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The underrepresentation of African Americans in information technology: an examination of social capital and its impact on African Americans’ career success

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The underrepresentation of African Americans in information technology: an examination of social capital and its impact on African Americans’ career success

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Content The Underrepresentation of African Americans in Information Technology:
An Examination of Social Capital and its Impact on African Americans’ Career Success
by
Bryan Fields
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
December 2023

© Copyright by Bryan Michael Fields, 2023
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Bryan Fields certifies the approval of this Dissertation.
Stefanie Phillips
Anthony Maddox
Monique Datta, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

iv
Abstract
From the 1930s through modern times, African Americans have faced marginalization regarding
equal access to higher-paying job opportunities, including job opportunities in the information
technology (IT) industry. This study adopts social capital theory as its framework to investigate the
influence of social capital on individuals’ careers, explicitly focusing on the impact of limited access
to social capital on African Americans’ underrepresentation in the IT industry and its effects on
employment and executive-level roles for Black professionals. Social capital, which encompasses
networks, relationships, and mentorships, is crucial in determining career success. This research
employs qualitative interviews with African American executives working in the IT industry to gain
insights into their experiences and the significance of social capital in their professional journeys.
The study aims to address several key research questions, including examining social capital’s
impact on career opportunities, identifying factors contributing to limited access to social capital, and
understanding how social networks and mentorship can help overcome barriers to career
advancement. By utilizing social capital theory as the theoretical framework, this study seeks to
provide effective solutions that foster inclusion, expand opportunities, and narrow the diversity gap
in the IT industry. The recommendations outlined in Chapter Five are as follows: (a) create and
implement diversity programs to develop, mentor, and sponsor Black men and women in IT; (b)
establish an incentive compensation diversity plan to support the hiring and promotion of African
Americans; (c) create a focused recruiting plan to attract Black talent in tech; (d) address biases and
cultural differences in tech organizations via DEI and bias education and training. These efforts align
with the organization’s objectives of enhancing diversity, social capital, and inclusion in leadership
positions.

v
Dedication
To my wife, Angelina, I could not have achieved this without your love and support. You have been
so understanding and patient throughout the countless days of isolation from you and the rest of the
world while I am in the home office studying, reading, and writing this dissertation, sometimes into
the wee hours of the morning. Even when I felt like giving up or my stress levels were through the
roof, you continued to support me and help me refocus and build my confidence. I appreciate you,
and I love you.

vi
Acknowledgments
I would first like to acknowledge my dissertation committee. My chair, Dr. Datta, thank you
for your time, commitment, patience, belief, and encouragement to succeed during this journey.
Fellow committee members Dr. Phillips and Dr. Maddox, I sincerely appreciate your feedback, time,
and the expertise you contributed to my dissertation. I would also like to acknowledge my fellow
members of Cohort 20, who were with me along this crazy journey. Every one of you helped
motivate me in some way, shape, or form, whether you know it or not. Your camaraderie and
continual positivity supported me tremendously throughout the program. Thank you.
I would also like to acknowledge my wife, family, and friends, who had supported me
tremendously during this journey and always been there when I needed a good laugh, someone to
talk to, or just a way to break the monotony of the process. I would like to thank my dear friend Dr.
Malcolm Oliver, who pushed me when I wanted to quit, encouraged me when I doubted myself, and
celebrated various milestones I reached during the dissertation process. Without you, Malcolm, I am
not sure I nearly have the same success in the program. Thank you, brother.
Lastly, I would like to extend heartfelt gratitude to the participants who generously
contributed their time and insights during the interviews conducted for this dissertation. Without
your invaluable participation, this research would not have been possible, as your contributions form
the cornerstone of the essential data required for its completion. The dedication and willingness of
the participants to share their experiences and perspectives are deeply appreciated. This study
acknowledges their role in advancing knowledge in the field and expresses sincere thanks for their
invaluable support.

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract .....................................................................................................................................iv
Dedication...................................................................................................................................v
Acknowledgments......................................................................................................................vi
List of Tables.............................................................................................................................ix
List of Figures.............................................................................................................................x
Chapter One: Overview of the Study...........................................................................................1
Background of the Problem .............................................................................................2
Statement of the Problem.................................................................................................3
Purpose of the Study........................................................................................................4
Significance of the Study.................................................................................................5
Theoretical Framework and Methodology........................................................................6
Definition of Terms.........................................................................................................7
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................8
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature........................................................................................9
Factors Impacting Black Americans’ Access to Networks................................................9
Socioeconomic Factors..................................................................................................10
Current State of African Americans in Tech ..................................................................14
Barriers to Entry into Tech ............................................................................................16
Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Efforts in Tech ............................................................25
Importance of DEI in Technology..................................................................................31
Resources, Programs, and Policies as Catalysts of Change.............................................32
Conceptual Framework..................................................................................................38
Conclusion ....................................................................................................................41
Chapter Three: Methodology.....................................................................................................43

viii
Research Questions .......................................................................................................43
Overview of Methodology.............................................................................................43
Research Setting ............................................................................................................45
The Researcher..............................................................................................................46
Data Sources: Interviews...............................................................................................48
Participants....................................................................................................................48
Instrumentation..............................................................................................................50
Data Collection Procedures............................................................................................50
Data Analysis ................................................................................................................51
Credibility and Trustworthiness.....................................................................................52
Ethics............................................................................................................................52
Chapter Four: Results and Findings...........................................................................................54
Participant Overview .....................................................................................................55
Findings Organized by Theme .......................................................................................56
Research Question 1 Findings........................................................................................57
Research Question 2: Findings.......................................................................................66
Summary of Findings ....................................................................................................74
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations ......................................................................75
Discussion of Findings ..................................................................................................75
Recommendations for Practice.......................................................................................78
Recommendations for Future Research..........................................................................83
Limitations and Delimitations........................................................................................84
Conclusion ....................................................................................................................85
References ................................................................................................................................87
Appendix B: Interview Invitation Template..............................................................................119

ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Data Sources ...............................................................................................................45
Table 2: Respondents’ Demographic Information......................................................................56
Table A1: Interview Protocol................................................................................................... 116

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework ..............................................................................................41

1
Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Historically, African Americans have not had equal access to higher-paying jobs in the
United States, including employment in the information technology (IT) industry. Despite a
higher number of African Americans attaining college science, technology, engineering, and
math (STEM) degrees, they are still underrepresented in IT organizations (Lazonick et al., 2022).
Additionally, African Americans have minimal access to workplace resources and networking
opportunities that can assist with job opportunities and upward career mobility (Pedulla & Pager,
2019). For example, one study demonstrated that Black employees find the journey into
leadership roles elusive and do not have the same opportunities to establish relationships with
key workplace decision-makers (Coqual, 2023). It is essential to evaluate this problem further
because establishing social relationships and social circles is one of the primary factors of social
capital.
A person’s career success benefits from access to social capital in the workplace
(Ossenkop et al., 2015). Social capital refers to the connections and relationships of network
members, including mentors and protégés who use access and networks to cultivate assets,
including network access, trust, and support (Mondisa, 2020). For example, someone with a
strong social network might receive privileged access to information and opportunities that are
typically not available to those who are not members of a robust social network (Nahapiet &
Ghoshal, 1998).
Mentorship is also a social capital resource, as it encompasses an individual’s social
network structure and the potential benefits of that network (Hezlett & Gibson, 2007). Minz-Erb
(2020) inferred that mentorship is a form of social capital because it often requires people to
connect, which can also give way to privileged opportunities. Additionally, as a social capital

2
resource, mentoring can promote a sense of belonging and social connectedness, increasing an
individual’s sense of community, purpose, and opportunities for promotion (Eby et al., 2008).
This research examined African Americans’ access to social capital resources in the IT
industry, how it affected their employment opportunities, and their ability to advance into Clevel, executive, and director-level positions. For clarity of the study, C-level roles consist of
chief information officer (CIO), chief executive officer (CEO), chief operating officer, and chief
financial officer. This study also included other senior executive roles responsible for critical
business functions, such as director-level roles.
Background of the Problem
Starting in the early 1980s, the United States experienced a significant labor shift in
which power plants were permanently closing (Bound & Holzer, 2000). Companies began
moving from what was known as an old economy business model to a new economy business
model (NEBM). In short, NEBM encourages labor mobility, advanced education, and social
networks for obtaining a career in well-paid, white-collar occupations (Lazonick et al., 2022).
However, as blue-collar jobs steadily declined in the United States, so did African Americans’
employment opportunities, as they lacked the educational and social resources required to obtain
white-collar jobs (Lazonick et al., 2022).
During the 1990s to 2000, the United States experienced significant technology growth,
labeled as the tech bubble or dot com boom. However, as more Black Americans earned college
degrees, they still had minimal access to some of the best employment opportunities in the
technology industry (Lazonick et al., 2022). In 2014, some of the world’s largest and most
influential IT companies, such as Facebook, Google, LinkedIn, Microsoft, Twitter, Apple, and
Yahoo, provided a diversity data report regarding their workforce demographics (U.S. Equal

3
Employment Opportunity Commission, 2016). The results showed African Americans occupied
only 2% of executive leadership teams (ELT) positions, compared to 83% of White Americans.
By 2022, the number of African American executives in tech had risen slightly to 4% (Ariella,
2022). Furthermore, Petersen et al. (2000) suggested that one of the primary reasons for African
Americans’ underrepresentation in executive leadership roles in the tech space is their lack of
social capital access.
African Americans face inequities in the IT industry regarding promotions and career
opportunities compared to their White colleagues (Funk & Parker, 2019). One significant
contributor is African Americans’ lack of social connections and unequal access to networks and
mentorship. As Mondisa (2020) mentioned, these missing elements hinder African Americans
from getting noticed and being recommended for promotions. Therefore, African Americans
battle discrimination in the workplace and the labor market because the networks wherein hiring
typically happens exclude African Americans (Siripurapu, 2022).
Statement of the Problem
Although IT companies have recently taken the initiative to employ more African
Americans and increase diversity in their organizations, this population is still severely
underrepresented (Pruitt-Bonner, 2021). According to the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity
Commission (2016), White Americans comprise 67% of the IT workforce, compared to 8% for
African Americans. One reason for Black Americans’ lack of upward mobility and
underrepresentation in IT is a lack of social capital (Parks-Yancy, 2010). In addition, despite a
tech organization’s focus on training Black talent and increasing Black representation, failure to
adopt organizational change and create a company culture sets those employees up for failure,
which can impede their upward mobility (Brown et al., 2023). A study by Jobs for the Future

4
(2023) found that 55% of the Black tech employees surveyed view mentorship as a key to their
career mobility but one to which they did not have access. Social capital helps lead to
promotions, career opportunities, and better positioning for company visibility, help, and
resources (Zhang & Jones, 2009). Therefore, the association of social capital and the diversity
gap among African Americans in IT merits further evaluation.
At present, IT companies continue to invest millions of dollars into diversity, equity, and
inclusion (DEI) efforts. However, the diversity gap remains for Black professionals due to their
lack of integration into workplace social networks (Funk & Parker, 2019). Adejumo (2020)
concluded that individuals tend to interact and assimilate with those who remind them of
themselves. Therefore, African Americans are less likely to be included in social and
professional networks primarily occupied by White Americans. African Americans tend to have
fewer relationships with workers outside their personal networks, giving them less access to
workplace networks that can help with career mobility (D. T. Smith, 2013). In addition, many
Black professionals looking to break through in the IT industry have found that their entry and
success heavily rely on the personal relationships established to grant access and opportunities,
creating a network effect that prevents Black inclusion (Dean & Bhuiyan, 2020).
Purpose of the Study
This qualitative study explored African Americans’ access to social capital resources in
the IT industry and examined its impact on their employment opportunities and advancement
into executive-level positions. This field-based study consisted of qualitative interviews to
explore the various thoughts, opinions, and experiences of African American men and women
executives in the IT industry and the impact social capital status and access had on their careers.
Additionally, the study evaluated how social capital, including networks, relationships, and

5
mentorships, can help overcome challenges to entry into the industry or advancement
opportunities. Understanding the influence that social capital can have on a Black professional’s
career and its importance in terms of upward mobility requires answering the following research
questions, which guided the study:
1. How does social capital, including access to networks and mentorship, influence career
opportunities and progression, particularly in attaining C-level roles, for Black
professionals in the IT industry?
2. What are the key internal and external factors affecting the access Black Americans have
to social capital in the IT industry, and how do they contribute to or hinder career
advancement?
Significance of the Study
The study on social capital and its impact on African Americans’ careers in the IT
industry was essential for several reasons. African Americans’ underrepresentation in tech
remains, and, when hired, their tenure tends to be shorter than non-Black professionals
(Gonzales, 2022). This study determined that nearly 48% of Black technology employees move
on to other companies due to a lack of upward mobility or growth caused by a lack of peers and
social support, compared to 28% of non-Black employees in a similar situation. Understanding
social capital’s impact on careers and how Black professionals are affected may provide positive
solutions, increase opportunities for African Americans, and narrow the diversity gap in IT
organizations.
Although there has been a recent push for IT companies to increase diversity and hire
African American talent, the increase has been minimal, with only a 1% increase in African
Americans between 2014 and 2021 (Koshy et al., 2021). According to a 2022 report from

6
Indeed, the IT industry is among the highest-paying in the United States. However, according to
the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2021), African Americans are among the lowest-earning
groups in the United States. Hence, research into the social capital theory and factors that
continue to minimize qualified African American representation in a relatively profitable
industry may produce effective options, resulting in solutions to increase representation and
inclusion for African Americans.
Theoretical Framework and Methodology
This study utilized social capital theory (SCT) as the theoretical framework. French
sociologist Pierre Bourdieu first defined SCT in 1985 as the actual or potential resources
associated or linked to an individual of a durable network between people and relationships
leveraged to achieve specific goals and outcomes (Bourdieu, 1985). The basic premise of SCT
infers that a network provides value to its members by allowing them access to social resources
embedded within the network (Florin et al., 2003). Social capital theory consists of two
elements: (a) the social relationship itself, allowing individuals to claim access to resources
acquired by their associates, and (b) the amount and quality of those resources (Bourdieu, 1985;
Portes, 1998). Zhang and Jones (2009) suggested that an individual’s social network ties at their
organization correlate with the number of promotions received. Additional findings from Zhang
and Jones show IT professionals receive more promotions if they have social ties with those in
higher positions. Therefore, SCT is appropriate as a theoretical framework for this study.
The methodology used for this study was a qualitative design. The study called for a
qualitative design because it allowed for a better understanding and description of experiences,
behaviors, and social phenomena from the cultural lens of the individual (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). My organization was the primary study site, which l provided the most direct association

7
and access to participants related to the study. However, the research also involved external
organizations in the analysis due to possible conflicts of interest, sequestered data, and risks
related to proprietary information and other associated concerns. The target interview group for
the study were African American directors, executives, and professionals in the technology
industry with 10 or more years at their companies. The participants engaged in in-person, semistructured interviews with open-ended questions. The semi-structured format allowed me to
respond to the situation, understand worldviews from the respondents’ perspectives, and respond
to new ideas on the topics discussed (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Definition of Terms
This section will define and contextualize keywords relevant to this study.
African American or Black (used interchangeably) is an American, especially of Black
African descent (Merriam-Webster, n.d.). African American. In the Merriam-Webster.com
dictionary.
C-level refers to high-ranking executive titles in an organization. In this context, the letter
C stands for “chief,” as in chief executive and operating officers. Those who hold C-level
positions are considered the most powerful and influential members of an organization (Pratt,
2023)
Code-switching is the practice of alternating between two or more languages or varieties
of language in conversation (Morrison, 2023)
Institutionalized discrimination refers to prejudicial practices and policies at institutions
and organizations that systematically deny resources and opportunities to members of
subordinate groups (Cunningham & Light, 2016).

8
Old boy network refers to the informal system in which men who went to the same school
or university helped each other to find good jobs or get other social advantages (Cambridge
University Press, 2023).
Tokenism refers to the policy or practice of making only a symbolic effort (to
desegregate)
Organization of the Study
The study is comprised of five chapters. Chapter One included an introduction to the
problem of practice, context, and background surrounding African Americans in the IT industry
and their access to social capital. The chapter also included the project’s purpose, research
questions, the significance of the study, and definitions of the keywords and phrases. Chapter
Two reviews the literature, which focuses on current and historical elements of the IT industry,
African Americans’ underrepresentation in IT, and the effects of SCT on African Americans’
success in the IT industry, including ascending into director and executive roles. Chapter Three
summarized the qualitative research methodology selected to investigate the subject matter.
Chapter Four describes and synthesizes the research, and Chapter Five focuses on the research
results, recommendations for future studies, and conclusions.

9
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
The purpose of this literature review is to examine African Americans’ access to social
capital resources in the IT industry, its impact on their employment prospects, and their
opportunities for career advancement into C-level, executive, and director-level positions.
Despite some progress, African Americans remain underrepresented in technology leadership
and management roles, with few in C-suite positions or serving on corporate boards (Brown et
al., 2023). According to a 2022 study by The Computing Technology Industry Association
(CompTIA), Black Americans comprised only 3% of C-suite executives in the tech industry
(Brown et al., 2023). By exploring the research on the relationship between social capital
resources and African Americans’ underrepresentation in technology, this literature review
sought to highlight the role of social capital in African Americans’ advancement and identify
opportunities to address this equity issue. To better understand the research and its relevancy, it
was essential to better understand African Americans’ access to networks and the type of
networks that have affected their careers in IT.
Factors Impacting Black Americans’ Access to Networks
Black professionals can find networking and their access to networks difficult. They may
face challenges as they are not always perceived as powerful, credible, or resourceful (L. M.
Roberts & Mayo, 2021). Prior research asserts that this deficit-based assessment often results in
less outreach and fewer relationship-building opportunities (L. M. Roberts & Mayo, 2021). In
addition, employees who differ from their colleagues often experience a sense of exclusion and
marginalization during activities such as networking. Therefore, Black professionals doubt the
value placed on their social capital (Cavounidis & Lang, 2015). For example, senior Black
engineers Danny Hardy and Derick Winchester referred to the IT industry as the “old boy

10
network” (Goss, 2021, para. 5). This study described this type of network as relying on hiring
practices based on personal connections, such as friends hiring friends or acquaintances, rather
than recruiting qualified individuals not part of their private networks.
Access to social capital resources such as networking opportunities and mentorships are
among some of the most significant factors for employment and upward career mobility. ParksYancy (2006) mentioned that nearly 80% of White individuals are referred to their jobs by a
friend or social network, compared to only 5% of African Americans receiving referrals to their
organization. Additionally, individuals tend to interact and assimilate with those who remind
them of themselves and share similarities. According to this premise, workplace social and
professional networks often exclude African Americans compared to their White colleagues,
hindering African Americans’ upward mobility into executive positions (Adejumo, 2020;
Petersen et al., 2000).
The most influential networks in the United States consist of White people (Bellace &
Milkman, 2013; Willis, 2022). Moreover, in 2023, LinkedIn reported that 70% of tech jobs do
not appear on public job sites. Delving deeper into the relationship between African Americans’
lack of network access and socioeconomic factors could provide valuable insights and further
research into social capital and its effect on Black Americans in the IT industry.
Socioeconomic Factors
Scholars debated the connection between social capital and racial diversity. According to
Lin (2012), people and communities with varying socioeconomic backgrounds tend to possess
different degrees of social capital. This inequality in social capital development based on
socioeconomic conditions is a concern in social capital research. Socioeconomic status (SES) is
the position of an individual or group on the socioeconomic scale, as determined by a mix of

11
social and economic factors such as place of residence, income, type, and prestige of occupation
(American Psychological Association, 2019). Various socioeconomic factors, including income,
education, and demographics, shape African Americans’ social capital. These factors play a role
in determining the extent of their access to professional networks and opportunities for
advancement (Perry & Rothwell, 2022). As Chetty et al. (2022) noted, communities may excel in
certain forms of social capital but lack in others, further exacerbating disparities in employment
outcomes. Furthermore, while various socioeconomic factors can contribute to developing
African Americans’ social capital, it is also essential to consider the impact of their demographic
characteristics on their access to professional networks and employment opportunities.
Demographics
Understanding the effect of segregation in housing and neighborhoods on African
Americans contributes to understanding their access to professional networks, social ties, and
employment opportunities. Demographics can also influence the differences in access to
networks between African Americans and White Americans (DiTomaso, 2013). Bellace and
Milkman (2013) stated that people have lived in segregated communities due to zoning laws
dating back to the 20th century, which contributed to present-day social networks and worsened
opportunities for Black workers. One of the challenges African Americans encounter stems from
the fact that the American housing market exhibits a high degree of segmentation based on race
and class. This situation leads to the stratification of access to societal resources based on SES
and skin color (Sharkey, 2013). As a result, African Americans in low-income neighborhoods
can make it more difficult to access the same professional networks as their White counterparts
who may live in more affluent areas. Communities occupied primarily by African Americans
primarily tend to suffer from weaker ties of social capital. For example, Hutchinson et al. (2009)

12
indicated that neighborhoods with fewer than 50% Black residents have higher educational
attainment rates, lower unemployment rates, and higher levels of social capital. In addition,
social capital does not address the effects of social equality. Racial and social class segregation
impacts neighborhoods, schools, activities, and communities, influencing the social interactions
needed to develop networks and build social capital (Rich et al., 1993). Essentially, segregation
in the U.S. housing market based on race and class has resulted in limited social capital resources
for African Americans in low-income areas, hindering their ability to build professional
networks. Additionally, income levels can further affect the lack of social capital, including their
ability or inability to expand their professional network.
Income
An individual’s socioeconomic background and income level can affect their ability to
establish and cultivate professional networks. Those from lower-income families or upbringings
typically have more difficulty building professional networks than those who are more affluent
(Busette et al., 2021). Furthermore, Granovetter (1973) posited that lower-income individuals
have fewer opportunities to interact with others who can help them access job opportunities and
fewer resources to devote to networking activities. Granovetter’s findings support that African
Americans have the lowest median household income among racial and ethnic groups in the
United States at $48,297, compared to White Americans at $78,784 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2021).
Income segregation is the separation of various classes of people based on their income
(Reardon & Bischoff, 2011). It also affects African Americans’ access to networks and social
capital. For example, according to the Brookings Institution, Black households earning more
than $75,000 per year are more likely to live in neighborhoods with lower median incomes than
White households earning less than $40,000 per year (Firebaugh & Acciai, 2016). This example

13
of income segregation significantly affects African Americans’ access to professional networks
compared to their White counterparts (Pager & Shepherd, 2008). Busette et al. (2021) claimed
that the low-income participants were primarily African American and had ineffective, small
social networks. However, although higher-income groups also had few people in their network,
those contacts were more reliable for information, advice, networking, and providing references.
African American families have a fraction of White families’ wealth, resulting in them being
more economically insecure and with far fewer opportunities for economic mobility, fewer
opportunities for upward mobility, and weaker social ties (Hanks et al., 2023). Just as income
levels can impact social capital and network access, so can the social divide in the United States.
Looking deeper into the social divide and its impact can further help to benefit African
Americans’ progression in the future.
Social Divide
Social divisions refer to regular patterns of social division associated with membership of
particular social groupings, generally regarding advantages and disadvantages, inequalities, and
differences. Systematic social divisions, such as generation, gender, sexuality, race/ethnicity, and
social class, shape and influence family experiences (McCarthy & Edwards, 2011). Social
division in the United States between African Americans and White Americans has persisted for
centuries and has significantly impacted African Americans’ social and economic mobility
(Massey & Denton, 1993). One area of concern is the impact of these divisions on social capital,
which is critical for success in various domains, including education and employment (Lin,
2012). Despite progress toward racial integration, racial segregation in personal relationships
remains prevalent across different racial and ethnic groups in the United States (Turner &
Greene, 2017). In fact, over three-quarters of White Americans (77%) reported that their closest

14
social circle consists entirely of people who share their racial identity. Similarly, close to 60% of
Black Americans have social networks wholly composed of individuals who are also Black (Cox
et al., 2022).
The presence of social divisions in the IT industry for Black professionals can
significantly impact their social capital (Jobs for the Future, 2023). Several Black professionals
in the technology sector concur that the industry’s dependence on personal connections to
provide access and opportunities creates a divisive network effect that impedes the inclusion of
Black and Latino individuals (Dean & Bhuiyan, 2020). According to a 2021 Equality in Tech
Report, technology professionals reported that despite numerous pledges by the IT industry to
improve, racial divisiveness and discrimination continue to be a significant problem
(Kolakowski, 2022). With racial division, discrimination, and lack of leadership opportunities for
African Americans increasing from 55% in 2020 to 57% in 2021 (Kolakowski, 2022), exploring
the current state of the technology industry is beneficial.
Current State of African Americans in Tech
As technology rapidly advances and integrates into various aspects of society, its impact
on the economy and job market should not be underestimated. Technology is prominent in all
economic, social, and political aspects, impacting how one communicates, socializes, travels,
learns, and works (Schwab, 2020). The technology sector also significantly affects the United
States economy, employing 12.4 million tech workers and growing by nearly 200,000 jobs
yearly (CompTIA, 2022). Besides the workforce, the sector generates substantial wealth, creating
1.4 trillion in revenue (Poletti & Owens, 2022). The median tech wage is 89% higher than the
national median (CompTIA, 2022). However, the persistent and widespread underrepresentation

15
of Black professionals in this industry remains a significant challenge for both the public and
private sectors (Goins et al., 2022).
The number of African Americans in the IT workforce is very low. Despite the tech
industry recently experiencing an influx of both technical and non-technical job opportunities,
many of the largest tech companies have made minimal improvements in Black representation
(McArthur, 2022). The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2021) projects a 15% growth in IT
industry employment from 2021 to 2031. However, a report by McKinsey and Company (DixonFyle et al., 2020) ascertained that African American workers had been overrepresented in lowgrowth industries for years yet have seen little to nearly no increase in high-growth, high-paying
industries, including IT. Furthermore, although Black people comprise 13% of the U.S.
workforce, they represent only 4.4% of board roles, 3.7% of technical roles, and just 3.0% of
executive leadership roles in the IT industry (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2021).
Furthermore, only 4% of top earners in the IT sector were African American in 2019 (McArthur,
2022).
The underrepresentation in big tech has played a part in widening the racial wage gap
(Russonello, 2021). This study determined that Black men and women with bachelor’s degrees
earned 24% and 26% less than White men in tech in 2019, respectively. Despite some of the
world’s largest IT companies committing over $626 million toward racial equity efforts,
improvements to the Black tech workforce have been marginal (Goins et al., 2022). Therefore,
further exploring the barriers to entry for African Americans into the IT industry will help
understand this problem with a more transparent lens.

16
Barriers to Entry into Tech
Despite the tech industry’s growing emphasis on DEI, systemic barriers continue to
impede African Americans’ entry and advancement in the field. According to Jobs for the Future
(JFF, 2023), a national non-profit organization, financial constraints, inadequate STEM
education, and lack of mentorship are Black Americans’ primary obstacles in the technology
sector. These barriers limit access to opportunities, hinder their social capital, and exacerbate the
underrepresentation of Black professionals in the industry (JFF, 2023). Consequently, addressing
these systemic issues creates a more equitable and inclusive tech workforce. As expressed
earlier, social networks are integral to accelerating a person’s access to high-level jobs (Lazonick
et al., 2022). For example, in the late 1990s, Asians became an overrepresented minority in
STEM and IT employment. This overrepresentation was primarily due to their formation of
social networks that expedited their access (Saxenian, 2002). In contrast, African Americans
with higher education degrees who can access professional employment in leading IT companies
have faced difficulties establishing effective social networks and acquiring social capital
(Lazonick et al., 2022). As briefly mentioned, mentorship is also a social capital resource that
can be effective for an individual’s professional career.
Lack of Mentorship and Role Models
African Americans in tech often lack mentorship and role models, which can hinder their
social capital and career growth. Limited access to mentors and role models can make it difficult
to navigate career paths, build networks, and gain industry knowledge (J. Johnson, 2023). Critics
have long accused the technology industry of lacking diversity and inclusion. African
Americans, in particular, face significant challenges in pursuing careers in technology, and the
lack of mentorship is a major contributor to this problem (Edwards & Thomas, 2015). According

17
to a 2020 study by the Kapor Center, only 3% of employees in Silicon Valley’s top IT firms are
Black. The lack of mentorship is a reason for this disparity (Kapor Center, 2022), as African
Americans often lack access to the networks, knowledge, and social capital resources for career
advancement in the tech industry (Pratt, 2023).
With the underrepresentation of Black professionals currently in the IT industry,
minimizing attrition is essential, and one way to do so is through effective mentor relationships
(Hassan, 2021). However, on average, Black tech professionals change companies every 3 and a
half years, compared with every 5 or more years for their non-Black counterparts (Brown et al.,
2023). In addition, Russell Reynolds Associates and Valence partnered to perform a 2021 study
of nearly 400 U.S.-based technology companies. The study attributes the attrition of Black
professionals in technology to several factors. These include their limited access to network
resources, a disparity in gaining industry insights, unfamiliarity with effective success planning,
and a shortage of adequate mentorship opportunities compared to their White counterparts.
(Russell Reynolds Associates, 2022).
Moreover, the technology industry’s shortage of mentorship for African Americans
extends beyond employment opportunities. It also extends to Black entrepreneurship. A 2019
study on the State of Black entrepreneurship in America from the Congressional Black Caucus
Foundation revealed that Black entrepreneurs face challenges in accessing social capital
compared to other minority business owners. It is essential to investigate this situation further
because networking groups and mentor relationships can be critical in increased networking,
breaking down barriers, and overcoming the challenge of social capital (Rosenberg, 2022). Lack
of mentorship opportunities for Black entrepreneurs in technology can be a significant barrier
because success requires securing experienced mentors and advisors who can provide guidance

18
and networking (Shorter, 2023). Yet, many Black entrepreneurs lack such support structures and
networks. The lack of support is partly due to systemic racism in many industries, specifically in
the United States (Shorter, 2023). In summary, the absence of mentorship opportunities for Black
Americans poses a significant obstacle to their social capital and success across numerous facets
of the technology industry. Equitable access to STEM education is another barrier to African
Americans’ success in the technology industry.
STEM Education and Predominantly White Institutions
Building a professional network during college is an essential step. Still, the limited
availability of networking opportunities for Black students in STEM fields hinders their success
and career prospects in the technology industry. The research and scope in this section refer to
predominately White colleges unless stated otherwise. “Predominantly White institution” (PWI)
is the term used to describe institutions of higher learning in which White Americans account for
at least 50% of the student enrollment (Lomotey, 2010). According to Von Robertson (2011),
most Black students in the United States (85%) attend PWIs to pursue their education. Building a
network as a college student can provide multiple opportunities to find a mentor and observe
professionals working in their area of interest (Indeed, 2023).
Furthermore, Cohen and Prusak (2001) emphasized that one of the significant benefits of
a college degree that may not be apparent is the social capital one can gain. Cohen and Prusak
emphasized that adults’ professional networks often begin in college. However, a significant
factor hindering students from underrepresented and low-income communities from securing
good first jobs is the limited availability of robust networking opportunities while in college
(Davis, 2022). As the demand for diversity in the tech industry increases, African Americans
remain underrepresented in IT and STEM majors. A 2016 study by the Georgetown Center on

19
Education and the Workforce disclosed that African American students are underrepresented in
college majors linked with the fastest-growing, highest-paying industries. In addition, Vest
(2016) said that STEM degrees are more likely to lead to job opportunities in the IT industry and
help individuals build their professional networks. African American students who embark on
STEM majors tend to feel isolated when attending PWIs and lack support networks and social
capital that will help advance them in the future (Dupe, 2021). Therefore, Black undergraduates
need to build a strong network during their time at a university. A student’s network helps them
discover their career interests and affects their likelihood of finding and securing job
opportunities in their field both during and after college, as Hypolite (2022) noted.
Student mentorship is another social capital resource and has also shown to be an
effective mechanism for aiding African Americans’ enrollment and retention in higher education,
especially in STEM fields (Mondisa, 2020; Reddick, 2011). However, a 2021 study by the PEW
Research Center found that nearly 83% of African American graduates say they lacked a mentor
or other adult in their network encouraging them to pursue STEM degrees (Funk, 2023). For
example, engineering has traditionally been a field dominated by White men, which has led to its
reputation as a closed club (Ohland et al., 2011), and in many cases, Black students experience
being treated as outsiders (Tate & Linn, 2005). Consequently, these students are less likely to
have social networks with insiders who know about the informal pathways and resources that
lead to success (Seymour, 1999; Stevens et al., 2008). Building relationships with insiders can
provide students with social capital, which can help them persist and succeed in their degree
programs and careers (Atman et al., 2008; Shapiro & Sax, 2011; Stevens et al., 2008). Moreover,
such relationships can create a supportive network of culturally familiar and inclusive
environments for female and underrepresented minority (URM) students, helping them navigate

20
the typically hostile academic atmosphere and enhancing their academic perseverance (W. Smith
et al., 2021). Aside from the lack of mentorship access for Black students and professionals,
Black Americans’ underrepresentation in the tech field has led to a lack of diversity and
inclusion, contributing to significant barriers to upward mobility.
Barriers to Upward Mobility
Despite the importance of social capital for upward mobility, Black tech professionals
have encountered significant obstacles in gaining access to it. Upward mobility is defined as the
movement of an individual, social group, or class to a position of increased status or power
(Collins English Dictionary, 2023b). Social capital continues to enable Black tech professionals
to comprehend, locate, and attain opportunities and recognize advocates in the workplace who
can support their promotion and long-term progression in the workplace (Jobs for the Future,
2023). However, Black professionals have struggled to gain the social capital that will afford
them the opportunities for upward mobility compared to White colleagues (Jobs for the Future,
2023). For instance, Busette et al. (2021) asserted that Black Americans, particularly men, have
less extensive networks and social capital than other racial groups. Additionally, Black women in
the tech industry are less likely to secure mentors or sponsors, stunting their professional growth
and advancement into C-suite positions (S. Smith, 2021). The obstacles that Black tech
professionals face in gaining social capital for upward mobility highlight the prevalence of
systemic inequities in the industry, including microaggressions toward people of color.
Microaggressions
The prevalence of workplace microaggressions against Black professionals continues to
impede upward mobility for members of marginalized communities. Microaggression is a subtle
but offensive comment or action directed at a member(s) of a marginalized group, predominantly

21
a racial minority that is often unintentionally offensive or unconsciously reinforces a stereotype
(Dictionary.com, n.d.). Microaggressions in the workplace affect Black professionals’ upward
mobility (Info-Tech Research Group, 2023). Barriers to career advancement are more likely for
Black professionals, as 54% of Black respondents to a 2023 survey reported facing
microaggressions in the workplace (Info-Tech Research Group, 2023). Black employees do not
feel valued in the workplace, either. For instance, a 2021 report by market research company
Savanta stated that over 80% of Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) had
experienced microaggressions of some sort in the workplace (Savanta, 2021).
Microaggressions can take many forms, including discrimination, being overlooked for
promotions, or having their ideas dismissed by colleagues (Baker College, 2021). Furthermore,
workplace prejudice tends to occur subtly through microaggressions, where brief, everyday
exchanges send denigrating messages to people of color because they belong to a particular
racial minority (C. Sue et al., 2007). The most common microaggressions BIPOC employees
experienced were others struggling to pronounce their names, interruptions, and being addressed
in a less professional manner (Savanta, 2021). Most individuals who commit microaggressions
view themselves as moral and decent human beings who never would consciously discriminate
against another person (D. Sue, 2021). However, these microaggressions can erode African
Americans’ social capital to advance in their careers, as they may continue to be excluded from
essential networks and resources (Pitcan et al., 2018). Aside from microaggressions, stereotypes
and racism are other types of barriers African Americans face in the STEM fields.
Stereotypes and Racism in Tech
African Americans can often be the target of stereotypes and discrimination in the STEM
industry, which impedes their opportunity for upward mobility and social networks. Racial

22
stereotyping and discrimination are potential hindrances to racial and ethnic minorities’ entry,
retention, and success in the tech industry (Grossman & Porche, 2014). For example, a field
experiment showed resumes that indicate a candidate is Black, either because of the candidate’s
name, school, or work history, generate fewer interview requests than resumes reflecting
characteristics of White candidates (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2003). Moreover, according to
academic research (Kellow & Jones, 2008; McGee, 2022; T. C. Wilson, 1996), African
Americans often experience negative stereotypes that portray them as less competent than
Whites and Asians. Furthermore, according to Mong and Roscigno (2010), employers and
colleagues tend to stereotype Black men negatively and describe them as defensive, overly
sensitive, violent, and difficult to control. Mong and Roscigno proclaimed that White working
professionals have historically viewed Black males as subordinates based on their perceived
threat and broader cultural stereotypes. Stereotypes and racism impede Black professionals’
ability to access, develop, and utilize social capital (Brondolo et al., 2012).
Black and Latinx employees in technology tend to be victims of social isolation,
heightened visibility, and pressure to adopt stereotyped roles (Rhode & Packel, 2010). Rhode
and Packel (2010) argued that members of minority groups are often marginalized and cast as
representing the singular minority perspective. This marginalization, in turn, hinders their
consideration as equals in the executive arena. In terms of upward mobility and executive
positions, Black men and women are underrepresented in IT companies, particularly at the
executive level. The underrepresentation can make it difficult for Black individuals to find
sponsors and advocates to help them advance their careers (Bloch et al., 2020). According to
Cornileus (2012), White colleagues and individuals in positions of power wield significant
influence over the career development of Black male professionals in IT companies. In a study of

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14 Black male professionals who held mid-management positions in IT companies, Cornileus
learned that 10 of the 14 participants had experienced denial of employment, promotions, or
inclusion into corporate networks due to stereotypes associated with Black men and women.
Brondolo et al. (2012) affirmed that racism in its various forms could impede the
formation and growth of social networks. The authors noted that cultural racism could reinforce
negative stereotypes that exclude minorities from social networks. On the other hand,
internalized racism can lead to lower-quality interactions and strained relationships, thereby
diminishing the production of bonding social capital (Brondolo et al., 2012). These findings
indicate that addressing racism fosters inclusive and equitable communities in the STEM and IT
workforce, as it can shape the development of social capital. As the issue of inclusion, diversity,
and social capital in STEM concerns African Americans, understanding the intersectionality of
minorities and gender in the workforce is also valuable.
The Influence of Intersectionality
Intersectionality poses significant challenges for Black individuals pursuing careers in
STEM fields. Intersectionality occurs in various forms of discrimination, such as gender, race,
ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender identity, disability, and social class. These multiple forms of
discrimination overlap and intersect, resulting in distinctive dynamics and outcomes (Center for
Intersectional Justice, n.d.). According to Crenshaw (1997), intersectionality acknowledges that
society determines social identities but emphasizes that individual identities also interconnect.
Crenshaw also noted, “categories of identity are socially constructed but emphasize that
individual identities are fluid and intersecting” (p. 223). When considering social capital and
intersectionality in the technology industry for African Americans, social exclusion as a result of
gender and race inequality might be one of the largest hurdles associated with the development

24
of a diverse IT workforce (Kvasny et al., 2009). An example of intersectionality can occur when
Black women seek a career in the IT industry, as they face the problem of pursuing a career path
that conflicts with their racial identity (A. Johnson et al., 2011), which is situated in an
environment historically dominated by White and Asian males (Charleston et al., 2014).
Black STEM students and executives with overlapping marginalized identities, such as
Black women or Black disabled men, often experience hostility at universities and in the
workplace (Greyerbiehl & Mitchell, 2014). Furthermore, marginalized identities stifle their
abilities to explore opportunities for increasing their social capital and networking opportunities
(Greyerbiehl & Mitchell, 2014). Concerning intersectionality, minority women also face “double
jeopardy,” such that biases of race and gender lead to minority women facing the worst outcomes
and isolation (King, 1988, p. 5). Black men are privy to some systemic advantages that center
their needs and experiences over Black women, and they are also less hindered by
intersectionality in STEM (Yang et al., 2020). However, Black men are more likely to face
disadvantages in the criminal justice system and less likely to have access to economic and
network opportunities than Black women (Alexander, 2012). In addition, Black male high-level
executives pose the greatest threat to White men in power (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). In certain
contexts, the term “subordinated male targeted hypothesis” emphasizes that Black men’s social
capital and intersectionality have a more severe impact than Black women, as coined by Sidanius
and Pratto (1999). Access to social capital varies among social groups based on the intersections
of gender and race due to the various combinations of privileged and marginalized structural
positions and their connected social networks (Lin, 2012). Still, ultimately, Black men and
women are the most adversely affected by intersectionality and their access to social capital
resources (Lin, 2012).

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The underrepresentation of people of color in the technology industry, particularly in
executive and board roles, is an acknowledged issue (Elberfeld, 2019). However, when
examining the complexities of intersectionality data, the figures reveal another aspect of the
problem. African American professionals have faced intersectionality and social capital
intertwining when looking to advance into C-suite and executive-level positions (Coqual,
2023a). Coqual, a non-profit research group, conducted a study in 2023 asking full-time
employees if they had access to senior executive leaders at work; nearly half of White employees
(49%) stated they did. Only 30% of Black employees felt they had access to senior executive
leaders, with the majority finding a line of access to the top executives more elusive (Coqual,
2023b). The study also determined that most Black employees do not have the same
opportunities to forge relationships with key decision-makers. Understanding the role of
intersectionality in the tech industry helps paint a clearer picture of African Americans’
challenges, including their lack of social capital. It can also aid in implementing effective DEI
strategies and initiatives.
Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Efforts in Tech
Diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives in the tech industry can create equal
opportunities and break down systemic barriers African Americans face. The pervasive effects of
technological advancements, innovation, and disruption have influenced the economy and
society (Qureshi, 2022), yet the potential and promise of representation for Black communities in
the technology industry have yet to manifest. Despite a decade of concentrated efforts to increase
diversity in the technology sector, the representation of Black professionals across all levels
remains low (Kapor Center, 2022). In addition, the author of the Kapor Center study posited that

26
Black computer science graduates have dwindled, and Black students lack access to computer
science education.
Despite DEI efforts in the IT industry, progress in increasing the African American
workforce and representation remains limited. For example, as of 2021, Black talent represented
just 5% of the tech workforce and 3% of executive leadership in tech companies, comprising
13% of the U.S. labor force (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2021). DEI initiatives in the
workplace create more opportunities for African Americans to access social capital resources and
benefits, including career and monetary advancement, networking opportunities, and a sense of
belonging (Lever Inc., 2023). Understanding the history of DEI in the technology industry can
provide further insight into the current landscape of DEI in the technology space.
History of DEI in Tech
The history of DEI in technology highlights URM’s longstanding challenges of creating
an inclusive environment and gaining social capital. While DEI is not a new concept, it has
transformed since its early days. Some of the first indications of corporations recognizing the
value of DEI began with diversity workplace training initiatives during the Civil Rights
Movement and the enactment of employment and Affirmative Action laws in the 1960s
(NuPaths, 2022). The integration demands during the 1960s and 1970s led to the formation of
employee-led resource groups (ERGs) in big tech companies and the passing and enforcing of
the Equal Employment Opportunity Act. These integration efforts paved the way for the DEI
initiatives in the 1980s and established social capital opportunities for African Americans
(Johnson, 2022). Furthermore, in the 1980s, companies started to shift how they talked about
inclusion. Integration was no longer sufficient; diversity rose to the forefront (Johnson, 2022).
Although the new DEI initiatives prompted tech companies to start diversity training programs to

27
help employees adjust to working in more integrated offices, the DEI training and programs
struggled to improve diversity substantially (Dong, 2021). While IT companies introduced early
DEI programs to promote diversity, the tech industry continued to experience significant
underrepresentation of minority groups, prompting the implementation of Affirmative Action as
an additional program to address this persistent issue.
Affirmative Action policies in the technology industry can help increase diversity and
access to opportunities, thus promoting underrepresented groups’ attainment of social capital.
Affirmative Action is a policy to improve the workplace and educational opportunities for
underrepresented people in various areas of society (Kenton, 2022). Affirmative Action in
employment originated with presidential executive orders in the 1960s (U.S. Department of
Labor, n.d.). Executive Order 10925, established in 1961, marked the introduction of Affirmative
Action, calling on employers to take proactive steps to eliminate discrimination in the workplace
(U.S. Department of Labor, n.d.). Subsequently, Executive Order 11246, issued in 1965,
mandated that federal contractors and subcontractors who hold contracts valued at $50,000 or
more must identify underrepresented minorities, evaluate their availability in the workforce, and,
if available, establish goals and timetables for their recruitment and hiring (Holzer & Neumark,
2005). Later, another executive order extended these Affirmative Action requirements to women.
The introduction of Affirmative Action benefited African Americans’ career opportunities,
career advancement, access to social capital, and access to influential people and networks
(Burzynska & Contreras, 2020).
Affirmative Action programs in the technology industry seek to overcome past and
current discrimination by promoting DEI in the workforce. Nearly 70 of the Big Tech companies
in the United States are pushing for Affirmative Action in universities (Robinson & Spoto,

28
2022). However, although many tech companies have implemented Affirmative Action policies
in their hiring practices, there is a false sense that the policies are successful (Model View
Culture, 2016). Affirmative Action has helped African Americans gain social capital in
technology; however, without Affirmative Action programs, Black men and women directors
benefit less from their professional networks than White directors (Burzynska & Contreras,
2020). Furthermore, despite technology corporations’ efforts to support Affirmative Action,
court decisions and voter referendums since 1995 have been hostile toward policies using racial
and gender preferences in both the workforce and university admissions (“Affirmative Action
Ignored,” 2000).
Despite the benefits and impact Affirmative Action can have on improving diversity in
the workplace and education, there has been an attempt to eliminate the Affirmative Action
program. For example, in 1996, California banned Affirmative Action, which resulted in the
state’s most selective campuses seeing minority enrollment drop more than 50% and wage
earnings fall for Black and Hispanic graduates (Butler & Hurtado, 2022). In addition, although
employers claim dedication to diversity, they want to avoid the term “Affirmative Action”
because of backlash due to perceptions of reverse discrimination (Bolden-Barrett, 2017). In
addition, claimants and others think Affirmative Action means less-qualified workers have an
edge during the hiring process. Affirmative Action has received much backlash; still, it was one
of the most successful ways of getting underrepresented groups into tech jobs and institutions
from which they are primarily excluded (Huet, 2017). There has been pushback by tech company
giants such as Apple, Google, and Meta, who have filed a brief with the U.S. Supreme Court
supporting Affirmative Action (Perez, 2022). These companies stated that their DEI efforts rely
on university Affirmative Action admissions programs that foster networking and education in

29
diverse environments (Perez, 2022). Although Affirmative Action has been an effective means of
social capital for Black Americans and addresses the exclusion of underrepresented groups in
tech jobs and college institutions, including PWIs, the 2023 decision by the U.S. Supreme Court
to all but abolish the use of Affirmative Action in college admissions could pose as another
barrier to URM accessing social capital.
In summary, DEI remains a hot topic in today’s tech industry as companies strive to
create more inclusive environments. Notwithstanding this increased awareness and efforts
toward DEI, the lack of progress in hiring, retaining, and promoting African Americans persists.
Although tech companies have made some past efforts to increase diversity, DEI efforts and
programs came to the forefront in 2020. The brutal killing of George Floyd on May 25, 2020,
stunned the nation and prompted an examination of the United States’ history of racism (Koshy
et al., 2021). It sparked demands for systemic change to address the racial injustices that have
persisted in the United States for decades (Koshy et al., 2021). In response, numerous companies
nationwide released statements of solidarity and committed an estimated $50 billion toward DEI
initiatives to promote racial equity, with the tech industry making a significant commitment
(Quiroz-Gutierrez, 2021). Some of these commitments included donations to historically Black
colleges and universities (HBCUs), STEM programs, and various initiatives supporting the
development of coding and tech skills for African Americans (Quiroz-Gutierrez, 2021). Some of
the primary goals of DEI efforts in the tech space are to give African Americans equitable access
to employment and promotional opportunities and the opportunity to build their social capital
(White, 2022). However, despite the DEI goals and commitments from tech companies, minimal
has come to fruition.

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Despite IT companies’ widespread efforts to promote DEI, there continues to be a
significant deficit in social capital opportunities for African Americans. For example, ERGs are a
dependable social capital resource for disenfranchised groups to bolster support and social
capital within a company’s workforce. Companies typically create them as part of their DEI
initiatives (Betz, 2022). The Wall Street Journal in 2021 reported that roughly 90% of leaders
endorse these groups at their organizations. However, a survey by BuiltIn revealed that in the
tech industry, only 44% of employers are actively developing ERGs to promote diversity in their
ranks (Betz, 2022). Sheridan Orr, a chief marketing officer, suggested that one of the reasons for
the failure of DEI efforts for African Americans in the tech industry is that companies treat it as a
momentary trend rather than a sustained movement (BuiltIn, 2022, para. 2).
The failure of DEI efforts is evident in the fact that, despite the heightened emphasis on
diversity in the industry in 2020, many companies significantly downsized their DEI teams.
Furthermore, job listings for DEI roles dropped by 19% in 2022 (Wirick, 2023). Compounding
the problem is recession fears; many executive decision-makers have silently withdrawn their
support for DEI initiatives as they reconsider their financial priorities (Flake, 2022). Removing
DEI initiatives further minimizes the social capital resources available to African Americans in
the workplace. Errol Pierre, a senior vice president in the healthcare industry, posited that
although tech companies have spent billions of dollars on DEI programs, the diversity metrics
for Black Americans in tech have stayed relatively the same for the past 25 years (Flake, 2022,
para. 6). Furthermore, 68% of IT leaders understand there is a lack of DEI in their tech
workforce (Herbert, 2022). Despite some past and current DEI efforts in the tech industry,
African Americans have not yet seen sustainable and effective results. Understanding the

31
importance of DEI in the technology industry can benefit both tech companies and
underrepresented minorities in the long term.
Importance of DEI in Technology
In shaping the world, technology underscores the significance of DEI in the industry. Per
a McKinsey report, organizational diversity results in higher profit margins, with the most
diverse tech companies outperforming their less diverse counterparts by 36% in profitability
(Dixon-Fyle et al., 2020). At present, DEI is especially essential for tech companies because
Millennials and Gen Zers are more likely to want to work for employers who focus on DEI
initiatives (Dixon-Fyle et al., 2020). Millennials and Gen Zers represent a significant source of
the talent pool that companies do not want to ignore (Miller, 2021). In addition, technology
innovation requires a variety of diverse perspectives from leaders and employees, achieved only
by committing to a diverse and inclusive hiring process and a workplace culture that welcomes
new opinions, experiences, and cultural backgrounds (Herbert, 2022). A 2017 Boston Consulting
Group (BCG) study also identified DEI as a key factor in innovation for tech companies, with
teams with a DEI culture producing 19% more revenue (Lyons, 2019). Another key benefit to
DEI is that tech companies with a diverse executive team and DEI culture develop more relevant
products because they are more in tune with customers’ changing needs (Lorenzo et al., 2023). A
company can enhance its adaptability by incorporating individuals with diverse backgrounds and
perspectives, providing unique insights, ideas, and solutions (Lorenzo et al., 2023).
Also, DEI in the workplace helps foster a sense of belonging for URMs and provides
more lanes for them to build their network and social capital (Wooll, 2021). Tech companies
should consider providing African Americans with greater access to social capital resources for
job consideration. A benefit of DEI is that it widens the talent pool to more qualified People of

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Color (POC) candidates who otherwise might not have the same access or professional network
as a White American (Wooll, 2021). These initiatives also empower executive leaders and hiring
managers to serve as a source of social capital for Black professionals (M. W. Cooper, 2020).
One concrete illustration of this is in the IT industry, where engineering executives strongly
acknowledge that DEI programs give them the tools to transform diversity into a reality within
their teams (Wagner, 2022). These initiatives promote equity and support Black professionals.
To summarize, DEI initiatives can increase the social capital of Black professionals in the
tech industry, aiding their success (Hammonds et al., 2021). Such initiatives can also enable
executive leaders and hiring managers to act as social capital sources for URM (Hammonds et
al., 2021). Prioritizing DEI can enhance the Black professionals’ social capital and promote
diversity. DEI efforts up to this point have not significantly impacted diversity in the IT industry
yet. Therefore, it is essential to implement policies and programs and allocate resources focusing
on building social capital in technology for Black professionals.
Resources, Programs, and Policies as Catalysts of Change
Diverse and inclusive programs and policies empowering Black professionals can bridge
the racial equity gap in tech by fostering social capital. Since the adoption of the internet in 1990,
scholars have long discussed the benefits of the internet reducing social capital inequalities for
African Americans in the corporate tech industry (Mehra et al., 2004). One example of diverse
groups in society being unequal is through their social networks and the social capital acquired
through them. Certain groups experience a network disadvantage that limits their employment
opportunities, social mobility, and social support, among other constraints (D. T. Smith, 2013).
African Americans can enhance their social capital in the technology industry by engaging in
mentorship programs, joining social media platforms that cater to their professional interests, and

33
participating in STEM organizations that provide networking opportunities and skill-building
resources (Madar et al., 2022; Mondisa, 2020; D. T. Smith, 2013). These avenues can help
African Americans develop meaningful network connections, expand their knowledge base, and
access new career opportunities. African Americans have shown enthusiasm for adopting new
social media and social networking site techniques to build their social capital and networking in
the IT workforce (D. T. Smith, 2013).
Social Media
Social media has notably affected Black Americans’ social capital and career success in
the technology industry. Social networking sites (SNS) refer to online platforms that enable users
to create a profile visible to the public or a specific group, establish connections with other users,
and browse through their connections and others within the system (Mehra et al., 2004;
Weisbuch et al., 2009). The use of SNS such as Facebook, LinkedIn, Twitter, and Instagram
supplement or increases URM’s level of social capital in the technology industry (J. Lee & Lee,
2010). Compared to White Americans, African American job seekers utilize social media
platforms more frequently for job-related activities, such as notifying their social networks about
job opportunities and building their professional networks. Specifically, 53% of African
American social media users have done so, while only 31% of White users have (A. Smith,
2020).
Today’s generation of Black professionals utilize social media as a source of knowledge
for their community, building their social networks, and helping other African Americans
develop their social capital and success in the technology industry (Vasconcelos et al., 2022). For
example, a group of Black women in the tech industry utilized social media platforms such as
TikTok to connect with and educate tens of thousands of other Black techies on coding and non-

34
coding jobs, resume and interview advice, and job opportunities (Makoni, 2022). Utilizing social
media platforms has created a loyal community and network of Black professionals. Hundreds of
individuals claim to have used the skills and advice learned from these groups during their
interviews and secured tech jobs (Nwanji, 2022).
Black Americans use social media more than any other racial group and are likelier to
engage in online activism and networking (Mastantuono, 2023). For example, a 2018 study from
Nielsen, a media analytics firm, found that Black Americans make up most users on the social
media platform known as Twitter at nearly 30% (Nielsen, 2018). The Twitter platform has
proven popular as a networking source for Black Americans. It produced Black Twitter, which is
a community of like-minded Black men and women who build a network and engage in
conversations on various issues that matter to the Black community linked via the hashtag
#BlackTwitter (Mastantuono, 2023). Social media platforms such as Twitter have been a
resource for Black Americans to build their network and gain social capital in the technology
industry (Makoni, 2022). Twitter sources such as @Black_Tech_Jobs and the hashtag
#BlackTechTwitter have connected thousands of Black candidates with tech companies and jobs.
These social platforms provide a community and resources for Black Americans in tech
primarily dedicated to helping members land their dream jobs in the industry (Makoni, 2022).
Like Black Twitter, Black professionals have utilized LinkedIn’s social media platform
and created a “Black LinkedIn” community. With just over 50 million users, LinkedIn is also
becoming a must-have for business professionals. Developing social capital on LinkedIn is
increasingly vital as more jobseekers enter the tech industry (Capece, 2012). As shown, social
media can be an essential networking, social capital, and community-building tool for Black
Americans in tech and STEM, providing resources for career advancement, online activism, and

35
knowledge transfer. Aside from social media, sponsorship programs are another potential
resource for African Americans to overcome the lack of social capital in the tech industry.
Sponsorship Programs
Further research into sponsorship programs in the tech industry could shed light on their
potential to offer significant social capital benefits for career advancement and professional
development among African Americans. Effective sponsorship involves providing ongoing
coaching and feedback, creating opportunities for career growth, and advocating for the
sponsored individual during senior-level decision-making processes (Hancock et al., 2021).
While the terms “mentor” and “sponsor” are often used interchangeably, they differ in that
sponsors, who must hold positions of power and influence, can use their social or professional
capital to raise the visibility and advance the careers of those they sponsor (Oguntimein &
Thomas, 2020). Executive sponsorship programs are a company’s most effective promotion
method for Black talent and foster social capital (Hewlett & Ihezie, 2022). Still, only 5% of upand-coming Black tech professionals benefit from sponsorships compared to White employees at
20% (Hewlett & Ihezie, 2022). Black employees receive a boost from sponsorship. Black
managers are 65% more likely to progress to the next step on the corporate ladder if they have a
sponsor (Coqual, 2023a).
Sponsorship programs should start from an employee’s first interview, focusing on
building strong relationships and community rather than solely on transactional goals. Trust and
rapport are crucial to the program’s success (Hoey, 2018). For African American employees who
often lack social capital equal to that of their White and Asian colleagues, having multiple
sponsors enables career advancement (Dorisca, 2023). Multiple sponsors provide support across
organizations and increase the likelihood of reaching senior-level positions or the C-suite

36
(Dorisca, 2023). African Americans encounter what experts term the concrete wall, formidable
barriers that can be challenging to surmount in the pursuit of career advancement (Ward, 2020a).
However, implementing sponsorship programs in the workplace can lead tech leaders and
executives to take more accountability for placing BIPOC professionals in leadership positions,
thus promoting diversity and ensuring equal access to social capital resources (Ward, 2020b).
Typically, employees with sponsors get paid 11.6% more than those without (Payscale, 2023).
Furthermore, Harvard Business Review reported that POC with sponsors are 81% more likely to
be satisfied with their career progression and access to resources than those without sponsors
(Jain-Link, 2020). To summarize, effective sponsorship programs can benefit African
Americans’ career advancement, as they offer significant social capital benefits, improve access
to senior-level decision-making, and promote diversity and equal access to resources. In addition
to sponsorships, numerous STEM programs and organizations are dedicated to supporting Black
tech professionals in gaining access to social capital and employment opportunities.
STEM Programs and Organizations
For-profit and non-profit STEM programs have provided Black Americans access to
economic and career advancement resources, including social and financial capital (Madar et al.,
2022). These programs and organizations can boost Black tech professionals’ social capital and
employment opportunities, fostering diversity and equality. Non-profit tech organizations across
the United States strive to foster inclusivity in the IT industry by establishing diverse talent
pipelines through training and job opportunities previously inaccessible to African Americans,
urging companies of all sizes to actively recruit these individuals for IT positions (Shein, 2021).
Both non-profit and for-profit programs and organizations empower Black individuals to acquire
social capital and employment opportunities (Djentuh, 2023). Notable non-profit organizations

37
such as Black Girls Code, OneTen, the National Society of Black Engineers, and Code2040 offer
social capital resources, mentorship, and training to empower Black individuals in pursuing
technology careers (Madar et al., 2022). Similarly, for-profit companies such as Google’s Code
Next and Microsoft’s LEAP apprenticeship program offer initiatives to equip Black
professionals with the skills and opportunities needed to thrive in the tech sector (Fullstack
Academy, 2019). Through their concerted efforts, these programs and organizations contribute to
building a more diverse and inclusive tech industry for Black talent.
Black Girls Code (BCG), a non-profit organization with offices in Johannesburg, South
Africa, and the United States, empowers and educates young Black women aged 7 to 17 in
technology through community outreach initiatives and giving them access to resources they
otherwise would not access (Robehmed, 2013). The organization’s goal is to train 1 million girls
by 2040 and equip African American adolescents with the skills to fill some of the 1.4 million
computing jobs anticipated to become available in the United States (Djentuh, 2023).
OneTen is a coalition comprising over 60 U.S. companies with a mission to provide a
million African Americans who do not hold 4-year degrees with upskilling, reskilling,
mentoring, and employment opportunities within the next decade (OneTen, 2023). Furthermore,
OneTen aims to offer family-sustaining wages, long-term upward mobility, and diverse career
prospects to multiple industries, including IT (OneTen, 2023). OneTen CEO Maurice Jones says
the relationships built, the social capital acquired, and the mentoring provided via the OneTen
program are indispensable (as cited in Zephyr, 2022). For example, big tech company Cisco has
partnered with OneTen to help accomplish their Social Justice Action 2 initiative, which is to
achieve a 25% increase in representation of all employees who identify as African American

38
from entry-level through manager roles and a 75% increase in representation from director to
vice president and higher (Harper, 2022).
Microsoft Leap is a program designed to transform the lives of URM previously
overlooked by the technology industry because of their backgrounds and locations, transforming
them into empowered participants with equitable access to social capital (Tek Experts, 2023).
The Microsoft Leap program’s success illustrates that 98% of program participants, who
previously faced limited social capital and employment opportunities in the tech industry, are
now gainfully employed, paving the way for a rewarding career (Tek Experts, 2023). Microsoft’s
Leap apprenticeship program offers an opportunity for individuals seeking entry into the tech
industry. What distinguishes Leap from similar programs is its emphasis on attracting candidates
with diverse backgrounds who bring experiences from different fields and aspire to transition
their careers but may lack an established network or resources to do so effectively (Steemit,
2019). Code Next is another program that focuses on providing social capital resources to
students interested in STEM. Code Next is a community-based, tuition-free computer science
education program that targets specifically Black, Latinx, and Native high school students,
equipping them with the skills and motivation for successful and fulfilling careers in computer
science-related fields (Code Next, n.d.). Furthermore, by the numbers, 91.5% of Code Next 12thgrade graduates enrolled in and attended college programs, and 88.4% are majoring in STEM
(Code Next, n.d.).
Conceptual Framework
A conceptual framework offers a perspective through which to examine a problem
(Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This perspective allows for understanding the
researcher’s theory, derived from the literature, previous studies, and personal experience

39
(Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This study aimed to determine African Americans’
social capital in the IT and STEM industry and its impact on their employment and career
advancement.
The utilization of SCT aided in evaluating African Americans’ types and levels of access
to social networks and resources in tech. The theory refers to individuals’ resources,
relationships, and connections that can be valuable in achieving their goals. Access to networks,
an essential aspect of social capital, plays a significant role in employment and upward career
mobility. The first element in SCT involves the social relationships that enable individuals to
access resources obtained through their connections, and the second element focuses on the
quantity and quality of these resources (Bourdieu, 1985; Portes, 1998).
The primary research principles that emerged during the initial literature study were
socioeconomic factors, barriers to entry, social divide, STEM education, DEI in tech, social
media, and STEM sponsorship programs. The following aspects of each topic became apparent
in the literature: socioeconomic factors and social divide, social class, income, and equity. As
provided in the literature, socioeconomic factors shaped and linked social capital and access to
professional networks and opportunities for African Americans (Adedeji et al., 2023). In
contrast, the social divide contributed to disparities in social capital and access to professional
networks.
The core concept of equitable access to STEM education and limited networking
opportunities has hindered African American STEM students’ social capital access and success
in the technology industry. Efforts toward DEI aim to create equal opportunities, break down
systemic barriers, and promote social capital, and various initiatives and strategies focus on
promoting DEI. These efforts enhance social capital and create more opportunities for

40
underrepresented groups. These initiatives enhance underrepresented groups’ social capital and
opportunities. A common core concept recognized across all fundamental principles is the
historic inequities and systemic racism that led to deficiencies in each area and a lack of social
capital for African Americans.
The conceptual framework for this study presented a comprehensive model of social
capital that encompassed various variables that influenced social capital among Black Americans
in the IT industry. This framework is a blueprint for understanding these variables’ relationships
and interconnectedness. Additionally, it serves as a model for social capital and career success,
drawing upon the research conducted in this study. In Figure 1, the model visually depicts the
intricate connections among the variables, illustrating how they interact and influence one
another. According to the model, career success is contingent upon an individual’s ability to
acquire social capital and resources in the IT industry. Key determinants of career success
include access to promotional opportunities, a fulfilling career in the STEM field, and overall
career satisfaction.

41
Figure 1
Conceptual Framework
Note. Framework adapted from “A Social Capital Theory of Career Success,” by K. Seibert, M.
L. Kraimer, & R. C. Liden, 2001, Academy of Management Journal, 44(2), 219–237.
Conclusion
The literature reviewed provided insights into African Americans’ access to social capital
in the IT industry. The literature also shed light on the diverse variables influencing their
expectations, engagement, and acquisition of social capital resources. By understanding these
factors, individuals can identify the catalysts that foster social capital, encompassing strong
networks, relationships, and resources individuals and communities possess. Empowering
African Americans in the tech industry with enhanced social capital opens doors to many
opportunities, facilitates network-building, and expands promotional options. Moreover, it
enables them to contribute meaningfully to innovation and growth in the rapidly evolving tech
-Socioeconomic factors
-Demographics
-Income
-Social Divide Access to Networks
DEI Initiatives
Barriers to Entry
Career mentorships/Sponsorships
STEM Education
Promotions
Career Mobility
Career
Satisfaction
Career in IT/STEM
High Level Contacts
Resources, Programs
-Sponsorship Programs
-Social Media

42
space. The literature’s examination of the historical and current state of the IT industry for
African Americans emphasized the role of SCT in determining an individual’s overall success.
Discussions around this issue remain crucial, given African Americans’ persisting
underrepresentation in the tech industry. By utilizing SCT, one can uncover some of the
underlying causes behind the inequities Black Americans face in the tech sector. This knowledge
is a vital starting point in the journey toward fostering a more inclusive and equitable
environment in the tech industry.

43
Chapter Three: Methodology
This chapter provides an overview of this study’s qualitative research design. The chapter
presents the methodology and criteria used for sampling and the interview protocols
implemented. Additionally, it discusses my positionality, along with the ethical principles
followed throughout the research. This study aimed to understand African Americans’social
capital in the technology industry and its impact on their careers and success. The following
research questions attempt to obtain the knowledge sought in this study.
Research Questions
1. How does social capital, including access to networks and mentorship, influence
career opportunities and progression, particularly in attaining C-level roles for Black
professionals in the IT industry?
2. What are the key internal and external factors affecting the access Black Americans
have to social capital in the IT industry, and how do they contribute to or hinder
career advancement?
Overview of Methodology
This study employed a qualitative methodological design involving semi-structured
interviews to gather responses to the research questions. The selection of qualitative methods for
this study aimed to capture a thorough perspective from individuals and derive meaning from
their experiences. Semi-structured interviews consist of open-ended questions that utilize a
holistic approach that enables a deeper understanding of the factors impacting the participants’
experiences and the desired outcomes (Creswell, 2012; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The study
used a combination of Patton’s (2014) six-question categories. These categories encompass
various aspects such as experiences, behaviors, opinions, values, knowledge, feelings, sensory

44
perceptions, and demographic information. The interview questions aimed to gather insights
from the interviewees regarding their social capital in the IT industry.
Additionally, the questions helped explore the connection between employment and
promotional opportunities for Black Americans in the IT industry and social capital. The present
study conducted exploratory research utilizing SCT to investigate the perspectives of African
American leaders in IT. The focus is on addressing the underrepresentation of African American
employees in the industry and examining the role of social capital in their pursuit of employment
and top leadership positions. The approach involved interviewing Black IT executives to gain a
deeper understanding of their insights into the challenges African Americans face regarding
employment and promotion and the barriers they encounter in accessing social capital.
Additionally, the study aimed to gather information about the career success of IT executives and
explore the extent to which social networks and mentoring played a role in their organizational
achievements in the IT industry.
Furthermore, the study delved into the factors limiting access to social capital for African
American employees. The research examined the impact of systemic biases and structural
barriers that hinder African Americans’ career progression and access to social capital in the IT
sector. Through a comprehensive analysis of these factors, the study intended to provide insights
and recommendations for promoting DEI in the industry, ultimately fostering more significant
opportunities for African American professionals.

45
Table 1
Data Sources
Research questions Qualitative interview
How does social capital, including access to networks and
mentorship, influence career opportunities and progression,
particularly in attaining C-level roles for Black professionals in
the IT industry?
X
What are the key internal and external factors affecting the access
Black Americans have to social capital in the IT industry, and
how do they contribute to or hinder career advancement?
X
Research Setting
The research setting of this dissertation focused on the IT industry in the United States,
specifically examining the experiences of Black Americans. It is worth noting that the IT
industry is a major sector in the United States, providing employment to nearly 9 million
Americans (Allyn, 2023). However, the representation of Black Americans in this industry
remains low, with only 8% or approximately 720,000 individuals holding IT roles (Brown et al.,
2023). Furthermore, regarding executive positions in the C-suite, Black professionals account for
a mere 3% of the IT industry (Brown et al., 2023). These statistics highlight the severe
underrepresentation of Black individuals in this sector. These disparities in representation
underscore the relevance and significance of addressing the research questions of this study. This
research examined social capital, career mobility, advancement, and opportunities for African
Americans in the tech industry.
The subjects identified for this study consisted of a sample size of 10 Black men and
women who are directors and executives with 10 or more years of experience in the IT industry.
The participants included individuals currently employed at my organization and those outside
the organization. All participants received an email invitation to participate in the interview,

46
which clearly explained the intent and purpose of my research. The interviewees’ and their
companies’ identities remained confidential. I conducted each interview and interaction with
ethical and rigorous practices, which included taking accurate notes and recordings to ensure the
validity and credibility of the study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In addition to the research
setting, the following will provide insight into myself as the researcher.
The Researcher
I am an African American man and sales manager at a large IT organization. I have been
working in the IT industry for 15 years. I have experienced promotion discrimination and a lack
of access to professional networks throughout college and professional careers. Furthermore,
with only 2.6% of African Americans occupying management roles and 0% of the ELT
consisting of African Americans at my organization, I understand the impact of this problem of
practice.
As an African American man working in the tech industry, I embody a unique
positionality that intersects with the study participants. Exploring my positionality and
intersectionality sheds light on the challenges I face in my professional journey. These challenges
include a notable lack of equitable access to networks and the presence of biases in the
workplace. Being a minority in the tech industry, I have firsthand experience of the impact of
inequitable access to social capital, including mentors, and the dominant intersectional barrier in
the tech industry. These power structures often manifest in unequal opportunities for hiring and
promotion, placing me in a position where I face the consequences of such systemic inequities.
Due to my positionality and alignment with the problem of practice, I may have
encountered preconceived assumptions and biases during the research. As an African American
male working in a tech organization characterized by severe underrepresentation of African

47
Americans, my experiences have influenced my perspective. These experiences could introduce
biases in favor of marginalized racial groups. However, the study employs a dialectical approach
to address and mitigate assumptions and biases. According to Maxwell (2013), the analytic
process should involve embracing divergent perspectives and mental models that expand and
enrich the study rather than conforming to or confirming my assumptions.
I actively sought out and incorporated a range of viewpoints to achieve a more
comprehensive and nuanced understanding of the topic. Furthermore, actively reporting contrary
findings counterbalances personal assumptions and beliefs, as Creswell (2012) suggested. The
study incorporated diligent documentation and presentation of results that challenge or contradict
the initial expectations. I openly acknowledged and discussed these contrasting findings by
maintaining transparency and mitigating the potential impact of personal biases on the research
outcomes. The pursuit of mindful thinking and thoughtfulness, as advised by Merriam and
Tisdell (2016), remains an active practice.
In summary, adopting a dialectical approach and reporting contrary findings were
strategies to mitigate assumptions and biases associated with my positionality, enabling a more
objective and comprehensive exploration and research of the problem of practice. Objectivity
was a primary focus of this study, utilizing detailed literature and reviews to inform my research.
This approach aimed to minimize biases and ensure the study remained grounded in prior
knowledge and research. In addition to incorporating methods to reduce biases, understanding
the data sources for the study can help understand the overall approach taken to collect research
data.

48
Data Sources: Interviews
The primary way to address the research questions was to analyze oral information
collected from interviews. This method provided rich insights into the participants’ experiences
and perspectives, allowing for a deep exploration of the research topics. I analyzed the interview
responses and results, further enhancing the comprehensiveness of the analysis.
The methodology employed for this study involved conducting semi-structured, one-onone Zoom interviews with African American participants. As highlighted by Merriam and
Tisdell (2016), qualitative research often relies on semi-structured interviews to gather data
effectively and gain insights into the experiences and perspectives of the studied individuals. The
semi-structured interview approach facilitates a comprehensive exploration of the participants’
perceptions, shedding light on their experiences, motivations, and interactions in the IT industry,
particularly concerning their access to social capital and its impact on their success. This method
involved utilizing structured, open-ended questions as a roadmap (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016),
allowing for flexibility to delve deeper into specific topics and explore questions in detail.
Participants
The present study utilized purposeful sampling to identify 10 individuals to understand
their IT industry career journeys and social capital experiences. Additionally, I employed
purposeful sampling to ensure that the participants aligned with the general topic of the study
and were relevant to the specific research and findings sought (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). To
recruit participants for this study, I utilized a multifaceted approach. First, I leveraged my social
and professional network and contacted individuals who fit the study criteria. Additionally, I
utilized social media platforms like LinkedIn and Facebook to disseminate information about the
research and engage potential participants. Furthermore, I actively participated in relevant online

49
communities, such as the USC Rossier Online OCL EdD Student Community and Forum and my
organization’s Black professional employee resource group. Employing these recruitment
strategies ensured that the study included a targeted pool of participants representing various
perspectives and requirements. To participate in this study, individuals needed to meet three
primary criteria, which the following paragraphs describe.
Criterion 1
Participants must have worked in the IT industry for at least 10 years. This criterion was
important because the study focused on understanding Black Americans’ promotion and
employment trajectory into executive positions and their access to social capital. Generally,
professionals with at least 10 years of experience in the IT industry acquire substantial relevant
work experience and encounter diverse promotional opportunities.
Criterion 2
Participants had to hold a senior manager or executive role, including director, vice
president president, or a C-suite position. One of this study’s primary research topics is the
relationship between social capital and African Americans in executive roles in the IT industry.
This study necessitated the participation of African Americans with executive-level roles to
effectively align with the research and yield the most relevant data.
Criterion 3
Participants needed to be African American. African American participants as the target
demographic are essential because they belong to a marginalized group in the tech sector. Their
firsthand knowledge and experiences relating to social capital networks provide insights into
their challenges.

50
Instrumentation
The qualitative study employed a semi-structured interview protocol, incorporating openended questions. The interview protocol and detailed interview questions are in Appendix A. The
questions explored the participants’ experiences in the IT industry, specifically focusing on their
perspectives regarding social capital, employment opportunities, potential barriers, and
promotion opportunities they encountered while advancing into executive positions. The
interview questions in Appendix A aligned with the study’s three primary research questions and
key concepts.
Data Collection Procedures
The following section describes the logistical procedure for data collection pertaining to
the study. The study employed various methods to gather interview data, emphasizing face-toface interaction and participant engagement. Furthermore, the study incorporated multiple
measures to ensure the confidentiality and secure storage of the data.
Creswell and Creswell (2018) suggested methods to collect interview data are best when
face-to-face, one-on-one, and in person. Therefore, I conducted the interviews using Zoom and
Webex, with a maximum time of 60 minutes for each session. The participants needed to activate
their cameras during the interview and consent to recording. The interviewees received the
guidelines and requirements, with the option to decline (Appendix B). I actively took written
notes during the interviews, ensuring engagement and eye contact with the participants. The
recorded interviews served as the primary data source for review. Each interview took place
individually to ensure confidentiality. I stored the data and recorded interviews on a secured
laptop and backed them up on a memory card. No public access was available to any of the data
or recordings. There were several key components listed in the invitation email: (a) a clear

51
description of the research’s objective, (b) a thorough explanation of the procedures involved, (c)
a comprehensive overview of the potential benefits, (d) an indication of the anticipated duration
of the interview, (e) contact information for any queries, (f) an explicit statement emphasizing
voluntary participation, and (g) an assurance regarding confidentiality and the participant’s right
to withdraw from the study at any point (Appendix B).
Data Analysis
This section offers a detailed description of the data analysis utilized for the interviews.
Systematically analyzing and interpreting the interview data yielded insights that deepened the
understanding of the research topic. The findings obtained from this analysis contributed to
broader knowledge and learning in the field.
The qualitative data analysis followed an inductive and comparative approach to identify
common themes or trends across the data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This study categorized the
interview responses and themes based on the categories. I applied the same codes to each
participant’s responses, enabling the grouping of transcripts for comparative and inductive
interpretation. Conducting data analysis alongside data collection is considered the ideal
approach in qualitative studies (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Initially, I independently analyzed the 10 individual transcripts. However, as the
interviews generated additional transcripts, I adopted a more flexible approach to accommodate
overlapping data analysis. After completing each interview category, I employed construction
techniques that involved open coding (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Open coding aimed to capture
significant data points from the interview transcripts that addressed the research questions. Open
coding helped facilitate the systematic organization, sorting, and coding of data among the

52
participants, enabling easier data retrieval and thorough analysis in the study’s conceptual
framework.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
Reliability and trustworthiness were central considerations for this study to ensure that
the analysis presented the results and interpreted the interview data fairly and without bias
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Interviews were the primary strategy to enhance the credibility and
trustworthiness of the study. Interviewee transcript review (ITR) involved sharing and checking
interview transcripts with research participants or engaging in peer review to validate the
interpretation of the data, thereby ensuring positionality and minimizing biases (Rowlands,
2021). Through the implementation of ITR, the emphasis lies on ensuring that the respondents
validate the emerging findings of the study, thereby enhancing credibility and minimizing the
risk of misinterpretation, misunderstanding, or other distortions.
To ensure this study’s validity and trustworthiness, the incorporation of positionality or
reflexivity emerged as the third method. Reflexivity involved recognizing the influence of my
presence and actions on the research process and, reciprocally, how the research process impacts
me (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). To maintain transparency and minimize undue impact, I actively
acknowledged my position and influence throughout the study. The goal of practicing reflexivity
was to enhance the objectivity and reliability of the study through a critical examination of biases
and assumptions, ultimately facilitating a more accurate interpretation and presentation of the
data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Ethics
The ethical and regulatory responsibilities associated with studying human subjects in
research necessitate the protection of participants’ welfare and interests while minimizing

53
potential harm concerning the benefits (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The study implemented
various strategies, including obtaining informed consent, guaranteeing voluntary participation,
safeguarding data confidentiality, acquiring permission for recording, and implementing secure
data storage practices (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Before commencing the study, I engaged in
discussions with participants, which allowed for a comprehensive explanation of the study’s
purpose, ensuring their complete understanding and informed involvement. I actively maintained
trust-building measures throughout the research process by employing pseudonyms to preserve
participant anonymity and prevent the traceability of their responses (Creswell & Creswell,
2018). All data, including digital recordings, transcribed interviews, participant identification
information, assigned numbers, pseudonyms, and handwritten notes, underwent secure
destruction upon completion of the study (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
The participants received explicit notification that the interviews upheld strict
confidentiality, ensuring a comprehensive understanding of their perspectives (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018). Participation in the study was entirely voluntary and devoid of compensation or
incentives. Furthermore, I ensured that participants did not experience any undue pressure to sign
the consent forms, thus upholding voluntary participation.

54
Chapter Four: Findings
This qualitative study aimed to highlight African Americans’ underrepresentation in the
IT industry, including the ELTs, and examine how their access to social capital impacts their
opportunities for employment and advancement. The study intended to understand Black
executives’ access to social capital resources and how it impacted their employment
opportunities and advancement into executive-level positions. Examination of the interview data
took place by utilizing the lens of SCT. This chapter examines how the interviewees shape their
perceptions based on their lived experiences and environment, contributing to our understanding
and knowledge.
This study conducted field research in the IT industry, specifically targeting public or
private organizations with at least 1,000 employees in the United States. This study focused on
the experiences of 10 African American executives employed in either technical or non-technical
roles at an IT organization for a minimum of 10 years. This chapter provides an overview of
various aspects of the study, including (a) an introduction to the participating stakeholders, (b) an
overview of interview results, (c) a summary of data collection methods, (d) an overview of
emerging themes, (e) a discussion of how these themes address the research questions, and (f) a
summary of the findings. The thematic findings were instrumental in addressing the research
questions that guided this study, which are as follows:
1. How does social capital, including access to networks and mentorship, influence
career opportunities and progression, particularly in attaining C-level roles for Black
professionals in the IT industry?

55
2. What are the key internal and external factors affecting the access Black Americans
have to social capital in the IT industry, and how do they contribute to or hinder
career advancement?
The following section is an overview of the participants.
Participant Overview
Between July and September 2023, I conducted online interviews via Zoom and Webex
with 10 African Americans in leadership roles in the IT industry. The participants consisted of
one chief marketing officer, two vice presidents, two senior directors, four directors, and one
senior manager. The participants’ experience ranged from 12 to 37 years, with five participants
being men and another five being women. Participants’ professional backgrounds included
various roles at their organizations, which included product and program management,
engineering, recruiting, training, marketing, sales, operations, and finance. The 10 participants
resided in four different states, from the West Coast to the East Coast. Table 2 identifies
participants’ management rank, discipline, race, years of experience, and how many direct
reports they had at the time of the interview.

56
Table 2
Respondents’ Demographic Information
Pseudonym Synonym Management rank Gender Years of
experience
Direct
reports
Josh Sales Vice president Male 28 6
Dan Global finance Vice president Male 37 12
Alissa DEI Director Female 12 3
Jerry Sales Senior director Male 27 5
Kathy Communities Senior director Female 30 7
Janet DEI Director Female 12 3
Fred Engineering Director Male 26 5
Ron Operations Director Male 27 6
Nasha Tech training Senior manager Female 13 8
Betty Marketing Chief marketing officer Female 30 2
Findings Organized by Theme
The data revealed five overarching themes pertinent to the research questions. The
theoretical framework of this study, propelled by SCT, grounded these themes. The study
encompassed the following themes: challenges in securing mentors and sponsors, participants
see easier success paths for White counterparts, HBCUs’ positive impact on social capital, covert
discrimination toward Black professionals, and the lack of allyship and DEI advocacy. This
section will cover each of these themes in more detail.
The participant interviews substantiated the themes discussed in this section. These
insights were influential in addressing the dual research questions concerning the experiences of
Black male and female leaders with over a decade of experience in the tech industry. Each theme
revealed key findings drawn from a synthesis of diverse data sources while also recognizing
discrepancies in cases of conflicting data.

57
Research Question 1 Findings
Research Question 1 examined the significance of social capital, social ties, mentors, and
sponsors for African American leaders’ success in the tech industry. The interview data helped to
comprehend the participants’ challenges and successes along their career paths. The following
theme will discuss the findings provided by the participants regarding access to mentors and
sponsors for African Americans in tech.
Theme 1: Challenges in Securing Mentors and Sponsors for African Americans in Tech
All 10 participants reported mentors and sponsors attributed to their success in the IT
industry. This theme emerged from an analysis of data structured around one primary sub-theme.
Despite the positive impact and beneficial outcomes that many participants acknowledged
concerning their experiences with mentors and sponsors, all 10 individuals highlighted an aspect
of the inadequate access African Americans have to sponsors, in contrast to their White
counterparts. These Black executives shared that mentors and sponsors facilitated their
achievements in their professional journeys. Yet, they also recognized the discrepancies in access
between Black and White Americans in the tech industry. In addition, five participants asserted
that sponsorships with White sponsors can be more transactional than genuinely supportive.
All participants acknowledged the benefits of sponsors and mentors, with some
attributing their sponsors for playing a significant role in them obtaining their current positions.
For example, when describing her sponsor’s impact, Alissa stated, “My sponsor is the reason I
am sitting in a director’s chair now.” However, despite many study participants benefiting from
sponsors or mentors, most shared a similar sentiment on the struggles of equal access to sponsors
and mentors as their White counterparts. They shared their thoughts on some of the numerous
challenges they have experienced or observed. When describing their experiences with sponsors,

58
Nasha and Betty expressed similar views regarding the dichotomy between being Black women
and interacting with White women in tech. Betty provided her thoughts, stating, “I have never
had a White woman willing to be my sponsor or mentor, [because] if a Black woman is smarter
than them, they feel threatened and not willing to help.” She continued, “White women in power
positions have flat-out told me they can’t sponsor me.” Furthermore, Nasha voiced her thoughts
by inferring, “White women have been threatened by me [because] I’m a Black woman in tech.
But I don’t get that as much from White men.” Nasha talked about experiences where White
female colleagues would not welcome her into their networks after working with them directly.
Nasha stated, “Some White women have had a problem with me training them. They are too
proud and would not welcome me into their networks.”
One female participant, Kathy, had a conflicting experience from the mutual experiences
of Betty and Nasha as it pertained to White female sponsors. Kathy discussed the time her
manager, who happened to be a White woman, took on the role of her sponsor. Kathy credits her
for making a significant impact on her career by giving her a new role and promotion. Kathy
stated, “She was a pivotal point in my life, to take a chance on me, and I mean, as a White
female taking a chance on a Black woman, I am very grateful.”
Moreover, Ron stressed that more technology organizations need to “read the room” and
implement resources to benefit Black people’s success in tech. Ron asserted, “We need more
resource groups in these organizations [referring to Black Americans in tech] because we lack
the same access to mentorship and sponsorship as White colleagues.” In addition, when touching
on his career experience in finding a sponsor, Jerry disclosed, “To make the type of moves I
wanted to make in my career required the right sponsor, and that was hard to come by at times.”

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In contrast, Dan conveyed that he has not encountered barriers to accessing mentors or
sponsors and mentioned that many of his mentors throughout his career had been White women
and men. Dan continued, “I always had those people [referring to White sponsors and mentors],
so I have been lucky.” However, Dan also provided his thoughts on a possible reason for the
inequities, “The system is still built on the premise of people that look like them, and they’re
comfortable with, are the people they want to mentor,” suggesting that White Americans are
more likely to mentor others with whom they share close commonalities and racial backgrounds.
In this section, participants emphasized the vital role of mentors and sponsors yet highlighted
challenges in equal access, especially compared to their White peers in tech.
The data also evidenced instances of transactional sponsorships between Black and White
colleagues, as some of the participants reported. Five discussed their interactions and experience
working with White men and women sponsors. Although they benefited from the sponsorship,
they felt those relationships were more transactional than genuine to help build a diverse culture.
Betty spoke on her experience working with White males whom she perceived as sponsors at her
organization. Betty stated, “I have had a couple of White sponsors promote me, but they were
not about the movement. It was completely results-driven, and what I could do for them and
make them look better.” Betty continued, “That’s not sustainable for change. They aren’t
sponsors at that point; they are opportunists.”
Betty was not the only participant who described experiencing transactional relationships
between themselves and sponsors at their organizations. Having previously acknowledged his
fortune in receiving support from White colleagues, Dan further clarified, “I want to be clear: It
was White people who advocated for me, but it wasn’t altruism. They weren’t doing this

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[because] they were great people. These [sponsor relationships] were primarily transactional, not
to continue a culture shift.”
Nasha also reported similar sentiments with previous sponsor relationships and shared
her observation and experience on the matter, asserting, “Except for maybe one, my relationships
with White leaders have been a transaction, and I’m still not able to break free from that.” Nasha
also discussed being the only Black woman in her organization at that time, declaring:
I’ll be straight up; as the only Black woman in my org at that time, I had to navigate
through tokenism because the same White leader who helped me wasn’t hiring other
African American women. It was, what can I do for you at this moment.
Josh briefly touched on this topic as well, declaring, “To them [White sponsors], it’s
strictly what is our value prop we can offer, and is it worth taking the risk on a Black person.”
Jerry’s comments seemed to summarize the advice by claiming, “Whether African American or
not, you need a sponsor who believes in the cause and in you because that certainly is not always
the case. It’s what-have-you-done-for-me-lately mentality.” Speaking from his experience on this
topic in his current organization, Fred stated, “I have seen a noticeable difference in how they
[White counterparts] help Black colleagues and their intentions. There is more of a lean-in and
intentionality to change the culture from White colleagues now than before.” In this section,
participants stressed mentors, sponsors, and access to social capital, particularly compared to
their White counterparts in the tech industry. They noted transactional sponsorships, highlighting
the need for genuine support to build social capital. The next section elaborates on the difference
in success paths African Americans have experienced compared to their White counterparts in
tech.

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Theme 2: Blacks in Tech See Easier Success Paths for White Counterparts
All 10 participants talked about feeling their White peers have an easier path to success
and better access to new opportunities and promotions. This theme became evident in data
interpreted through two sub-themes. In the first sub-theme, nine participants discussed the
challenges they faced with promotions and new opportunities in IT. One participant shared her
contrasting view. In the second sub-theme, seven participants emphasized the significance of
African Americans establishing their brand, marketing themselves, and upholding credibility as
Black professionals in the technology industry. This section will examine the data for the two
sub-themes derived from the data analysis.
Unequal Access to Promotions and New Opportunities
Nine participants touched on their experiences and difficulties with receiving promotions
and employment opportunities in the IT industry, and one shared her contrasting thoughts. Josh
shared his thoughts on this central issue; he replied, “I was a top performer, but I was passed up
for promotion opportunities early to midway into my tech career.” He added, “I have competed
against candidates with lower-level degrees than me, less qualified and [less] skill sets, but seen
as higher potential than me because they are White.” After I probed Josh on his comments and
what gave him that impression, he responded, “They always got the job; I didn’t.” Speaking on
her experience as a DEI recruiter in the tech industry, Janet explained, “Hiring leaders would say
there wasn’t enough time to look for a person of color. They needed the best person for the job
now.” She further noted, “So, we brought on people from the hiring manager’s network, or who
looked similar [White]. It still happens, but not as blatant.”
Dan shared his thoughts on the lack of opportunities African Americans have for
promotions and employment opportunities in IT. Dan stated, “The opportunities are where we

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fall short. There are tons of talented African Americans out there, but we aren’t privy to the same
opportunities as White folks are.” Furthermore, Dan expanded on his statement by touching on a
pipeline and recruiting issue he experienced as a hiring leader in his organization:
I explicitly asked a question [to the recruiting team], “Do you believe that there’s Black
and diverse talent that has the skill sets that we’re looking for that exists on the planet?”
The answer back was, “No, that talent does not exist.” I said, ok, that’s fine; I’m going to
go outside and find recruiters who believe that question is a yes. In 1 week, I had 53
resumes on my desk from that same recruiting team.
Moreover, Ron shared a similar sentiment regarding recruitment and promotions for African
Americans in the tech industry. Ron asserted, “They say not enough talent, but it’s bull
[expletive]. There is a large pool of talented Black engineers in the industry.” Touching on his
promotions throughout his career, Ron replied, “I’ve never been promoted by a White male.
They saw too many differences between me and them. The way we [African Americans] speak,
who we hang out with, some intimidation factors, those types of things.” Ron finished his
thoughts by asserting, “Black people are sometimes seen as worker bees, but not good enough to
have an executive presence.” Fred voiced a similar sentiment when it came to being overlooked
for some promotional opportunities. Speaking on the subject, Fred emphasized, “I’ve had to
work harder and for everything, whereas I have seen some of my White counterparts get the
benefit of the doubt and [given] a position or receive promotion over me without necessarily
earning it.”
Several participants articulated their thoughts and experiences about the lack of
opportunities and promotions due to differences in social circles, lack of similarities, and their
interactions with White colleagues. While discussing a recent opportunity in which she was

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overlooked for a promotional opportunity, Kathy said, “My manager, who was a White woman,
positioned me to take over her role once she retired. When she retired, the role wasn’t posted and
was given to a White male, who was a golf buddy with the director.” Similar to Kathy’s point,
Jerry added his thoughts on the topic and stated, “We’re not part of the same country club [when
describing the difference between White and Black people].” Jerry continued, “They [White
colleagues] know of opportunities and things that are coming before I have a clue. It’s naïve for
me to think I got the same level of access to opportunities as my White counterparts.”
Nasha shared some of her experiences maneuvering through the IT industry as a Black
woman. Nasha mentioned, “Access to information has always been an issue for me, especially
being a Black woman in tech.” Nasha then described a conversation she had with her White male
colleague regarding wage opportunities, disclosing, “One White colleague told me they were
receiving wage increases every year. But I didn’t know and was never told that was an option.
This is why I’ve felt inferior and a day late, dollar short of opportunities.”
Transitioning into DEI perspectives, one participant shed light on its impact on
opportunities for African Americans in the tech industry. Brenda attributed DEI efforts at some
tech organizations as being “muddled” and part of the reason Black Americans have less access
to social capital. Brenda asserted:
Diversity in the workplace is bull [expletive] when hiring Black people and giving them
access to social capital. We [Black Americans] are hired as one-offs to check a box and
make others look good. DEI gives companies a reason not to hire Black people. White
women are considered diverse [because] they’re women, and White gay men are
considered diverse [because] they’re gay. So, companies hire them and not Black people.

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In contrast, one participant briefly shared her experience on opportunities and
promotions. Alissa stated, “I might’ve been discriminated against, but I honestly can’t think of a
time in my career, and I’ve had a pretty long career, of where I was discriminated against
because of the color of my skin.” Participants noted racial disparities in promotions and
opportunities, emphasizing social capital in career advancement.
Personal Branding and Credibility are Keys to Success in Tech
The theme of personal branding and credibility emerged when participants discussed how
African Americans can succeed and build networks in the tech industry. Several participants
shared similar sentiments on originality and staying true to themselves. Jerry mentioned, “I
counsel others this way, but what’s worked for me is I try to be myself every time, but you need
to feel empowered to be yourself and build your brand.” Fred is a mentor to several Black
professionals who are early on in their careers in his organization. Fred shared a message he
conveyed to his mentees, “It’s important for us [Black people] to articulate our value clearly. I
tell folks I mentor to take the time to understand and focus on what you bring to the table and
market that to decision-makers and leaders.” In addition, Josh also shared his approach to
creating his value and brand but staying consistent, proclaiming, “I have to go the extra step and
extra measures to be understood and noticed. I make sure to stay consistent with how I show up
every day, showing value, consistency, and credibility.”
Two participants shared their experiences on this theme and provided their thoughts as
Black women in technology. Nasha stated, “There is double scrutiny for me as a Black woman,
and the level of judgment and scrutiny of my work is higher than my White colleagues. So, I
know I need to work harder to build my credibility.” Alissa communicated similar sentiments
when talking about her personal brand. Alissa declared, “I can’t just deliver and do the

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minimum; I have to kill it, over-deliver, and show I can outperform others. I need people to
notice me for the merit of my work and create a brand for myself.”
Two participants spoke about self-marketing and shared their thoughts and experiences.
Ron asserted, “Advice I received from [organization] Next Gen Leaders is to build a brand deck
for myself. Everyone should have a brand deck, but especially African Americans, to promote
ourselves in this industry.” In addition, Ron affirmed, “Get ‘buttoned up.’ Meaning work on your
brand, making sure you’re working the right way, and positioning yourself the best way you can.
Have your elevator pitch ready to market and sell yourself.” Dan also shared, “You [referring to
African Americans] got to be imminent; people need to know your name. You have to market
yourself, and you have to be on LinkedIn. You have to let people know about your brand.”
In summary, the themes linked to the research question delve into the influence of social
capital, mentorship, and sponsorship on the career trajectories of Black tech industry leaders.
Through interviews with Black executives, significant findings emerged. These insights
reinforced earlier research, affirming the role of mentors and sponsors for Black professionals in
tech. However, they also highlighted the pervasive challenge of unequal access African
Americans face compared to their White counterparts. Notably, a subgroup of participants
viewed sponsorships with White colleagues as transactional rather than deeply supportive.
Furthermore, a prevailing sentiment among the participants was the perception that White peers
have a smoother path to success and greater access to opportunities in the tech sector. This
perception underscores the urgency for Black professionals to establish a robust personal brand,
actively engage in self-promotion, and diligently cultivate credibility to thrive in this industry.
Together, these findings shed light on the intricate dynamics of social capital development for
African Americans in the tech field.

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Research Question 2: Findings
Research Question 2 focused on internal and external factors that can impact African
Americans’ access to social capital in the IT industry and how it affects their career and
advancement opportunities. This dataset aided in understanding both the obstacles and triumphs
encountered by these Black leaders throughout their professional journeys. The next theme will
explore HBCUs’ role in African Americans’ access to social capital in the IT industry.
Theme 3: HBCUs Positive Impact on African Americans’ Social Capital in IT
This third theme delves into the participants’ narratives, highlighting the impact of
HBCUs on their careers, confidence, networks, and opportunities. The participants provide a
collective mixture of varying experiences and thoughts on HBCUs and their impact on African
Americans in tech. In sum, the participant’s narratives helped shed light on the role HBCUs
played in shaping the trajectories of their careers and social capital in the tech industry.
Furthermore, Black professionals view HBCUs as Catalysts to Success in tech, as six of 10
interviewees attested to the transformative role HBCUs played, acting as educational institutions
and catalysts for personal and professional growth. However, amid the primary consensus, two
participants presented differing perspectives on HBCU influence. Dan, who is a graduate of an
HBCU, shared his thoughts on the impact his HBCU had on his career and how HBCUs are
pivotal for other African Americans in tech. Dan posited, “My foundation, my social capital, and
opportunities came from an HBCU. Because the truth is, there are tech companies that want
access to Black talent, and HBCUs are their best path to find them.”
Fred, who attended a PWI, shared his thoughts on opportunities for Black students in IT,
stating, “If you’re a middle-of-the-road student, trying to find your way or wanting to build your
network as a Black student, HBCUs are a benefit because you can get lost in the shuffle at a

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PWI.” Furthermore, Fred mentioned that, nowadays, more companies are recruiting at HBCUs.
Fred said, “We do have some gold standards and some tech companies that are now actively
recruiting at HBCUs, which, 5–10 years ago, that wasn’t necessarily the case.” Jerry, who is a
product of an HBCU, comes from a long line of family members who have attended HBCUs,
including both his parents, his two siblings, and three of his four children. However, Jerry’s wife
attended a PWI. Jerry discussed his experience and thoughts on HBCUs, proclaiming, “Going to
an HBCU allowed me to network and navigate. I wasn’t just a number, and tech companies
looked for diverse candidates in the [South], at my university, not PWIs.” In comparison, Jerry
also shared his wife’s sentiments about attending a PWI, asserting, “My wife went to a PWI, and
she had difficulty as a Black woman building her professional network.” Kathy originally
attended an HBCU and paused her studies when she received her first tech job offer while
attending. She later went back to a PWI to complete her studies.” Kathy shared, “I originally
attended an HBCU, and it boosted my confidence. I had access to mentors and networks, and we
collaborated from an IT perspective. I was marginalized at PWIs.”
In a slightly contrasting view on HBCU vs. PWI, Alissa, who attended PWIs, did not see
the benefit of one level of institution outweighing the other when it comes to building a network
and access to social capital. Alissa asserted, “I wouldn’t say HBCUs help navigate someone
Black through tech or allow them to gain social capital over a PWI. I think you either help
somebody navigate their career wherever they end up one way or another.” Alissa continued,
“The university I went to, I had a great experience. I had a lot of support and a lot of resources.
We had a really strong Black community at all my colleges.” Moreover, Josh, who is a graduate
of an HBCU, stated, “With what’s going on with Affirmative Action at institutions [PWIs],
Black colleges are essential to students trying to build social capital.” However, Josh continued,

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“But, at some point, people don’t care about where you went to school. Even at a PWI, you can
have similar success.”
Participants highlighted HBCUs’ impact on their opportunities in tech, networks, and
social capital. While some emphasized their role, others offered nuanced perspectives. Overall,
HBCUs stand to make a positive impact on African American’s access to social capital in the
tech industry. Shifting focus, the next theme addresses the issue of covert racism and
microaggressions experienced by Black professionals in the tech industry.
Theme 4: Covert Discrimination Toward Black Professionals in Tech
In the tech industry, instances of covert racism toward Black professionals are a
pervasive issue, according to nine interviewees. This section discusses these forms of
discrimination in more detail and how they have hindered African Americans’ social capital and
success in the tech industry. The interviewed participants shared their personal experiences and
reflections on encountering these subtle yet impactful forms of discrimination throughout their
careers.
When asked about his experience with discrimination, Fred brought up his experience
with microaggression. He articulated, “Yes, as a 6’3” Black man, I have been told I’m
intimidating to White people. So, I learned how to code-switch. I had to learn little nuances to
make White people feel more comfortable around me.” Jerry spoke about his experience with
microaggressions in his organization as well and how he has dealt with it as a leader. Jerry said,
“We’ve had some heavy things go on with the [George] Floyd incident, and some
microaggressions and opinions were floating around. I had that conversation with my team to
demystify anything and clear the air.”

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Like Jerry’s experience, Dan also talked about a moment when he observed
microaggression in his organization. Speaking on the situation, Dan said, “I’ve seen little bits of
social capital deployed to us [Black Americans], but nothing sustainable because of the prevalent
microaggression that still exists.” Moreover, Dan talked about an event that occurred in his
organization that stemmed from the George Floyd murder. Dan mentioned, “I remember being
on a company call after the [George] Floyd murder, and some White guy forgot to turn his
microphone off and said, ‘Now they’re lecturing us on race [referring to Black employees
speaking]? I’m not having that.’” The individual Dan spoke of in his example was fired;
however, Dan did not think he should have been fired and thought it would have been a good
teaching opportunity. Dan affirmed, “I remembered saying don’t fire him, [because] this is a
teachable moment for everyone else since so many people were thinking what he said.”
Just as Jerry and Dan recounted their encounters with microaggression, Kathy provided
her experience with discrimination in the workplace through the lens of a Black woman. She
explained, “I locked my hair [formed into traditional African-style locks], and a White colleague
asked me, ‘Are you really going to do that in a customer-facing role?’ So, I asked, what does my
hair have to do with anything?” In addition, Kathy described a separate incident of
discrimination she encountered in her organization. Kathy declared, “One leader I overheard in a
discussion had said he thought people who had locks smelled.” Furthermore, Kathy said that
many times in her organization, it feels like she works in an environment that is part of the good
old boy network.
The data showed that Black executives had experienced different levels of discrimination
while navigating through their tech careers. The participants elaborated on their experiences. Ron
asserted, “I was overlooked for an engineering promotion. I tested higher and had more skill sets

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but was told they [White and Indian people] could likely do the job better than me, which was
crap.”
Although discrimination can stem from various sources, it is equally imperative to
acknowledge the presence of discrimination within the same racial community. Interviews with
both male and female participants shed light on the subtle yet noticeable ways these unconscious
biases can manifest, influencing professional dynamics in unforeseen ways. Betty spoke about an
interaction with another Black woman colleague in her organization. She stated, “I was at this
session at my company, and a light-skinned Black woman acknowledged to me that she had a
certain amount of privilege [because] of her light skin and long hair.” Betty continued, “So, I
have seen the subtle racism and biases not just from outside my culture but also within my own
culture [because] I am a darker woman.” Fred mentioned that he has experienced intra-racial
biases from other African Americans during his career journey as well. Fred conveyed, “I’ve met
Black people who felt it was a detriment to network with other Black people like myself. They
didn’t want to be associated with Black folks and felt like Black people only hang with each
other.” Moreover, Fred highlighted that some of his Black peers and colleagues have confided in
him and expressed their concerns that networking with him could potentially hinder their careers
due to apprehensions about how their White counterparts might perceive them.
Additionally, I asked Josh about any contributing factors or barriers that have affected his
career in the IT industry. Josh proclaimed, “I’ve definitely experienced racism in my journey, but
it’s typically camouflaged in a way that is not very obvious. They’ll provide you with some
nebulous answer as to why you weren’t chosen for the job.” Josh finished by confirming,
“Emphatically, yes, my professional growth has been deterred because of my own personal
intersectionality and the subtle racism.” Also, Janet spoke on hiring practices at her organization,

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which she described as discriminatory. Janet asserted, “For the longest, we [referencing her
organization] had a list of preferred colleges we were supposed to recruit from, and no HBCUs
were part of the list.” Janet continued, “I had to introduce HBCUs to our recruiting world and
bring to light how discriminatory we [organization] were running things.” Covert racism in the
tech industry is a pervasive issue, according to nine participants. Their experiences highlighted
subtle yet impactful forms of discrimination that act as barriers to African Americans’ social
capital and success in the IT industry. The following section will touch on advocacy and DEI
support from White leaders and its effect on Black professional access to social capital in the
tech industry.
Theme 5: Lack of Allyships and DEI Advocacy for Black Professionals
According to nine participants, there is a notable and persistent deficit in allyship for
Black men and women in the tech industry. The lack of allyship extends to areas such as social
capital, hiring, and promotions. Participants addressed the absence of advocacy from their White
counterparts in their organizations. When asked on the topic of advocacy among his White
colleagues in a leadership position and their desire to hire African Americans, Jerry stated, “I’d
say it’s spotty at best. You have some that are all in trying to pull folks up, but I’ve seen fewer
than most.” Furthermore, Nasha added, “No advocacy or allies exist from my White colleagues
unless it’s forced. Most of them [White colleagues] do not veer out of their sandbox or comfort
zone when it comes to hiring [POC].”
Per the participants, the effectiveness of advocacy and allyship is partly believed to lie in
the genuine desire of leaders to serve as catalysts for change. It is the heartfelt commitment that
fuels meaningful progress and dismantles systemic barriers. Moreover, Dan shared similar
sentiments as other participants have on the lack of sincerity some of his White colleagues have

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shown toward building diversity and changing culture. Dan said, “Advocacy is spotty and
episodic in my organization. When someone jumps up and down and says this is important, then
others say it’s important, but the moment that stimulus quiets down, it is no longer important to
them.” Furthermore, Dan spoke on his fellow leaders hiring and providing resources for African
Americans in his organization: “We [as a company] need to be intentional with hiring and the
type of resources for Black people. White counterparts say it’s a pipeline issue, but that’s an
excuse. It shows there are only pockets of allyship and progression.” Speaking on the willingness
of her White colleagues to hire and mentor African Americans, Kathy shared her thoughts,
asserting, “Some hiring leaders are open to having a conversation with diverse candidates, but
many times, they [White counterparts] make no effort to help or care. Most White colleagues
gravitate to what and with whom they are familiar with.”
In discussing diversity hiring practices, one participant offered valuable insights, sharing
perspectives on both advocacy within his direct team and potential issues with his peers
regarding actively seeking out African American candidates. To this point, Ron contended, “I
don’t think many of my White peers are looking for African Americans to hire. Peers of mine
have been presented with resumes of equal qualifications, Black and White [candidates], and
they hired the White candidate.” I asked Josh about allyship and advocacy for Black employees
at his organization, and his response was the following: “It’s lukewarm at best. I’ve asked some
White colleagues how they plan to support diversity or hire more African Americans, and they
don’t have a thought or idea. They just know they have to base on company goals.” Furthermore,
Josh concluded, “Not knowing isn’t necessarily a bad thing, but they [White colleagues] need to
be educated.”

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In contrast to some of the other participants’ experiences, two individuals shed light on
the positive aspects of advocacy and allyship at their organizations. They revealed instances of
support and proactive efforts toward inclusivity, illustrating a more encouraging landscape for
African Americans to succeed and build social capital in the workplace. Alissa voiced her recent
observations and experience in her organization as well. Alissa explained, “Our CEO wanted to
do something about Blacks being underrepresented. Unfortunately, the George Floyd murder
happened and spearheaded the culture change even more.” In addition, since George Floyd’s
murder, Alissa revealed that her organization’s focus on improving Black talent and providing
them with effective social capital resources has increased, and she is receiving buy-in from both
Black and White colleagues. Lastly, Alissa highlighted a specific non-profit program aimed at
bolstering the social capital of Black employees and offering them valuable opportunities. Alissa
asserted, “Our OneTen [a non-profit organization] program is providing Black employees with
social capital resources to succeed and helps keep the foot on the gas with advocating for
diversity.” Moreover, speaking on allies and advocates in her organization, Janet claimed, “We
have a lot of diversity champions and allies, and many of my White counterparts are willing and
wanting to be sponsors to new hires, African Americans, etc.”
In summary, based on the interviews, a prevalent theme emerged regarding the lack of
allyship and DEI advocacy for Black professionals. The majority of participants pointed to a
significant deficit in support, particularly in areas central to professional advancement, such as
social capital, hiring, and promotions. Many expressed frustrations at the absence of advocacy
from their White counterparts in their organizations. However, a few participants noted positive
strides, highlighting instances of genuine commitment from leadership in their organizations.

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These insights underscore the pressing need for greater allyship and concerted efforts toward
DEI in the tech industry.
Summary of Findings
The analysis revealed five significant themes. Firstly, it emphasized the challenge of
finding mentors and sponsors for African Americans in tech. Secondly, it highlighted the
perception among Black professionals that White counterparts have easier paths to success.
Thirdly, it underscored the role of HBCUs in providing access to influential networks in the IT
industry. Additionally, it brought to light subtle discriminatory practices toward Black tech
professionals. Lastly, it emphasized the lack of support and advocacy for DEI initiatives. The
data indicated that Black individuals in IT face more obstacles compared to their White
counterparts in terms of accessing opportunities for growth and social capital. In contrast, White
individuals, who predominantly hold the majority of executive positions in tech, experience a
smoother path to success and have greater access to influential networks.
In the face of numerous obstacles, Black men and women in the IT industry have
demonstrated remarkable resilience, forging their paths in one of the globe’s most lucrative and
inventive industries. As the participants shared, they have adopted specific approaches to
navigate the challenges, drawing from their own experiences. Key strategies include selfadvocacy, authentic self-presentation, networking, and a commitment to ongoing education. The
ensuing chapter will leverage these insights to propose well-founded, actionable
recommendations for fostering positive change.

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Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations
The purpose of this study was to understand African American executives’ access to
social capital resources in the IT industry and examine its impact on their employment
opportunities and advancement into leadership positions. The study addressed the following
research questions:
1. How does social capital, including access to networks and mentorship, influence
career opportunities and progression, particularly in attaining C-level roles for Black
professionals in the IT industry?
2. What are the key internal and external factors affecting the access Black Americans
have to social capital in the IT industry, and how do they contribute to or hinder
career advancement?
This chapter offered a deeper understanding of the research findings, employing the
perspective of SCT. This chapter provides a thorough examination of the findings, offering three
evidence-based recommendations specific to the technology industry. It also addresses the
study’s limitations. Additionally, it outlines potential future research directions and concludes by
aligning the findings with the literature and suggesting strategies for fostering positive change.
Discussion of Findings
The first section of this chapter reviews the findings provided in Chapter Four in relation
to the literature and the conceptual framework. Overall, this chapter contributes to the
understanding of the experiences of accomplished Black executives in the dynamic landscape of
the technology sector while determining sustainable recommendations for future progress.
Chapter Four included five themes that emerged from the research data analysis: (a)
challenges in securing mentors and sponsors for African Americans in tech, (b) Blacks in tech

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see easier success paths for White counterparts, (c) HBCU’s positive impact on African
Americans’ social capital in IT, (d) covert discrimination toward Black professionals in tech and
(e) lack of allyship and DEI advocacy for Black professionals.
Challenges With Securing Mentors and Sponsors
Nine participants reported facing challenges in accessing mentors and sponsors in IT,
often citing a lack of authenticity in these relationships. Chapter Two briefly addressed this issue.
Research has also pointed to high attrition rates among African Americans in the tech industry,
attributing this trend to limited access to adequate mentors and sponsors (Russell Reynolds
Associates, 2022).
A recent study on sponsorships among African Americans in the tech industry
corroborated This finding. In 2022, Hewlett and Jackson, in partnership with Coqual, determined
that only 5% of emerging Black professionals have sponsorships in tech, in stark contrast to the
25% of their White counterparts with sponsorships. Additionally, Cain (2021) attributed the
underrepresentation of Blacks in the IT sector to the deficiency of senior sponsorships and
meaningful mentorships. Furthermore, as Beckwith et al. (2016) mentioned, one of the
consequences of not having access to senior-level mentors for African American women in tech
is a decreased likelihood of getting access to key positions that promote career advancement.
Easier Success Path for White Counterparts
All participants, except for one, expressed the sentiment that their White colleagues seem
to have a distinct advantage, with superior access to new job prospects, advancements, and social
capital in the IT field. Many other studies have validated this finding. Previous research has
shown that White employees have a substantial advantage over African American employees
regarding access to personal and professional networks in the workplace, which in turn has

77
hindered African Americans’ upward mobility into executive positions in tech (Peterson et al.,
2020). Furthermore, this research pointed out that nearly 70% of friend referrals to tech
organizations are from White individuals, whereas only 5% of African Americans have similar
referrals to tech organizations. In addition, Black women are the most disadvantaged in tech
when it comes to securing mentors, sponsors, or being considered for positions in tech, which
greatly stunts their professional growth and advancement into valued C-suite roles (S. Smith,
2021).
HBCUs’ Positive Impact on African Americans’ Social Capital in IT
Six interviewees affirmed the transformative role HBCUs played, serving as educational
institutions and catalysts for personal and professional growth in their tech journey. Despite the
benefit of HBCUs on Black American’s careers and opportunities in technology, many
companies have yet to increase recruiting efforts at HBCUs. Instead of just looking at PWIs such
as M.I.T and Stanford, tech organizations need to start recruiting more at historically Black
colleges (Bui & Miller, 2016). Furthermore, research has shown that some of the most qualified
Black tech candidates are enrolled at HBCUs. For example, a 2022 United Negro College Fund
study found that HBCUs produce almost 20% of All African American graduates, and 25% of
African American graduates have STEM degrees (Parker, 2022).
Covert Discrimination Toward Black Professionals in Tech
Eight interviewees talked about experiencing some form of discrimination, bias, or
microaggression during their careers. Also, discrimination and biases are detrimental to African
Americans’ success and career progression and harmful to companies. Estimates are that
multinational companies lose up to $64 billion each year due to microaggressions and
unconscious biases (Impactly, 2023). Furthermore, in the realm of technology, African

78
Americans frequently contend with detrimental stereotypes that position them as less proficient
than Whites and Asians. Moreover, as Mong and Roscigno (2010) highlighted, Black men are
often subjected to negative stereotypes by both employers and peers, depicting them as
defensive, overly sensitive, prone to violence, and challenging to manage.
Lack of Allyship and DEI Advocacy for Black Professionals
Nine participants emphasized an absence of allyship for Black individuals in the tech
industry. This deficiency encompasses domains like social capital, recruitment, and advancement
opportunities. Achieving equity in the tech industry remains a significant journey, with data
underscoring the need for allyship to support African Americans, who continue to be
significantly underrepresented in this field (T. Roberts, 2022). A 2020 study by McKinsey &
Company found that 77% of Black tech employees feel like they do not have the proper allies or
support to advance into management roles (Hancock et al., 2021).
Recommendations for Practice
This section provides four recommended actions to address the findings. Implementing
these suggestions could help alleviate African Americans’ limited access to social capital in the
tech industry and organizations, consequently boosting their representation in these
organizations. However, the hope is that these recommendations could prove more effective if
implemented in tandem. The first recommendation is to create and implement diversity programs
to develop, mentor, and sponsor Black men and women in IT. The second recommendation is to
establish an incentive compensation diversity plan to support the hiring and promotion of
African Americans. The third recommendation is creating a focused recruiting plan to attract
Black talent in tech. The final recommendation addresses biases and cultural differences at tech

79
organizations via DEI and bias education and training. The following section will cover the
recommendation to create and implement formal diversity programs.
Recommendation 1: Create and Implement Diversity Programs to Develop, Mentor, and
Sponsor Blacks in IT
Recommendation 1 focuses on rectifying the disparity in access to opportunities in the
technology industry, particularly in relation to White colleagues. The first recommendation is to
implement and build formal programs at tech organizations that focus specifically on providing
Black Americans with more access to social capital resources (T. Cooper, 2023; Pratt, 2023).
Tech organizations that create diversity programs, as well as partner with Black-oriented
professional groups that are dedicated to offering employment opportunities, mentorships,
sponsorships, and training to Black individuals in technology, have shown to increase African
Americans social capital (Betz, 2022; Djentuh, 2023; Madar et al., 2022; Pratt, 2022).
Formalized sponsorship programs for POC are proven to help ensure African Americans
have equal access to sponsors who will advocate for them about career advancement, pay raises,
and landing higher-paying management jobs (O’Brien, 2023). Several non-profit organizations,
such as OneTen, We Build Black, CodePath, Code2040, and Black Professionals in Tech
Network, have partnered with some of the largest tech companies to create and implement
diversity programs that focus on providing influential sponsorships, mentorships, networking,
skill sharing, career opportunities, and career advancement in the tech industry (Fullstack
Academy, 2019). They collaborated with more than 250 CEOs, chief human resource officers
(CHROs), DEI executives, and other leaders as sponsors.

80
Recommendation 2: Create an Incentive Compensation Diversity Plan in Tech
Organizations
Seven participants highlighted a widespread lack of genuine and sustained support from
White colleagues. They suggested the need for an incentive plan to be implemented as a
corrective measure for this issue. Additional research recommends that companies establish an
incentive and rewards program focused on hiring, sponsoring, and mentoring Black professionals
(Hofmann, 2023; Shelton, 2021; Tay & Hylas, 2022). Executive boards should implement a plan
that introduces DEI incentive plans and ties results to executive pay, with a specific focus on
sponsoring, mentoring, and supporting DEI metrics (O’Toole & Tay, 2022). Once diversity goals
are in place, company boards can make those goals stick by linking compensation and incentives
to their achievement (Hoffmann, 2023; Muro et al., 2023). Therefore, compensation should be a
primary performance incentive at any tech company, as its alignment with diversity objectives
conveys the importance of inclusion to high-level managers and executives, who will be more
focused on advancing diverse employees (T. Lee, 2014). The incentive plan should align with
DE&I goals and provide transparent metrics to hold leaders accountable and reward behaviors
that support diversity (Banham, 2022).
The recommended incentive plan aligns with SCT, tackling inadequate support for
African Americans in tech. It complements the study’s conceptual framework, emphasizing DEI
goals and actions. When executive commitment is lacking, the plan offers a source of social
capital for African Americans. Tying compensation to diversity objectives ensures concrete
steps. In essence, aligning incentives with DEI goals fosters progress for African Americans in
IT.

81
Recommendation 3: Creating a Focused Recruiting Plan to Attract Black Talent in Tech
Six interviewees for this study recognized HBCUs as sources of social capital,
networking, and job opportunities in tech. Despite this, the participants also described concerns
about a perceived scarcity of Black candidates in the tech talent pipeline according to their
organizational recruiting teams and colleagues. This section provides a recommendation for
better recruiting efforts to address the overarching problem of SCT for African Americans in
technology.
To confront this specific aspect of the larger issue, tech organizations should overhaul
their recruitment practices to seek out and hire Black men and women (Bui & Miller, 2016;
Cheeseman, 2016; Shackleford, 2010). This section will further discuss this recommendation.
Furthermore, Naik (2023) suggested that tech organizations need to attend career fairs designed
for underrepresented candidates and be present at the career fairs of HBCUs. As the demand for
diversity at tech organizations grows, a more direct and intentional approach to recruiting Black
candidates will provide these individuals with a network of opportunities they might not have
otherwise accessed (Kuhn et al., 2022). Additionally, organizations need more relevant recruiting
efforts, a reevaluation of their outdated practices, and an understanding of how to meet DEI
needs and better understand what diverse tech recruits care about (Kuhn et al., 2022).
Also, tech organizations that display transparency and accountability for their diversity
goals tend to be the most successful in hiring diverse candidates (Hall, 2023). Consequently,
these enhanced recruitment efforts bolster the components of SCT, and they foster a nurturing
environment of networks, mentors, sponsors, and avenues for less experienced Black employees
or candidates (Bui & Miller, 2016).

82
Recommendation 4: Address Biases and Cultural Differences at Tech Organizations via
DEI Education and Training
Nine interviewees reported experiencing some form of bias, microaggression, or racism
in their current tech organizations and their careers. As part of an IT organization’s efforts to
address implicit biases and raise cultural awareness in the workplace, tech organizations should
utilize training to educate members of their organization (Onyeador et al., 2021). I recommend
that companies pair bias training with operational changes to effectively address racial
stereotypes, microaggressions, and biases in the workplace (O’Halloran, 2020). The training
should spotlight the realities of systemic racism, White privilege, and historical inequities. This
approach ensures that the training’s purpose remains clear, leaving little room for
misinterpretation or confusion, and the training solidifies its role as an instrument for driving
organizational culture change (Schmader et al., 2022). Additionally, implementing
microaggression implicit bias training helps drive awareness and behavioral change by
identifying conscious and unconscious biases through DEI training (Karluk, 2022).
Summary of Recommendations
This section offered four key recommendations aimed at increasing Black Americans’
access to social capital in the technology sector and enhancing their representation in IT
organizations. Firstly, implement formal diversity programs to provide Black individuals with
enhanced access to social capital resources, thereby increasing their representation and
opportunities. Secondly, establish an incentive compensation diversity plan to tie executive pay
to diversity metrics, fostering accountability for progress in DEI initiatives. Thirdly, focus on
proactive recruitment efforts at HBCUs to create more tech opportunities, networks, and social
ties for Black Americans. Lastly, provide training on biases, microaggressions, and DEI

83
initiatives for a more inclusive workplace. Collectively, these recommendations aim to promote
greater DEI in the tech industry, providing Black Americans with improved access to social
capital and opportunities for career advancement.
Recommendations for Future Research
This study sought to deepen comprehension of the experiences of Black Americans in the
technology sector, particularly regarding their access to social capital and the possible challenges
they encountered. The study specifically concentrated on Black men and women with a tenure of
10 or more years in the industry. Broadening the research to include the perspectives of White
executives in technology would be compelling, as it could yield valuable insights into their views
on social capital in relation to African Americans. It could have also shed light on their
perspectives regarding DEI, as well as any potential interactions or experiences with African
Americans in the IT field. Furthermore, future research could be narrowed to focus on specific
technology roles, such as computer and data science engineers or coders, rather than
encompassing all positions in the technology industry. This specialized approach would offer a
deeper understanding of the challenges Black individuals face in engineering and more technical
roles, as they are even less represented in these.
Additionally, several study participants mentioned that their organizations’ DEI
initiatives ramped up from the George Floyd incident in 2020. Supplementary opportunities for
further research would include gaining a more thorough understanding from tech organizations
on a sustainability plan to ensure diversity and DEI efforts continue well past the George Floyd
incident and do not phase out. For example, minority candidates who were being hired in waves
in 2020, shortly after the George Floyd murder, are now facing layoffs, and a decrease in diverse
recruitment and hiring has slowed down substantially (Bunn, 2023). Further research into a

84
sustainability plan for these organizations helps to keep leaders and organizations accountable
and provides possible solutions or ideas to ensure that DEI efforts continue many years from
now. Finally, as Affirmative Action and DEI programs face removal from college institutions
across the United States, further research could expand to investigate how organizations are
proactively responding to these changes. This additional research would aim to understand how
companies ensure they continue to recruit and hire top candidates from colleges effectively
despite the resources being taken away from African Americans in the educational system.
Limitations and Delimitations
This study has certain limitations and delimitations. Limitations are factors and possible
flaws beyond the researcher’s control (Creswell, 2012). Limitations of this study include limited
access to organizational data due to company confidentiality and policies. This study includes
only African Americans’ perspectives and knowledge, which could result in partial data. The
study depended on the respondents’ honesty and openness. Due to the study’s specific timelines,
time constraints limited the amount of data, sample size, and participants who could be included.
Delimitations are the generalizability of the study, which may have implications for the
research and issues of external validity. The study focused only on Black executive and directorlevel positions. The data do not represent other positions outside of executive and senior
manager roles in IT organizations. The study consisted of a limited number of participants for
qualitative research and not quantitative surveys, which would require a larger pool of
participants. This study specifically focused on the participation of African Americans in the IT
industry, even though there are other underrepresented groups in that industry.

85
Implications of Study
In the pursuit of shedding light on the experiences of African Americans striving for
success within the tech industry, my interviews uncovered a fascinating paradox. While all
participants were vocal advocates for diversity and actively engaged in fostering representation,
a recurring theme emerged—a capitalist mindset prevailing even among those championing
inclusivity. The interviewees, Black leaders themselves, candidly acknowledged the inherent
competition within the industry, where success often comes at the expense of others. Many
emphasized their commitment to mentorship, provided it did not directly clash with their
personal career aspirations. A poignant remark underscored the delicate balance: one leader
expressed a willingness to guide others but cautioned that mentees must eventually forge their
own paths, as mentorship should not jeopardize one’s own professional standing.
The findings suggest a nuanced reality, urging aspiring African Americans to navigate
their careers with inspiration and diligence, yet with an acute awareness of the cautionary flags
woven into the fabric of organizational dynamics. The interviews unveiled a subtle “crab in the
bucket” mentality, reminding individuals that, regardless of social capital and mentorship, they
hold the reins to their destiny and success. The study serves as both a beacon of inspiration and a
call to vigilance for those striving to enact positive change within the tech industry.
Conclusion
This study delved into the journeys of Black men and women leaders in the technology
industry and examined their access to social capital and the possible difficulties they
encountered. The historical culture and environment of the technology industry have posed
challenges for African Americans. They have faced restricted access to sponsors, mentors,
influential networks, and opportunities for job opportunities progression and career

86
advancement. These obstacles have effectively excluded Black Americans from many of the
social frameworks and inner workings, such as team collaborations and decision-making. Due to
inadequate representation, discrimination disguised as a system of fair assessment,
microaggressions, biased attitudes, and delayed acknowledgment of these issues, African
Americans continue to feel isolated and unsupported in IT organizations. Conversations with a
targeted group of 10 experienced Black executives with a decade or more of practice provided
deep insights into their experiences. Assessed within the framework of SCT, the data
demonstrated that these individuals displayed resilience, a firm confidence in their abilities, selfawareness, and a determined approach to adeptly navigate through the barriers and complications
African Americans commonly face in the technology industry.
Moreover, the research reveals that in response to events like the tragic George Floyd
murder and other racial issues in the United States, numerous IT organizations intensified their
DEI efforts in 2020. However, a significant number of these programs have fallen short, failing
to improve Black representation and progression in the tech sector substantially. African
Americans remain among the most marginalized groups in this industry, facing a significant
disparity in opportunities compared to their White counterparts. DEI is more than just an
acronym; it entails cultivating a diverse organizational culture. Many companies have yet to
grasp the depth of systemic racism and biases. Only when this is comprehended can
organizations truly make substantial progress. Organizations and their leaders must foster an
environment that welcomes a culture of diversity so that every employee can thrive, perform at
their best, and be supported.

87
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Appendix A: Interview Protocol
Participant ID#: ____ Date of Interview: _______ Start Time:
________ End Time: ________
Type of Interview: Online Meeting ☐ Phone: ☐
Research Questions
1) How does social capital, including access to networks and mentorship, influence career
opportunities and progression, particularly in attaining C-level roles for Black professionals in
the IT industry?
2) What are the key internal and external factors affecting the access Black Americans have to
social capital in the IT industry, and how do they contribute to or hinder career advancement?
Table A1
Interview Protocol
Interview questions Potential probes
RQ
Addressed
Key concept
addressed
Demographic questions: age,
years in industry, highest
education completed.
Demographics
Can you describe how access to
networks and social ties has
affected your career trajectory
in the IT industry? Please
explain why.
Negatively or positive
examples
How has it played a role
in your current
executive position?
1 SCT, networks
In your experience, what barriers
or challenges have you faced
accessing and/or building
social capital in the IT
industry?
1 Barriers, SCT
As a Black executive, how have
you navigated and leveraged
your cultural identity within
the tech industry to build your
social capital? If not, why?
Has identity or race
harmed or prevented?
2 Intersectionality,
SCT

117
Interview questions Potential probes
RQ
Addressed
Key concept
addressed
Do you feel you are given equal
opportunities and
considerations for promotions
in your organization as White
colleagues? Please explain.
How were you
promoted?
Types of equality
experienced?
1
Can you describe a time when a
mentor or sponsor impacted
your career? Please explain. If
no mentor, pls explain.
Did you have a mentor?
Did you want one?
What was their race?
Probe if no mentor or
sponsor how this
affected career.
3 Mentorships,
SCT
From your experience or
observations, what internal
factors (within organizations
or communities) have either
helped or hindered access to
social capital for African
Americans in the technology
industry?
2 Socioeconomic,
SCT
Can you describe a time when a
mentor or sponsor impacted
your career? If not, do you feel
one would have helped?
Please explain.
Did you have a mentor?
Did you want one?
What was their race?
3 Mentorships,
SCT
Are there any specific strategies
or initiatives that your
organization has implemented
to help enhance social capital
for Black employees in the IT
industry? If so, could you
describe them and their
impact?
DEI efforts, ERG
groups?
1 SCT, DEI
Regarding your career
opportunities in tech,
including promotional
opportunities. How did you
hear about some of these
available job opportunities?
Probe for hiring practice,
specific social ties.
1 Social ties, SCT,
Network
What role do you believe the
educational system plays in
either supporting or hindering
African Americans’ access to
social capital in the technology
industry?
Personal experience,
HBCU, PWI, STEM
2 Education,
socioeconomic,
SCT

118
Interview questions Potential probes
RQ
Addressed
Key concept
addressed
Based on your success and
experience in IT, what are
some innovative approaches,
thoughts, or strategies you can
suggest to other African
Americans to build social
capital?
3 Resources,
programs, SCT
As a Black executive, what level
of allyship and advocacy
exists among your colleagues
when it comes to hiring or
promoting African
Americans? Can you provide
examples of how allies or
advocates supported DEI
efforts?
If No, please explain.
Biased attitudes, probe
DEI efforts, probe
colleague’s mindset
toward diversity
2 DEI, SCT
In your opinion, how do social
networks and mentorship
relationships contribute to
African American employees’
access to valuable resources,
opportunities, and information
that help them overcome
career advancement barriers in
the IT industry
3 Social ties, SCT
In your experience, how do
social networks and
mentorship opportunities
differ for African American
employees compared to their
counterparts in the IT
industry?
What unique challenges,
advantages, or experiences do
African American employees
encounter in developing and
utilizing these networks for
career advancement?
3 Mentorship,
SCT, networks

119
Appendix B: Interview Invitation Template
Dear XXXXXX,
I am extending a personal invitation for your participation in a private, 60-minute
interview. This interview is a crucial component of my research study, which is being conducted
to fulfill the requirements for my Doctor of Education degree in Organizational Change and
Leadership at the Rossier School of Education, University of Southern California.
My study focuses on Black professionals in the technology industry and how their access
or lack thereof to social capital (i.e., social ties, access to networks, mentorships/sponsorships)
affects their careers. The study aims to produce evidence-based information that leaders and
decision-makers can analyze to improve African American representation in the technology
industry.
This interview will be recorded via Zoom. All recordings, notes, and data will be
destroyed at the study’s conclusion. The discussion will be confidential; no identifying
information will be shared outside our dialog. I will use pseudonyms to maintain your
confidentiality, and all notes and data will be stored in a password-protected computer or filing
cabinet. This recording is solely for my personal use to capture your perspectives accurately and
will not be shared with others.
Your camera is required to be on during the interview. However, please know this
experience is voluntary, and you may opt out of participation at any time, even in the middle of
the interview.
I sincerely appreciate your consideration and support. Please let me know if you have any
questions.
Best regards,

120
Bryan Fields
Doctoral Student
University of Southern California
Phone: XXX-XXX-XXXX/ Email: XXXXX@usc.edu

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Asset Metadata

Creator Fields, Bryan (author)

Core Title The underrepresentation of African Americans in information technology: an examination of social capital and its impact on African Americans’ career success

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-12

Publication Date 11/30/2023

Defense Date 11/10/2023

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag African Americans,Black Americans,information technology,OAI-PMH Harvest,social capital,STEM,technology,underrepresented

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Datta, Monique (committee chair), Maddox, Anthony (committee member), Phillips, Stefanie (committee member)

Creator Email bryanfie@usc.edu,bryfields@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113781065

Unique identifier UC113781065

Identifier etd-FieldsBrya-12505.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-FieldsBrya-12505

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Fields, Bryan

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20231201-usctheses-batch-1110 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

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