging as it is based on the
perception of both the individual and the group (Powell & Menendian, 2022). Belonging
encompasses the relationships the school community has between teachers, students among their
peers, and families with teachers that form students' identity (Association for Supervision and
Curriculum Development [ASCD], 2021; Hussain, 2000).
In schools, researchers have determined that a sense of belonging is associated with
higher grades (Pittman & Richmond, 2007; Sari, 2012), school engagement (Davis & Poirier,
2014; Goodenow & Grady, 1993), academic motivation (Gillen-O’Neel & Fuligni, 2013; Ibanez
& Perilla, 2004; Reyes & Salovey, 2012), self-efficacy (Battistich, 1995; McMahon & Rose,
2009; Roeser, 1996), and psychological well-being (Baskin & Enright, 2010; Jose, 2012; Slaten
& Baskin, 2014) to name a few. Children spend an increasing amount of time in school settings,
such that by the time they reach middle and high school, feeling connected and respected holds a
greater significance, and a need for a sense of belonging increases for all students (Allen et al.,
2018, 2022; Korpershoek et al., 2020; Rose et al., 2022). A 2016 Gallup survey of 3,000 students
revealed that in fifth grade, three-quarters of students were involved in school activities and were
enthusiastic about school. Involvement and enthusiasm for school decreased each year in school
to 34% by the twelfth grade.
In addition to disparities in school connectivity across grade levels, it also varies among
racial and ethnic groups. Gender, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, school discipline practices,
peer relationships, and student-teacher interactions influence a sense of belonging (Osterman,
2000; Uwah et al., 2008). By middle school, 36% fewer Black students than White students felt
connected to school (WestEd, 2013). Studies show that students of color experience lower levels
of feeling connected and belonging, resulting in lower school engagement and achievement

28
(Sing et al., 2010). A core element of belonging is the explicit and implicit communicative
messages that students receive about whether they belong in the institution of education (Powell
& Menendian, 2022). However, teachers’ experiences and history shape their sense of belonging,
yet they fail to acknowledge that their students of color never had (ASCD, 2021).
The structural, institutional, and symbolic historical effects of being Black in the United
States impact Black students’ experiences in the U.S. public K-12 system (Diamond, 2006),
resulting in the absence of belonging. Black students' sense of belonging is based on the
messages they receive and societal expectations, which are reflected in the structures and
practices of a school (Healey & Stroman, 2021). Black girls are at heightened risk for receiving
disconfirming messages about their self-worth, cultural identity, and perceived academic
competence that influence their sense of belonging in the learning environment (Cohen &
Garcia, 2008; Cook & Cohen, 2012; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003; Walton & Cohen, 2011).
Historical and systemic racism remains complicit in the continued inequitable outcomes of Black
students (Gray et al., 2018).
Educational equity occurs when educators are committed to challenging and changing
policies, procedures, and practices that maintain educational inequities (Cooper et al., 2021).
Designing an equitable education system where all students feel like they belong means adopting
procedures that include student voice, increasing support services, and implementing sustainable,
inclusive school climate practices (Grossman & Portilla, 2022). However, one must distinguish
equity and inclusion for belonging, as neither equity nor inclusion ensures belonging (Powell &
Menendian, 2022). Belonging moves beyond equity and inclusion when, despite controlling for
equitable resources in a school system, student disparities persist without societal stigmas,
prejudices, and norms being changed (Powell & Menendian, 2022). Educational equity can only

29
be achieved through an inclusive culture that affirms students' experiences and institutional
structures, prioritizing students' need to be connected to their learning, environment, and caring
adults to foster a sense of belonging.
Belonging in Public K-12
It is widely recognized that students need to feel a sense of belonging in K-12; however,
the challenge is how to measure and ensure all students experience a sense of belonging. Current
research exists on how vital a sense of belonging is in K-12 and how it influences academic and
psycho-social outcomes (DeWall & Bonser, 2011; Osterman, 2000). In K-12, there are three
distinct aspects when defining belonging: school-based relationships and experiences, teacherstudent relationships, and students ’feelings about their school experience (Allen, 2018; Barber &
Schluterman, 2008; Brown & Evans, 2002; Goodenow & Grady, 1993). Brewster and Bowen's
(2004) study of 699 U.S. high school students discovered that while support from peers and
parents was necessary, teacher support was the most important predictor of a student’s sense of
belonging. Additional studies have confirmed that teacher support is the strongest predictor of
school belonging (Allen, 2018; Garcia-Reid, 2007; Hattie, 2009; Johnson, 2009; Sakiz, 2012).
School belonging during the adolescent age (12-18) marks a crucial period of forming a
youth’s identity (Brechwald & Prinstein, 2011; Davis, 2012), an emphasis on social and peer
relationships, and competing priorities while grappling with expectations (Steinberg & Morris,
2011). Research on belonging has primarily focused on individual student motivation, selfefficacy, and social and emotional well-being factors. However, it fails to examine the cultural
setting and environment in which these students exist (Allen, 2016).
Feelings of belonging and connectedness to school are well documented; however, the
practices and procedures that foster belonging in the school system remain unclear (Allen, 2016).

30
There is a lack of whole-school interventions that focus on developing and ensuring a sense of
belonging for students (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2009). To improve
school belonging at the secondary level for students, a careful redesign of policies and
professional learning for teachers on implementing critical pedagogy that offers a way to change
systems and processes is needed (Allen, 2018; Healey & Stroman, 2021).
There is a gap in examining the larger educational system through a racial and ethnic lens
toward belonging (Graham et al., 2022). Educators willingly disaggregate student data by race
and acknowledge racial disparities amongst groups of students but need a formalized framework
to analyze the power of a racialized society in determining student outcomes (Shores, 2020).
Throughout the United States, schools are more segregated by race and ethnicity today than
following the landmark decision to desegregate schools in the 1954 case of Brown v. Board of
Education (Orfield et al., 2019).
Exclusionary policies, practices, and norms must be challenged to ensure belonging in the
education system. However, the act is complex as it ultimately challenges the systematic
advantages afforded to the dominant group (Healey & Stroman, 2021; Southcott & Theodore,
2020). There are additional challenges to conceptualizing and measuring belonging. Most studies
utilized the self-reporting survey by Goodenow and Grady in 1993. However, they do not
include the impact of race and identity on a student’s sense of belonging, including
connectedness, a culture of care, relevance to the learning environment, and pedagogical
practices (Wentzel, 2022). Belongingness requires going beyond the individual’s perception of
schooling, the classroom, and curricular content (Walton & Brady, 2021). There is a need to
remove the responsibility of the individual educator and replace it with the accountability of an
entire school community (Cooper, 2020).

31
Research suggests that when school communities and classrooms reflect the cultural
values students bring, students can develop a sense of belonging (Boykin & Ellison, 1995;
Dotterer & Crouter, 2009; Rowland & Rowley, 2014). Black girls in public K-12 and the larger
society continue to be understudied, underserved, and often ignored (Collins, 2000; Derbigny,
2011; Murray, 1970). There is an absence of research on the theory of structural belonging in
public K-12 to ensure that Black girls’ voices exist and receive messages from caring adults
school-wide that they belong and are valued members in shaping the school community.
Belonging for Black Girls in Higher Education
Black girls enter higher education institutions, bringing internalized racism, messages of
inferiority, and an anticipation of not belonging in higher education based on their experience in
K-12. Multiple factors impact a student’s readiness to enter, persist, and succeed in college.
Seminal research by Tinto (1987, 1993) serves as the most widely known model on student
persistence, which precludes that the strongest predictor of student persistence is a student’s
social and academic environment. Belonging is a factor that influences persistency rates in
higher education (Berger & Milem, 1999; O’Keefe, 2013; Read, 2003; Strayhorn, 2012; Tinto,
2010). Students are more likely to withdraw when they have not become integrated as a member
of the college community, thus lacking a sense of belonging (Hausmann et al., 2007). This study
highlights that a sense of belonging in college moves beyond the individual level and towards an
environmental fit that embodies relevant pedagogy to allow a student to develop a positive
academic identity.
Multiple studies' findings show that students of color report lower levels of belonging
when compared to their White peers in college (Dumford, 2019; Hurtado, 1994; Hurtado &
Carter, 1997; Johnson, 2007; Read, 2003). Despite successfully navigating high school,

32
marginalized students often experience overt and covert forms of racism and Othering in college
(Means & Pyne, 2017; Pyne & Means, 2013; Vaccaro & Newman, 2016). Additionally, a sense
of belonging begins before the transition into higher education. Before attending college, Black
girls have internalized messages from K-12 and society at large that cause them to question their
potential to be successful and belong in higher education (Means & Pyne, 2017).
A sense of belonging in higher education is not consistent or even static (Hausmann et
al., 2007; Means & Pyne, 2017; Strayhorn, 2012). Racism and Othering manifest within the
classroom and through personal engagements that highlight the persistent racial assumptions,
stereotypes, and deficit thinking that are even pervasive in higher education institutions (Macias,
2013). As similarly found in K-12, limited research on Black women’s sense of belonging in
higher education suggests the trivialization and dismissal of Black women’s experiences (CookSather & Seay, 2021).
Studies reveal that students of color successfully navigated their first year in college
based on institutional support structures. Institutional support structures such as identity-based
student organizations (Harper & Quaye, 2007; Patton, 2006), faculty (Nunez, 2011), and access
to learning centers (Habley & McClanahan, 2004) where students received messages that they
mattered and support to ensure they succeed. Some institutional support structures also provide a
space and support for Black women and students of color to disrupt messages of discrimination
and internalized racism (Means & Pyne, 2017).
Due to the historical pervasiveness of students of color not experiencing belonging in
higher education, researchers have begun to operationalize a sense of belonging utilizing a
multidimensional measure rather than the dominant approach of a single measure as found in K12 (Freeman et al., 2007; Hoffman et al., 2002; Wilson et al., 2015). The importance of shifting

33
to a multidimensional approach is to understand better what fosters belonging, in what
conditions, and for whom to recommend interventions for specific groups of students in the
campus environment (Ribera et al., 2017). At the heart of belonging is the individual’s need to
belong, which is either informed by relationships or the absence of them. However, relationships
unfold within systems that warrant a need to look at how systems produce a sense of belonging.
School Belonging Outside the United States
Other countries recognize and support institutional belonging differently, reflecting the
importance of a student’s sense of belonging. Countries outside the United States tend to see
belonging as an essential precondition for students to participate actively in the school
environment (Demanet et al., 2012; Yeager et al., 2016). A deeper look into two countries whose
educational systems were almost exclusively focused on academics in messaging and curricula
directly impacting students' sense of belonging. Based on case studies conducted, students and
teachers interviewed, and assessments given, students’ performance decreased when only
focusing on academic achievement, forcing the institutions to reexamine the role belonging had
in student outcomes.
The 2021 United Arab Emirates (UAE) National Agenda sought to be among the top 15
countries on the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) exam and the
top 20 countries on the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) exam. The
challenge with the sole focus on assessments is that it created pressure on teachers for
instructional compliance that moved them away from prioritizing students' needs (Johnson,
2009). According to the results of TIMSS exams in 2015, only 21% of Abu Dhabi students
reported high school belonging compared to 44% internationally. As a result, Abu Dhabi schools

34
were recommended to focus on improving the relationships that influence a sense of school
belonging (Yang et al., 2016).
A case study at a female-only secondary school in UAE with approximately 650 students
and 65 teachers examined the influence of the student-teacher relationship on a student’s sense of
belonging. The study used semi-structured interviews of 11th-grade female students and their
teachers. Five themes emerged from their interviews: rigid classrooms, interpersonal
communication, lack of adequate support, disciplinary practices, and relationships with friends or
peers had the most significant impact on students' sense of belonging (Ibrahim & Zaatari, 2020).
Although teachers did not experience the classroom in the same way students did, nor did they
describe themselves as uncaring and rigid, they both agreed that when the school systems are
focused on instruction and exams exclusively, it does not support the ability to create a culture of
care (Ibrahim & Zaatari, 2020).
Examining another country offers a view of how educational structures can predict
students’ sense of belonging. The Swiss education system is based on channel structures that
place students on educational tracks geared towards an academic or vocational path. Tracking
aims to provide students with predetermined transitions designed to ensure a student's future
trajectory (Domina et al., 2017). Educational tracks in the Swiss Education System reflect the
differences in academic demands with low, intermediate, and high tracks. Once students
transition to high school, there are only two tracks: academic and vocational training. The study
aimed to determine how much the institutional structures influenced educational outcomes and
students' sense of school belonging.
The study followed students through their entire educational track, spanning over 15
years. The data collection method was the Transitions from Education to Employment (TREE)

35
survey. The sample of students who participated in their last year of secondary school was 6,343,
administered from 2001 until 2014. The study examined whether a sense of school belonging
differed between educational tracks and their implications on future educational tracks that
individuals attended (TREE, 2016). The study’s findings reported that students varied levels of
belonging between tracks in the lower grades.
Additionally, students with a stronger sense of school belonging were 59% more likely to
transition into university. However, students who felt the lowest sense of belonging were 38%
more likely to transition to university (Organization for Economic Co-operation and
Development, 2017). The study’s findings support that a student’s persistence and educational
attainment partly depend upon their sense of belonging in the educational system.
The Arab and Swiss education systems are examples of institutional structures whose
agendas place uneven constraints and opportunities for students. The Swiss education system
highlights the constraints of an institution’s structures in providing educational trajectories
(resources, connection to teachers, and relevant curricula) that foster a strong sense of belonging
for students. When opportunities and constraints are unevenly provided based on the institution's
structures, students' developmental and academic outcomes are also produced inequitably
(Burger & Mortimer, 2021; Hekhausen & Buchmann, 2019). Educational trajectories are shaped
by educational attainment, the system's structure, and institutional conditions (Burger, 2022).
The Arab and Swiss education systems focus on structural and formative assessments and ignore
the importance of caring relationships and relevance to the curriculum needed to foster students’
sense of belonging.

36
Theoretical Framework: Structural Belonging
Structural belonging is both about a feeling and a practice that sometimes requires
accommodations to move towards equitable outcomes. Structural belonging is an inclusive
vision that requires mutual power, access, and opportunity among all groups and individuals
within the institution (Powel & Menendian, 2002). Structural belonging moves beyond a sense of
belonging at the individual psychological level, as psychological resources are insufficient to
overcome structural obstacles to educational attainment (Burger, 2022; Murphy et al., 2020;
Schoon et al., 2021). Individual psychological resources influence achievement only when the
institutional structures allow the opportunity for it (Goyer et al., 2021).
When students feel uncertain about belonging in school, they do not take full advantage
of the educational opportunities provided. Institutional and instructional barriers persist that
influence the classroom culture that suppresses Black girls' sense of belonging (Gray, 2018).
Black girls belonging remains unfulfilled due to their marginalized status (Gray et al., 2018;
Murray & Zirkel, 2015), which can only be critically examined and understood through a
systemic approach offered through structural belonging. Structural belonging demands agency
for those labeled as Other to co-design and transform the institution of education (Powell &
Menendian, 2022).
The theory of structural belonging to address this study’s problem statement allows the
examination of the education system with the removed assumption that the validation of
concepts and knowledge resides solely within the dominant group's power. When dominant
narratives become enforced in the classroom, the learning environment becomes a mechanism to
reinforce historical beliefs of Black girls as Others (Haynes, 2016). The transformation of the
institution of education where all students belong (Yeager & Walton, 2011) can be realized by

37
taking a systemic approach and examining educational structures (i.e., socialization, curricular
pedagogy, narratives and silencing of narratives, and disciplinary practices). Structural belonging
offers a way to co-create the systems and structures that shape students’ lives to address racism
and its oppressive and silencing impact.
Conceptual Framework
Figure 1 highlights the interconnected elements of institutionalization in the education
system that structural belonging seeks to examine and offer new ways to understand Black
women’s experience. Four distinct elements in the conceptual framework will explore how
Structural Belonging provides the lens to understand the educational system's systemic and
systematic practices that harm Black girls. The first element is the ‘culture of power’ in which
the power of culture is used to disable those that do not symbolize the status quo (Delpit, 1988).
Culture is held within institutions, yet power is wielded by certain groups of people who make
assumptions about who can and should be able to learn. The second element is silencing.
Silencing is essential to forming culture (Andrews, 2019), as silencing reveals and sustains
hierarchical power (Arnot, 2007). Silencing serves to maintain the oppressed through systematic
practices.
The third element in the conceptual framework is epistemology. Epistemology is the
accountability mechanism in the education system that determines what one knows is valid and
valuable. One of the most widely used tools of public pedagogy in the education system is the
textbook, as it makes up the basis of 70-95% of all classroom instruction (Gay, 2000). However,
no mechanism exists for shared conclusions or perspectives (Leonardo, 2015). The fourth
element is ideological hegemony, which is the shared beliefs, norms, and practices. It becomes
so ingrained in the very fabric of one’s life that it becomes automatic and unconsciously

38
accepted. Individuals willingly reinforce power structures and societal ideas, even when these
structures and ideas are harmful or silencing for those without access to power (Castagno, 2008).
Figure 1
Conceptual Framework for Structural Belonging for Black Girls in K-12
Conclusion
Malcolm X (1962) described the Black woman as the most disrespected, unprotected, and
neglected person in the United States. The dehumanization of Black girls is evident in the United
States educational system (Neal-Jackson, 2020). Black girls' differences are highly visible, yet
they walk through educational spaces invisible that deny their full humanity (Grant-Thomas,
2018). Structural belonging for Black girls remains unrealized as the institutionalization process
teaches them to be silent about their experiences in the educational system (Powell, 2018). The
desperate disciplinary practices, acts of silencing, cloak of invisibility, and epistemic violence

39
that Black girls experience are features of Othering that the institutionalization process embeds
within the structures and practices of educating Black girls. For Black girls to belong in the
public K-12 educational system, structures of inclusion must be established that recognize and
accommodate differences rather than seek to erase them (Powell & Menendian, 2016).

40
Chapter Three: Methodology
This study examined the role of institutionalization in K-12 public education that
reinforces the exclusion and marginalization of Black girls, resulting in silencing. Structural
belonging has the potential to offer a new ideological script so that Black girls do not have to
choose between their identity and voice-over being visible and valued (Haynes, 2016). This
chapter provides a deeper look at the design of my study, methodology, selection of participants,
the researcher’s role, and ensuring an ethical stance that engenders credibility and
trustworthiness with participants to allow for their lived experiences to be shared authentically
and transparently.
Research Questions
The study sought to understand how Black women in their first year of college reflect on
their experience of belonging in high school. The research questions addressed in this study are
as follows:
1. How do Black girls in public K-12 experience classroom culture and teacher practices?
2. How do Black girls’ experiences of institutional structures and practices in public K-12
inform their sense of belonging?
Overview of Design
The research approach was qualitative, focusing on applied phenomenological research
principles. Qualitative research is a process that situates the observer in a natural setting to make
sense of the phenomena from individual and group perspectives (Denzin & Lincoln, 2013). This
research approach aligned with the purpose of the study, which was to understand better the act
of silencing Black girls’ voices, experiences, and knowledge in the education system. It was
critical to ask, listen, and validate their lived experiences. The method used to understand Black

41
girls’ experiences and provide a platform for them to share was through individual interviews of
Black women who have successfully navigated K-12 based on their ability to graduate high
school, enter, and persist in higher education. The purpose of conducting interviews was to elicit
a conversation with those with first-hand experience and knowledge of the topic of my study
(Patton, 2015, p. 426). Individual interviews were used to collect data to answer the research
questions, as shown in Table 1.
Table 1
Data Sources
Research questions Interview
RQ1: How do Black girls in public K-12 experience classroom culture
and teacher practices?
X
RQ2: How do Black girls’ experiences of institutional structures and
practices in public K-12 inform their sense of belonging?
X
______________________________________________________________________________
Research Setting
Institutions of higher education are the setting that best supported the study’s research
questions. A public four-year higher education institution was used in the study due to
comparable eligibility requirements, student demographics, and as a degree-awarding institution.
The selected institution has been given a pseudonym to protect its identity. University of Equity
for All was chosen as a non-selective college with an acceptance rate of 46% and over 70,000
applications received each year.

42
Participants were students in their first year of college and graduated from high school
within the last 5 years. Selected participants were able to provide a retrospective insight into their
former educational experience in K-12, compare it to their current experience, and determine
what teaching practices, supports, and school culture contributed to their sense of belonging that
influenced their decision to pursue higher education.
The Researcher
As a first-generation Black woman currently in a doctoral program, my positionality as it
concerns my topic comes from my lived experience. As a young Black girl in a predominantly
White school, I was described as too loud, too opinionated, too bossy, and labeled difficult. In
addition to my experiences, my professional experience in both higher education and K-12
allows me to make more extensive connections to the current educational system, systemic
racism, and the experiences of students across cultures and races. I approach the world, striving
to move towards equitable outcomes that prioritize and center the individual’s perspective and
experiences over the idea of knowing if their lived experience can be confirmed through a more
epistemological approach. My own lived experiences have shaped my worldview and created a
more critical stance and urgency for the transformation of our educational system.
I worked to mitigate potential assumptions and biases of the research design as well as
data analysis, and I sought ways to check my bias using reflexivity. Reflexive thinking is an
exercise in pausing and reflecting on what the researcher is learning throughout the process and
then documenting concerns to acknowledge personal experiences without allowing them to
override what is shared by the study’s participants (Creswell& Creswell, 2018). The use of
reflexivity in my study helped me realize when I was unintentionally looking for causes with a
predetermined perspective informed by my own lived experiences. Two additional doctoral

43
candidates reviewed the data as part of the data analysis process, provided separate coding, and
collaboratively identified themes, which helped reduce the chance that, as the researcher and
primary data collector, I would identify themes that confirmed my own experience.
Data Sources
Purposive sampling was used to intentionally select Black female college students that
were defined as having completed high school to examine the theory of structural belonging
critically. One of the goals of purposive sampling is to establish a sampling of participants that
can be compared to highlight differences between settings and individuals (Creswell, 2002). The
study compared Black female college students' experiences when they were in K-12 and that are
now in their first year at a non-selective college. The study sought to capture the differences in
access to college preparatory programs, college-going culture, high-quality instruction, and a
diverse student population that may have contributed to their sense of belonging in their public
K-12 experience.
The study was conducted with ten Black female college students at University of Equity
for All. The study sought to understand the diversity of the participant's stories and the potential
distinctions of messaging they received in K-12 from teachers, staff, their families, and selfnarratives that shaped where they applied and chose to attend. I continued to interview until I
reached a point of saturation in my data collection and to ensure my research questions were
answered.
Participants
The population that best supported the research study were Black female college students
who graduated from high school and could access higher education based on their acceptance
and attendance at a higher education institution. Selected participants were uniquely situated

44
with lived experiences required to answer the study’s research questions. Interviewing 10 Black
women in their first year in higher education, allowed participants to reflect on their experiences
in public K-12. The retrospective study allowed participants to draw parallels and differences in
experiences in other educational institutions outside of K-12. Participants had to have graduated
from a public high school in the state of California.
Instrumentation
The interview protocol was semi-structured to avoid assumptions on my part of knowing
what participants will share or know about their experiences. A semi-structured interview
approach allows the interview to be guided by planned questions but still allows for probes and
follow-up questions to specific responses as needed. Questions were crafted to avoid educational
jargon and acronyms that students may not have been exposed to or understand (Kruger &
Casey, 2009). The interview consisted of thirteen open-ended questions that were scaffolded and
sought to understand their individual experiences better. I explained the purpose of each section
of questions and reaffirmed to the participants that there was no prescribed answer; instead, the
study attempted to uncover their experiences and perspectives.
The interview started with some ‘soft’ questions that do not require a heavy cognitive lift
and allowed the participants to get comfortable with answering questions. The next set of
questions asked participants about their high school experience that provided insight into
ideological hegemony and potential acts of silencing, two key concepts of the study’s conceptual
framework. The next set of questions transitioned into the theory of belonging, how participants
defined it, experienced it, and whom they believed belonged in school based on their
experiences. Questions on belonging helped to support the study’s theoretical framework of
structural belonging and research questions on the structures and practices of a school.

45
Data Collection Procedures
To support the identification of participants, the researcher initially leveraged their
network by reaching out to professors at University of Equity for All to determine access,
messaging, and timing that aligns with the college’s academic term. The secondary recruitment
strategy was posting an invitation to participate on online student boards, Handshake, and
targeting student programs closely aligned with the identified participant population. Once
participants were identified, they were asked to complete a participant demographic survey and a
consent to participate form.
Interviews
Individual interviews were the primary form of data collection to understand better Black
female college students' experience in K-12 from a retrospective lens. Each interview was
planned for 60 minutes via zoom, and permission to record and hold the interview through zoom
were sought at the time of identification of participants. Zoom allows flexibility for participants
to engage in the interview process around their class schedule and other obligations with the least
disruption to their day (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007).
The interview began with introductions before asking questions and making clear to
participants that if there was any question that they were uncomfortable answering, they could
choose to pass. Participants were reminded before the start of the interview that the interview
would be recorded as well as notes taken to capture larger ideas, patterns that might be emerging,
and general notes about the conversation (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007. My notes served as a
reflective form and a supplemental data collection method.

46
Data Analysis
Zoom transcription software was used to transfer audio-recorded statements from the
recorded interview into text. Zoom transcription allowed me to start, stop, and repeat sections of
a conversation to confirm accurate transcription. I reviewed notes to identify themes of what
participants shared to inform sense-making. Once themes are identified, the coding process of
chunking the data by categories begins (Rossman & Rallis, 2012). Through inductive data
analysis, themes were identified that serve as findings, with participants' quotes used to support
correlation to findings and multiple perspectives (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Member checking
and inductive analysis was also used to combat researcher reflexivity with past experiences and
the potential for biased interpretations (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Credibility and Trustworthiness
I aimed to build trustworthiness with each participant by creating questions that were
open and approaching the interview with a neutral stance. A neutral stance did not reflect my
lack of care and concern for the topic or the individual participants; rather, neutrality aimed to
reinforce my position as a researcher as being open-minded and not seeking a particular response
or reinforcement of a belief or experience (Patton, 2002). Another way I demonstrated respect
for my participants, as well as embodied trustworthiness, is by allowing participants the
opportunity to self-identify. Regardless of the participant’s phenotype, it was essential to allow
participants to capture their multiple identities and the potential for how it has impacted or
informed their experiences (Rosenberg, 2017).
Ethics
Before conducting my study, I sought approval through USC’s institutional review board
and gained permission from participants. Once participants were selected, I reiterated at the time

47
of selection and again prior to the start of the interview the purpose of the study, that
participation is voluntary, and at any point, participants can choose to no longer participate in the
study. As a researcher, I aimed to respect cultural differences that might arise during the
interview or conflict with any phrasing of questions (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Rubin &
Rubin, 2012). All interview data remained confidential, including not divulging names or
demographics to ensure participants cannot be identified by their responses.
Throughout the design of the study, selection of methodology, and analysis of data
collected, I worked to remain conscious of my role as the researcher and my obligation to be
respectful of my studies participants and that they have allowed me a glimpse into their personal
experiences and their impact on them (Glesne, 2011; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The best way to
honor their trust was to stay true to my data collector role (Patton, 2015). My research seeks to
honor and center Black girls’ experiences, rather than ignore or trivialize them and add value to
the research community and body of existing literature on Black girls’ experience in the K-12
system, including their self-narrative.

48
Chapter Four: Findings
The study aims to examine the role of institutionalization in K-12 public education and
Black girls' sense of belonging. How students see themselves in the educational setting can be
connected to the explicit messages they receive that make them feel welcomed in the classroom
or the institution of education (Powell & Menendian, 2022). This study used structural belonging
as a lens to understand how Black girls experience public K-12 institutions. The problem of
practice is Black girls experience epistemic violence in the education system in which their selfnarratives become silenced, and others' perceptions of who they are and should be are cast upon
them without their consent or agreement (Dotson, 2011). There are three forms of epistemic
violence: discrimination, lack of access to resources, and the power of narratives.
Two research questions guide this study.
1. How do Black girls in public K-12 experience classroom culture and teacher
practices?
2. How do Black girls’ experiences of institutional structures and practices in public
K-12 inform their sense of belonging?
These two research questions were analyzed through semi-structured interviews to
examine the role of institutionalization in K-12 public education and to better understand Black
girls’ experiences in K-12. The purpose of this chapter is to present the findings of the 10 Black
women interviewed in the study. The findings presented share participants' responses that
address each research question, highlight emerging themes, and provide analysis. Direct quotes
from participants will be used as evidence to support the findings.

49
Participants
All 10 Black women were first-year students at the selected four-year institution. As
discussed in Chapter 3, all interviews were conducted via Zoom, with interviews recorded and
notes attained using Zoom transcription services. All participants identified as first-year college
students, although one graduated from high school the previous year. Additionally, all
participants identified themselves as Black or African American. One identified themselves as
being of mixed heritage but primarily identified as Black.
Table 2
Participant Demographics
Interviewee Identity Year Graduated
High School
High School
Demographics
Arsinoe
Berenice
Cleopatra
Hatshepsut
Black/Hawaiian
Black
African American/
Kenyan
Black
2021
2022
2022
2022
Predominantly White
Predominantly White
Predominantly White
Predominantly White
Meritites
Yah
Nefertari
Nefertiti
Nitocris
Tuyi
Black/ Panamanian
African American/
Mixed Race
Black/Hispanic
Black/Somali
Black
Black/Native
American
2022
2022
2022
2022
2022
2022
Predominantly White
Predominantly White
Predominantly White
Diverse
Diverse
Predominantly White

50
All participants attended K-12 schools in California except for one who moved to another
state for 2 years in high school and then returned to California for the last 2 years of high school.
A typical pattern was that they attended a majority White high school even if their primary
schools were more diverse and described the absence of teachers who looked like them.
Context and Background
All participants in the study were sophomores in high school when the world experienced
two pandemics. The first pandemic, COVID-19, shut the world down and closed schools for the
first time in history. Many schools in the United States remained closed for close to 12 months.
Then, they continued offering virtual learning options for families uncomfortable sending their
students back to in-person learning for various reasons (Education Week, 2002). Participants
encountered asynchronous learning for over a year, yet none of the participants talked about their
experience or impact with asynchronous learning or school closures. The second pandemic of
systemic racism that participants encountered during high school was the murder of George
Floyd. Some participants shared their participation in the Black Lives Matter movement and the
social media movement of #BlackStudentsLivesLike to capture the experiences Black students
faced daily in a predominately White school.
In addition to the two pandemics the study participants encountered, participants
overwhelmingly thanked the researcher for asking them the set of questions, for choosing to
conduct the study, and for allowing them to tell their stories. As participants were now in
college, they expressed having moved on from their K-12 experiences. As young adults currently
living independently and choosing their learning experience, they had not encountered anyone
who had asked them about their experience and wanted to validate their voice. Some participants
shared that the incident was healing, allowing them to reflect and process their experiences.

51
Findings for Research Question One
The two themes that emerged from Research Question 1 pertain to how Black girls in
public K-12 experience the classroom culture and teacher practices. The themes are (a) the
racialized burden that participants experienced when being the only Black student in their class
and (b) exclusionary practices in the classroom by teachers that resulted in participants not
feeling a part of their school.
Racialized Burden
A racialized burden was experienced across all participants with how they experienced
the learning environment. Based on their identity, the learning environment created a
psychological cost, leaving participants feeling unsafe to participate authentically. In addition to
their lack of psychological safety in the classroom, they were considered the ‘subject matter
expert’ for their entire race. Arsinoe expressed, “You feel like you have to speak up for your race
and that you are more scrutinized because you are the only one.” Multiple participants also
revealed teachers already held biases and preconceived notions about their abilities.
Participants shared they felt the difference in expectations across student groups.
Cleopatra articulated, “I noticed it was expected of certain students to succeed, and because I
was a part of the minority, some people made biases towards me before I got there.” Cleopatra
emphasized feeling the need to prove her teacher’s biases wrong about her based on her race but
then felt like she was forced to make decisions that were not what she wanted. Other participants
thought they must prove their teachers wrong and push back on racial stereotypes.
Despite participants feeling like not all their teachers held high expectations of them, all
participants talked about having high expectations for themselves in school. Their high
expectation of themselves carried with them a psychological toll when the teachers surrounding

52
them did not hold the exact expectations for them. “It's tough to keep pushing back, yet it gets
tiring, and you get tired of it,” Berenice emphasized. Participants felt that their race was the
primary predictor teachers used in determining who received support, who college was attainable
for, and who was included in the learning.
Participants experienced biases and lower expectations through a lack of support for their
goals in life after high school. Arsinoe shared, “I think certain teachers didn't believe in my
goals, so they wouldn't help me achieve them.” Arsinoe was not the only participant to share that
teachers did not support their goals. Berenice expressed encountering similar messages, “That's a
hard school to get into. What's your backup school? Then he would focus more on my backup
schools than the school I wanted to attend.” Participants received verbal messages and
encountered teacher practices which reinforced lower expectations due to their racial identity.
Participants also articulated how they were expected to discuss racial matters and be the
spokesperson for Black culture and historical experiences. For Black History Month, Hatshepsut
recalls a Spanish teacher seeking her approval to share specific historical facts about racism and
slavery. “She wanted to put up a door decoration to highlight the paper bag test where if you're
lighter than the color of the bag, you can come in.” Although Hatshepsut was not alive during
that period, the burden and reminder that she might not have been allowed to come into the class
was based on the shade of her skin. Participants also revealed that during the second pandemic of
systemic racism, it went from having 1 month to discuss and discover Black history that was
primarily focused on slavery to it being forced upon them. Some participants declared that they
were asked to create films and select readings for the school to bring awareness during the
second pandemic of systemic racism. In addition to the burden participants faced of being Black,

53
they were additionally asked to carry the burden of educating their school community about their
experiences.
Exclusionary Practices
Participants shared how they felt excluded from the learning environment through a lack
of connection to their teachers, the content, and cultural norms in the classroom. Some
participants experienced pervasive exclusionary practices that made them feel like they were
forcing themselves to fit in a space that was not designed for them, nor did they want to include
them. Yah identified “the pattern where White and Asian American students are fostered and
nurtured more the way they are.” When participants were asked which student groups have the
greatest sense of belonging, all ten participants, stated White students. Yah included Asian
students in the same assessment, whereas Nefertiti included intelligent students. “I think they had
more biases towards Black students; they were more attracted to the students who created trouble
and focused on them more,” Nitocris divulged. For the participants who defied what the teacher
believed about them, teachers pushed them aside to remain focused on the students who met their
preconceived notions. Nefertari shared, “They want to pressure us to be normal, but we're not
supposed to dream as big as we should be.” Participants felt the pressure to fit a particular mold;
however, even when they did, they still felt as if they were excluded. Participants described
wanting to be included.
Although exclusionary practices across teachers and participant experience varied, the
description of wanting to be included was widely held. Cleopatra defines inclusion as “Not
feeling like you're forcing yourself into that space, infringing on other’s space, bothering other
people by being present or speaking.” Participants described being unable to be at school as their
authentic selves, having to ‘code switch,’ use a different vocabulary, and not participating as

54
much so people would not notice they were there. Participants felt forced to shrink their voice
and presence to be welcomed as part of the classroom. Cleopatra dreams of what it would be like
if they did not have to minimize themselves. “You should be allowed to naturally excel and
flourish in that space, to be your best version of you in those spaces without having to diminish
who you are as a person.” Cleopatra describes the opposite of flourishing in your best version as
diminishing oneself. A few other participants identified the need to make themselves appear less
intelligent or less engaged, not to be seen as threatening or assimilating into the dominant
culture.
Participants also experienced exclusionary practices through the lack of representation of
Black teachers and staff, making Black girls feel like they did not belong in school. “There was
no one that looked like me that taught at that school, no one that looked like me in the
administration office, so it made me feel like I didn't belong,” Berenice exclaimed. Having the
opportunity to have a Black teacher was critical to six out of 10 participants. Having someone
who looks like you, validates your behavior as normal, and emphasizes that you are a part of the
school community was important to some participants that provided a sense of cultural
acceptance. Cleopatra shared, “Made me want to flourish and push myself to be at the top.”
Many of the participants described it as a form of connection and understanding. In addition,
participants felt Black teachers held higher expectations of them as students.
Other participants shared that a Black teacher had never taught them. The participants
whom a Black teacher had never taught them questioned their connection to the school, and if
the content would be more vital if they had. Arsinoe reflected, “I wonder how it would feel to be
taught history by someone of color. Would it be any different?” Questioning whether someone

55
who looks like you would tell the story differently or potentially emphasize more humane
experiences rather than just focusing on slavery.
Nefertiti and Nitocris experienced a more culturally diverse K-12 setting, yet the
expectation to succeed academically was absent. “There wasn't a lot of education for us; we
weren't very informed; we were just in a cage and expected to pass core subjects, and they didn't
inform us of what we needed,” informed Nefertiti. Based on the study participants, it did not
seem to matter if they attended a predominantly White school or a school with a diverse student
population. The participants experienced lower expectations to learn and academically succeed.
One distinction in the more diverse schools, Nefertiti and Nitocris, did not experience high
expectations from teachers across minority groups. Low student expectations were part of the
school culture and structure.
More than half of the 10 participants identified low expectations, lack of connection, and
not having a Black teacher as part of the exclusionary practices they experienced. Cultural norms
were the only discriminatory classroom practice that less than five participants identified as an
exclusionary practice. Low expectations received the highest frequency, followed by a lack of
connection and, shortly afterward, a lack of a Black teacher. These exclusionary practices do not
reflect all the exclusionary practices experienced by participants but rather highlight which ones
received the most responses from participants.
For every example that Black women shared about their teachers in K-12,
overwhelmingly, their experiences were of teachers with low expectations. Participants could
recant the one to two teachers they felt held high expectations of them and supported their future
goals. The one to two teachers who had high expectations made a significant impact. Participants
remembered their names, courses, and the conversations and encouragement they received.

56
Discussion for Research Question One
Teachers' varying expectations of student academic achievement due to race reinforce
teachers’ biases, affecting their behavior and judgment. Participants experienced teacher biases
reflected in exclusionary practices in the classroom. Participants recalled not feeling
psychologically safe in their classes, being made to carry the burden of being Black, explaining
Black cultural norms, creating awareness of Black history, and providing clarity for racist
practices such as the ‘brown paper bag test’ described by Nitocris.
Participant’s experiences of exclusionary practices in the classroom and being made to
carry the burden of their race is supported throughout the literature in the notion of being ‘deeducated,’ which is the process of being systematically excluded from the education system.
Research also highlights that racial hierarchies maintain the basis for discriminatory and
exclusionary acts that reinforce the marginalization of Black girls. Teacher’s implicit biases
serve as a form of structural racism through their cultural consciousness that becomes validated
in everyday interactions within the systematic structure of schooling.
All 10 participants experienced Othering: the systematic marginalization of groups
different from the dominant group. Marginalization, powerlessness, and alienation are produced
in the institutionalization process (White, 1996). The study’s participants experienced
marginalization and alienation through the institutionalization process of schooling. Black girls
were expected to learn when they experienced exclusionary practices and recalled never feeling
like they belonged.
Findings for Research Question Two
The three themes identified to answer Research Question 2 describe how Black girls’
experiences of institutional structures and practices in public K-12 inform their sense of

57
belonging. The themes include (a) the school being designed for the dominant group (b) the
messages provided in the classroom and narratives through curricular choices that were not
relevant or inclusive (c) Black girls feeling that they were not seen or heard that resulted in
feeling invisible throughout their K-12 experience.
Who Schooling Was Designed For
All participants recognized that their teachers had the power to make assumptions about
them and determine who was capable of learning as schooling was designed to keep the status
quo of the dominant group. “The dominant group of students can connect with many different
things at school as it was built for them. The foundation is there for them, and they just exist in
it,” Meritites declared. Participants experienced a lack of connection to the materials and learning
as they did not feel it was about them or written for them. Participants described schooling being
created for White students. Berenice reflected, “We shouldn't be treated worse because of our
appearance. I want the same treatment and opportunities as the other students.” Participants
recognized and experienced the difference in treatment and opportunities afforded White
students compared to themselves.
In Table 3, participants identified that they believed White students experienced the
greatest sense of belonging of all student groups at school. The pervasiveness of the school
culture was reflected in the participant’s responses.

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Table 3
Examples of White Students Belonging in School
Participant White Students Hold the Greatest Sense of Belonging
Meritities Since they are the majority, they can connect to so many
things at school. It is phenomenal the way it is built for
them.
Nefertiti
Nefertari
Cleopatra
If the teacher and student had the same race, the student
would learn more, and I was neglected because I was not the
same.
They don’t have to worry about race or think about it until
they see someone different from them.
They never had to prove they were smart. It was expected.
Participants noticed that their experience differed from that of White students who experienced
personalized learning as it was about them and for them. Participants described White students as
having the greatest sense of belonging as they did not have to question their place in school as it
was designed for them.
All participants identified the course content was irrelevant, yet they were still forced to
learn about it. Hatshepsut described, “Everything was tailored for White students. What we are
learning is about them; the teachers look like them, and most students in my high school were
White. It just seemed it was for them.” Multiple participants started feeling as if the school was
created for White students, giving them the greatest sense of belonging in school. “I don't feel
like I was represented in American History, and then European history was offered. I chose not
to take it because I don't want to learn about what White people did for another school year,”

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Hatshepsut declared. Other participants also felt like the content they learned did not reflect them
or their culture. Yah shared, “School lessons haven't been particularly reflective of the history of
African American students. It was much more Eurocentric.” Participants' experiences of history
classes being Eurocentric and failing to reflect Black history left them feeling the content was
not culturally relevant to them.
In addition to participants feeling that school was designed for White students, some
highlighted the disparities in opportunities and resources provided. Some participants referred to
White students as seeming to have a strong foundation of preparation for academic success. The
difference in access to opportunities and resources student groups received altered students of
color's perceptions. Berenice explained, “I think people tried to make us go into a certain
category that left us feeling unheard.” On the other hand, one participant felt Black students were
rewarded with opportunities and resources once they proved they were intelligent. “Once you get
past them like looking down on you because of your race, if they know that you're intelligent,
they're going to start showing they favor you eventually,” explained Cleopatra. All the other
participants described themselves as having high expectations of themselves and as good
students. Cleopatra was the only study participant who felt the school community could move
beyond her race due to her intelligence. Cleopatra recognized that she had to prove her
intelligence, which was a shared experience across all participants.
Cleopatra described overcoming the culture once she established her intelligence.
However, the other nine participants felt if they did not fit the mold of an academically achieving
student, they were disregarded as early as middle school. “If we didn't become the perfect
student in middle school or excel, then we received messages that we would not reach our full
potential later in life,” Meritites said. Participants received messages from teachers early on

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about the type of student that would be successful, and if they did not meet the definition, they
were overlooked. None of the participants shared whether other student groups experienced the
same definition of success and labeling at an early age.
The participants whose teachers discounted them were made to feel as if they were less
capable than the other students and then had to prove to teachers that they were capable.
Berenice expressed, “Students of color are pushed to the bottom, pushed to have lower
expectations, pushed to have lower viewpoints of ourselves, and we are still supposed to make
ourselves work 1000% harder just to be seen as equals.” Most participants felt the pressure to
prove that they were capable, able to learn and succeed. However, as an effect of being forced to
prove they could be academically successful, many endured imposter syndrome.
Narratives
Narratives and stories are a way of capturing and recanting history and used to make
meaning of one’s everyday life. Narratives held the largest frequency throughout the interview
process. Many participants discussed that in K-12, those who held the power determined what
narratives were told. Arsinoe questioned, “White males taught ninety percent of my history
classes. How much more would I be inspired if it was taught by somebody who has experienced
some of these disadvantages? Would that make me feel more of a sense of belonging?” The
narratives taught in participant’s schools from teachers and the curriculum served as the sole
source of knowledge. Arsinoe questions what narratives she would have received had it been
from a Black teacher. For students too young to experience the historical events shared in
textbooks, narratives are used to help process new information.
In addition to teachers providing messages, participants questioned who approves the
curriculum and determines the narratives that all students receive in school. Yah asked, “People

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who made the schooling system and wrote the educational history for classes were not diverse. I
think it may be a sore subject for them to villainize themselves by saying what the history of
their people may have been. It is a part of whitewashing that history.” Yah pointed out that those
who get to write the narrative are those who get to determine what is included and what is
excluded from what they learn.
Participants disclosed that although teachers did not want to discuss race and the impact
of racism on others, participants questioned the narratives taught in class. In addition to
examining the validity of the narratives shared in class, all participants divulged that the history
taught was about White culture and history. Nitocris informed, “The curriculum is mainly about
stuff made by old White guys on colonization in U.S. history. I always felt a little lower
throughout school and learning about these things.” Participants experienced the recanting of
slavery as the most frequent narrative in their history classes with little to no consideration to
how they experienced the recanting of slavery.
Participants revealed that content and textbooks were written by and focused on White
culture; however, when asked if they learned about their culture in school, many had not or
referenced the one month in the year focused on Black history. “I have never learned about
myself or my culture in school. It was always just about White people, what they did, and how
they affected the rest of the world,” Hatshepsut recalled. The impact on participants to never
learn about their own culture left some feeling powerless. For participants to not learn about their
culture and historical accomplishments left participants with feelings of being less significant
than the dominant group that was the focus of the curriculum.

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Invisible
All participants were asked to recall a time in their class when they felt most heard. Eight
out of 10 participants described not being seen or heard in K-12. Nefertiti uttered, “I don't think
they even knew my name; they were more attracted to students who created trouble, and they
focused on them more.” Participants believed teachers held biases and preconceived notions
toward students of color. Nefertiti expressed that her teachers never knew her name, which could
indicate little to no interactions with her teachers. Merititis verbalized a similar experience,
“Sometimes there are people that sit in silence because they don't like speaking up on certain
things, and you would want someone to notice.” Merititis expressed wanting to be noticed and
that her silence did not equal her having nothing to say. Both Nefertiti and Merititis experienced
being pushed aside and unacknowledged by their teachers.
Participants disclosed feeling seen or heard by people who looked like them. “I did see
that people who looked like me made me seen and feel like I belonged,” recalled Berenice.
Participants felt more connected, heard, and seen as individuals who added value to the
classroom when learning from Black teachers. “I never felt heard at school because there was not
a single representation of a Black person in the administration office, so I didn't feel heard at that
school,” recalled Berenice. Berenice felt that without having someone who looked like her in a
position of authority, her voice did not matter. Not having someone in power who understood
Berenice’s experiences could result in a different response when situations occur.
Other participants experienced their voices being ignored and participation unvalidated,
leaving them feeling unheard. Hatshepsut described not being heard as “They're not listening to
me, but if a White person said the same thing, then it's a good idea.” Hatshepsut also indicated
her participation in class decreased as she experienced her ideas being dismissed. Seven out of

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10 participants attributed accepting not feeling seen or heard at school as they did not feel safe in
the classroom to make their presence known or seek opportunities to engage in classroom
discussion. Participants clarified that, at times, it was also due to physical safety concerns. Still, a
lack of psychological safety in the classroom often caused participants to prefer to remain
unheard and unseen.
When probed to understand how participants would describe being seen or heard,
Berenice said, “I was bullied at a majority White school, and they did nothing about it. I did not
feel seen.” Cleopatra described feeling heard as “Being given the space to express yourself or
what you might be going through. Having the space to do it and feeling safe to share, being
acknowledged, understood, and heard.” All except two participants identified that they were not
seen or heard in K-12 yet were able to describe how being seen or heard would manifest and
have meaning for them.
Although participants' definitions varied, they all drew upon notions of celebrating their
individuality, teachers knowing their names, and feeling like they did not have to speak or act
differently to be accepted. In Table 4, participants express their desire to be seen and heard and
define what it would mean to them to be seen or heard.

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Table 4
Side-by-Side Desire to be Seen and Heard
Participant Definition of Heard Definition of Seen
Nitocris Being heard and just speaking out and
seeing whether it will be implemented or
understand where you're coming from.
Making sure they're not outcasted
and feeling they have a sense of
safety, comfortability, and
psychological safety.
Hatshepsut Being given the space to express yourself
and different things… feeling safe to
share, being acknowledged and
understood.
Not pretending race doesn't exist or
that I'm not different. I don't think
being different is a bad thing.
Berenice
Nefertari
Tuyi
I feel like my voice matters if I say
something, they will take me seriously.
A place where you are safe to express
your opinions and talk about real issues
without being judged or boundaries
placed on what you say.
Feeling like your environment was
made for you to succeed and feel
included.
Although participants expressed the desire to be seen and heard, four out of 10 participants could
not recall when they felt heard in one of their classes throughout their K-12 experience.
Participants could describe events that led to them not feeling seen or heard, as well were able to
clarify what being seen and heard meant to them.
Discussion for Research Question Two
The normalized cultural systems can influence teachers’ beliefs and practices that shape
the classroom culture and teach narratives that leave many Black girls feeling invisible.

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Participants sharing examples of narratives were the highest recorded theme across ten
interviews with participants. The second highest documented theme was a who schooling was
designed for. Ironically, the lowest frequency of responses was in the theme of feeling invisible.
As there is no national social studies standard in K-12 to mandate what topics or
historical figures students must learn about, multiple states have recently banned the discussion
of slavery and the civil rights movement to protect White students' experiences (Duncan et al.,
2020). Who determines which narrative is taught and by whom has the potential to eradicate
histories and change the story to benefit certain cultures. Curricula and supplemental materials
contained messages of inferiority about being Black and being a woman. Black girls were taught
the accomplishments of White society, and recalled few times they were taught about their race
from a historical recollection of slavery. Some participants expressed feeling lower or imposter
syndrome when they did well, as their identity was already connected to preconceived biases
informed by societal stereotypes.
Participants not seeing themselves in the content they were taught or learning about their
culture resulted in experiencing feelings of not being seen or heard. Although all participants
discussed not feeling seen or heard, they could not expand in depth or with clarity of the impact
on them as they were able to do with the other two themes. Some participants were able to define
what it would ideally look like if they were seen or heard. Still, it is unclear if participants
understood the effects of not experiencing psychological safety in the learning environment or if
it changed their willingness to use their voice in college.
Participants were asked if they felt a sense of belonging in K-12. Participants
unanimously said they never felt like they belonged when asked if they felt a sense of belonging.
Participants described not feeling like they were a part of the school, a lack of psychological

66
safety, and questioned if teachers had their best interest in mind. Participants identified feeling
separate, in some cases intentionally isolated, and in other cases, teachers not even knowing their
names. All participants desired to feel included at their school and in the learning. Participants
saw teachers' role as creating a community and advocating for all students. Some participants
also called out that everyone should be made to feel like they belong regardless of race, sex, or
identity.
When participants were asked if they felt all students belonged, most participants
believed all students should be made to belong as school was mandatory to attend. However,
they also recognized that no one monitored if all students belonged. One participant even
recalled students dropping out because they did not feel they belonged. Participants voiced that
the school community made them feel like they did not belong there. Two participants shared
they did not feel all students belonged. They immediately caught themselves after making the
statement and reflected on how sad that was.
Summary
The study examined 10 Black women in their first year of college as part of a
retrospective study on their experience in K-12. Two research questions were used to guide the
study. The study’s findings were that participants believed that teachers played a critical role in
supporting a student’s sense of belonging through relevant content, encouraging and supporting
student goals, and positive teacher-student relationships. All participants experienced a lack of
relevant content, exclusionary practices from teachers, and an absence of connection to teachers
who did not look like them.
The Black women who participated in the study did not experience a sense of belonging.
Additionally, when participants were asked if all students belonged in school, they resoundingly

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expressed that they believed all students should. However, they immediately clarified that many
students do not feel like they belong. All participants identified the one to two teachers in K-12
that made them feel seen and heard, supported their goals, and held high expectations of them.
The Black women in the study felt as if they must carry the burden of their race and that
schooling was designed for White students to succeed and stereotypes of other cultures informed
teachers’ biases that led to exclusionary practices and Black girls feeling invisible.

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Chapter Five: Recommendations
The study aimed to examine the role of institutionalization in K-12 public education and
Black girls' sense of belonging. This chapter synthesizes the findings of participants' perspectives
and lived experiences in public K-12 schools. The chapter will discuss the study’s findings and
then provide recommendations that move from theory to practice, focusing on implementation
strategies. The chapter will discuss some of the study's limitations and provide guidance for
future research.
Discussion of Findings
The study’s findings support the conceptual framework of structural belonging. Structural
belonging moves beyond a sense of belonging at the individual psychological level, as
psychological resources are insufficient to overcome structural obstacles to educational
attainment (Burger, 2022; Murphy et al., 2020; Schoon et al., 2021). Three findings emerged on
how Black women experience the classroom culture and teacher practice that informed their
sense of belonging in public K-12. These key findings answer both the research questions and
add to the growing literature on structural belonging. This is the first study that examined Black
girl's experience through the lens of structural belonging theory.
Silencing and Invisibility of Black Girls in K-12
This finding aligns with several studies that also found that Black girls were rendered
invisible. Participants described not feeling seen or heard during their time in K-12. The Black
women participating recalled feeling invisible, with some teachers not knowing their names and
others not being able to recognize them in a crowd. The theory of structural belonging affirms
that silencing maintains oppression through systematic practices within an institution.

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Participants recalled silencing mechanisms used in teachers’ practices, embedded in the ideology
of course content, and the verbal responses and messages by teachers.
The ways institutions conceptualize and define what counts and for whom perpetuates the
invisibility and silencing of Black girls (George, 2020). Participants described feeling as if their
answers were not good enough yet validated when spoken by a White student and, at other times,
dismissed altogether. Black girls experience a cloak of invisibility that forces them to assimilate
by expunging their identity (Haynes et al., 2016; Hooks, 1981) through the erasure of their
voices and experiences (Collins, 2002). This finding reaffirms that Black girls were made to
diminish their selves and learn to ‘code switch’ between school and home to succeed
academically. They were forced to alter their identity and sometimes eradicate their voice to
belong.
Marginalization and Othering of Black Girls in K-12
The study’s data demonstrates that Black girls experienced marginalization in public K12. All participants identified being isolated, made to feel inferior, and not included in the
classroom culture. Participants discussed not feeling psychologically safe and, at times,
physically safe in the classroom and school. There is a cost to Black girls physically,
emotionally, and academically when the educational system is ambivalent, deprioritizes, and
reproduces marginalization that renders Black girls invisible (George, 2020). Many participants
described having to disprove their teacher’s perceptions of them not being intelligent or able to
learn, resulting in Black girls feeling like they must work harder than other students. In
instructional practices, teacher perceptions and curricular pedagogy hold gender and racial biases
that manifest in exclusionary practices aimed at Black girls that are more about their identity
than their actions (Education Trust & National Women’s Law Center, 2020). Participants shared

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teachers held preconceived notions about them and their abilities before the first day of class.
Although some participants were tired of having to push back and convince their teachers of
their right to be educated and their ability to learn, all participants chose to continue pursuing
their education and demanded the right to learn.
Black Girls Experienced Epistemic Violence in the Classroom
The study’s data demonstrated that Black girls experienced content that was not
culturally relevant in K-12 classes. All participants divulged having to learn about White history
and accomplishments. If participants were lucky to get one month of Black history, it focused on
slavery. Black girls receive narratives in the classroom through curricular materials that reveal
socially constructed notions of inferiority based on both their race and gender that may be
contradictor to what they have believed about themselves (Coles, 2020). Participants discussed
having to listen to history recanted from their teacher and the adopted curriculum and were asked
to add to the discussion when it came to explaining the experience of racism for Black people.
Epistemic violence in the conceptual framework of structural belonging is defined by
mechanisms of accountability that determine what knowledge is valued and valid. The findings
from the study reinforce previous research that provides examples of epistemic violence as the
forced curriculum Black girls must memorize to meet standards that distort and silence their
lived experiences (Solorzano & Yosso, 2002). Some participants described being unwilling to
take AP History classes focused on European history. Participants were disinclined to take
additional courses about White history when they were never allowed to learn about their
culture.

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Recommendations for Practice
Concluding the study on the role of institutionalization on Black girls in K-12 public
education, three structural recommendations emerged to increase Black girl’s sense of belonging
in K-12. The following recommendations offer implementation strategies, funding options, and
alignment with current policy. Some of the recommendations are easier to implement, while
others take policy shifts that are more long-term but have the potential for the most systemic
change.
Recommendation 1: Teacher Professional Development: Asset-based Pedagogy
All participants experienced course content that was not relevant to them, and the content
that they were forced to learn described them as inferior through mechanisms of slavery and
ongoing racism. Previous research has uncovered that asset-based approaches establish a
sustainable practice for schools where culture cannot be eradicated or silenced for students of
color (Alim & Paris, 2017). Culturally relevant pedagogy provides an instructional opportunity
to foster belonging that reaffirms marginalized students (Gray, 2018). When educators practice
culturally responsive and sustaining practices, they support and expand the knowledge that
students bring to the classroom, which ensures that students feel connected and engaged in the
learning process (Cooper et al., 2021). The recommendation is for teachers to receive ongoing
professional development on asset-based approaches to ensure content is relevant and responsive
to all students who form connections to the content to sustain learning.
Teacher professional development is a preventative measure for school districts to
improve teacher skills, knowledge, and practices that improve student outcomes (DarlingHammond et al., 2017; Guskey, 2002). State education departments mandate the number and
type of direct hours required for teacher professional development. Teachers spend roughly 150

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hours or 19 days on professional development, with an average district investment of $18,000
per teacher per year (National Council on Quality Teachers, 2021). Existing funding is abundant
for teacher development. However, there remains a gap in professional development between
dosage, relevance of content, and data to inform what each teacher needs to improve their
teaching practice. Additionally, there are competing priorities within a district and a variety of
professional development needs.
District Superintendents and Assistant Superintendents’ of Curriculum and Instruction
must be presented with information on how students of color and in particular Black girls
experience the curriculum and the importance of content that is relevant to support learning.
Superintendents will also need data that identifies their lowest performing student group to
connect the urgency and need to prioritize asset-based pedagogy. A communication strategy to
inform teachers and create buy-in will also be essential in getting teachers to apply asset-based
pedagogy. A resistance plan will also need to be developed as there may be some teachers and
teacher unions that resist changing the way they have been teaching for years. Other potential
resisters might counter argue that professional development can be ineffective.
Wide variations in content focus and methodology create limitations to assessing
effectiveness as there lacks standardization of assessments that link teacher development to
student outcomes (Basma & Savage, 2018). To achieve more effective professional development
for teachers, districts should review Kirkpatrick’s 4-Level Model by designing training with the
result in mind. A focus on application and a design towards measuring results in which data can
be collected, measured, and evaluated to determine the effectiveness of professional
development and for which teachers can inform scalability and sustainability. Ongoing
professional development would provide sessions focused on applying learning based on adult

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learning principles, with 20% on theory and 80% on application of the theory. Teachers would
leave professional development with one to two additional strategies to implement and a
structure that allows practice opportunities. When implementing strategies with students of color,
teachers should incorporate a learning assessment before teaching new content that assesses what
knowledge students already possess, what knowledge students want to learn, and a postassessment that helps students reflect on the new knowledge they learned. By connecting assetbased pedagogy with learning outcomes and providing formative assessments to make real-time
connections to students' learning needs, asset-based pedagogy makes content relevant for all
learners.
Recommendation 2: Institutional Culture of Care in Teacher Preparation Programs
Nine out of the 10 participants identified a need to feel connected to their teachers, a
desire not to feel isolated, and that they belong. An institutional culture of care is a school-wide
system that ensures all students learn in an environment where they feel respected, supported,
and cared for (Cooper et al., 2021). The teaching and learning cycle is designed to be dynamic
and fluid to address the needs of learners. Thus, it demands that educators make changes to
instructional practices, curricular materials, and relevant pedagogy that meet the changing needs
of their students (Cooper et al., 2021; Maulucci, 2010). Students who believe they have a
positive relationship with their teachers and perceive their teachers to be caring and fair
experience a greater sense of belonging (Allen, 2018; Davis, 2003; McMahon et al., 2009). The
recommendation is to integrate an institutional culture of care in teacher preparation programs to
ensure Black girls feel connected to caring adults, valued, and that they belong.
An institutional culture of care is an intervention model that supports the White House’s
initiative on advancing educational equity’s policy goal 7 of promoting a positive school climate

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that engages Black youth in their learning, helps them progress academically, and provides those
who have left the educational system ways to reenter (White House Executive Order, 2021). The
United States Department of Education has also invested $25 million to recruit, prepare, and
develop an educator workforce in response to the nation’s teaching shortage following the
COVID-19 pandemic. The $25 million is allocated through the Teacher Quality Partnership
grant program (U.S. Department of Education, 2022).
The recommendation to add a course to teacher preparation programs during the time of a
teacher shortage across the U.S. may be met with resistance. With a push in incentivizing the
teaching profession to address the teaching shortage, some states have gone to allowing students
still enrolled in college to begin teaching while other states have waived any credentialing
(Center for American Progress, 2022). However, these responses to resolve a teaching shortage
following a pandemic cannot serve as a long-term solution. Solving for quantity will continue to
result in systematic opportunity gaps in which not all students have access to a high-quality and
qualified teacher.
Another anticipated barrier is the deregulation of courses taught across teacher
preparation programs amongst varying states. Without a consistent requirement of how and what
teachers are prepared for when they enter the classroom, there can be no systematic
implementation, which leaves it up to the chance of which school, which teacher, and what
training and professional development teachers receive to support all students. Historical
structures must be reexamined to understand what teaching practices are effective and for whom.
The requirements of teacher credentialling must be reexamined to make sure they support what
students need to learn and are in alignment with state and national student measures. As teacher
quality remains the most important in-school factor contributing to a student’s academic success

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(National Council on Teacher Quality, 2021), teacher preparation programs must address the
gaps in achievement for all students and prepares teachers with strategies to close opportunity
gaps for students including structural belonging.
As more data becomes available on the continuing marginalization of Black girls in K-12,
teachers’ implicit biases must be confronted, and the most effective way is to start before they
enter the classroom with the expectation that caring adults should surround all students. The
additional challenges will be the amount of time it will take to implement in every teacher
preparation program across the U.S. and then measure for effective application through the
annual school climate survey and the school’s accreditation process. This requires a systematic
shift in structures and practices. Without policy mandating the change, accountability
mechanisms such as surveys or accreditation processes, or teachers being incentivized to create
an institutional culture of care, this organizational change will be challenging to scale and
sustain. This recommendation reflects the willingness of a system to support and include all
students, not its ability to.
Recommendation 3: Education as a Mechanism for Liberation
All participants described feelings of marginalization, not being seen or heard, and the
U.S. education system not being created for or designed to include them. Creating inclusive
classrooms where diverse students' and teachers' perspectives become acknowledged and
included is liberatory education. Diverse classrooms increase the opportunity to provide a voice
to different opinions and narratives and potentially rid institutions of their silences (Savenije,
2014). Teachers can provide learning opportunities by eliminating structural barriers in their
classrooms that historically devalue minoritized students and place them as Other (Gray, 2018).
Placing local communities at the center of schooling requires redesigning the current K-12

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educational structure. Thus, schools would be participatory institutions informed by the
community rather than the primary authority (Jefferson et al., 2018). The recommendation is to
redesign the classroom to be inclusive and the education system to be emancipatory, ensuring the
inclusion of Black girls and learning that is responsive to their needs.
The redesign of the education system and the recentering of authority to be informed by
the community and collective expertise allows students to have agency and voice in their
learning, teachers that utilize emancipatory pedagogy, and an institution of education that is
inclusive and responsive to all students. Liberatory education can only occur by disrupting
structural and historical validations of knowledge and the role of schooling as the great equalizer
(Jefferson et al., 2018). Teachers must rethink the function of knowledge and relinquish power
over deciding whose knowledge is valued to move towards liberatory education. Emancipatory
institutional structures require epistemic mechanisms for inclusive knowledge production and
consumption with reaffirming messages that all students belong. The most significant threat to
liberatory education is the perceived threat to teacher’s identity as the experts of learning and
translators of knowledge. For emancipatory institutional structures to be implemented, teachers’
mental models must first be shifted to avoid them feeling that they must give up something for
Black girls to be liberated.
The change in the structure and approach towards liberatory education will require
Principal leadership to create and sustain the conditions for the change. Educational leaders can
follow Kotter’s 8-step model of change. John Kotter is a leading theorist on change, and his 8-
step model on organizational change has been used widely for decades. Kotter’s model requires
leadership to lead a strategic vision, continually message the need for change, and create a
coalition of the willing to message the need and provide a model of success (Galli, 2018). In

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Kotter’s model, step one focuses on creating urgency as the most foundational change needed.
As there is little research on Black girls and the impact of schooling, educational leaders must
identify the need and its urgency and then develop and message the strategic vision to the schoolwide community to create buy-in and unilateral accountability. Educational leaders will then
need to utilize student outcome data and student climate surveys to highlight teachers who have
gained quick wins to further traction, replication for scalability, and building a coalition of the
willing.
Funding for implementation will not be a barrier across the nation as the Whole Child
policy has been implemented with funding upwards of $2 billion across 5 years. Instead, this
recommendation requires redesigning the education system that moves beyond funding and
policy to a shift in ideology and epistemology. One where curricular textbooks must be rewritten,
teacher preparation programs reimagined, and the measurement of knowledge recalibrated so
learning is user-centered and constructed for all students as a starting place. Liberatory education
is not another initiative or professional development opportunity; instead, it is the end game for
all marginalized students to belong in an educational system never designed for them.
Limitation and Delimitations
Limitations of a research study are potential areas for improvement based on the research
design, funding, and timing constraints outside the researcher's control (Theofanidis & Fountouki
2018). The predicted limitations of the study are in large measures due to the nature of the
doctoral program and its length, which limited the scope and scale of the study and the ability to
collect multiple data sources. The other limitation is in the sampling of Black girls, which
prevented varying geographical settings and across various institutions.

78
The delimitations of the study are the factors that are intentionally excluded from the
study due to the limitation of the study (Simon & Goes, 2013). Black girls who did not attend
higher education were purposefully not chosen for this study. Identification and access would
have been too time-consuming, given the constraints of the doctoral program. Additionally, the
scope of the study intended to remain narrow to allow for a more in-depth examination of the
classroom, its communicative interactions, and the role of teachers in reinforcing the
institutionalization of students, which prevented the analysis of an entire school site and school
culture in this study.
Future Research
As a result of this study’s findings, research addressing the needs of Black girls as
learners and academically successful is minimal and rare, leaving them to remain invisible in a
system where they make up close to 7.8% of the student population (National Center for
Education Statistics, 2019). Between 2000 and 2016, 2,643 studies focused on Black students in
general, with 295 focused on Black boys and 72 concentrated on Black girls in K-12 (Young,
2019). There is a need for further research on the problem, as research from 2 decades ago may
no longer reflect the present challenges of Black girls. Only in the last 5 years has an increased
focus on Black girls, with additional research emerging. This research study’s conceptual
framework is the first contribution to making direct connections to the impact of silencing Black
girls until they become invisible in the education system. Additionally, as research has only
appeared in the last 5 years and data is not yet disaggregated by gender, one does not know how
significant the problem of Black girls being invisible has become in K-12 schools in the United
States.

79
To close the opportunity gap for Black girls and increase belonging, educators must have
data to inform their experience and its impact on their academic achievement. Multiple states
have begun passing legislation and providing funding for a statewide data sharing and data
management system in which data is disaggregated and shared to inform instructional practices.
A national policy that requires all states to collect, capture, and share disaggregated data that
includes within-group analysis must be enacted. Content-specific achievement data within
groups would guide content-based instructional practices with prescriptive interventions to close
students’ knowledge gaps to avoid educators speculating on the causes of differences (Young et
al., 2017). However, data alone will not solve the instructional merit of all teachers. Teachers
need opportunities for learning, tools, and resources to improve their practice. Teachers also need
training on differentiated instruction within an infrastructure designed for all students to belong.
Disaggregated data has the potential to benefit not only Black girls but also support all students’
achievement and increase the effectiveness of teacher practice.
Conclusion
The education system must be redesigned to see systemic change in which all students
belong. There is a need to eradicate educational curricula and pedagogy through a White lens
that silences the cultural assets and knowledge that Black students bring to the classroom.
Institutionalizing Black girls and teaching them to be silent about their experiences and
mistreatments reproduces their marginality. Institutional structures that produce a culture of
hierarchical power and teacher practices that reflect their implicit biases lead to the exclusion of
Black girls in the K-12 system and must no longer be accepted.
The continued marginalization and Othering of Black girls must be documented, and
their experiences recognized as valid. There is no structure in place to seek to understand how

80
Black girls are harmed in the current narrative taught in classrooms or expunged altogether that,
leaves them invisible. Thus, the current policy to ban teaching the U.S. history of slavery and the
treatment of people of color maintains the status quo that reinforces structural racism. The
solution must also be structurally rooted if institutional structures create the challenge. Structural
belonging for Black girls is about inclusive practices at the institutional level, not the whim of
each teacher. The theory of structural belonging offers a way to co-create the learning
environment to ensure the liberation of Black girls, such that they are authentically seen and
heard, their knowledge is validated, and their lived experiences are no longer silenced.

81
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APPENDIX A: Interview Protocol
Research Questions:
RQ1. How do Black girls in public K-12 experience classroom culture and teacher practices?
RQ2. How do Black girls’ experiences of institutional structures and practices in public K-12
inform their sense of belonging?
Introduction to the Interview:
Hi, my name is Crystal Robinson. What is your name? Nice to meet you. To remind you
about why you are here today, it is to participate in an interview that will become part of a study
seeking to understand the individual experiences of Black girls in public schools (K-12). I
appreciate your agreeing to participate and spend time with me. I anticipate this interview will
last for about an hour.
I am currently a doctoral student at USC, and I am interested in studying the rules and
structures of a school, teachers’ behaviors, and what knowledge is considered right and by
whom. My hope today is to allow you to share your experiences, and our time today is to enable
you to provide your opinion and experience. There is no right or wrong answer; I am just seeking
your opinion. I also might follow up on a question or ask you to expand. If there is a question
you do not fully understand, please ask me to rephrase the question. If there is a question you are
uncomfortable answering, let me know if you would like to skip that question.
Do you have any questions about the study or our time together today before we start? I
have brought a pen and paper to capture your responses. I am doing this so I don’t have to worry
about remembering essential information and can go back to my notes for information.

101
Interview Questions Potential Probes RQ Addressed
1. I’d like to start the interview
with some introductory
questions about yourself.
What year did you attend
high school?
2. What race/ethnicity do you
identify yourself as?
3. What type of student do you
feel you were in high school?
4. In your opinion, what is the
role of schooling?
5. Did you feel a part of your
school?
6. Let’s move into questions
that are more specific to
your experience in school.
What expectations did you
have of yourself as a student
in K-12?
7. How are student expectations
provided by teachers?
8. What types of behaviors from
teachers helped you learn
best?
9. Do you feel what you were
taught was relevant to you?
How does the role of school differ from the
role of your community?
What led to you feeling or not feeling a part
of your school?
How often did you experience these
behaviors?
Do you feel your culture was represented in
what you were taught?
RQ 1
RQ 1
RQ 1
RQ 1
RQ 1

102
10. Tell me about an experience
in one of your classes in high
school that made you feel
heard?
11. I would like to move us to
some questions about how
you experience the school
environment. What
messages did you receive
from teachers about learning
in school?
12. How would you describe a
sense of belonging at school?
13. During your time in K-12,
who made you feel like you
belong?
14. Based on your experience, do
you think all students belong
at school?
15. As we wrap up our time
together today, I wanted to
ask you one final question.
The purpose of the interview
was to hear your experiences
and perspective. You have
provided me with very
helpful information.
However, I want to ask if
there is anything additional
you would like to share that I
might not have asked about?
Were the messages only provided verbally?
Does a sense of belonging differ in your
community?
In your opinion, what student groups have
the greatest sense of belonging?
RQ 2
RQ 1
RQ 2
RQ 2
RQ 2

103
Conclusion to the Interview:
Thank you for your time, honesty, and willingness to share with me. This interview and study
will allow teachers and educators to better understand how some Black girls experience public
K-12. This concludes our time today. If you have any further questions or additional comments,
please reach out to me.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Robinson, Crystal (author)

Core Title Silencing to belonging: the institutionalization of Black girls in public schools

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-12

Publication Date 11/07/2023

Defense Date 10/17/2023

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag belonging,culture of power,epistemic violence,marginalization,othering,silencing,structural belonging

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Datta, Monique (committee chair), Kim, Esther (committee member), Lynch, Douglas (committee member)

Creator Email cr14071@usc.edu,maemaerobinson@icloud.com

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