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Black women leaders and critical sensemaking in the COVID-19 pandemic: a mixed methods study

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Black women leaders and critical sensemaking in the COVID-19 pandemic: a mixed methods study

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Content Black Women Leaders and Critical Sensemaking in the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Mixed
Methods Study
Andrea S. Douglas
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
December 2023

© Copyright by Andrea Douglas 2023
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Andrea Douglas certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Lawrence Picus
Danielle Dickens
Sydney Savion
Douglas Lynch, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

Abstract
Despite a strong labor participation rate, Black women still grapple with the harsh reality of low
wages and formidable obstacles obstructing their path into leadership roles. Structural racism,
entrenched poverty, caregiving responsibilities, and inequitable health outcomes collectively cast
a long shadow on the lives of Black women. Driven by deeply ingrained systemic racism
affecting multiple dimensions of their lives, COVID-19 pandemic’s impact on Black women has
been particularly pronounced, leading to sluggish reentry of Black women into the workforce
and compounding their marginalization. The core objective of this study was to examine how
Black women perceived their immediate and long-term career prospects, given the formidable
challenges they face.
This research study sought to examine how Black women navigate their aspirations for
leadership amidst the crisis. The guiding research questions delved into their lived experiences,
determined their resilience in maintaining their leadership ambitions, and compared qualitative
and quantitative data. The study confronts the disparities, prejudices, and unique challenges the
pandemic posed on the lives of Black women.
Theoretical frameworks, including intersectionality, critical sensemaking theory, and critical race
theory, served as vital analytical lenses and enabled a comprehensive understanding of these
multifaceted issues. A mixed methods approach further enhanced the robustness of the
conclusions drawn.
4

Acknowledgements
From a young age, a resolute desire burned within me to become a doctor, an ambition
that initially centered on diagnosing and healing patients. In retrospect, the foundation was being
laid for a more profound journey—a journey that would traverse the realms of knowledge and its
dissemination to the masses.
The evolution of this childhood yearning has culminated in the work I proudly present, a
body of work to fuel the ongoing discourse surrounding the empowerment of Black women
leaders within the American workplace. My journey has been woven with some of the same
challenges described, but this study has allowed me to transmute the traumas into a catalyst for
action. It has impelled me to provide unwavering support to fellow Black women and to assist
them in realizing their personal and professional aspirations. Together, we straighten each other’s
crowns, foster a sense of community, and march steadfastly towards our collective ambitions.
I owe my deepest thanks to my parents. My mother, despite being disabled since I was
five years old, demonstrates a tenacious resilience in the face of adversity. My late father, an
immigrant with limited formal education, radiated an entrepreneurial spirit that still lives on.
Their intricate balance of strength and determination, faith and affection, empathy, and
compassion, serves as the driving force propelling me to engage in the work that now consumes
me daily. To my family and friends—those dearest to my heart—who have stood by me during
the harshest storms, I extend my gratitude and share the fruits of this labor with you.
An unbreakable thread connects me to my ancestral lineage—a lineage that dared to
dream of a better existence. It is with gratitude I acknowledge the names of those who
envisioned a brighter future: Vernon Sandy, Evelyn Sandy, Aileen Jordan, and Eric Jordan.

I would like to thank my USC Cohort 16 family and the multitude of educators who
guided me, teaching me to trust the process. To my esteemed dissertation committee—Dr.
Danielle Dickens, Dr. Larry Picus, Dr. Sydney Savion, and Dr. Douglas Lynch—your support,
gentle nudges, and intellectual collaboration have been a wellspring of strength during this
journey. Particularly, I thank the guiding hand of my dissertation, Dr. Lynch, whose mentorship
has bestowed upon me a profound understanding of grace and space, a lesson I will forever
cherish.
Lastly, my heart swells with gratitude for my daughters. It is for them that I embarked on
this journey, hoping they never encounter a world where opportunities are unjustly barred. I
envision a world where they stand as catalysts for positive change. Morgan and Loren,
I hope you never lose your sense of wonder
You get your fill to eat but always keep that hunger
May you never take one single breath for granted
God forbid love ever leave you empty handed
I hope you still feel small when you stand beside the ocean
Whenever one door closes, I hope one more opens
Promise me that you’ll give faith a fighting chance
And when you get the choice to sit it out or dance.
I hope you dance. (Womack, 2000, stanza 1 )
I hope you dance with the world as your stage, and your footsteps reverberate with power
and boundless grace! Love you always!

Table of Contents
Abstract iv
Acknowledgements ii
List of Tables vii
List of Figures viii
Chapter One: Introduction of the Study 1
Context and Background of the Problem 1
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions 2
Importance of the Study 3
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology 3
Methodology 5
Definitions 6
Organization of the Dissertation 7
Chapter Two: Literature Review 8
Theoretical Background 8
Black Women Freedom Struggle 14
Black Women Educational and Career Experience 18
Leadership and Gender Difference 20
Barriers for Black Women in the Workplace 25
Coping With Race-Based Stress in the Workplace 30
COVID-19 Pandemic 32
Conceptual Framework 38
Literature Review Summary 40
Chapter Three: Methodology 42
Purpose of the Study 42

Research Questions 42
Research Design and Rationale 42
The Researcher 47
Data Sources 48
Validity and Reliability 58
Ethics 60
Limitations and Delimitations 60
Chapter Four: Findings 62
Review of Study Approach 62
Findings Related to Research Question 1 69
Findings for Research Question 2 75
Revisioning of Leadership Style and Goals 75
Career Leadership Resilience 80
The Superwoman Schema 82
Findings for Research Question 3 88
Summary 95
Chapter Five: Recommendations 96
Discussion of Findings 97
Recommendations for Practice 101
Limitations and Delimitations 111
Recommendations for Future Research 112
Conclusion 113
Appendix A: Survey Questions 147
Appendix B: Survey Outreach List 156
Appendix C: Intern Job Description 157

Appendix D: Outreach Letter 159
Appendix E: E-Blast Language 160
Appendix F: Interview Protocol 161
Respondent
Type 161
Introduction to the Interview 161
Interview Questions 162
Conclusion to the Interview 163

List of Tables
Table 1: Data Sources 48
Table 2: Demographics of Survey Participants 64
Table 3: Demographics of Qualitative Participants 66
Table 4: Workplace Dignity Scale Prior to the Pandemic 89
Table 5: Workplace Dignity Scale During the Pandemic 91
Table 6: Impact of COVID-19 on Personal Lives 93
Table 7: Summary of Mixed-Methods Finding 96
Table 8: Summary of Findings and Theoretical Implications 98
Appendix B: Survey Outreach List 156

List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 40
Figure 2: Impact of COVID-19 on Work 91

1
Chapter One: Introduction of the Study
Black women have the highest level of labor participation compared to other groups but
are more likely to work for poverty-level wages (Baber, 2016). Despite the progress made to
diversify the American workplace, Wingfield (2020) notes Black women face tougher obstacles,
making the pathway to leadership roles challenging. The COVID-19 pandemic widened the
disparity gap for Black women, as they experienced the slowest rate of labor reentry (Jones,
2021) since the onset of this health and economic crisis. With over $800 billion dollars in lost
wages for women globally, it is imperative to understand how Black women make sense of their
short- and long-term career outlook.
Context and Background of the Problem
This study was concerned with understanding the lived experiences of women who
identified with African diaspora populations, including African Americans, Afro-Caribbean, and
other populations who resided and worked within this country during the onset of the COVID-19
pandemic. The pandemic created a disproportionate impact on Black women, who were 4.3 more
likely to die from COVID-19 complications (Wise, 2020) due to the systemic racism in housing,
employment, and healthcare (Bibbins-Domingo, 2020).
Economically, Black women experienced seismic shifts in comparison to their peers
(Sawo, 2021). Sawo (2021) highlighted that during periods of economic stability Black women
consistently faced double the unemployment rate, resulting in them being the last to recover
during economic downturns. At the onset of the pandemic, data showcased significant job losses
for African American women (Holder et al., 2021) with delayed recovery for this group.

2
Structural racism has produced a society where a great portion of Black women live
below the federal poverty line, serve in frontline positions, are the primary caregivers, live in
urban, clustered communities, and have worse health outcomes compared to other racialized
groups (Mein, 2020).
Black women remain the most significant female minority group in the workforce
(Purdie-Vaughns and Eibach, 2008; Sales et al., 2020) but representation in the senior- or
executive-level positions remains paltry. Despite increased diversity and equity efforts in the
American workplace, Black women suffered from the greatest workplace discrimination
compared to any other group (Elliott & Smith, 2004). As a result, Black women fight for
credibility and acceptance (Holder et al., 2015), navigate historical stereotypes which seek to
diminish their roles (Beckwith & Peters, 2016), and grapple with belongingness and authenticity
in the workplace (Edwards, 2019).
The systemic and intersectional impact of racism has significantly affected Black
women’s employment outcomes, and by extension, their ability to occupy leadership positions.
Given the complexities of the COVID-19 pandemic, this research examined how Black women
made sense of critical cues to construct their leadership journeys during this crisis.
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
This study examined how Black women made sense of their leadership trajectories during
the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.
The following questions guided this research study:
1. What were the lived experiences of Black women seeking to become executive
leaders in the workplace?

3
2. In what ways did Black women make sense of their ability to persist in leadership
given the complexities of the COVID-19 health pandemic?
3. How did the qualitative data for Black women leaders during the COVID-19
pandemic compare with the quantitative outcome data?
Importance of the Study
Black women have historically struggled with inequalities in the workplace; the research
regarding microaggressions and workplace biases has been well documented. Black women have
been impacted by decreased job satisfaction and commitment, resulting in exacerbated inequities
that have contributed to disparities in hiring and promotion (Metinyurt et al., 2021; Sue et al.,
2019). The COVID-19 pandemic expanded gaps for women that had been closed and increased
inequalities, further widening disparities around pay equity and gender parity in the workplace
(Chandler et al., 2021).
The unique combination of the pandemic coupled with the existing representation gap of
Black women in the workplace requires further examination. This study sought to understand
how these interconnected complexities compare to those facing women of other groups. Finally,
this study sought to understand how Black women persisted in times of crisis and uncertainty,
and, more importantly, how they made meaning of their personal and professional experiences.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
The theoretical frameworks that guided this study included intersectionality, critical
sensemaking theory, and critical race theory.
Intersectionality
Intersectionality is a critical approach that examines the interconnectedness of social
categories (Atewologun, 2018). Crenshaw (1989) coined the term intersectionality to highlight

4
the treatment of African American women in the legal system, arguing that race, gender, and
social class were not mutually inclusive, and therefore, members within these groups navigated
unique oppressions. As a result, intersectionality further highlights that interlocking forms of
racism and oppression have created structural systems of inequality for multiple identities
(Atewologun, 2018; Else-Quest and Hyde, 2016; Hollis, 2018).
Central themes in the literature included threats of job loss, unfair demotions, and
insecure job longevity facing Black women in the workplace (Hollis, 2018; Lavayasse et al.,
2018). Hollis (2018) noted that the more complex intersectionality became, the greater the
presence of workplace biases (Hollis, 2018). Furthermore, intersectionality was positively
correlated with perceived job insecurities (Lavayasse et al., 2018). Given the intersecting
identities Black women hold, it is important to dismantle systems of power that create
inequalities in the workplace.
Critical Sensemaking
Weick’s sensemaking (1995) theory provided a glimpse into how sensemaking is derived
within organizations. Weick defined the process of meaning within an environment through
seven key factors, so leaders managed expectations within their settings. Helm Mills et al. (2010)
positioned sensemaking as the continuous approach to understanding meaning, which allowed
individuals to organize and understand organizational processes and outcomes. These factors
were best studied in times of uncertainty, where the layers of sensemaking were more readily
experienced.
Critical sensemaking goes a step further where identity development remains at the core.
Helm Mills et al. (2010) contended critical sensemaking gave rise to identity work and

5
development, examined how power and process operated to inform identity, and further defined
agency as individuals extract cues to make sense of their experiences.
The COVID-19 pandemic offered additional considerations for examination, given the
well-documented research regarding the mobility and representation gaps for Black women in
this country (Beckwith et al., 2016; Cirincione-Ulezi, 2020; Dickens, 2014; Rosette &
Livingston, 2012). Understanding Black women’s experiences in this new reality provided
further understanding on how Black women make sense of their identity and their ability to
persist in the workplace.
Critical Race Theory
Critical race theory (CRT) centers racism as endemic to society and states neutrality,
objectivity, color blindness, and meritocracy are factors that impede Black people in this country
(Freeman, 1978). Structures and policies are rooted in Whiteness and, as a result, delegitimize
Black people within society. One of the central tenets of CRT, according to Parsons (2017), is
that societal change occurs when the interests of Black and White people converge.
Within this lens, research extends CRT to individual factors, such as Decuir-Gunby and
Gunby’s (2016) work, which demonstrated bias has a direct correlation on job satisfaction.
Workplace environments are critical to an employee’s life, given the time individuals spend in
the workplace and they can facilitate or inhibit the growth and development of the employee
(Tiwari & Sharma, 2019). A fuller understanding of workplace incivility and dignity can help
researchers identify critical pathways to transform the racial stratification within the workplace.
Methodology
A concurrent, phenomenological design was utilized for this study to support the
collection of both qualitative and quantitative data in the same phase. Mixed methods research

6
(MMR) provided the opportunity to bolster the study’s conclusion and support validity of the
research questions designed (Schoonenboom & Johnson, 2017). Moreover, a transformative
paradigm further guided this study and provided greater context for understanding the uneven
power relationships at the core of more significant social issues (Greene, 2008). Through this
inclusionary design, rapport building, and trust were critical to support participants, which met
the transformative paradigm’s axiological, ontological, and epistemological assumptions.
Definitions
Androcentrism
Androcentrism refers to a form of gender bias that prioritizes male experience and
renders the female experience as inferior (Bailey et al., 2019).
Concrete Wall
The concrete wall is a barrier or impediment to prestigious and highly visible roles, often
experienced by Black women (Ray & Davis, 1988).
Imposter Syndrome
Imposter syndrome are feelings of low-self-esteem and efficacy in women, people of
color, and underrepresented populations, producing a feeling of inferiority (Clance & Imes,
1978).
Intersectional Invisibility
Intersectional invisibility is a type of invisibility that leads to the inability to be fully
recognized as a member of a constituent group (Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008).
Microaggressions

7
Microaggressions refer to subtle and consistent verbal, behavioral, and environmental
expressions of oppression based on intersectionality, which can be received as intentional or
unintentional (Sue et al., 2007).
Stereotype Threat
Stereotype threat is the concept of proving belongingness in a racialized space (Edwards,
2019).
Visibility
Visibility refers to the degree to which marginalized people are recognized by other
groups and the subsequent treatment marginalized people face due to this recognition (Settles et
al., 2018, p. 2).
Organization of the Dissertation
This dissertation consists of five chapters. Chapter One introduced the work, the impact
of the COVID-19 pandemic on Black women, the purpose of the study, and provided information
regarding the research questions guiding the study. Chapter Two reviewed the literature,
discussing the problem and providing further insights into the theoretical frameworks of
intersectionality, critical sensemaking, and critical race theory to understand the challenges and
barriers that persist for Black women in the workplace. Chapter Three provided insights on the
methodology of this mixed methods study, focusing on the sample, collection, data analysis, and
factors that ensured the reliability and validity of the research. Chapter Four outlined the key
findings of the concurrent study and helped converge both the qualitative and quantitative data.
Chapter Five concluded the study, shared the findings in both datasets, and provided
transformative interventions to tackle this critical work.

8
Chapter Two: Literature Review
While the representation of women increased in the workplace, the pathways for upward
mobility for Black women have remained unclear. The COVID-19 pandemic introduced and
exacerbated new factors widening the representation gap for Black women. This study examined
how Black women made sense of career and leadership trajectories during the pandemic. The
chapter examined oppressive systems, their connection to the workplace, and provided context
for the contributing factors that undermined Black women and their leadership development in
the workplace. Additionally, the chapter delved into the theoretical frameworks, guided
discussion on how Black women have navigated complexities around race and gender and
examined how systems of power have contributed to discrimination in the workplace.
Theoretical Background
To understand the literature, three frameworks have been selected to ground and center
this study. Each provides a lens to understand the complexities Black women navigate in the
workplace.
Intersectionality
Coined by Kimberlè Crenshaw, intersectionality is a Black feminist epistemological
framework that unearths, disrupts, and transforms the social sciences to examine the domination
of systems and the convergence of structural realities that create systems of oppression (Haynes
et al., 2020). While contemporary research has considered how intersectionality manifests in the
workplace (Atewologun, 2018; Else-Quest & Hyde, 2016; Hollis, 2018), the concept dates back
to the mid-19th century when Sojourner Truth spoke at the 1851 Ohio Women’s Rights
Convention (Cole, 2009; Collins, 2000). Contemporary feminists such as Audre Lorde, Angela
Davis, and bell hooks advanced the conversation on how classism, racism, and sexism coupled

9
with various movements converged, which has placed Black women at the bottom of the racial
hierarchy (Haynes et al., 2020).
Through her writings, Crenshaw influenced the Black feminist legal and philosophical
tradition and examined how various social identities such as race, gender, class, sexual
orientation, and disability intersect with individual experiences to create privilege and oppression
at a structural level (Crenshaw, 1989; Haynes et al., 2020).
Moreover, the author framed Black women’s experiences as vastly different from how
feminist and antiracist policies define gender and race. Therefore, Black women continue to
experience further marginalization. For instance, women face a significant pay wage gap when
compared to White men, but Black women earn less than both White men and women (Weber,
2021). Juxtaposing Black and White women’s experiences has diminished the broader struggle
for pay equity for Black women in this country.
Mere inclusion in the conversation does not address the unique circumstances faced by
Black women and, as Crenshaw (1989, 1991) highlighted, data that excludes these unique
experiences provide inauthentic solutions to address their unique circumstances. Solutions must
consider the obstacles that Black women face specific to their race, gender, and class.
Intersectionality theory provides a multi-dimensional approach to deconstruct and
decenter the power of privileged social identities (i.e., Whites, males, wealthy, etc.) to recenter
on the most marginalized within society. Spivak (2012) assessed qualitative research and the role
the center and margins play in learning about the experiences of vulnerable populations. As such,
researchers would benefit from placing the marginalized in the center and force the privileged
group to remain on the outskirts or the margins of research. By ignoring the most marginalized, a
“single-axis” construction can develop and lead to the eventual erasure of the Black women’s

10
experience (Crenshaw, 1991). Therefore, shifting Black women to the center will allow for
authentic and essential dialogue to better shape and inform interventions.
Intersectional research further highlights the importance of how power is formed in
society and how subordination manifested for groups. Haynes et al. (2020) reflected that
intersectionality forced a conversation around atrocities whereby the lives, health, and well-being
of Black people are disregarded by decision-makers exercising privilege. Therefore, as
Mackinnon (2013) noted, intersectionality has brought into fuller view the details that allowed
dominating systems to converge. By exploring these forces, intersectionality has provided more
complex ways to draw out the experiences that produce points of intersection
and illuminate areas where “intersectional subordination” (Haynes et al., 2020, p. 725) occur.
Considering the uneven impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on Black women, this
research provides a nuanced exploration of how the intersection of race and gender shape Black
female leaders and how they navigate meaning within crisis and uncertainty.
Critical Sensemaking
Sensemaking provides a framework to interpret unknown circumstances allowing
individuals to plan for action (Weick et al., 2005). Weick framed sensemaking as a process to
support identity construction whereby ongoing cues are contemplated to make plausible
meanings of social environments (Thurlow & Helms Mills, 2009; see also Weick, 1995).
Weick’s model of sensemaking refined over time but stemmed from his criticism of
traditional models of organizations that focused heavily on outcomes. Derived from the tenets of
the social psychology of organizing, Weick’s present-day model morphed from the process of
understanding organizational outcomes to assessing the social-psychological processes of
behavior (Mills, 2003).

11
Often utilized in rapidly changing environments, sensemaking works to understand
organizational and individual cues (Snook, 2012). Kolko (2010) has suggested that sensemaking
is a constant process of acquisition, reflection, and action providing an integrative experience to
understand the world. Additionally, Weick (1995) posited individuals form conscious and
unconscious assumptions based on the cues in their environment. These assumptions shift to
predictors of the future as individuals work to understand the meaning of the world around them.
Simply, as meaning construction occurs from past experiences, individuals who see these
situations as meaningful utilized them as best practices for future situations.
Conversely, Ancona (2012) defined sensemaking as an individual navigating new, and
often chaotic and complex situations, and formulating new techniques to understand and resolve
the situation. Individuals deciphered meaning through unusual circumstances, particularly when
directly impacted by specific decisions (Rothausen et al., 2017). Furthermore, these
circumstances allowed the individual to reflect on the situations to further create meaning and
support action (Vough et al., 2020).
Weick (1995) wrote that a critical component of sensemaking is the continuous
clarification of situations, whereby individuals are constantly uncovering the nature of the
situation. Identity construction is at the core of critical sensemaking, and as Thurlow and Helms
Mills (2009) posited, shapes individual understanding. For example, Black women relegated to
the margins of an organization may grapple with their own social identity, and in the process,
shape understanding of their value within the workplace hierarchy. Therefore, critical
sensemaking demonstrates how organizational rules can set norms around power and privilege
within an organization, and negatively impact individual actors. For Black women, the constant
negotiation of working in precarious situations and exclusion from leadership opportunities can

12
activate sensemaking processes to contemplate “tenuous work arrangements, turnover intentions,
premature departure, or stagnation in low-level occupations” (McCluney & Rabelo, 2019, p.
145).
More broadly, sensemaking in crisis, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, adds a layer of
fear, anxiety, shame, and anger, leaving individuals without the ability to construct meaning,
creating a sense of fragility and vulnerability (Picione et al., 2021). As a result, sensemaking
processes for Black women during COVID-19 may have been at odds as they deconstructed
meaning about the crisis and their own sustainability in the workplace.
Critical Race Theory
Born out of the need to further understand and address the concerns of White supremacy
and the subordination of marginalized communities, critical race theory (CRT) scholars sought
to understand how civil rights discourse disproportionately impacted Black Americans (Brown
& Jackson, 2013). Legal scholars grappled with balancing the gains made during the civil rights
era and the subsequent rollbacks experienced within the community that surfaced with new and
institutionalized forms of racism (Delgado & Stefanic, 2013).
Early conversations centered on critical legal studies, which underscored the lack of
neutrality and objectiveness within the legal system and, as Brown and Jackson (2013) noted,
“served and legitimized an oppressive social order” (p. 33). Freeman (1978) offered that
objectivity extended to the justice system’s approach to racism, oftentimes ruling in favor of
racist ideology. As a result, CRT emerged to contextualize racism within these social systems,
raise awareness of these issues, and further demonstrate the lack of solutions to advance the
needs of Black people in this country.

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Over time, there have been various shifts within CRT from deciphering structural forms
of racism to, more recently, thinking about race rotating from the outskirts to center (Parsons,
2017). Despite the debates, there are five key themes centering this work:
1. Racism is at endemic levels where scholars are concerned with the experiences and
the social existence of members from marginalized communities (Brown & Jackson,
2013).
2. Neutrality, objectivity, color blindness, and meritocracy are contributing factors to the
racial hierarchies that continue to impede Black people in this country (Parsons,
2017).
3. Experiences must consider the critical, historical moments that help shape the present
and future outcomes. Parsons (2017) noted policies have centered on Whiteness,
thereby delegitimizing Black people, and change occurs when the interests of White
and Black people align.
4. Black people’s experiences and voices are magnified through counternarratives and
storytelling (Parsons, 2017).
5. Racism is a normal part of everyday life and only by taking the necessary steps to end
racism in all domains (Parsons, 2017) can conditions improve and a just society be
created (Cabrera, 2018).
Decuir-Gunby and Gunby (2016) extended their analysis of the tenets of CRT to the
individual level, specifically looking at how the permanence of racism impacts individuals in
their workplaces. Similarly, this study extended the theoretical frameworks of intersectionality,
sensemaking, and CRT to examine the underrepresentation of Black women in leadership during

14
the COVID-19 pandemic, and further examined the social oppression they experience, which is
indicative of the structural racial injustices this country is built on (Byrd, 2012).
Black Women Freedom Struggle
Racism, ingrained in the Black experience, is the primary driver that has limited
representation and accessibility for Black women in corporate America (Budig et al., 2021).
White male dominance (Chun & Evans, 2016), the concrete ceiling (Baxter-Nuamah, 2015), and
the intersection of race and gender (Crenshaw, 2012; Woods-Giscombe, 2010) have created
perceived and actual biases. More importantly, historical underpinnings have fueled modern
forms of racism that have often been less visible and harder to detect (Thomas et al., 2014).
Shedding light on these forms of racism will help make visible the harms experienced by Black
women in the workplace and further situate the adversity they experienced in the face of the
COVID-19 health pandemic.
Race Ideology
Race ideology in America began during the late 17th century with the legalization of
slavery of Africans. However, the idea of racism was rooted in European capitalistic enterprise
as early as the 15th century, when White Europeans created racial labels to maintain the
economic system of slavery (Allen, 2012).
As James (2001) noted, the colonization of Africa laid the groundwork for how racism
unfolded in this country. Residents of English colonies utilized social controls such as the ethnic
cleansing of Indigenous people to create a racial hierarchy (James, 2001). The “White” label
grew out of the need to distinguish Europeans from non-European residents, ensuring the
exclusion of some from upward social mobility or new social status (Lavalley & Johnson, 2020).

15
Furthermore, Hall (1993) wrote that categorizing Africans as “Black” signified their lack of
souls, a vivid contrast to how Europeans measured themselves.
By the 18th century, a racial hierarchy bloomed that ranked European Whites, Native
Americans, and African slaves (Allen, 1994; Smedley, 1999). Although other groups would
immigrate to America in the 19th century, the most critical criterion of status has been the
continued racial distinction between Black and White people in this country (Massey, 2001;
Smedley, 1999). This duality has been the bedrock for American racism and, as Hall (1993)
wrote, it is rooted in “binary opposition” between these two racial groups (p. 108).
James (2001) concluded objects and their opposing objects are measured together, such
as night and day, the colors black and white, or male and female. Through this binary
classification of race, newer definitions have evolved to create more contemporary meaning, or
“chains of classification” (James, 2001, p. 237), to form a new standard of Whiteness.
As a result, Tate (2003) noted society formed perceptions based on labels fueling racist
ideology and oppression that led to the exclusion of Black people from accessing quality
healthcare, schools, housing, and employment. The White label meant superior, civilized, and
free, while the Black label meant heathens, inferior, and unfree. As a result, “the possessive
investment in Whiteness allowed White Americans to remain true to an identity
that provided them with resources, power, and opportunity” (Lipsitz, 2018, p. vii) and further
expanded their distribution of wealth in this country. Predictably, Black women given their lower
rungs in society have fewer resources, power, and authority post-slavery.
Racism is grounded in the “historical and contemporary social processes that shape the
emergence, spread, and evolution of race thinking” (Morning, 2012, p. 446). Encoded everyday
norms ensure that Whiteness remains superior, while Blackness is rendered inferior or a threat.

16
Due to these factors, companies may hesitate to appoint Black women to more prestigious
opportunities, given perceptions of inferiority and lack of competence (Holder et al., 2015). As a
result, Black women have experienced various conditions of invisibility in the workplace that
hinder their professional career pathways.
American racism has advantaged White Americans, helping them to gain legitimacy,
respect, and opportunity (Bell, 2021; Tatum, 1997). Conversely, racism has disadvantaged Black
women; their credibility has been undermined, access and opportunities have been limited, and
authority and agency have been constantly questioned (Holder et al., 2015). White advantage
emerges from Black disadvantage, where White Americans remain profitable in a society divided
by race (Lipsitz, 2018). This race division, according to Roberts and Rizzo (2021), has ensured
that White Americans have the power to establish “societal norms, achieve goals, give orders,
control resources, and dominate and exploit others” (p. 480) in social and cultural hierarchies.
Occupational Segregation
Under the conditions of slavery, Black women’s labor and reproduction were exploited as
a source of capital gain that benefited White men. Post-Emancipation, while their labor
participation was exponentially higher than White women (Goldin, 1977), Black women
occupied positions of unskilled labor due to the institutionalized racism against Black men (Bell,
1992). Employment opportunities deemed inferior provided fewer opportunities for growth and
higher wages. These opportunities were characterized as domestic and agricultural labor, which
were the primary economic positions made available to Black women post-slavery. This
structural imbalance reinforced a racist ideology of Black women’s work in domestic capacities
(Davis, 1983) and bolstered a racialized and gendered hierarchy (Branch, 2018), further
diminishing Black women’s accessibility to better professional outcomes.

17
Distanced from leadership and professional opportunities, Black women historically have
been on the lower rungs of employment. Over the decades, Black women have faced periods of
economic downturn marked by higher unemployment rates, wage reversal, and displacement to
make room for White workers (Goldin, 1977; Margo; 1993; Sundstrom,
1992). Overrepresentation in the lowest segments of such industries as public administration,
manufacturing, retail, education, and health services continue today. Additionally, Black women
are overrepresented in part-time and temporary work to make room for family
obligations (Grant-Vallone & Ensher, 2010), which has resulted in decreased economic
opportunities.
Recent studies, such as Alonso-Villar and del Río (2017), highlighted that
occupational segregation for Black women remained consistent since 1990, and while
differentiation existed for Black women with college degrees, wages remained much
lower than their counterparts. Occupational segregation ensured power remained with privileged
groups, thereby maintaining a system of disadvantage for Black women (Holder et al.,
2021). This discrimination manifested itself in discrete ways making pathways to leadership
challenging.
Today, American society has continued to be androcentric (male-centered) and
ethnocentric (White-centered) (Thomas et al., 2014, p. 370), and, as an extension, so have many
American workplaces. Organizations have delineated power based on proximity to Whiteness,
often at the expense of marginalized communities (Rabelo et al., 2021). Wingfield and Alston
(2014) highlighted how the workplace perpetuates inequality through structural discrimination,
queues, employer hiring standards, and preferences that formed racial disparities. As a result,
racism established power and authority for the dominant group (Stewart & Gachago, 2020).

18
Black women have unique perspectives, given their membership in two identity groups,
and presence in competitive and complex global markets (Holder et al., 2015). Research must
account for their authentic, lived experiences to understand how to increase their presence in
senior and executive roles (Byrd, 2012).
Black Women Educational and Career Experience
Black women represented the most significant female minority group in the American
workforce (Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008; Sales et al., 2020) but remained grossly
underrepresented in leadership throughout the country. As an illustration, 10% of
women currently hold CEO spots on the Fortune 500 list, which ranks America’s largest
companies, but only three Black women have graced this list in its 67-year history; two reached
this milestone in 2021 (Hinchliffe, 2021). Therefore, less than 1% of Black women have held the
top position of all Fortune 500 CEO slots (Roepe, 2021).
Despite the growing diversification of the workforce, Black women’s representation at
the executive leadership level has remained paltry due to the disadvantages of racism and
structural oppression (Cooper et al., 2012; Ely et al., 2011; Holder et al., 2015). Moreover, Elliott
and Smith (2004) have noted Black women suffer from the greatest workplace discrimination
compared to other racialized groups.
While gaps exist for Black women ascending into leadership roles, they continue to
outpace other female groups in their pursuit of educational degrees (Reynolds-Dobbs et al.,
2008). Since the 1970s, the rate of Black women earning bachelor’s degrees has increased by
55%, while graduate and post-graduate degrees soared to 219% (Holder et al., 2015). Higher
education offered the ability to increase status and social capital. That is, access to higher
education provided individuals the opportunity to lessen disadvantage or mitigate the effects of

19
race, class, and gender (Kerckhoff, 1995; Knottnerus, 1987; Sewell & Haller, 1969; Sewell &
Hauser, 1975). Yet, research demonstrated the opposite, that Black women have been left on the
outskirts.
A recent Georgetown Center of Education report highlighted White Americans’
attendance at the nation’s 468 most selective colleges and universities within the country has led
to continued investment and competitive advantage for post-graduate education and economic
opportunities (Carnevale & Strohl, 2013). Conversely, Black women attending these elite schools
have had different experiences, and as Bell (1992) noted, Black women often must challenge the
norms to legitimize their earned degrees. As a result, Black female graduates earn two million
dollars less over their lifetimes and suffer from the loss of personal and social capital (Carnevale
& Strohl, (2013) in the pursuit of higher education.
Research by Winkle-Wagner and Nelson (2009) produced similar findings, noting that
college-educated Black women have experienced disadvantages compared to White males, and
were not afforded the same upward mobility. Incidentally, Black women experienced the largest
pay gaps at every educational level in comparison to their counterparts (Budig et al., 2021),
where a Black woman holding an advanced degree earned less than a White man with a
bachelor’s degree.
Mandel and Semyonov (2016) concluded rising inequalities in the workplace
significantly contributed to the increased gap seen in racial wage data. A primary reason for this
difference is Black women have been overrepresented at the bottom of their workplace
hierarchies while White men have remained at the top.
While the gender educational gap narrowed over the years for Black women (Roux,
2021), many will not reap the rewards of their educational investment. Mandel and Semyonov’s

20
(2016) study found White men and women received increased benefits for their education,
regardless of the educational convergence seen in recent years. However, despite their
achievements, Black women must continue to pursue higher levels of education, participate in
lengthier work experiences, and present strong work attachment to their companies (Maume,
2004) for promotion considerations.
Furthermore, the bias experienced in the workplace limited Black women’s ability to
climb the leadership ladder and obtain support needed to advance their careers. As a result,
workplaces continued to stratify race decision-making power held by White males with Black
women having little access to this power (Adesaogun et al., 2015). These racialized and gendered
practices surfaced in workplace culture, produced race-based stress, and created systems of
disadvantage for Black women impacting their opportunities and well-being.
Leadership and Gender Difference
Although Black women desire advancement within their careers, organizational culture
may constrain their ascension to leadership. For every 100 men promoted or hired in the
workplace, 64 Black women received the same treatment, although the rate of asking for
promotions remained constant for both groups (Leanin.org, 2020). A gap exists for Black women
as they ascend at each level of the corporate ladder, leaving fewer Black women for leadership
consideration. Those women who are fortunate to get closer to the upper echelons of
management typically will discontinue their pursuit due to growing frustration and
disempowerment (Meyerson & Fletcher, 2000).
While gender diversity produced positive business growth (Chanland & Murphy, 2018)
and leadership is critical for growth and competitiveness (Avolio, 2011), institutional barriers,
stereotypes, and discrimination are primary contributors to lack of diversification in corporate

21
leadership. Taken together, these factors create a concrete wall impeding growth opportunities
for Black women in the workplace.
White male dominance can be seen throughout the leadership ranks of many corporations
(Koenig et al., 2011), and dates back to the early teaching of the great man theory of leadership
(Caryle, 1841), which posited effective leadership was a result of the innate abilities of
influential men who ascended to power. Later conceptualized as trait research, scholars dissected
key characteristics of leadership, such as intelligence, education, and health to define how certain
men catapulted to leadership success.
Historically, as Mouton (2019) wrote, White men were depicted as forward-thinking
visionary geniuses, depictions that are still prevalent in society and create “social feminine
inferiority perceptions” (Kaifi et al., 2014, p. 32) for women striving to become leaders in
today’s workplace. Moreover, these characterizations discounted the contributions of women and
people of color (Mouton, 2019), thereby maintaining barriers for Black women.
Shifting away from trait leadership theories, leadership theories centered on the female
experiences began gaining popularity as the workplace diversified (Adams & Funk,
2012; Northouse, 2019). Key questions about gender-based leadership styles and effectiveness in
managing others began to surface (Chemers, 2014; Northouse, 2019).
Early research concluded women lacked leadership qualities to hold managerial
positions (Deal and Stevenson, 1998) forcing them into less visible roles. Current research,
however, has added to the growing debate about the existence of minor differences between men
and women leaders. Chemers (2014) noted women have far more advanced leadership qualities
than men. Pounder and Coleman’s (2002) study focused on the collaborative relationship
building that is characteristic of female leadership. Despite women possessing successful

22
leadership qualities, gender perceptions and stereotypes have inhibited their increased growth
and development in the workplace.
Social Factors and Gender Difference
There have been numerous approaches to understanding gender differences in society.
Deaux (1984) highlighted three specific approaches to understanding gender difference and its
construction in social settings. These included gender difference as a demographic identity (male
versus female), a psychological construct (where masculinity, femininity, or androgyny and their
defining characteristics equated to difference), or a social construct where perceptions of gender
difference comprised social categories. These social categories constituted a larger social
structure where unequal social status existed (Seo et al., 2017). Seo also noted within the social
structure status levels influenced performance and set the standard for perceived leadership
competencies, which conceivably is a factor impacting Black women leaders.
House (1981) added to the research on gender difference by including cultural and
structural variations to these social categories. Specifically, House (1981) recognized gender
difference intertwined social relationships and positional power within the social structure. More
importantly, these social categories influenced the bias, perceptions, and expectations of all
involved (Chemers, 2014), thereby perpetuating stereotypes in social structures, such as the
workplace.
Generalities regarding who men and women are as individuals versus gender perceptions
have been the primary driver in gender difference research (Coman, 2016, p. 152). Perceptions
are driven by descriptive beliefs that focus on the typical characteristics of men and women, and
prescriptive beliefs, which focus on the ideal qualities of these groups (Burgess & Borgida, 1999;
Eagly & Karau, 2002). These descriptive and prescriptive perceptions existed in various

23
employment settings and disadvantaged individuals based on their gender group (Heilman,
2012).
Typically, when leadership became part of the discussion on gender difference, women
were typified as the caregivers, and men characterized as go-getters (Hoyt, 2010). From an early
age, boys and girls learned gender-based behavioral patterns. Activities socialized boys to
espouse qualities to increase confidence, agency, and self-esteem, whereas motherly and
nurturing qualities remained the standard for girls. Increasingly, men displayed agentic qualities
synonymous with leadership and increased autonomy, confidence, power, and aggression (Elman
et al., 2018). In contrast, communal qualities, stereotypically aligned to women and drawing
upon sympathy, compassion, and nurture, are all mapped to subordinate roles in the workplace
(Elman et al. 2018; Thoman & Zelin, 2020). Given these points, women operated within a
domestic capacity while men were on the outskirts (Elman et al., 2018) of this social
construction.
Behavioral Factors and Gender Difference
When translated to the workplace, women typically held more service-oriented roles
versus the more competitive roles held by men (Lippa et al., 2014), primarily based on agentic
and communal perceptions. Moreover, these perceptions determined the effectiveness of leaders
and served as determining factors for advancement and promotability (Eagly & Carli, 2003;
Eagly & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001). As women sought leadership roles, they defined whether
they adopted behaviors that conflicted with the gender roles and qualities ascribed in the larger
society.
Agentic behaviors perpetuated stereotypes and resulted in discriminatory practices in the
workplace. Singularly, White men were associated with leadership effectiveness; and traits or

24
behaviors opposite this standard were a mismatch for good leadership (Eagly & Carli, 2007).
Women who adopted agentic behaviors, often displayed by White men, were outside the norms
displayed in society and the workplace, which resulted in fewer promotional considerations
(Rudman & Glick, 1999, 2001), negative performance evaluations (Heilman & Chen, 2005), and
criticism from colleagues (Heilman & Okimoto, 2007). Heilman (2012) concluded the greater
the perceived lack of fit within the workplace, the more negative the outcomes.
Gender Difference and Leadership Emergence
Preconceived notions of women in the workplace hindered them from obtaining
leadership roles. Bandura et al. (2018), in their analysis of gender and leadership emergence,
cited gaps due to the undervaluing of communal traits often displayed by women in the
workplace. Relying upon their gender-based perceptions, employees often evaluated their leaders
on the presence of their agentic and communal qualities to determine their leadership
effectiveness (Hoffman & Hurst, 1990). Studies indicated employees preferred leaders who were
typical of their group, resulting in increased trust and a more robust group dynamic when this
occurred (Giessner et al., 2009).
These leaders espoused values, behaviors, and attitudes that influence employees’
performance (Kalshoven & den Hartog, 2011). Typicality, however, remained the basis for social
stereotypes, where social groups perceived specific traits that perpetuated bias (Krueger et al.,
2003).
Individuals acted upon their own perceptions regarding leadership, which influenced
stereotypical, consensually shared behaviors against others on the margins (Sechrist & Stangor,
2001; Stangor & Lange, 1994). The outcome has been even more restricted for Black women
and members of intersecting outgroups, who confronted stereotypes of both race and gender, and

25
who are often deemed less credible given their status (Smith et al., 2019). As such, Livingston et
al. (2012) hypothesized Black women leaders faced a double burden and have been judged more
negatively than their counterparts.
Although there have been advancements in the literature, traditional leadership
approaches neutralized racial and gender differences (Showunmi, 2021). For this reason, Parker
(2001) suggested leadership discourse should focus on the leadership perspectives of African
American women, recognizing the diversity of their leadership and the intersectional
complexities these women experience in the workplace.
Barriers for Black Women in the Workplace
Numerous factors impacted Black women in the workplace and had significant
implications on how they perceived their own identities (Spates et al., 2020). As such, it is
important to examine barriers to gain further insight into how to support their career
development, particularly in the aftermath of the COVID-19 virus.
Gender Stereotypes, Gaps, and Inequalities
Black women have been treated as nonhumans lacking emotions or vulnerabilities and
have often been perceived as the antithesis of femininity (Bell, 1992). Therefore, “Black women
are targeted at the intersection of race and gender: too feeble, temperamental, and discordant to
be Black, yet too crass, disrespectable, and self-sufficient to be women” (Davis & Jones, 2021, p.
306). Coined by Essed (1991) as gendered racism, this paradigm has explored the
intersectionality of racism and sexism as manifested through the marginalization of experience,
legitimizing oppressive structures, and lack of response to reactions of oppression.

26
These experiences have been based on stereotypes of Black women’s existence, reducing
them to physical characteristics (Lewis & Neville, 2015), rather than the value and merit they
bring to the workplace.
Accordingly, the Rabelo et al. (2021) study highlighted Black women must conform to
White standards normalized in the workplace or face retaliation when perceived as
noncompliant. Facial expressions, tones, emotions, and beauty standards evaluated in White
spaces and often left Black women to shift so as not to perpetuate stereotypes about their race
and gender.
Aside from dealing with the pressures of balancing agentic perceptions in the workplace,
Black women have struggled with overcoming typical stereotypes associated with their race and
gender (Cirincione-Ulezi, 2020; Sales et al., 2020). Navigating these complexities meant Black
women fought for credibility and acceptance in White spaces (Holder et al., 2015;
Reynolds-Dobbs et al., 2008; Sales et al., 2020).
Historically, Black women were characterized as jezebels or hypersexualized since
slavery to legitimize the terror and trauma inflicted on Black women’s bodies; welfare moms,
which relegated Black women to fraudulent activity; mammies, whose sole responsibility is to be
perpetual caretakers catering to everyone’s needs; and the sapphire or strong
Black woman, known to be loud, sassy, and opinionated.
In the workplace, stereotypes diminished the role of Black women due to the policies,
processes, and cultural norms initiated in these spaces (Beckwith & Peters, 2016). As a result,
Black women expressed feeling “cornered, compared, conditioned, and controlled”(Rabelo et al.,
2021, p. 1852) by this pervasive standard of Whiteness and leadership.
Strong Black Women Schema

27
Deeper exploration found Black women embraced certain stereotypes in social settings,
particularly leveraging the ability to be strong amid adversity (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003).
The strong Black women schema (SBW), as Liao et al. (2020) wrote, is an identity characterized
by strength and caregiving, whereby Black women faced obstacles with limited resources and
were often left to deal with the stress alone. Reynolds-Dobb et al. (2008) added that professional
Black women who identified with this schema were articulate, extremely talented, and capable of
taking on larger bodies of work. Taken together, the SBW image has had numerous benefits such
as increased self-esteem and confidence but, conversely, could be oppressive, leading to mental
distress.
The idea of Black women’s strength, according to Beauboeuf-Lafontant (2003) research,
manifested in the post-slavery era to “counteract negative societal characterizations” amidst
exploitation and oppression (Woods-Giscombe, 2010, p. 669). The concept of strength
transformed into the SBW (Lewis et al., 2013), serving as a protective measure (Holder et al.,
2015) to suppress the emotional strain of dealing with multiple stressors often in isolation
(Knighton et al., 2020, p.4). However, this stereotype has had its own drawbacks, and research
has begun to recognize its contradictory nature and further explore its functionality (David and
Jones, 2021).
In Liao et al.’s (2020) study of 222 participants, the authors concluded when Black
women internalized the SBW schema, they were more likely to suffer from depression, isolation,
and be highly self-critical of their actions. Additionally, the authors concluded Black women
deprioritized their own emotions while prioritizing others’ needs, leaving these women with the
inability to cope with their realities.

28
In the workplace, however, the strong woman persona has led to the characterization of
Black women as loud or angry, resulting in more negativity from observers (Motro et al., 2021).
For these reasons, Black women have become less vocal, knowing their voices are deemed as the
problem rather than solution for an underlying issue. Cirincione-Ulezi (2020) wrote that
aggressive or more agentic behaviors displayed in the workplace can further damage one’s
credibility.
As a result, Black women juggled the notion of inadequacy or imposter syndrome (Nadal
et al., 2021) when evidence and performance show otherwise. Working to prove their value,
Black women struggled to gain respect in the workplace (Lewis et al., 2016). In addition, they
grappled with constantly demonstrating their belongingness, which further undermined
performance and limited advancement (Nadal et al., 2021).
Belongingness and Workplace Dignity
Often perceived as intellectually inferior or lacking management capabilities, Black
women were unviewed or unacknowledged in professional capacities (Jones & Norwood, 2016).
They had to disprove initial assumptions about their competence (Torres et al., 2010) and
potentially faced isolation and tokenism in the workplace.
Visibility, or lack thereof, shaped experiences or created tensions regarding
whether Black women felt a sense of belongingness in the workplace. Given visibility is
gendered or racialized, Whiteness and maleness prevail, leaving Black women to be measured
and evaluated against different standards in the workplace. McCluney and Rabelo
(2019) proposed Black women encountered various stages of visibility within the workplace,
which has a direct correlation to power.

29
Depersonalization, such as ignoring, devaluing, misinterpreting, or failing to recognize
their individuality (Bell, 1992; Rabelo et al., 2021) continued to demonstrate Black women have
a lack of power and privilege. As a result, workplace dignity, which allowed for full participation
without a system of bias, was hindered and led to inequalities in the workplace (Davis & Jones,
2021).
Invisibility in the workplace signaled Black women are “marginalized members within
marginalized groups” (Purdue-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008, p.381), creating multiple layers that
impacted their ability to be promoted, seek leadership opportunities, and gain credibility. Settles
et al. (2018) utilized the term “outsiders” to identify individuals who lacked authority and
credibility in leadership. As Rosette et al. (2016) stated outsiders may have multiple intersecting
identities rendering them as illegitimate or non-representative of the leadership group. Black
women were atypical of the White masculine social leader identity synonymous with leadership
in the workplace. As such, their multiple identities led Black women to go uncategorized and
unnoticed as leaders (Smith et al., 2019).
Smith et al.’s (2019) study examined intersectional invisibility and the creation of viable
pathways to transform Black women’s executive journeys. The 59 respondents in Smith et al.’s
study encountered an “outsider within” status that contributed to their lack of visibility in White
and male-dominated landscapes. The participants navigated gendered and racial stereotypes, and
according to the authors, balanced membership within elite leadership groups without gaining
true acceptance. The “outsider within” status affected the perceived fit of Black women in the
workplace (Mohr & Purdie-Vaughns, 2015) and disrupted how Black women integrated their
identities within this setting.

30
Conversely, research demonstrated some Black women senior leaders have been able to
traverse into senior leadership, thereby benefiting from invisibility. Epstein (1973) reported that
some Black women received fewer stereotypes and their dual identities created a new standard,
which allowed them to have more agency in their roles. Black women in leadership may have
more latitude than their White counterparts to be more dominant in the workplace (Rosette et al.,
2016). Therefore, these women employed “agentic tactics,” such as “leaning in” to higher
visibility roles to transverse intersectional invisibility leading to career progression. Individuals
experiencing value and worth flourished in their roles; however, when compromised, there was a
reduction of dignity in the workplace (Davis, 2021).
Coping With Race-Based Stress in the Workplace
Lack of access and opportunities, exclusion from larger-scale opportunities regardless of
educational attainment, and the continual need to establish credibility were experiences which
impacted Black women’s sense of belongingness in the workplace (Spates et al., 2020). Jones
and Shorter-Gooden (2003) noted gender- and race-based stereotypes made it difficult for Black
women to trust what they knew about themselves versus what society told them. The intersection
of race and gender provided a barometer for how Black women perceived their environments,
interacted within their domains, and coped with the impact of gendered racism.
Identity Negotiation
Black women leveraged multiple coping strategies to manage race-based stressors and
reactions to these stressors in the workplace. Coping strategies provided a mechanism to manage
race-related stress but may have had a disparate impact, compromising health and well-being
(Jones et al., 2021) and limiting professional access and sociability (Gamst et al., 2020). Black

31
women relied on support networks, religion, avoidance, and identity shifting to combat
race-based stress and lessen the impact of stereotypes in the workplace.
Identity shifting is a mechanism for Black women to navigate visibility and invisibility to
avoid negative workplace experiences (Dickens et al., 2019). This survival strategy allowed
Black women to shift their identities and communication styles in the workplace while
continuing to display their authentic selves in their personal lives. By modifying identities, Black
women sought to counterbalance race-based stereotypes with their intersectional identities
(Dickens et al., 2019).
Increasingly, shifting impacted Black women’s physical and emotional well-being
(Dickens et al., 2019; Gamst et al., 2020; Jones and Shorter-Gooden, 2003). While these
activities supported Black women in the workplace, identity shifting led to increased depression
(Donovan et al., 2013; Mays et al., 1996), increased risks of heart disease and diabetes (U.S.
Department of Health & Human Services, 2010) in addition to other ailments such as
hypertension, anxiety, and weight gain (Dickens et al., 2019). To cope with these challenges,
Black women utilized their personal and professional networks for support.
Mentoring and Professional Networks
Patton and Harper (2003) wrote mentoring is one of the critical aspects of career success,
but Black women are often unable to find relatable mentors to build connections. Oftentimes,
Black women must go outside of their circle of support to make meaningful connections to
understand their lived experiences. In their study of 118 Black female executives, Smith et al.
(2019) highlighted Black women in executive roles were proactive in crafting their networks,
finding individuals across all racialized and gender groups to support with professional
development and career advancement. Through this study, participants shared their networks and

32
provided vast opportunities to expand careers while lessening the impact of intersectional
invisibility. However, as Smith et al. (2019) underscored the company’s role in diversifying their
mentor pools to support sponsorship of Black women in the workplace is paramount.
Overall, Black women have faced numerous challenges threatening their belongingness
at work. Consistent meaning-making is necessary for Black women to mitigate threats both
internally and externally. The COVID-19 pandemic is just the most recent example jeopardizing
professional growth and wellbeing, where sensemaking becomes vital to sustainability.
COVID-19 Pandemic
Numerous factors have impacted Black women in the workplace, but the introduction of
COVID-19 created a world of uncertainty and continuous risk. Proclaimed the great equalizer,
the COVID-19 virus has transcended “wealth, fame, prestige, or age” (Mein, 2020, p. 2439), yet
has disproportionately impacted Black women at alarming rates. Recent studies demonstrated
Black women were 4.3 times more likely to die from complications related to COVID-19 than
White women (Wise, 2020), representing the largest racialized group impacted by the virus.
COVID-19 co-morbidities, coupled with the health and social disparities endemic to the United
States for centuries, have created a lethal storm that has far-reaching implications for Black
women in this country.
Historic Context
The stark realities of the COVID-19 pandemic and its impact on marginalized
communities is the latest instance of a long historical pattern. Historically, viral outbreaks and
pandemics had sweeping effects on non-White groups (Wade, 2020). Indigenous communities
experienced deleterious effects on their population size due to outbreaks within their
communities. For example, Wade (2000) wrote that the Cherokee population in this country fell

33
to its smallest recorded population size due to social conditions, such as war, that amplified the
spread of smallpox in the 18th century.
The 1918 influenza pandemic illuminated the conditions impacting the Black community
in the Americas and abroad at the turn of the century. Over 100 million people in various waves
of this epidemic perished, with Black people exhibiting higher fatality rates than infection rates
(Krishnan et al., 2020). The authors suggested numerous factors contributed to increased fatality
rates, including legalized segregation, inequitable access to healthcare, disparate health
outcomes, and housing discrimination, a stark similarity to COVID-19 crisis.
Gamble (2010) wrote that prior to the influenza pandemic increased mortality rates were
characteristic of the Black population, where Black deaths were two to three times higher than
their White counterparts. In fact, the mortality rate of Black individuals has continued to be
higher than White individuals since mortality data collection began in the 1800s (Benjamins et
al., 2021). While numerous theories existed regarding the impact of the virus on the Black
community, Gamble (2010) suggested the 1918 pandemic contributed to increased perceptions
regarding the biological inferiority of the Black community.
Aside from the health impacts associated with the Spanish Flu of 1918, Black nurses
seeking inclusion in various departments of the Armed Forces, served on the frontline caring for
patients while witnessing segregation in hospitals across the country (Krishnan et al., 2020). The
introduction of the flu coupled with the activation of World War I had some advantages,
including increased community activism and shifts in care for Black Americans (Krishan et al.,
2020). However, many of the oppressive factors inherent with the 1918 pandemic existed in this
crisis.
Factors Impacting Black Women

34
During COVID-19, Black women faced interlocking risks where their plight often went
unnoticed but were nonetheless relied upon to persevere with strength and resilience in times of
crisis. Black communities ravished by this virus were unable to gain access to local healthcare
and testing, which resulted in increased mortality rates. Policies and interventions such as
increased testing resulted in inadequate distribution of resources that led to increased infection
and deaths in the Black community.
Testing kits and other equipment, although dispersed equally to labs across the country,
did not consider population density and actual need within those states (Reyes, 2020). As a
result, states determined the best ways to administer testing, often leaving Black communities
behind. Reyes (2020) pointed out that in Kansas, 90,000 White people tested for
COVID-19 while only 4,000 Black residents gained tests; Black people comprised one-third of
the population in Kansas. Similar race-aggregated data throughout the country led to greater
discussion of the lack of access and care during the pandemic for areas with greater population
density, which were disproportionately both poor and Black.
The overrepresentation of Black people with COVID-19 infections and death
demonstrated the inequalities within this country (Reyes, 2020). Moreover, Black women were at
higher risk for contracting the virus and dealt with worse health outcomes (Chandler et al., 2021)
and recommendations to contain the virus created additional harm (Mein, 2020).
Given the history of racism in this country, a great portion of Black women lived below
the federal poverty line; worked in service industries deemed essential; were the head of their
household either taking care of children or other family members; lived in more clustered
conditions; and had worse health outcomes than their counterparts (Mein, 2020). With this

35
pressure, Black women were at crossroads being asked to step up to support the needs of
the communities while putting their lives on the line each day during the crisis.
Each of these dimensions was rooted in a racist structure that continued to adapt as
political and social systems shifted. Alexander (2020) wrote racism evolved and changed to
ensure the maintenance of the racial hierarchy, where the implementation of new controls created
broader systems of unfair advantage. The introduction of COVID-19 pandemic laid bare the
impact of power and privilege in this country.
Unemployment
Black women’s significant participation in the labor force coupled with their high rate of
employment relative to their population share made them vulnerable in times of economic
convergence (Holder et al., 2021, p. 113). At the start of the pandemic, Black women’s
unemployment rate was more than four percentage points higher than that of White men (Gezici
& Ozay, 2020; Holder et al., 2021). Black women’s unemployment rate climbed to 16.2% in the
first months of the pandemic, reaching the highest numbers for any racialized group (Holder et
al., 2021). Most notably, Black women experienced the highest rates of unemployment regardless
of their occupational status at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic.
As the country turned to recovery, Black women remained on the outskirts of the
economic recovery efforts overall. Data signaled recovery for Black women still waned in
comparison to other racialized groups. In March 2021, one million jobs were added to the labor
market and while all groups saw decreases in their unemployment rates, Black women actually
saw an uptick, moving from 8.4% in December 2020 to 8.7% in March 2021 (Jones, 2021).
Moreover, Black women continued to leave the labor force at increased rates, with 10%

36
(973,000) fewer Black women in the workforce a year after shelter in place orders were enacted
in the United States (Jones, 2021).
Given Black women’s increased labor participation, there were several structural gaps
leading to the slower economic recovery of Black women. More broadly, the COVID-19
pandemic and the continued push to curb the virus, left open questions regarding how Black
women persisted in leadership. It took 10 years for Black women to recover from the Great
Recession (Jones, 2021), and the ongoing pandemic surfaced additional questions about how
to narrow leadership and mobility gaps in this critical time.
Occupational Segregation
Black women experienced occupation segregation specific to their race and gender
(Holder et al., 2021). Throughout the pandemic, one in three Black women worked on the
frontline of the pandemic (Ewing-Nelson, 2020), risking their lives and those of their families
each day. Research has begun to question how power and privilege impacted who served on the
frontline and how workers engaged in these activities (Muscheno et al., 2021).
Given their increased representation in the hardest hit sectors, Black women experienced
shifts in employment or served on the frontlines. As an example, over 70% of women were
employed in healthcare globally but the increased need for healthcare professionals negatively
impacted Black women in this setting. The linkage between occupational segregation and
inaccessibility to management continued to shape the landscape for Black women (Brynan et al.,
2011; Key et al., 2012)
Care Economy
Women performed most of the unpaid childcare and child rearing prior to the COVID-19
pandemic. However, the introduction of the pandemic created a significant barrier and made it

37
difficult to work in the same manner. Collins et al.’s (2021) study found mothers more than
fathers were more likely to reduce their hours at work, particularly for younger students or where
homeschooling was necessary. A limitation of this study is understanding how participants in a
single household fared in this moment and whether changes in employment impacted promotions
and other leadership opportunities. Coincidentally, 80% of Black mothers are the breadwinners
from their households, contributing to at least 40% of their annual household income (White,
2017). Given the economic instability of the pandemic, Black families, specifically Black
mothers and children, experienced disproportionate impact.
Government data (Landivar and deWolf, 2022) also supported significant declines in
work time for mothers during this timeframe. Furthermore, Powers (2020) reported productivity
decreased, resulting in increased reductions in force or limited promotion considerations,
pointing to significant impact experienced by Black mothers.
Health and Wellness
Black women experienced double jeopardy being on the frontlines of the pandemic while
compromising their wellbeing. Obinna (2021) wrote Black women were dealing with the overlap
of oppressive systems resulting in the loss of wages and loss of life. Research also underpinned
Black women faced hardship when dealing with medical professionals regarding their pain,
which left significant questions about access to care for Black women overall. Pre-existing
conditions, high infant mortality rates, and positive COVID-19 tests made for challenging health
barriers to overcome. While first characterized as a “male” virus, research showed Black women
were four times more likely to die from the virus than White men. The contributing factors
included vaccine hesitancy, and refusal or delay to vaccinate due to mistrust of healthcare
providers. Bogart et al. (2021) cited feelings of mistrust given the complexities of racism and

38
oppression in the United States. Therefore, continued educational outreach provided greater
support for the health and wellbeing of Black people in this country.
Conceptual Framework
Several key theories have shaped the conceptual framework and guided this research
study.
Theory Overview
The literature indicated Black women remained underrepresented in the leadership
capacities in the private and public sector. Three key theoretical frameworks were central to
shaping this study. They included critical race theory which underscored that racism is endemic
and counternarratives are needed to break down barriers; intersectionality furthered how
perceptions of intersecting identities can limit representation based on systemic racism and
oppressive structures; and critical sensemaking theory provided guidance on how Black women
made sense of their environment in times of crisis.
This study added to the literature and expanded the conversation on the impact of
COVID-19 on Black women. Furthermore, this study sought to understand commonalities with
other racial groups to create pathways for equitable access and inclusion in the workplace.
Key Concepts
The key concepts included in the study included the following:
● Androcentrism: a form of gender bias that prioritized male experience and rendered
female experience as inferior (Bailey et al., 2019).
● Care labor or economy: a concept focused on the undercompensated work that
contributes to the wellbeing and development of other individuals (Dwyer, 2013).

39
● The concrete wall: an additional layer Black women must penetrate before dealing
with the sexism of the glass ceiling. Bell and Nkomo (2003) describe this barrier as
more difficult to penetrate due to the systemic racism and bias experienced in the
workplace.
● Intersectional invisibility: draws on the concepts of androcentrism, ethnocentrism,
and heterocentrism to explore how individuals with intersecting identities are
rendered as atypical thereby leading to an inability to fully be recognized as a
member of a constituent group (Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008).
● Strong Black women schema: a culturally relevant schema grounded in historical
influences, characterized by provider/caretaker roles that demonstrates strength
during adversity with little to no resources to support the crisis or burden (Abrams et
al., 2014).
Summary of Conceptual Framework
Figure 1 demonstrates a visual representation of the conceptual framework. To
understand their leadership identity, Black women navigate structurally oppressive systems
(depicted in the outer layers) with personal and professional concepts (represented in the inner
layers). As new concepts become visible, meaning making is interpreted to shape identity
(represented by the arrows) creating a cyclical reality. This study centered the voice of Black
women and continued to make sense of their lived experiences and intersectional identities in
their pursuit of breaking the concrete wall.

40
Figure 1
Conceptual Framework
Literature Review Summary
This study centered the lived experiences of Black women in their pursuit of leadership
opportunities, particularly amid the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition, this study explored Black
women’s experiences compared to other racialized groups. Leadership requires individuals to
bring their authentic selves to work, yet each day Black women navigate the complexities of
visibility, racism, and personal responsibilities that make understanding career pathways
challenging. Black women derived meaning from their circumstances, reflected on their
understanding of their situational experiences, and refined their understanding or abandoned
meaning to make decisions regarding their autonomy, career advancement, and well-being.

41
The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrated how interconnected systems of power continue
to negatively impact individuals with intersecting identities. This research is critical to
uncovering transformative interventions to support Black women, their communities, and future
generations.

42
Chapter Three: Methodology
Extensive research has documented the underrepresentation of Black women in
leadership roles in the public and private sectors. Crises, particularly COVID-19 have created
new barriers that widen the representation gap for Black women. Therefore, this research
gathered trends and examined individual perspectives to further contribute to the literature.
Purpose of the Study
This mixed-methods study addressed how Black women made sense of their lived
experiences in leadership development and whether their perceptions of these experiences shifted
with the onset of the COVID-19 health pandemic. This study focused on the needs of Black
women in the workplace, integrating their viewpoints to shift perceptions in the literature.
Research Questions
The following questions guided this research study:
1. What were the lived experiences of Black women seeking to become executive
leaders in the workplace?
2. In what ways did Black women make sense of their ability to persist in leadership
given the complexities of the COVID-19 health pandemic?
3. What results emerged when qualitative data for Black women leaders during the
COVID-19 pandemic was compared with the outcome quantitative data?
Research Design and Rationale
Mixed methods research (MMR) provided the opportunity to bolster the study’s
conclusion (Schoonenboom & Johnson 2017) and ensure the research questions were valid. To
support this phenomenological, concurrent mixed methods design, both qualitative and
quantitative data were collected. Martiny et al. (2021) established the importance of researchers

43
understanding the critical need to center individual perspective within the research. To support
this study, I obtained a fuller picture of the experiences of Black women leaders during the
pandemic by weaving different phenomenological approaches together (gathering qualitative
data) and comparing that data with quantitative data.
Results were analyzed independently and then brought together in the final interpretation.
As discussed in Chapter Two, intersectionality, critical race, and critical sensemaking theories
were used as theoretical frameworks to support research, interview protocol question design, and
provided a general lens to view Black women professionals grappling with the challenges of the
COVID-19 pandemic. The findings tested whether the impact of COVID-19 differed for Black
women compared to other racial groups. A transformative paradigm guided this study and
provided greater context for understanding uneven power relationships at the core of more
significant social issues (Greene, 2008).
Privilege, accrued and evaluated by gender, race, economic status, ability, and social
status created uneven power structures experienced by marginalized communities (Mertens,
2012). The transformative paradigm honored these oppressed communities’ culture, history, and
norms in an effort to increase social justice. Deeply rooted in this epistemology is the
incorporation of group members’ voices and paying homage to ancestral and lived oppressive
experiences while recognizing the strength and perseverance rooted within this history.
Within this paradigm, a researcher must examine the privileged views to highlight how to
bring about change. To further clarify power differentials experienced by marginalized
communities, the research relied on cultural competency to offer legitimate, transformative
interventions to inform change. For these reasons, researchers must build rapport, gain trust, and
manage their own biases (Edno et al., 2003) when working with participants. Mixed-methods

44
research (MMR) can support an inclusionary process, meeting the transformative paradigm’s
axiological, ontological, and epistemological assumptions.
Taking a critical lens allowed for the acknowledgement of different experiences and
identities while creating meaning through action and interpretation. The COVID-19 pandemic
was a prime example of how interconnected systems of power impacted those with multiple
intersecting identities. Therefore, it is imperative to understand the pandemic and interventions to
support future crisis moments.
Centering this study on critical race theory (CRT) and intersectionality expanded “the
utility and transformative potential” (Lynn & Dixson, 2013, p. 270) for its application to
quantitative work in the social sciences. MMR has increased in popularity, with more social and
behavioral scientists engaged in this approach (Timans at al., 2019).
MMR has been a topic of debate since the early 1960s, with researchers wanting to
investigate the epistemological underpinning of this research to expand its methodological reach
(Meriam & Tisdell, 2014). Timans et al. (2019) indicated this approach deepened the breadth and
depth of the research, revealed correlations and impact, and provided additional context
regarding experiences. Creswell and Clark (2017) also underscored these characteristics of MMR
but added the research must be framed in theory, to provide a justification for this method. The
authors concluded MMR should be utilized when data sources were insufficient, data needed to
be further explained, participants needed to be involved in the research, and programs needed to
be evaluated (Creswell & Clark, 2017).
The literature revealed little research on the impact of COVID-19 on Black women’s
representation in the workplace. A mixed-methods approach provided an opportunity to obtain
more complete and justified results. The quantitative frame provided a general understanding of

45
how Black women dealt with complexities during COVID-19, while qualitatively the study
provided greater information regarding the nuances needed for survival. While each of these
areas furnished greater clues into the research, they each had limitations.
Qualitative research may limit researchers’ ability to generalize results to the broader
population while quantitative research diminishes the unique perspectives of any one individual
(Creswell & Clark, 2017). The quantitative findings coupled with qualitative results bolstered
and further explained outliers, offering greater clarity to the research (Creswell & Creswell,
2017).
Mixed methods design balanced inadequate data sources and deficiencies with various
approaches to the research (Creswell & Clark, 2017), providing researchers with more flexibility
to address outliers. Triangulation of the results enhanced the validity of the study
(Molina-Azorín, 2011), where the results indicated confirmation.
In analyzing the literature, a host of methodologies explored how Black women navigate
the workplace and cope with workplace stressors given their intersecting identities (Dickens &
Chavez, 2018; Hall et al., 2012; Holder at al., 2015; Wyatt & Sylvester, 2015). Each of these
studies utilized qualitative research methods that included interviews, focus groups,
observations, and ethnographic approaches to support the literature.
Qualitative research relies on small numbers that seek to add more context for a particular
phenomenon, precluding the sample from being randomized (Tuckett, 2004). Furthermore,
interviews themselves pose challenges given that individuals may react differently in various
settings. Therefore, interviewers must make assumptions regarding daily interactions. As such,
rapport-building is key to support an in-depth interview and researchers should spend time in

46
different settings to understand their participants. Additionally, many qualitative research designs
rely on snowballing, which can limit the ability to recruit a diverse pool (Taylor et al., 2015).
Conversely, the strengths and weaknesses of both quantitative and qualitative research in
MMR can complement each other, allowing for the analysis of different perspectives (Regnault
& Barbic, 2018). The authors highlighted MMR provided flexibility for small samples, and, as
Onwuegbuzie and Collins (2007) noted, sample designs can be chosen for each component,
allowing the research to be generalized to the larger population. The biggest strength of MMR is
the ability to leverage quantitative data to focus on the needs and outcomes of the participants.
Mixed methods research allowed for an understanding of commonalities for certain
demographics such as race, gender, education, experience level (independent variables) and how
participants made sense of impediments, interventions, and resources that supported or hindered
the creation of more accessible pathways for Black women seeking executive roles. For this
study, the mixed methods approach drew on both qualitative and quantitative data to support the
research topic and to provide a comprehensive assessment to impact change (Creswell &
Creswell, 2017, p. 216).
MMR has some limitations and given this dual approach requires familiarity with
analysis from both qualitative and quantitative research perspectives. Researchers must balance
building community within a transformative paradigm study with the aim of having participants
serve as co-researchers in this work. Additionally, Sweetman et al. (2010) noted that the
transformative lens is broad, encompassing numerous theoretical frames that posed challenges to
interpretation. This critical research design aimed to dismantle the status quo and provide
interventions to support Black women in the workplace.

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The Researcher
Merriam and Tisdell (2015) noted critical research power exists within all realms and is
inherent in any research study. Therefore, positionality and reflexivity are of the utmost
importance to ground research in a theoretical framework. As a first-generation American of
Afro-Caribbean descent and an executive role at a NYC-based nonprofit organization, I have
experienced barriers to leadership. With over 20 years of experience in the nonprofit industry, I
have worked to support program development and organizational change management at various
organizations.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, I faced numerous challenges, which had a direct impact
both personally and professionally. As the mother of two young girls and the primary caretaker
of an elderly parent, I grappled with numerous care challenges during this moment of crisis.
Through these challenges, I began to ponder how women made sense of the world, and the larger
impact the pandemic had on their own existences.
Through the adoption of MMR, researchers can introduce bias, particularly in the
qualitative portion of the study and reduce the internal validity (Creswell & Clark, 2017). To
mitigate bias, I checked for qualitative validity by deploying member-checking strategies, where
portions of the narrative are shared with the participants to check for validity, before the data is
transcribed, codified, and triangulated. These methods provided greater validity and supported
“convergence and corroboration by comparing findings from qualitative data with the
quantitative results” (Creswell & Clark, 2017, p. 290).

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Data Sources
This study utilized two primary data sources, participant surveys and interviews, to allow
for a merged interpretation of data findings. Table 1 outlined the data methods found in this
concurrent, phenomenological mixed methods design.
Table 1
Data Sources
Research questions Interviews Surveys
RQ1: What are the lived experiences of
Black women seeking to become
executive leaders in White spaces?
X X
RQ2: In what ways do Black women make
sense of their ability to persist in
leadership given the complexities of the
COVID-19 health pandemic?
X X
RQ3: What results emerge comparing
qualitative data for Black women leaders
during the COVID-19 pandemic with the
outcome quantitative data?
X X

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Surveys
The survey was administered online in Qualtrics and included a total of 18 closed-ended
questions and three open-ended questions (see Appendix A). Of the 18 closed-ended questions,
six of the questions reflected the intersecting identities of the participants to further understand
similarities and differences among Black women compared to other racialized groups. These
questions provided more information regarding demographics including race, gender, age,
employment status, familial obligations, and educational level. The questions were adapted from
the Johns Hopkins community response scale and the Rand American impact survey. Data
collected from this group provided a starting point to further understand commonalities between
intersecting identities.
The Giscombe superwoman schema scale was adapted to understand how women
perceive themselves as professionals/caretakers and provided insights into their own lived
experiences (RQ1 and RQ3). Questions were adapted for a pre- and post-test to measure
experiences before and after COVID-19. These questions were then incorporated into the survey.
Eight questions focused on the impact of COVID-19 on the personal and professional
lives of Black women and further examined the commonalities of their experiences with other
racialized groups (RQ2 and RQ3). Through these questions, analysis commenced to understand
whether there was a positive, negative, or no impact on the respondent during the COVID-19
pandemic, determined whether the respondents’ perceptions regarding promotion and career
expectations were impacted by the pandemic, and examined whether respondents experienced
increased bouts of bias and discrimination in the workplace, which hindered their ability to be
promoted. Questions were adapted from the environmental influences on child outcomes

50
COVID-19 questionnaire adult primary version (2021) and the Kaiser Family Foundation
undefeated survey on race and health (2021).
Finally, to understand inequalities in the workplace, the racial hassles scale (Harrell et al.,
1997) was adapted to extrapolate key information regarding organizational influences on women
in the workplace (RQ1) for the quantitative portion of this study. The remaining questions were
open-ended and provided additional context to respondents’ answers to previous statements.
Survey Sampling Criteria and Rationale
The study consisted of a concurrent approach to data collection, where both qualitative
and quantitative phases occurred simultaneously. Given time and budget constraints, a
nonprobability sampling technique centered this study.
Quota sampling provides the opportunity to gain a representative sample. However, this
sampling method could lead to research bias and poses some issues with generalizing to the
larger population (Iliyasu & Etikan, 2021).
Iliyasu and Etikan (2021) argued that to gauge key traits of the population, a proportional
sampling of quota provides a greater ability to recruit a more diverse participant population.
Lastly, representation is important for any study as it determines how well the study can be
compared to the general population (Fincham, 2008). Therefore, to yield 100 meaningful,
completed survey responses, 250 surveys must be converted (or a 40% response rate reached) for
this study.
Initially, the goal was to reach 100 respondents with a confidence interval level of 95%,
evenly split among each racial group (Black/African American, White/Caucasian,
Hispanic/Latino, and Asian). Despite numerous efforts to support this sample, obtaining

51
proportional data proved difficult to execute. The study garnered a total of 74 respondents, of
which 47 viable responses were obtained.
Appendix B highlights an initial list of organizations that were approached upon
IRB-approval from the University of Southern California to support survey outreach.
Participants
Participants identified as women who lived and worked in the U.S., were mid-level or
higher in their careers, and served as a leader of a team. This mixed methods study was
interested in the participation of all women regardless of age, career level, education, or
geographic location to create a fuller database of information. However, the target population for
this study were Black women who were mid-level or higher in their career level, with current
supervisory experience. Supervision could be either internal (teams or peers) or external (interns
and consultants).
Data Collection Procedures
Data was collected utilizing an online survey after institutional review board approval
(IRB). Given multiple instruments were proposed for this study, permission was sought from
each author to ensure questions could be adapted and utilized. The online survey contained
demographic information such as age, location, gender, education, career level, and was
combined with questions from six instruments: racial hassles scale, Woods-Giscombe , career
expectation scale, Kaiser Family Foundation undefeated survey on race and health,
environmental influences on child outcomes COVID-19 questionnaire adult primary version, and
workplace dignity scale.
The survey completion time was approximately 20 minutes, and the survey duration was
posted throughout all outreach and other communication. Partnering organizations received an

52
email and boiler plate language (Appendix D) to send to their membership along with the survey
link, upon IRB-approval. As the primary researcher, I administered all surveys and conducted all
analysis for the study.
Respondents who chose to participate were directed to the survey and were provided an
additional one-page memo detailing the process, including duration of survey and post-survey
activities. In addition, consent forms were made available and detailed participants’ rights to
participate or to withdraw from the study. Lastly, all participants received a notice related to
privacy and confidentiality. Participants completed the study acknowledged and consented to
their participation. The survey remained open for a minimum of three weeks but also remained
flexible to reach the desired quota.
While surveys can be used to generalize to a larger population and are useful in
measuring behavior, they are limited when measuring behaviors, non-verbal cues, and probing
more sensitive information (Robinson & Leonard, 2019). For these reasons, this study drew upon
the mixed methods approach to further explore themes in the research through semi-structured
interviews.
Instrumentation
Reliable and valid measures supported this study. To gain a fuller understanding of how
Black women made sense of their experiences, it was important to examine the impact of
race-based stress on Black women as well as perceptions of the workplace and career
expectations.
Race-Based Stress Measures
The dependent variables of motivation to succeed and obligation to help others were
measured using a subset of questions from the Giscombe superwoman schema (SBW)

53
questionnaire (Woods-Giscombe et al., 2016). The SBW was adopted to navigate the
complexities Black women endured and confronted the dynamics of intersectionality to better
understand their survival (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2003; Woods-Giscombe, 2010).
Examining the SBW provided the opportunity to understand the social, cognitive, and
behavioral factors that influenced the lived experiences for Black women (Woods-Giscombe et
al., 2019). By focusing on specific questions, participants’ perceptions within the workplace, and
within crisis or uncertain situations, were evaluated.
The SWS Questionnaire was a 34-point item scale (17 points of the scale were used for
this study) and investigated five dimensions of the superwoman schema: obligation to present an
image of strength, obligation to suppress emotions, resistance to being vulnerable, intense
motivation to succeed, and obligation to help others. Reliability for the SWS has been
established for the five dimensions with Cronbach’s alphas of .95, .81, .85, .82, .72 and .89,
respectively.
For this study, questions related to respondents’ intense motivation to succeed
(coefficient alpha .72) coupled with their obligation to help others (coefficient alpha .89), were
utilized for this study.
To measure racial bias within the workplace, the racism and life experiences scale
(RaLES), an instrument that measured racism experiences impacting the well-being of people of
color, provided additional insights into participants’ experiences (Harrell et al., 1997). RaLES
offered a separate scale to determine respondents’ experiences with race-related stressors. The
scale included racism experiences, daily life experiences, perceived influence of race, group
impact, and life experiences and stress. The coefficient alphas for each of the scales range from

54
.74 to .94. The perceived influence of race, the daily life experiences scales, and life experiences
and stress scale, with coefficient alphas of .91, .89, and .83, were utilized, respectively.
These instruments were chosen to measure the first research question: What are the lived
experiences of Black women seeking to become executive leaders in the workplace?
Additionally, gathering additional information on how other racialized groups within the sample
experienced these stressors in their daily lives was critical to framing this study.
Workplace Experiences
The workplace dignity scale (Thomas & Lucus, 2019) was an 18-point scale which
explored the five dimensions of respect, competence, equality, value, dignity, and incivility.
Criterion-related validity was reached to support the utility of the newly created scale (Thomas &
Lucas, 2019). Similarly, Scott-Campbell and Williams (2020) corroborated validity and
reliability of the instrument. The questionnaire surfaced key themes around workplace dignity
that could be a predictor for workplace satisfaction and turnover intentions. This instrument
answered RQ1 and RQ2 and was utilized in its entirety.
Impact of COVID-19
Given the recency of the COVID-19 pandemic, it was quite challenging to uncover
validated instrumentation regarding the topic. Therefore, two COVID-19 measures were adapted
to understand the impact of COVID-19 on respondents. The first measure, Kaiser Family
Foundation undefeated survey in race and health provided information on Black adults faced
with the complexities of racism and healthcare during the pandemic. This questionnaire surfaced
views of structural racism and unconscious bias, the impact of the pandemic both within and
outside of healthcare settings, and the economic impact faced by women. Two questions were
chosen from this survey.

55
The second measure, known as the environmental influences on child health outcomes
adult primary version, also assessed the impact of COVID-19 on children and caregivers. This
measure would further explore how the pandemic affected caregiving responsibilities for Black
women. Three questions were utilized from the 22-item instrument. These two questionnaires
were chosen to measure the following research questions:
● In what ways do Black women make sense of their ability to persist in leadership
given the complexities of the COVID-19 health pandemic?
● What results emerged when qualitative data for Black women leaders during the
COVID-19 pandemic were compared with the outcome quantitative data measured on
COVID-19 instrumentation?
Data Analysis
Upon completion of the study, all survey analysis took place utilizing Qualtrics and SPSS
to determine the reliability of the instrument. Through this testing, consistency was measured
against the validated instruments, and assessed demographic variables, such as age, location,
education, etc., utilizing descriptive statistics. Salkind and Frey (2021) wrote descriptive
statistics allowed researchers to understand central tendencies and variability within the data set.
Inferential statistics addressed the overall research questions posed in the study, and as
Salkind and Frey (2021) noted, provided the opportunity to make correlations about the data.
Utilizing the responses from Black respondents, the study could assess similarities and
differences between both in- and out-groups.
Research Question 1 compared the independent variable (race, gender, career level) with
the dependent variable from the strong Black women schema to understand the lived experiences
of Black women. Research Question 2 compared the independent variables (race, gender, career

56
level) with the dependent variables (career expectations and impact of COVID-19) to determine
the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on Black women both personally and professionally.
Research Question 3 utilized the qualitative data for Black women and compared and converged
it with the quantitative data set. Research Question 4 created a profile, which gathered the
demographic variables in the study and compared them to the dependent variables (career
expectations, strong women schema, and COVID-19 impact) to understand commonalities and
differences amongst various racialized groups of women.
Interview Sampling Criteria
The second phase of the study was structured as qualitative, semi-structured interviews
with survey participants.
Criterion 1
Participants must identify as Black women either at the mid- or executive level of their
leadership journey.
Criterion 2
Participants must indicate current management of teams or others in the workplace.
Criterion 3
Participants must indicate they experienced either a positive or negative impact on their
personal or professional lives due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Interviewing Strategy and Data Collection
Through purposive sampling, 14 participants were interviewed to further understand their
experiences. Additional information from participants who identified as African American/Black
women who currently sat in a managerial role (manager, senior manager, director), sought
promotion to a senior executive role, and indicated an impact due to the COVID-19 pandemic

57
were prioritized in the research. If the number of participants was fewer than five for either level
outlined above, a snowball sampling method would be initiated, the most common form of
purposive sampling, to ensure fuller participation (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015).
Promotion to my personal network further extended the reach of the study sparking
referrals and potential participants. Interviews were scheduled concurrently while the survey
remained open. An interview protocol (Appendix F) facilitated semi-structured interviews lasting
approximately 60 minutes. To ensure bias reduction, all interviews were scheduled in
consecutive order with participants’ being able to waive their participation at any time.
Zoom was the preferred tool utilized to record all interview sessions along with
supporting data transcription. Review of all transcripts ensured identifying information or
markers were excluded for the sample. With the goal of understanding experiences, knowledge,
and perceptions, face-to-face meetings, whether in-person or virtually, provided an environment
allowing for a deeper conversation.
Each interviewee received a one-page information sheet with further description of the
research study that highlighted next steps post-interview, consent forms, and contact information
should any questions arise post-session. Each interviewee provided their consent to participate in
the interview session and be recorded. Participant anonymity was critical and thus, participant
documentation was coded, and any identifiable information was redacted from materials.
A reflection journal and the codebook were two primary items to support notetaking and
codification during and post-interview. These methods, as Creswell and Clark (2017) have
suggested, provide additional methods to support validity.
Data was organized by data type, participant, or case and formatted to ensure successful
data analysis. Fielding (2012) wrote data coding provided the opportunity to explore and

58
integrate the data for context and analytical purposes. To ensure full integration with both
qualitative and quantitative datasets, Atlas.ti, a software that worked to link data sets together,
supported this effort. Based on the predefined coding, descriptions, themes by the code grouping
supported data analysis. Visual data models provided rich compelling quotes to support findings,
and further interpreted how the findings supported and answered the research questions.
Validity and Reliability
When issues with validity occur Birt et al. (2016) posited researchers should seek to
understand these issues’ relevance to their study, including being proactive at identifying
strategies for dealing with conflicting analysis. The instrumentation section provided key details
regarding the validity of the surveys utilized for the qualitative study. Several strategies were
employed to maximize validity and reliability of the data in this study. Member checking was
employed in this study to ensure participants were part of the larger study. The Dickens and
Chavez (2018) phenomenological, ecological systems study explored how the cost and benefits
of identity shift through semi-structured interviews. The authors made use of member checking
or results verification to guide the research (Birt et al., 2016, p. 1803). Limitations included a
non-representative sample, thereby limiting generalization as well as member checking that
challenged data collection. Common pitfalls of member checking often involve participants
rewriting their narratives, which may enable new data.
For this study, a member check of the entire sample was utilized, providing synthesized
information of the broader group. Birt et al. (2016) indicated this level of check provides for
greater opportunities to reflect and to see the experiences of others in the results.
Greater flexibility ensured researchers gained new knowledge by mixing methods, which in turn
encouraged the use of multiple paradigms, provided the ability to utilize all tools to support the

59
research, and offered the ability to extend the work from qualitative, quantitative, or mixed
approaches (Creswell & Clark, 2017).
Findings from the Wyatt and Sylvester (2015) narrative study grounded in an attribution
framework confirmed Black women executives needed support from formal and informal
networks to create a pathway for positive career progression. Like Dickens and Chavez (2018),
sample size was also a challenge impeding the ability to further explore intersecting identities.
Finally, Hall et al. (2012) employed a grounded theory with a narrative approach, which,
through focus groups and interviews, enabled them to identify themes for racist and sexist
stressors impacting Black women in the workplace. In the Hall et al. study, the results were
difficult to generalize due to the broad and varied experiences of Black women. Furthermore,
geographic sampling made it difficult to generalize the sample to a wider population.
Faber and Fonseca (2014) noted sample sizes, both large and small, may skew the
validity and reliability of the data. Defining the sample size and sample schema design in mixed
methods research, researchers can limit validity and sampling size errors from the inception of
the study (Onwuegbuzie & Collins, 2007). Validity is critical in mixed methods designs, and
according to Creswell and Creswell (2017), is a requirement for both databases.
Quantitatively, it was important to establish construct validity as defined by Salkind and
Frey (2019), based on a construct or idea behind a measurement tool. Creswell and Creswell
(2017) proposed this form of validity to ensure meaningful data for the construct. With this work,
the author mitigated external validity by generalizing to a larger population.
For qualitative research, several strategies could have been employed to ensure
consistency and stability of the data. Aside from member checking, researchers triangulate data
using multiple sources and themes to develop data codes. Per Creswell and Clark (2017), the

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increased convergence of multiple data sources added validity to the study. Additionally,
descriptive text offered more insight into various perspectives of themes, which added validity to
the findings.
Data integration is critical to a concurrent mixed methods design. Equally important,
though, is the recognition that divergent information legitimizes the study. Creswell and Clark
(2017) highlighted disconfirming evidence provides a real-life view of lived experiences. Lastly,
to support the validity of the research and to mitigate bias, researchers should consider
connecting with peers by engaging other researchers in the data to mitigate researcher bias.
Ethics
Providing a safe and confidential environment for all participants was a critical
component for this study to ensure full activation. Participation was voluntary and the online
survey was conducted anonymously. All interview participants and survey respondents
consented to their participation in the study. The data was stored in a securely protected
environment on Qualtrics (survey responses) and Atlas.ti (interview responses). To protect the
identity of all participants, all identifying information was expunged from notes, coding,
theming, and in other areas where data might be shared.
Given the subject matter, participants’ comfort levels were prioritized to ensure a safe
space to share reflections about their experiences, particularly as it related to race- and
gender-based stressors.
Limitations and Delimitations
This mixed methods study provided the opportunity to gain critical insights regarding the
lived experiences of Black women amid COVID-19 and compared their experiences with women
from other racial groups. However, some limitations inherent in this study included the ability to

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meet the quota to support research. Given race was selected as the measure for the quota
sampling, the priority would be to meet the quota for each racial category. Palinkas et al. (2013)
wrote purposive sampling is not interested in matching the population but reaching a particular
goal, which would provide researchers with the ability to speak more broadly about findings.
This study relied on respondents’ transparency both in relation to the quantitative and
qualitative research. Lack of transparency may skew the results; therefore, it is important to
mitigate confusion and provide clarity to respondents. By providing details related to design,
analysis, and planning, Kapiszewski and Karcher (2021), noted this method may offer the ability
for more transparency in the research.
One final limitation of the study was career levels may appear skewed for certain groups
at the mid- or executive level versus entry level. Data must be tracked to ensure that quota can be
met when addressing the research questions in general.

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Chapter Four: Findings
This study explored how Black women leaders were impacted by the COVID-19
pandemic and how they persisted in their personal and professional lives. The following research
questions guided this study:
1. What were the lived experiences of Black women seeking to become mid- to
senior-level leaders in the workplace?
2. In what ways did Black women make sense of their ability to persist in leadership
given the complexities of the COVID-19 health pandemic?
3. What results emerged when qualitative data for Black women leaders during the
COVID-19 pandemic was compared with the outcome quantitative data?
Review of Study Approach
This mixed-method approach began concurrently with both qualitative and quantitative
snowball sampling. For the quantitative approach, women-led membership organizations were
contacted including chapters from National Organization of Women (NOW), which has over 550
chapters across the United States and in Washington D.C., to participate in this study. Several
chapter directors via the NOW website were contacted, and a draft recruitment letter, flyer, and
other key materials were sent inviting chapter leadership to participate in an online survey.
Requests were made to each chapter director to post survey details on their social media sites to
garner additional support for the study. In addition, I utilized my own personal LinkedIn network
to support building survey power, and shared recruitment materials and other resources to
support this effort online.

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Qualitatively, a snowball sample was the method used for the interview process and
offered the opportunity to connect with diverse candidates across different regions and sectors.
Each respondent met the criteria of being 18 years or older, served in mid- to senior-level roles,
and directly supervised teams or individuals in their current capacity. A total of 14 interviews
were conducted with both mid- and senior-level individuals.
Quantitative Portion
The online survey was sent in two phases between May 26–June 26, 2022, and again
between August 26–September 16, 2022, for a total of 74 respondents. Respondents were
disqualified if they identified as male or did not meet the necessary age requirements to
participate in the survey, or if they did not complete the entire survey, leaving a total of 47 valid
responses. Survey invitations were sent to NOW chapters across the country, where chapter
leaders decided on their chapter’s level of participation. The first phase of data collection
garnered a total of 29 responses, and therefore, a second phase of survey collection occurred to
support additional findings, which resulted in 45 responses being collected. The second phase of
collection occurred via postings on LinkedIn, Twitter, and Facebook. Table 2 highlights
demographic information for survey respondents. Utilizing an anonymous link through Qualtrics,
the survey link was distributed across various chapters and on social media.

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Table 2
Demographics of Survey Respondents
Demographics of survey respondents %
Ethnicity
American Indian or Alaska Native 0.00
Asian 6.38
Black or African American 34.0
Hispanic or Latino 0.00
Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander 0.00
White
Multi-racial
51.0
8.51
Age
Under 18 0.00
18–24 4.25
25–34 12.7
35–44 21.3
45–54 36.2
55–64 21.3
65 and older 4.25
Education
High school or GED 2.13
Some college, associate degree 8.51
Technical degree or occupation certificate 4.26
Bachelor’s degree 10.6
Graduate degree (MBA, MA) 53.2

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Note. N = 47
Doctorate (PhD, EdD) 17.0
Professional degree (MD, JD) 4.26
Career level
Entry level (0–2 years) 4.26
Mid-level (3–10 years) 44.7
Executive level (11+ years) 51.1

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Qualitative Portion
For the qualitative portion of this study, a total of 14 interviews were conducted with both
mid- and senior-level individuals. After analyzing central themes from each conversation,
saturation was reached, and no further interviews were conducted. The participants ranged in age
from 35 to 65; identified as a mid- or senior-level leader; with or without career giving
responsibilities at the home; and resided in the United States during the time of the pandemic.
Participants either worked full-time or experienced a change in their employment status during
the onset of the pandemic beginning in March 2020. Participants represented roles within public,
private, and nonprofit sectors. Table 3 provides additional details about interview participants.
Table 3
Demographic Overview of Qualitative Participants
Pseudonym Age range Profile Sector
Alexis 35–44 Black or African American female;
executive; caregiver to one child
and elderly parents; graduate
degree; lives in the Northeastern
region of United States; serves in
a frontline capacity; job placed
her at risk for COVID-19
Public
Angelica 45–54 Black or African American female;
executive; caregiver to two
children; lives in the
South-Central region of United
States; does not serve in a
frontline role; promoted during
COVID-19 pandemic
Nonprofit
Chantal 55–64 Black or African American female;
executive; non-caregiver;
bachelor’s degree; supervisor;
Private

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Pseudonym Age range Profile Sector
lives in the Southeastern region
of the United States; does not
serve in a frontline role.
Deidre 45–54 Black or African American female;
executive; caregiver; lives in the
South-Central region of the
United States; does not serve in a
frontline role; self-employed.
Private
Diane 35–44 Black or African American female;
executive; non-caregiver; lives in
the Northeastern region of United
States; self-employed
Private
Georgina 45–54 Black or African American female;
mid-career; graduate degree;
non-caregiver; lives in the
Midwest region of the United
States; does not serve in a
frontline role.
Nonprofit
Malia 35–44 Black or African Caribbean female;
executive; graduate degree;
caregiver to elderly parents; lives
in the Northeastern region of
United States; does not serve in a
frontline role; RIF during
COVID-19 pandemic.
Nonprofit
Merle 35–44 Black or African American female;
executive; caregiver to elderly
parent; lives in the Northeastern
region of United States; graduate
degree; serves in frontline
capacity; job put her at risk for
COVID-19
Public
Michelle 45–54 Black or African American female;
executive; caregiver to two
children; lives in the
Southeastern region of United
States; serves in a frontline role;
Public

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Pseudonym Age range Profile Sector
experienced temporary RIF
during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Nasira 35–44 Black or African American female;
executive; bachelor’s degree in
progress; lives in the
Northeastern region of United
States; does not serve in a
frontline role; experienced RIF
during the COVID-19 pandemic;
part-time student.
Nonprofit
Natalie 45–54 Black or African American female;
executive; caregiver to one child;
double master’s degrees; lives in
the Northeastern region of United
States; C-Suite; does not serve in
a frontline role.
Private
Nyla 35–44 Black or African American female;
mid to senior level; master’s
degree; lives in the Northeastern
region of United States;
marketing and tech industry;
does not serve in a frontline role.
Private
Sasha 35–44 Haitian female; executive;
caregiver; lives in the
Northeastern region of United
States; mid-level; bachelor’s
degree; does not serve in a
frontline role; started new role at
onset of COVID-19 pandemic.
Nonprofit
Sophia 55–64 Identified as Black or African
American; mid-career;
supervisor; caregiver; graduate
degree; lives in the Southeastern
region of the United States; does
not serve in a frontline role.
Public

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Findings Related to Research Question 1
Findings from this section answered the research question: What were the lived
experiences of Black women seeking to become mid-to senior-level leaders in the workplace?
Respondents drew on numerous themes of their lived experiences, which centered on
belongingness, workplace dignity, and microaggressions.
Belongingness and Workplace Dignity
While experiences varied among participants regarding workplace culture, belongingness
was a central theme across participant interviews. Participants reflected on treatment in the
workplace, from dealing with microaggressions or seeking more equitable salaries and titles, to
the perceived value of their voices, opinions, and experiences in their respective spaces.
Rabelo et al. (2021) remarked lack of belongingness can constrain and manifest a culture
of visibility, which may lead to additional workplace biases such as microaggressions. Given that
visibility can be characterized by race and gender, Black women sit in the center of this visibility
which often leaves them on the outskirts or even excluded from specific workgroups.
Participants in this study referenced being stereotyped in their roles, either as angry or a potential
threat.
These participants indicated their colleagues viewed them as asking too many questions,
which they found later diminished their own desire to make further contributions in their
respective settings (see Dickens et al., 2019). Oftentimes participants experienced awkwardness,
where their counterparts gave subtle slights that further negatively impacted their work. To
manage these race-based stressors, participants described various coping mechanisms adopted in
the workplace.

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One participant chose to “make sure my words are what they’re supposed to be, and my
tone is what it’s supposed to be” after observing, understanding, and processing any conversation
with her colleagues. Another participant discussed personal choices she made about her
appearance, such as wearing her hair natural or straight, to support the comfort levels of board
members and others in leadership. This idea of respectability politics (see Dickens et al., 2019)
increases the comfort levels of dominant groups but further reinforces the need to identity shift,
which has other health and wellness implications for Black women. Nasira described her own
experience:
It is like a juggling act, obviously, be competent, be cordial and collegial … while not
being a bucket list of things that people say and see about Black women, aggressive,
combative, sometimes always race- or struggle-oriented. So, what has looked like going
into White spaces, often I feel like I am biting my tongue. Because of [their] ignorance,
lack of knowledge, … I have no appropriate sounding board to share how these things are
impacting me in the workspace. And oftentimes, I am the only one, the only one in some
proximity to leadership or squarely in a leadership space in the C-suite. And it feels like a
lot of work to teach others how they should communicate and engage as it can be deemed
as me taking it personally.
The dehumanization often experienced by Black women in the workplace can render
their experiences as nonexistent or irrelevant. Consequently, Black women who challenge
assumptions about their journey can experience displaced blame (see Jones and Norwood 2016)
and be seen as potential threats from their aggressors. These layers of hypervisibility continue to
elevate white, male hierarchies (see McCluney and Rabelo, 2019) leaving Black women on the
lower rungs of leadership.

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Finally, support from managers came under criticism, which also impacted belongingness
in the workplace. Of the respondents who discussed their direct supervision, three out of 14
respondents (21%) indicated their manager provided them with critical support, which led to
their success in handling and coping through the pandemic. Of this group, 100% indicated their
manager was a Black woman.
For the remaining respondents, their journeys were mixed; the majority indicated
experiences marked by tokenism, hiring and promotion disparities, and bias, which all
contributed to them having a reduced affinity to their workplace. Nyla reflected “People see
color. And, so therefore, that’s part of their decision-making process [when considering
promotion].” Georgina recounted how workplace stereotypes impacted her ability to progress at
her organization.
Sometimes the myth of the angry Black woman was attributed to me or [colleagues]
coded my reactions or my handling of situations as passionate, which often perpetuated
the angry Black women stereotype. At the level I reached within the company, I no
longer was willing to code switch (see Dickens et al., 2019). I wanted to be my authentic
self … and so that always did not match well with our leadership. And at the end, I
believe, that is what backfired for me moving to an executive level role originally … I
was not soft enough, which made people uncomfortable. I am a disrupter, I will challenge
the status quo, which is deemed as being angry. But those are the words that are used to
describe [Black women] in moments when we voice our opinions or challenge other
opinions at work. When [the organization] finally realized I was one of the voices they
really needed at the table, especially during the heightened social unrest experienced

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during the pandemic, I was no longer willing to sacrifice my peace of mind and my
career goals, to just hold a tokenized position at the organization.
Lack of inclusive leadership can quickly create an environment where uniqueness, team
diversity, and diversity of decision-making is not celebrated. These areas can limit intergroup
dynamics and culture. Nasira reflected on her lack of managerial support in the workplace, which
hindered her sense of belonging.
I personally felt like I had to put on this strong face for my supervisor at the time [of the
COVID-19 pandemic] and show a high emotional IQ, and not be putting myself before
the needs of the team in the organization. I genuinely did not believe that there was space
for me to share what it meant for me to be afraid for myself or did not feel the individual
[former supervisor] was capable of genuine support. I was on an island, and then feeling
like I had lost relationships, because people did not know how to support me.
Similarly, one participant commented she experienced “a disconnect between how
supervisors engaged with their employees, along with futile attempts to build culture” amid
crisis. Another participant concluded belonging and workplace dignity “required genuine
understanding of the needs of employees across the organization.”
More broadly, participants expressed concerns about how their companies were living out
their own values, which further impacted them as Black women in the workplace, as well as the
constituents they served. These value systems would continue to be questioned in the wake of
social unrest during the COVID-19 pandemic, which triggered additional reflections regarding
their own leadership journeys. While most participants indicated they were treated as equals
within their respective settings, instances of subtle slights and other microaggressions were part
of their broader existence within the company.

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Microaggressions
Companies have invested in diverse strategies to mitigate workplace incivilities to
support and to enhance outcomes for their diverse workforces. Yet, Black women leaders
continue to be judged on their race and gender, which impacts their ability to ascend to the top
leadership roles across companies within the United States.
When asked whether they felt they were treated differently because of their race and
gender, participants in this study provided specific examples of how differences impacted their
ability to lead. One participant described differences within various layers of her organization,
asking “Who would promote a Black woman to lead a local chapter?” Her organization serves
numerous chapters across the United States and abroad, where diversity and inclusion can be
seen at headquarters but sparse throughout other areas of the organization. While investments
have been made to support more inclusive efforts, it was not translated at the local levels of her
organization leaving fewer women of color in leadership.
Participants also described not being taken seriously when sharing their ideas, leaving
them to feel diminished as professionals and experts in their respective fields. Often this looks
like participants questioning their comments, participants trying to determine whether their input
will be considered at the decision-making level, or participants receiving less credit or no credit
for their input. Chantal offered the following insights:
In my county, I saw a pattern of attrition at our local level, where entertainment
companies were leaving our markets for other regions across the country. I began
researching trends and other patterns within the market. In a subsequent meeting, I
presented these findings to leaders within industry, predominately White men, with key
projections on revenue loss. In the moment, the meeting seemed successful as we

74
discussed next steps but there was no action post-meeting. They did not take my work
seriously, and if I were a White man, I believe they would have acted quicker. Ultimately,
my projections came in under, and they lost so much money due to their inaction.
Finally, some participants described comments made by leadership that diminished their
own experiences as Black women leaders. One participant described a conversation where a
leader indicated his amusement by an individual’s lack of knowledge, to which he turned to the
participant, and assumed the participant could relate. This left this participant confused as the
only common factor was their race.
It was really challenging for me to be professional in this space and not bring up this
level of inquiry with this individual. Instead, I reached out to my supervisor, who was
also in attendance, but she did not think anything was wrong. She thought she was an
ally, and I had to share with her those assumptions were made due to race. Frankly, my
supervisor, the individual described, and I were all first-generation college students, yet
no assumptions were made about the social terrains my supervisor was able to navigate
because she was White.
Another participant described being questioned by her supervisor about her boarding
school experience. In this instance, her supervisor assumed she attended boarding school to curb
behavioral problems rather than for scholarly pursuits. Once the latter was revealed, her
supervisor indicated she was only able to attend because she was given a scholarship. In this
instance, the participant articulated why these actions were offensive and why this was deeply
personal and unacceptable in the workplace.
Given their subtle nature, microaggressions are complex, leaving layers of uncertainty
and confusion. Notably, many participants in this study also felt they were treated as equals in the

75
workplace despite the examples cited above. While Black women leaders are held to a different
standard and lack credibility in the workplace, the presence of microaggressions perpetuates
oppressive systems (Skinner-Dorkenoo et. al, 2021), which create differences in the workplace.
Findings for Research Question 2
Findings from this section worked to understand how Black mid- to senior-leaders made
sense of their ability to persist in leadership given the complexities of the COVID-19 health
pandemic. To support this work, it was important to understand how leaders made sense of the
COVID-19 pandemic, but more importantly, how one’s identity construction might change given
the ambiguity and uncertainty the pandemic signified.
Sensemaking theory demonstrates identity construction is paramount as leaders look at
their experiences and environments to obtain greater clarity about their professional journeys.
Particularly in crisis, leaders utilize different perspectives to best understand and interpret the
crisis around them. Three central themes emerged in the research including revisioning
leadership style and values; career and leadership resilience; and defining strength in crisis.
Revisioning of Leadership Style and Goals
The COVID-19 pandemic allowed respondents to reflect on their current leadership goals
and values. For many, the pandemic provided newfound opportunities to stretch the leader’s
abilities in their workplaces and allowed leaders to rethink and/or refocus on their own
leadership styles. Most participants in this study remarked they changed their leadership style to
better support their teams. When asked about the ability to lead teams in the pandemic, many of
the responses converged around what Northouse (2019) identifies as servant leadership
characteristics.

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Northouse (2019) writes servant leaders are concerned with putting the employee first,
where they work to support their employees’ overall development. Servant leadership also
provides a deeper commitment to values engagement and a broader concern with fixing
inequalities within the organization. The findings demonstrated during the pandemic, leaders in
this study utilized this approach to ensure deeper connection with their teams, and in some
instances, held their organizations accountable in times of crisis.
Commitment to the Growth of People
Overwhelmingly, many participants spoke about shifting their leadership style to support
the fuller development of their staff. Northouse (2019) writes servant leaders work on
understanding their employees’ unique skills to support greater career development and
decision-making. The findings in the study demonstrate that in the pandemic Black women
leaders were concerned with holistic development of their staff and took on a servant leadership
style to support employees in crisis. Sasha commented:
I had to change my style of management in the [COVID-19] pandemic, because I was
seeing folks in real time who were either surviving from COVID, helping parents who
were surviving from COVID, and each one of them being scared for their own safety. …
I think first and foremost, what was most important to me was seeing myself as a coach
and mentor for other Black women. That is what I prioritized in my role as a leader, and
then the work.
The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic coupled with the commitment to grow people
and teams allowed Natalie to deepen her leadership impact on a broader scale.
Normally, outside of this role, I always worked in-house in the nonprofit space. I saw this
as an opportunity to really expand my brand across the social sectors, and then make the

77
choice of what nonprofit I’d want to go back in-house to support. And what I realized
during COVID was the level of impact I was able to have across the sector is bigger than
one organization. And so, I had to reevaluate how I could still support leaders developing
in their day-to-day leadership and developing their day-to-day lives. I basically turned my
role into two roles in one, to benefit … my own professional needs to develop and see
folks grow.
Similarly, Nasira recognized she was a leader who valued stewardship and her leadership
allowed her employees to be their best selves amid the pandemic.
[In this crisis], it was a space where I was able to fully show up as that leader that I have
always thought could be possible. Balancing the ambitious goals with the people is
something that I have taken into other spaces. Beforehand I felt that I was not necessarily
fully ready to oversee [various areas], but I felt like an expert on this vertical. And I think
for me, [the COVID-19 pandemic] showed that I had a real capacity to see the strengths
of others, and how they could support and supplement my own areas of growth. And that
is what really being a leader, and a great manager, means is building teams that are not
meeting your own image but are made to really enhance areas where you may be lacking.
Northouse (2019) refers to servant leadership as a set of behaviors where the
prioritization of relationships is key to better understanding the needs, abilities, and goals of the
employees so they can realize their fullest potential. Many leaders in this study were intentional
about changing their leadership style to better support their employees in the pandemic. Critical
to this support was actively listening to employees’ needs, understanding how best to build
community within a remote or hybrid setting, and determining how best to support gaps in their
management style to still lead their teams to success.

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Community Engagement
During COVID-19, participants in the study increased community connection to actively
support their employees, and utilized cues to identify pain points, burnout, and other key areas to
manage their teams. These moments provided additional insights on what teams need in crisis.
Angelica remarked:
I am a good manager and have a good sense of how people feel. Being unable to travel as
much as I would have done before the pandemic and having those organic in person side
conversations are really getting the feel of a room is different versus everyone being on
camera. It took away, I think, my ability to kind of sense things, and I had to rely on
asking more questions, listening for any additional insights, hoping that people were
honest, and candid.
Like Angelica, managers leveraged these sessions to take cues about their employees and
to demonstrate their investment in their employees’ well-being. Managers “slowed down to
process information to provide clear directives and guidance” to ensure their team’s success.
Other managers adopted strategies like extending check-ins to create listening opportunities to
further support their teams. Most leaders discussed utilizing Zoom for additional team building
time and were strategic about building this time into already existing meetings. Sasha shared her
insights about managing a team she had never met in-person.
I was managing a fully remote team during the pandemic, who I had never met in person.
One of the things that helped me persist with work was I recognized I had to develop
much deeper relationships with them [the team]. It required additional touch points to
really get to know them outside of just their tasks. So, I extended our check-ins to 60

79
minutes to catch up on everything around work. And, then the 30 minutes was just time
to hear how they are doing and provided a sense of grounding for them.
While leaders worked with their teams to build higher levels of community engagement,
several felt a lack of support during the pandemic from other leaders within their organizations.
Alexis remarked, “There were high expectations of staff but as leaders we were not addressing the
employees’ emotions. The team experienced low morale and that impacted the work overall.”
Diane added, “Companies were very linear in their thinking—focused on the work—but not
concerned about how the work was being produced. It took some time to understand what was
happening with the staff.” When asked about solutions, flexibility was key, but Angelica felt
bigger adjustments were needed to set staff up for success.
As leaders in our organization, we got to the people, and had good conversations about
empathy, and flexibility. We could have been better leaders, as far as supporting our
teams through significant personal upheaval. We needed to adjust instead of needing to
be flexible and needed to model these behaviors for our staff. [As an organization], we
[could have] adjusted our expectations for the team around the work and set the tone for
what was manageable in terms of workload and schedule. So, rather than saying take the
time you need, but still meet the original, ambitious goals, leaders should have worked
together to determine what was feasible for the team to accomplish and set new goals and
expectations for their teams amid this crisis.
These expectations, however, did not prevent Black women leaders from thinking about
their career trajectories and ways to support their broader career goals.

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Career Leadership Resilience
While the pandemic was a time of uncertainty, it did not deter respondents in thinking
about their leadership pursuits. Twelve of the 14 interview participants (or 86% of participants)
indicated they could accomplish their career goals amid the pandemic. Respondents indicated to
be successful in attaining these goals, time and flexibility would be critical. One participant
commented “you must give yourself a little bit more grace and allowance, [and recognize] that it
may take longer” in achieving your goals. Another agreed, adding “there must be a boldness and
willingness to step out of your comfort zone” to be set up for success. Finally, one participant felt
that the COVID-19 allowed her to have increased opportunities. She remarked, “There was much
more access [during COVID-19 pandemic]; the opportunities were endless. It is how you
leveraged them. And I think for me, that was a serious wakeup call … I needed to leverage my
skills, my capabilities, [and] don’t hinder myself.”
Respondents felt the COVID-19 provided more flexibility, and in turn, allowed for a
greater balance of their personal and professional needs. Malia commented:
I think I can now [achieve my career goals] more than before because it is allowing me to
find a work life balance. I am not saying that I do not work as hard because my plate is
definitely full. But I find that I can destress and recover faster than when I was working
in person completely with high stress, fast-paced environments. And this current work
environment can be extremely fast paced and can be stressful. But I can step away and
mediate … and do things I might not have been able to do had I been working in an
in-person environment. I have found balance and do not want to be on the path to burnout
again.

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Participants who felt they were unable to achieve their career goals amid the COVID-19
pandemic cited unprepared leadership, vision, and direction, which ultimately led them to not
pursue higher leadership roles within their companies. One participant remarked, “I would rather
step back because I cannot make the widespread changes needed at my place of employment. …
The pandemic showed me that I no longer wanted to pursue a greater leadership role.” Similarly,
Merle commented “for me to make an impact, I would need to leave my place of employment
and support greater policy changes.” Coincidentally, both respondents work in the same industry,
served as caregivers to children or elderly family members, and indicated their roles put them at
a greater risk of contracting the COVID-19 virus. They both indicated high degrees of
dissatisfaction throughout the pandemic, lack of leadership vision, and inability of current
leaders to further support employees both on personal and professional levels.
Outlook at Current Place of Employment
While participants felt they could accomplish and meet their overall career goals, when
asked whether they could accomplish goals in their current workplace the results were mixed.
Six of 14 participants (or 43% of participants) indicated they were happy with the career options
at their place of employment and cited moving to a fully remote schedule as a primary reason for
achieving their success. Going remote allowed for greater flexibility and an opportunity to focus
on well-being and psychological safety. One participant cited, “I love the flexibility and love that
I [am] able to avoid all the microaggressions I would have experienced in the office.” Similar
research has also shown Black women’s preference for remote work increased their overall sense
of belonging (Agovino, 2022).
More broadly, eight of the 14 participants (or 57%) indicated they were either uncertain
or could not accomplish their career goals at their current place of employment. For some the

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pandemic uncovered their organization’s lack of empathy and collective vision around the goals
and work. Some participants spoke about their organization’s culture and how that added to their
uncertainty about the future. Angelica remarked:
We have this performative culture where excellence and perfectionism is valued. We do
not say it, but everything we do makes it obvious. How many times do we have to
wordsmith the same communication? How many drafts do we need before a
communication is final? How many tests do we need before we are okay with the
finished product? [This idea of perfectionism] is rooted in a White supremacist culture.
So, the pandemic hits, and we continue with a culture of it must be bigger, better, extra,
and excellent. I think the organization needed to step up and adjust a bit more. We needed
to adjust how we were meeting objectives on paper, and understand the organization is
impacted by the pandemic, so meeting lofty goals to continue to build a national presence
may not be as achievable, and necessary, in this moment.
Another participant added “in the pandemic the organization went bigger and increased
their services by offering, which translated into a more stressful, remote environment, while
reducing its labor force. I do not see myself stepping into the next leadership role.”
The findings suggest while the pandemic contributed to Black women leaders feeling like
they could accomplish their career goals, the realities of their companies’ pandemic responses
left uncertainty about whether their current place of employment was the right fit to support their
overall development.
The Superwoman Schema
The superwoman schema (SBW) was developed to counterbalance many of the negative
stereotypes about Black women rooted in the post-slavery era (Woods-Giscombe, 2010).

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According to Woods-Giscombe, the SBW schema has a multitude of factors, including
presenting an image of strength, suppressing emotions, and lack of vulnerability.
While this schema has boosted confidence, and has oftentimes been seen as empowering,
for many Black women, living up to this ideal has resulted in deleterious effects on their physical
and mental health. Recognizing the gravity of the COVID-19 pandemic coupled with the impact
of the SBW schema, I wanted to further understand whether Black women leaders in the study
identified in a stronger sense with the SBW schema given the complexity of their situations.
To better understand how this schema presented itself during the pandemic, each
respondent was asked two questions.
● Did you feel obligated to present a sense of strength in the workplace?
● Did you feel that it is difficult to ask for help? Responses to these questions were
quite varied and reasons for variance included past experiences, lack of psychological
safety, and proper onboarding in the workplace.
Image of Strength
Across the board, all participants indicated during the pandemic there were challenges,
which impacted them presenting an image of strength within their personal lives. While many
identified as primary caretakers, the shelter-in place orders altered their ability to balance both
work and home life. They were concerned about their children’s well-being and survival (for
those who identified as having school-aged children in their homes) but also protective of their
family members’ health and well-being. Similar findings in Godoy’s et. al (2023) study
highlighted perceived prioritization of family over self, increased responsibility, and stress,
which added to the feeling of presenting an image of strength. Despite these feelings within the
home environment, presenting this image in the workplace was mixed.

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Of the 14 participants interviewed, the respondents were evenly split regarding presenting
an image of strength at work. Those individuals who felt the statement resonated with them
offered a variety of factors contributing to this perception. Alexis indicated, “During the
COVID-19 pandemic, I had to put my feelings on the backburner and be strong for my team and
clients.” Another participant, Sasha, added her past experiences and perceptions regarding
strength left her to bring similar ideals into her new workplace.
I would come to meetings [during the pandemic] with that strong face to the team of
moving forward, oftentimes on some of the scariest days witnessed in this country. And
sometimes that meant balancing this image of strength with vulnerability and not
knowing how others would react or how it would be received. As I reflect, I do not think
anyone was expecting me to show up in this manner, but rather, I leaned into this
behavior [given experiences] from previous roles. Now it is to the point where it has
created an opposite issue for me where now I am having to unlearn this trait and create
space for myself and my well-being.
Likewise, Nyla perceived displays of vulnerability as a setback to her career and
development in the workplace. She commented,
I never looked sad at work and shielded what was happening to me. Even during the
pandemic, I had to put on a strong face and put up my wall around my colleagues because
I was the only Black woman in a leadership role struggling to survive. I did not want to
be seen as the Black woman crying at work so I focused on my responsibilities and would
go back to my hotel room full of emotions.
Woods-Giscombe (2010) study remarks Black women often suffer in silence when they
take on the SBW schema. Likewise, Liao et. al (2020) writes that Black women who display the

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SBW schema have increased mental health and isolation challenges. Throughout this study, most
participants discussed the isolating aspect of the COVID-19 pandemic as a contributing factor to
their well-being. Respondents discussed their inability to be forward-thinking, increased anxiety,
and loss of networks, whether personal or professional, during this time of crisis. One participant
remarked:
I felt extremely isolated given the role that I play in my community. I felt particularly
guilty for feeling isolated, especially when there are so many other people that I am
responsible for, and so I needed to be strong and find new ways to connect with the
broader community.
For these reasons, many participants sought increased support (religious groups,
therapists, and coaches) to cope with their changing environments. This was quite different from
the outcomes seen in other research, where Black women tended to cope on their own during
periods of crisis (see Watson-Singleton, 2017).
Finally, some participants remarked they continued to personify the Black women
schema based on the cues received within their companies. Participants commented Black
women were seen as a threat in the workplace, which in turn meant they felt the need to be
stronger and firmer in their approach, which further exacerbated their stereotypes. Angelica
expressed her organization created different standards of emotional safety and acceptance, which
further added to the pervasive need to be seen as strong.
I think as leadership, we are expected to be a little steadier and even keeled—even when
significant change occurs. [With the pandemic], we encouraged our staff to set an
environment of safety, acceptance of emotions, expression of emotions, but it was
different for leadership. At my workplace, we had different expectations for leadership,

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which was often perceived in conversations when other leader’s conduct or behavior fell
short of expectations. This was a constant reminder of why strength was necessary for me
in my workplace.
These findings suggest in the pandemic, Black women continued to identify cues both
personally and professionally that reinforced the necessity to take on the strong Black woman
archetype, which impacted their identity construction during the pandemic. For many, taking on
this schema produced an increased inclination to be stronger for their teams and colleagues, with
the side effect of further isolation from the loss of personal connections and mixed responses
about their leadership management in the pandemic. In some cases, the SBW schema was
heightened given the complexities of social unrest and health disparities. However, a shift was
also seen for some Black women leaders who embraced their self-worth, which allowed them to
be more vulnerable in the workplace.
Increased Self-Compassion
Research has demonstrated high levels of self-criticism, a characteristic of the SBW
schema, can greatly compound the effects of the SBW schema. Self-compassion, characterized
by kindness and neutrality in assessing one’s actions, can mitigate aspects of the SBW schema
and support healthier well-being, and a fuller understanding of one’s core values (see Lefebvre
et. al, 2020; Liao et. al, 2020). Coincidentally, participants in this study remarked understanding
their self-worth, value, and respect for their talents were factors that supported their ability to let
go of the SBW schema, increased their ability to ask for support, and allowed for greater impact
in the workplace.
I think I just really understood my worth, in a very different way. I understood the
expertise that I brought to the work, I understood the impact of my leadership, and what it

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meant for me to be present at my organization, and how that uplifted the organization’s
culture, which shifted the outcomes overall. It was apparent [to me] the impact I was
experiencing was much deeper and more transformative, which affirmed my place as a
leader. During the pandemic, I leaned into this to be able to offer increased services,
which honored our employees and their well-being while providing coaching and other
support for leaders of color.
One participant remarked that having a safe space and reliable team, and ongoing support
helped her to recognize the importance of having her team’s support.
Diane offered similar reflections regarding her own journey to understanding her values.
I previously had to present an image of strength because I was subjected to bullying in
the workplace. It got to a point where I stood up for myself, while still understanding that
the consequences could be less than positive. It was at that moment that I started my
journey of appreciating and respecting who I am. Showing up in the pandemic meant
understanding my limits, and recognizing what I can and cannot do comfortably, and
asking leaders within the organization for grace for myself and team throughout that
crisis. This space allowed our team to outperform but gave us the flexibility to be whole.
Other participants indicated they were comfortable being vulnerable and knowing they
could receive critical support within the workplace. Findings from the Kotera and Van Gordon
(2021) study demonstrated higher levels of self-compassion positioned employees to be resilient
in crisis situations. Furthermore, Joy et. al (2023) indicated participants with a higher
self-compassion generally demonstrated increased confidence and competence in their roles
during the COVID-19 pandemic. Participants in this study who indicated higher levels of
self-compassion also felt confident in their ability to create change for their employees.

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Findings for Research Question 3
The aim of this research question was to share results from survey data to provide
broader context regarding the experiences of all women in the survey. A dominant challenge of
this purposive sample was reaching the criteria goals for this study, which looked across all
races. Responses were minimal for specific areas although a broad strategy supported the survey
outreach. While this non-random sample cannot be generalized to the broader population, the
survey results provide unique information on how women in various regions across the United
States experienced the COVID-19 pandemic in their daily lives.
The survey received a total of 74 responses, of which 47 (63%) viable survey responses
met the survey criteria. Most respondents fell within the age range of 35–54 years of age (56%).
Respondents identified as Asian (6%); Black or African American (34%); White (51%); and
Multiracial (9%). While surveys were received from 15 states and U.S. territories, most
respondents resided in California (38%), New York (17%) and Maryland (9%).
Most respondents indicated their highest level of education was at the graduate level,
earning a master’s degree or MBA (53%); doctorate degree or PhD (17%); bachelor’s degree
(11%); Professional degree (JD or MD) (4%); and other schooling (i.e., technical school, etc.)
(15%). Nearly every participant (96% of the survey sample) indicated they were currently in a
mid-level to executive-level role, with 74% indicating they did not serve in a frontline position.
Those serving in a frontline capacity represented 26% of respondents. The vast majority of
respondents, 91%, indicated they were employed in some capacity (full-time, part-time, or
self-employed).
Workplace Dignity

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The workplace dignity scale was used to measure how participants perceived their
treatment in the workplace. While across the board participants felt they were treated with
respect at the workplace, Black women scored much lower than their counterparts, indicating
their treatment in the workplace was varied. In particular, the calculated standard deviation was
higher, indicating additional variability with respect to respect, dignity, and equality. Similar to
the findings in the qualitative research, findings from the survey suggest Black women also
experienced a lack of belongingness within their environments prior to the pandemic. Table 4
provides additional comparisons by race for each standard.
Table 4
Workplace Dignity Scale Prior to COVID-19 (Comparison by Race)
Prior the COVID-19 Pandemic
Black
women
N = 18
White
women
N = 24
Asian
women
N = 3
Question Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD
People at work respect my
competence. 3.21 0.94 3.75 0.6 4 0
At work, people talk to me as an
equal regardless of whether there
are status differences between us.
2.43 0.82 3.21 0.96 3.33 0.94
I am treated with dignity at work. 3.00 1.13 3.75 0.43 3.67 0.47

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Black women indicated they felt there was respect for their competence in the workplace
but ultimately their experience of workplace culture was quite different, lacking in equity and
dignity. There is high variability for workplace dignity (SD = 1.13), which might provide further
insights into the mixed reality of belongingness in the workplace during this crisis. Having
workplace dignity, or the respectful interactions and situations between self and peers (Joan
Yalden, 2010), is the bedrock for an equitable workplace culture. Given their intersectional
identities and the erosion of respect in the workplace, Black women may be transitioning from
their roles, making the road to executive leadership difficult.
During the pandemic, there were notable changes in workplace dignity. Black
participants experienced a minor decrease in respect (M = 3.14) but demonstrated increases in
being seen as an equal (M = 2.86) and dignity (3.21). There is still a higher degree of variation
when analyzing workplace dignity (SD = 1.15) and equality status (1.06), which may be
attributed to type of work environment, job location status, leadership role, or small sample size.
However, similar findings were seen when compared to the qualitative findings, where those
individuals who shifted to remote work experienced slightly positive increases to workplace
dignity.
Conversely, Asian women experienced changes around respect and equality in the
workplace. Given the small sample size, this data cannot be generalized to the broader
population, but the shift and the increased variations may spark some future discussion regarding
Asian women’s experiences overall.
The research is well-documented about the discrimination experienced by Asian
populations during the pandemic here in the United States, and the implications on their health
and well-being (Forbes et al., 2023; Lee & Waters, 2021). Continued conversation about the

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impact in the workplace can additionally shed light on how best to support Asian women
navigate the crossroads of race and gender in this crisis.
Table 5 provides further information regarding workplace dignity factors by race during
the pandemic.
Table 5
Workplace Dignity Scale During COVID-19 (Comparison by Race)
During the COVID-19 Pandemic
Black
women
N = 18
White
women
N = 26
Asian
women
N = 3
Question Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD
People at work respect my competence. 3.14 0.99 3.33 0.94 3 1.41
At work, people talk to me as an equal
regardless of whether there are status
differences between us.
2.86 1.06 2.75 0.97 2.67 0.94
I am treated with dignity at work. 3.21 1.15 3.17 0.99 3.67 0.47

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COVID-19 Implications
When asked about how the COVID-19 pandemic affected their work, 32% of individuals
surveyed indicated they moved to a remote arrangement; 13% reported increased their hours at
work; and 12% stated their jobs put them at greater risk for catching COVID-19. Figure 2 depicts
how women in this study were impacted by the pandemic.
Figure 2
Impact of COVID-19 Pandemic on Work

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According to the data, Black respondents indicated the pandemic had a negative to
extremely negative impact (66%) versus White respondents who indicated a negative impact
(67%). Of importance was understanding impact on relationships and self, as these are key
factors when evaluating the SBW schema. Table 6 highlights the breakdown of these factors for
participants.
Table 6
Impact of COVID-19 on Personal Lives (by Race)
COVID-19 impact Black
women
N = 18
White women
N = 26
Asian women
N = 3
Relationships with
family members
and friends
75%
Major negative
impact
71%
Positive impact
13%
Positive impact
Your physical and
mental health
57%
Negative impact
88%
Major negative
impact
25%
Positive impact

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Black respondents saw a major negative impact on their relationships with family/friends
(75%); a negative impact on their overall physical and mental health (57%), and a minor impact
on their ability to care for their children (17%). Conversely, White respondents indicated a major
negative impact on their mental health (88%), and a positive impact on their relationships (71%).
Similar to research on the SBW schema, findings from this study suggest Black women
may have prioritized supporting others versus their own health and well-being in the pandemic.
Black and White women indicated no impact on their ability to pay for basic needs. Lastly, a
positive impact was seen by both White and Asian women, who indicated their relationships
with friends and family were better during this time of crisis.
To further understand how the COVID-19 pandemic may have impacted their overall
career goals at their current place of employment, respondents were asked to indicate their level
of agreement to following statements: I feel uncertain about my chance to get where I want at my
current place of employment; I cannot achieve my career goals at my current place of
employment; I am confident I can make my career goals work at my current place of
employment; and I expect that I can accomplish my career goals at my current place of
employment. While the results were mixed for many groups, 100% of Black respondents
strongly agreed they cannot achieve their career goals at their current place of employment.
Respondents felt they were on the outskirts within their respective companies, which created
barriers to their success. A similar pattern was also seen in the qualitative research,
Furthermore, when asked about their ability to accomplish their career goals in the
pandemic given their race and gender, respondents cited heightened microaggressions in their
workplace, lack of support around dependent care, and gaslighting that directly impacted their
promotability. The COVID-19 pandemic coincided with the Black Lives Matter movement.

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Consequently, while improvements enabling Black women leaders to be heard were made, more
work still needs to be done to generate inclusive policies to further support them in the
workplace.
Summary
This chapter presented findings from 14 semi-structured interviews along with data from
an online survey which used the following validated instruments: Racial hassles scale,
Woods-Giscombe SWS, career expectation scale, Kaiser Family Foundation undefeated survey
on race and health, environmental influences on child outcomes COVID-19 questionnaire adult
primary version. Descriptive statistics and three open-ended questions were also added to the
survey to support this concurrent mixed methods study.
The findings in this study indicate Black women leaders experienced a lack of
belongingness, workplace dignity, and managerial support regardless of their remote, hybrid, or
in-person job status. Moreover, Black women indicated support from their
management/leadership teams was limited. The COVID-19 pandemic extremely impacted Black
women’s relationships, producing increased feelings of isolation. This combination of factors left
many Black women in this study with turnover intentions, which would further impact their
access to leadership.

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Chapter Five: Recommendations
This study examined how mid- and senior-level Black women leaders persisted through
the COVID-19 pandemic, specifically seeking to understand the impact of the pandemic on their
leadership style, engagement, and future career outlook. This mixed methods study worked with
14 women in the qualitative portion of the research; nine questions guided these semi-structured
interviews. For the quantitative portion of the study, 47 women answered a total of 21 questions,
adding additional perspectives in relation to COVID-19 pandemic. Table 7 summarizes key
findings from this mixed methods study, and how the quantitative findings bolstered the
qualitative research.
Table 7
Summary of Mixed Methods Results
Qualitative findings Quantitative findings How quantitative findings
bolstered qualitative results?
Themes
Lack of belongingness
Lack of managerial
support
Low affinity to
workplace
Self-compassion to limit
SBS
75% of Black participants cited
their relationships were
extremely impacted in
COVID-19 pandemic but
well being only moderately
impacted. The reverse is true
for other groups.
Black women leaders indicated
they experienced shifts with
respect, workplace dignity,
and status before and after the
pandemic.
Majority of Black women
indicated uncertainty
about their ability to
persist in their
workplace.
100% of Black women
surveyed agreed they
were unable to
accomplish their
professional goals at their
current place of
employment.

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Framed by Weick’s theory on sensemaking, intersectionality theory and critical race
theory, the study sought to answer the following research questions:
1. What were the lived experiences of Black women seeking to become mid- to
senior-level leaders in the workplace?
2. In what ways did Black women make sense of their ability to persist in leadership
given the complexities of the COVID-19 health pandemic?
3. What results emerged when qualitative data for Black women leaders during the
COVID-19 pandemic was compared with the outcome quantitative data?
This chapter provides three potential solutions for organizations to consider when
thinking about ways to support Black women in the workplace, and how best to support women
constructing their leadership identities, particularly in moments of crisis. Through these
solutions, workplaces can implement policies and resources prior, during, or post critical events,
such as the COVID-19 pandemic. The chapter concludes with reflections on practice and future
areas of research.
Discussion of Findings
Participants in this study were all women who worked in a mid- or senior-level role
within a variety of industries across the United States. Participants ranged in age from 35–65
years old and were employed full-time, with most participants balancing both caretaking and
work responsibilities during the pandemic. In addition, these participants provided new insights
into how they made sense of their leadership identities, career trajectories, and work-life balance
given to the paradigm shift resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic.

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Several key themes emerged from the research; these were aligned with key research in
Chapter Two, along with some minor findings around identity construction. Table 8 highlights
the major findings of this study and its theoretical implications.
Table 8
Overview of Findings and Theoretical Implications
Research question Findings Theoretical implications
RQ1: What are the lived
experiences of Black
women seeking to become
executive leaders in the
workplace?
Lack of belongingness,
hypervisibility, and other
race-based stressors are
still prevalent regardless
of workplace location.
Lack of support for Black
women’s own personal
and professional
development.
Race-based stressors can
further impact Black
women’s belongingness in
the workplace (Spates et al.,
2020).
As Byrd (2022) writes,
inclusion perceptions allow
for stronger affinity in the
workplace.
RQ2: In what ways do Black
women make sense of
their ability to persist in
leadership given the
complexities of the
COVID-19 health
pandemic?
Servant leadership prevalent
leadership style amid
crisis.
Career persistence is high;
affinity to the workplace is
low.
Self-compassion can support
increased self-worth.
Introduction of compassion
dimensions in the
workplace can reduce Black
women’s anxiety (Moon et
al., 2016), increase
commitment (Aboul-Ela,
2017), and can increase
positive identity (Ko and
Choi, 2019).
RQ3: What results emerge
comparing qualitative data
for Black women leaders
during the COVID-19
pandemic with the
outcome quantitative data?
75% of Black participants
cited their relationships
were extremely impacted
in COVID-19 pandemic
but well being only
moderately impacted. The
reverse is true for other
groups.
Black women living up to
these ideals experience
higher levels of adverse
health outcomes
(Woods-Giscombe, 2010).

99
The findings of this study suggest Black women leaders struggled with belongingness in
the workplace, with some describing increased prevalence during the pandemic. Additionally,
Black women leaders navigated the transition of their employment status by shifting their
leadership styles, refining their career goals, and redefining their definitions of strength.
Belongingness remained a challenge for Black women leaders in the workplace
regardless of job location status (hybrid, remote, onsite). Despite these challenges, some
participants who worked mostly in a remote setting felt a subtle shift and decrease in the
race-based stressors compared to their experiences on-site.
Several study participants worked to support crisis interventions amid social unrest. Their
close proximity to creating and adapting policies to support themselves and other colleagues of
color in the workplace may have affected their own workplace affinity. Navigating White spaces
can be taxing to members of marginalized groups ,and as Melaku and Beeman (2022) write,
continuously negotiating the complexity of race and humanity within these spaces adds an
additional layer of work.
While challenges around belongingness existed before the COVID-19 pandemic,
participants indicated hypervisibility and other race-based stressors continued to mark their
existence, with some having to transition from their roles given the lack of professional
opportunities and exclusionary practices. Congruent to the literature review in Chapter Two,
hypervisibility, microaggressions, exclusionary practices, and other race-based stressors further
impact Black women’s belongingness in the workplace (Spates et al., 2020).
An additional finding of this research was participants shifted their leadership style to
support their organization’s needs and structures. Black women leaders shifted to a servant

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leadership approach amid the pandemic. Participants centered the needs of their team and
demonstrated their commitment to their personal and professional growth by generating more
moments of connectivity throughout their organizations; offering more flexibility to support
greater work-life balance; and demonstrating intentionality with setting goals and expectations
for their teams.
Conversely, many participants indicated the servant leadership style was not adopted
fully across their organizations. Despite their conscious efforts to shift styles during the
pandemic, some Black women leaders felt a lack of support for their own professional and
personal journeys. Many participants felt their organizations were linear in thinking and
displayed an inability to support their holistic development. Goals remained steady or increased,
with little movement to readjust expectations proportionate to new demands in the workplace.
These unbalanced expectations left Black women leaders to ponder their own belonging and
career trajectory in their respective environments.
Despite these findings, participants felt they were able to accomplish their career goals
amid this crisis and shifting priorities. However, it was less likely to occur at their current place
of employment given the pandemic response and its impact on company culture.
Lastly, there were mixed findings on the idea of strength in the pandemic. Often regarded
as contradictory in nature, the strong Black women schema (SBW) can leave many Black
women identifying with the need to demonstrate strength consistently while shouldering their
burdens in isolation (Lewis & Neville., 2015). During the pandemic, participants indicated
within their home environments, balancing the needs of others was paramount. Black women
prioritized their family’s health and well-being above their own, shouldered the burden of

101
caretaking of children and family members, and prioritized schooling and other social
opportunities for their children.
Moreover, some participants indicated overlooking their own health and emotional needs
during this time. Despite needing to display an image of strength at home, half of the study’s
participants indicated they felt less obligated to display similar levels of strength in the
workplace. During the pandemic, participants practiced self-compassion and highlighted a
greater appreciation for their self-worth and participated in therapy to support abandoning the
SBW and embark on a newer journey of self-discovery and wellbeing.
The findings from this study helped to shape the three proposed recommendations, which
will further support organizations working to diversify their leadership teams and create
inclusive opportunities and access in the workplace.
Recommendations for Practice
Through this research, key recommendations have been identified to further support
Black women leaders in the workplace. These proposed solutions extend the research on
leadership and further explicate how Black women leaders’ perceptions during the COVID-19
pandemic impacted them in the workplace. Scholars have shared a multitude of strategies to
address racism and sexism for Black women in the workplace. Yet, research still demonstrates
efforts to outcomes remain unbalanced, given the lack of representation of Black women leaders
in U.S.-based companies.
Organizations must think not only about how their efforts are implemented but consider
sustainability planning if a diverse workforce remains a priority. The recommendations in this
study were formulated from opinions expressed by participants and aligned with research and

102
expertise in the subject matter that, when espoused, promote greater change within the
workplace.
Recommendation 1: Utilize Strategic Partners to Support Cultural Building and Tactical
Practices in the Workplace
The first solution to support Black women leaders in times of crisis is to utilize strategic
human resource (HR) partners to develop integrative processes and systems to support workplace
culture. Participants in this study experienced a lack of belongingness in multiple ways,
including microaggressions, stereotypes, and various conditions of visibility in the workplace. To
resolve tensions around belongingness in the workplace, researchers recommend understanding
workplace norms and their impact on Black women in the workplace (see McCluney and Rabelo,
2019).
Although there are numerous solutions to cultivate belongingness, the findings suggest
key drivers for participants during crisis include an authentic workplace culture where
organizations understand the realities of the crisis and the implications on the employee’s
wellbeing; inclusion of compassion dimensions allowing employees to have an improved
work-life balance; and creating proportionate expectations to support the changing demands of
the crisis in the workplace. Moreover, research findings indicate employees who were motivated
in their roles worked at organizations that centered these areas in their decision-making, creating
stronger affinity and retention outcomes.
Lastly, many participants did not have the support of a full-fledged HR team during the
crisis, and indicated HR functionality was either outsourced, outsourced with a point person on
staff with or without HR experience, or dispersed amongst various managers on the team. Some
participants disclosed their companies hired HR professionals during the pandemic to extend

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their organization’s ability to support transforming culture and increase diversity initiatives
within the workplace.
In practice, companies must rely on strategic human resources partners to further define
these areas and support leadership teams in refining their talent and culture value proposition
during a crisis. During a crisis, companies may reduce their expenses, whether that is human
capital or resources, such as professional development and other employee benefits (McDonnell
and Burgess, 2013). These reductions can have significant impacts on workplace culture and
motivation. A strategic HR partner can help bridge the impact gap and ensure continued
alignment between individual capabilities, commitments, contributions (Collings et al., 2021)
and organizational goals.
Klass et al. (2000) write that small-to mid-sized companies hiring a specialized human
resources team can be financially prohibitive. Human resources outsourcing (HRO) was valued
at $3.1 billion in 2014 (Glaister, 2013), making up nearly a fifth of all outsourcing contracts that
same year (Patel et al., 2019). Cost is a key motivator for organizations moving to HRO, and as
Patel et al. (2019) writes, may reduce HR costs by at least 20%. This is often an attractive option
for many smaller companies. Additional research points to other key motivators for HRO such as
company size, competitive advantage, and strategic fit; research remains fragmented and lacks
consensus around these areas (Patel et al., 2019).
HR-related issues are often unwieldy and complex in nature and outsourcing can
exacerbate tensions and difficulties. Outsourcing can be misaligned with company culture (Klass
et.al, 2000) and result in negative implications on culture, values, and ideas (Glaister, 2013).
Patel et al.’s (2019) study indicates that outsourcing left companies in a less strategic position,

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facing a potential loss of knowledge regarding in-house HR practices, and potential increases to
the in-house HR workload due to rigid processes and structures.
Consequently, Glaister (2013) writes companies must ensure a strong HR presence on
staff regardless of their HR strategy. Organizational strategy might include outsourcing but
having staff on site can support change management initiatives. Patel et al. (2019) concurs this is
a key success factor and having some expertise in-house would mitigate the loss of HR
institutional knowledge.
Preferably, and in cases where budget allows, Glaister (2013) writes companies should
consider building out a strong internal presence to support longer-term goals. While this will
increase the budget, over time, it may help to reduce recruitment and other costs. As the study’s
finding suggests, nearly 60% of individuals during the pandemic were unhappy with their
company’s response, resulting in increased turnover intentions.
Estimates suggest it can cost three to four times the position’s salary to recruit a new
employee (Navarra, 2022). Overall, while cost can be a key motivator, moving to an HRO can
have financial pitfalls for companies without a data-driven HR strategy. Companies would be
better positioned to further analyze how an HRO can support their strategic goals if they conduct
a cross-functional assessment to support such a business decision (Patel et al., 2019).
Equally important is a role to support employees navigating complex workplace
behaviors that lead to isolation, disengagement, and turnover intentions. Similar to how human
resources support the strategic vision of an organization, employee relations specialists can
provide an added layer of support to employees and mentor leadership to create healthy,
supportive, and affirming workplace cultures. Institutionalizing this role creates greater

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capacities for conflict navigation, employee development (including top leadership), and the
formulation of larger-scale culture initiatives (Raines and Harrison, 2020).
Particularly in moments of crisis, having an internal team of experts can ensure cultural
alignment throughout the workplace, inform other key business areas, and support transformative
initiatives that balance and support leadership and employees’ interests.
Recommendation 2: Create a Standard to Identify Implicit Bias and Exclusionary
Practices in the Workplace
Leaders thrive within organizations that prioritize authentic workplace cultures, humanize
the workplace experience, and support individual growth and professional development.
Increasingly, for employees to reach their growth pathways, inclusion must be embraced and
practiced in the workplace.
For Black women leaders, inclusion allows authenticity in the workplace, thereby leading
to increased workplace satisfaction (Dickens et al., 2019). Increased job satisfaction correlates to
increased retention, allowing for further career growth. Despite this correlation, research
demonstrates Black women continue to be marginalized in their roles on the basis of their race
and gender.
Inclusion, particularly in a remote setting, entails a refined and intentional approach
where leadership must continuously assess policies to ensure a uniform experience for all
employees. In these remote settings, bias might be difficult to detect (Byrd, 2022), therefore,
organizations must continuously assess their culture and accountability standards.
As Byrd (2022) writes, inclusion perceptions allow for stronger affinity and support more
engagement in work. Leadership plays a pivotal role in supporting the inclusion of employees
throughout their organization, and as Randel et. al (2018) writes, drives inclusion to inform

106
levels of belongingness within the workplace. Organizations must work to extend the social
network and break barriers that perpetuate exclusion in order to create a more equitable work
environment (Byrd, 2022).
Similar findings extend this research and reveal Black women leaders felt both a stronger
affinity to their workplace and a higher inclusion perception when supportive managers provided
a comprehensive approach to inclusion and practiced diverse methods to support staff while
balancing the impact of the crisis with realigned company goals.
Companies can support their employees by identifying specific standards to mitigate
implicit bias in the workplace and hold managers accountable. Study findings suggest more
Black women leaders are looking to their companies to refine strategies to curb bias in the
workplace. However, there is a conundrum that exists for many workplaces, where companies
are working to balance the tensions between “the potency of prejudice” (Tetlock and Mitchell,
2009, p.4) with the accountability measures to prevent this level of bias from occurring. At the
center of this debate is understanding how companies can use evidence-based strategies to
identify bias while recognizing that implicit bias is pervasive within our society. As a starting
point, companies can ask the following questions to further understand their company’s ethos:
● How do we define unconscious or implicit bias in our workplace? How is it
operationalized in our workplace? Storm et al. (2023) write there is an underlying
assumption individuals come to the table already understanding implicit bias. This
lack of clarity on a shared definition leaves openness for interpretation and creates
barriers to mitigate risk in the workplace.
● What data points already exist that may demonstrate potential disparate treatment in
the workplace? Tetlock and Mitchell (2009) identify attendance metrics, customer

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feedback, promotions/bonus metrics, and other objective measures as means of
identifying pitfalls. Companies can leverage existing survey data to support this
assessment or begin to survey key stakeholders within their respective organization to
better understand company-wide culture.
● In what ways can we mitigate unconscious bias in the workplace setting based on an
organization’s working definition and defined data points? What accountability
measures can support our organization in the critical treatment of unconscious bias in
our organization’s setting? In their study, Solomon et al. (2022) theorize levels of
accountability can support bias suppression leading to self-regulation and conscious
efforts to suppress bias into the future. The authors also conclude inconsistencies to
accountability lead to inconsistencies with bias suppression. As a result, the plan and
framework must continue to be dynamic to support adoption.
Companies looking to support Black women leaders can adopt these starting questions to
help frame an operating standard to support the identification of exclusionary practices in the
workplace. Here, a strategic HR partner, ombudsman, employee advisory team, or consultant
with expertise in DEI initiatives can lay the foundation for this critical work, guiding
conversations to determine the most appropriate model for the organization. Tetlock and Mitchell
(2009) also suggest that open-minded conversations, where bias is openly acknowledged, can
support progress in the right direction.
Black women leaders can add to these conversations by helping to shape the culture they
want to experience, work to guide interactions with their teams, and share expectations across the
organization (Raines and Harrison, 2020). Meluka and Beeman (2022) wrote that given the vast
differences Black women face due to their gender and race, many will not receive the access and

108
benefits to grow in leadership until the racial and patriarchal structures embedded within the
workplace are dismantled.
A skilled HR or DEI professional can begin to build a culture where transparency and
vulnerability are celebrated, and where conversations remain safe. Of significant importance to
participants was the psychological safety experienced in the workplace, particularly in remote
environments, and ways in which companies prioritized inclusion and well-being. Findings from
this study revealed employees who saw their company maintaining remote or hybrid work
schedules, making continued investments in building a supportive culture, and prioritizing
transparency around company goals and values had a more positive outlook regarding their
trajectory and future leadership outlook.
Cost factors such as skilled DEI expertise, additional DEI, and time allocations for the
entire organization to participate in any necessary training and conversations would all need to
be assessed against an organization’s operating budget. However, this level of transparency
offers an environment that “embraces meaningful work, fosters a feeling of belongingness and
need, and ensures equity, justice, and pro-diversity outcomes” (Byrd, 2022, p. 157).
Recommendation 3: Integrating a Compassion-Centric Approach in the Workplace
The strong Black women schema (SBW) was initially seen as a sign of strength
developed in the post-slavery era to characterize the resounding fortitude Black women
displayed in assuming multiple roles in their personal and professional lives. Yet, over time, this
construct has become both an advantage and burden, making it difficult for Black women to
express their authentic emotions when faced with oppression and incivility
(Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009). Moreover, SBW in the workplace can be characterized as Black
women showing up as resilient and taking on more responsibilities than their counterparts

109
(Weston and Hunte, 2018), yet still being overlooked for high-profile opportunities, promotions,
and other critical resources. As a result, Black women living up to these ideals experience higher
levels of depression and mental fatigue along with adverse health outcomes (Woods-Giscombe,
2010).
Recognizing the significance of this construct, extensive research has been conducted on
how to best support Black women in the workplace, particularly as they negotiate
multiple-oppressed identities. Solutions have ranged from creating more inclusive environments
and hiring practices (Kalev et. al, 2006); mentorship and sponsorship of key promotion
opportunities (Ragins & Cotton, 1999); and addressing microaggressions and fostering
psychological safety in the workplace through authentic culture building (Gardiner et al., 2020).
During the COVID-19 pandemic, SBW continued to be relevant and impactful for many
Black women leaders navigating the complexities of the pandemic alongside shifting workplace
norms. The findings in this study revealed participants demonstrated mixed realities regarding
the SBW schema and how they navigated the complexities in the workplace during the
pandemic. Some participants struggled to balance their leadership with their humanity, which led
to varying health outcomes.
Moreover, participants who demonstrated a decreased affinity with the SBW placed
higher value on self-compassion and understanding their self-worth, which mitigated the need to
demonstrate strength in the workplace. Conversely, participants who demonstrated increased
self-criticism experienced increased burnout and turnover intentions and consequently felt
challenged in their professional journeys.
Incorporating compassion dimensions into workplace norms continues to be a growing
body of research, which may have implications on how Black women think about their dual

110
identity construction. Negative work outcomes can have a detrimental impact on employees,
increasing feelings of detachment for their work (Aboul-Ela, 2017; Ko and Choi, 2019; Moon et
al., 2016) and ultimately leading to larger financial costs for the organization. Introducing
compassion dimensions in the workplace can reduce Black women’s anxiety in the workplace
(Moon et al., 2016), increase their commitment (Aboul-Ela, 2017), and foster a positive
work-place identity (Ko and Choi, 2019).
Implementing compassion dimensions may require specialization and HR expertise to
provide continued support for understanding this construct in the workplace. Some proposed
activities for companies to consider include (Aboul-Ela, 2017):
● Model compassion techniques with staff and leaders to support positive outcomes.
This means managers need to have a fuller understanding of their staff and the
external factors that can be triggered in the workplace.
● Increase touchpoints and open communication efforts to refine compassion
dimensions in the workplace.
● Implement recognition programs to reinforce compassion dimensions to increase
outcomes.
Empathetic listening has also been cited as an important approach to support more
positive workplace engagement. Managers who practice active listening build the foundation for
increased social identity (Jonsdottir and Kristtinson, 2020) and support inclusive workplace
environments. Moreover, nurturing self-compassion in the workplace, introducing adaptive
training, and strengthening leadership and listening styles are critical to implementing a practical
approach (Lefebvree et al., 2020). Self-compassion can be explored through training, which as
Ely et al.’s (2019) review suggested, signaled positive workplace outcomes. Companies must

111
carefully consider the cost associated with hiring or contracting an individual to support this
work, along with additional time and resource costs to implement the training for all team
members.
The current research findings provide preliminary evidence suggesting participants who
worked alongside a manager, team, or within an organization where empathy was prioritized
were more likely to experience higher rates of psychological safety and increased understanding
of self-compassion. Leadership modeling is another way to deepen self-compassion approaches
in the workplace (Lefebvre et al, 2020; Sinclair et al., 2017) and shift cultural norms. Moreover,
the findings suggest participants who experienced compassion dimensions during the pandemic
were prone to model these behaviors for their teams.
As a result, participants had reduced turnover intentions and more positive outlooks on
their career advancement within their organizations. Further research can extend this body of
work and demonstrate how the introduction of compassion dimensions has positive outcomes for
Black women leaders in rapidly changing environments.
Limitations and Delimitations
This research is subject to some limitations. First, given the sample size of the
quantitative data, the findings cannot be generalized to the larger population. Additionally, the
sample size of 14 participants also does not reflect the general population. Quota sampling was
not met for this study, which limits a broader understanding of how this crisis impacted other
racial groups. Therefore, the quantitative findings are additive and help to bolster the results of
the qualitative portion of the research.
Qualitative and quantitative results have their own limitations regarding accuracy. This
researcher is unable to get clarifying information related to survey responses. Accuracy and

112
honesty may be varied with the use of online surveys. Similarly, closed-ended questions might
not provide the additional context needed to comprehensively analyze results.
Research is still emerging regarding the COVID-19 pandemic, and limited research is
available regarding how organizations manage through crisis. Given the study was conducted
during the pandemic, new information may continue to emerge on how Black women can still be
supported during crisis. This can provide an opportunity to explore and devise best practices to
support Black women in the workplace.
Recommendations for Future Research
Several questions remain that can expand the literature. The questions highlighted below
have implications for future research:
● Is there a correlation between HRO and the difficulty in retaining Black women
leaders in the workplace?
● In what ways can companies monitor and implement accountability measures to
ensure an integrative, pro-diversity approach in the work environment?
● Do similar findings exist for other racialized groups that are historically
underrepresented in the workforce? Are there similarities regarding how these leaders
perceive crises and change initiatives in their workplaces?
This study revealed Black women’s challenges as they persisted in leadership, and changes
experienced during the pandemic. With shifts in the way Americans work, it will be important to
understand whether Black women continue to experience decreases in race-based stressors in the
workplace or whether new forms of bias emerge such as proximity bias that further hinders their
abilities to be promoted. Future research can continue to investigate ways in which leadership
can contribute to transforming workplaces for the better.

113
Conclusion
This research study aimed to understand how Black women leaders have persisted in
their respective roles, and whether the introduction of the COVID-19 crisis shifted how they
made sense of their identity construction as leaders in the workplace. Findings suggest while
there were notable shifts with incivility in the workplace, Black women still experienced
race-based stressors in their environments.
The study sought to understand the individual, organizational, and environmental factors
that may have impacted employees’ outcomes and career trajectories in the workplace.
Moreover, the study wanted to better understand how the SBW impacted the personal and
professional lives of participants amid the crisis. Several factors impacted Black women leaders
during the pandemic including caretaking activities, job outlook and trajectory, shifting
leadership styles, and a lack of company goal recalibration. These driving factors created
increased turnover intentions, leaving Black women feeling unable to accomplish their career
goals at their current places of employment.
As the crisis became more prevalent, workplace norms greatly shifted (i.e. hybrid and
remote settings), impacting some workplace cultures negatively. Findings suggest a strategic HR
team, consisting of an HR partner and employee relations specialist, might contribute to
mitigating risks, supporting change initiatives, and creating a dynamic, trusting, and responsive
culture that centers belonging for all employees. Implementing these recommended solutions can
help to introduce additional strategies to better support Black women in the workplace.

114
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Appendix A: Survey Questions
Thank you for taking the time to complete this survey. This study focuses on the impact
of COVID-19 on women, particularly around stress, well-being, and workplace norms. Some of
the questions may seem similar but each is important to the overall study. Please complete the
survey to the best of your ability utilizing the specific scale for each question.
1. What is your age?
● Under 18
● 18–24
● 25–34
● 35–44
● 45–54
● 55–64
● 65 and over
2. What is your ethnicity?
● American Indian or Alaska Native.
● Asian.
● Black or African American.
● Hispanic or Latino.
● Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander.
● White.
● Other Please Specify
3. To which gender identity do you most identify
● Female

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● Male (INELIGIBLE)
● Transgender Female
● Transgender Male (INELIGIBLE)
● Gender Variant/ Non-Conforming (INELIGIBLE)
● Not Listed (INELIGIBLE)
● Prefer Not to Answer (INELIGIBLE)
4. Where do you currently reside?
● State Listing
5. What is the highest level of education you completed?
● Completed high school or GED
● Some college, Associates Degree, or Technical Degree
● Bachelor’s Degree
● Any post graduate studies
6. What is your career level?
● Entry (0–2 years)
● Mid-Level (3–10 years)
● Executive (11+)
7. Do you currently serve in a frontline role? A frontline employee is an individual
within essential industries who must physically show up to their jobs.
● Yes
● No
8. Do you currently hold a supervisory role at your current place of employment?
● Yes

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● No
9. Which of the following options best describes your employment during the novel
coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic (after March 1, 2020)?) This includes both formal
and informal employment. Were you:
● Employed full-time (40 hours per week)
● Employed part-time (Less than 40 hours per week)
● Self-employed
● Full time student
● Part-time student
● Retired (MARK INELIGIBLE)
● Unemployed
● Are you currently employed? If No, MARK INELIGIBLE
10. In what ways has the COVID-19 pandemic affected your work? (Mark all that apply)
● I moved from working in the office to remotely
● I lost my job permanently
● I lost my job temporarily, or was not told for how long
● I got a new job
● I reduced my hours at work
● I increased my hours at work
● My job put me at increased risk of getting COVID-19
● I laid off employees
● I did not have a paying job before the COVID-19 pandemic
● None of these apply

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11. Thinking back to before the COVID-19 pandemic, please indicate whether each
statement was relevant to you. Some of the questions may sound similar, but each is
important. Please read and complete each item to the best of your ability using the
responses provided below.
● This is not true for me
● This is rarely true for me
● This is sometimes true for me
● This is always true for me
Please use the responses above to answer the following statements.
● I accomplish my goals with limited resources
● It is very important to me to be the best at the things that I do.
● No matter how hard I work, I feel like I should do more.
● I put pressure on myself to achieve a certain level of accomplishment.
● I take on roles and responsibilities when I am already overwhelmed.
● I take on too many responsibilities in my family.
● I put everyone else’s needs before mine.
● I feel obligated to take care of others.
● When others ask for my help, I say yes when I should say no.
● I neglect my health (e.g., I don’t exercise or eat like I should).
● I neglect the things that bring me joy.
● I feel guilty when I take time for myself.
● I am a perfectionist
● The only way for me to be successful is to work hard.

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● There is no time for me because I am always taking care of others.
12. Thinking back to the start of the pandemic to now, please indicate if the statements
below are TRUE for you. Some of the questions may sound similar, but each is
important. Please read and complete each item to the best of your ability using the
responses provided below.
● This is not true for me
● This is rarely true for me
● This is sometimes true for me
● This is always true for me
Please use the responses above to answer the following statements.
● I accomplish my goals with limited resources
● It is very important to me to be the best at the things that I do.
● No matter how hard I work, I feel like I should do more.
● I put pressure on myself to achieve a certain level of accomplishment.
● I take on roles and responsibilities when I am already overwhelmed.
● I take on too many responsibilities in my family.
● I put everyone else’s needs before mine.
● I feel obligated to take care of others.
● When others ask for my help, I say yes when I should say no.
● I neglect my health (e.g., I do not exercise or eat like I should).
● I neglect the things that bring me joy.
● I feel guilty when I take time for myself.
● I am a perfectionist

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● The only way for me to be successful is to work hard.
● There is no time for me because I am always taking care of others.
13. Please indicate the extent to which you view the COVID-19 pandemic as having
either a positive or negative impact on your life.
● Extremely negative
● Moderately negative
● Somewhat negative
● No impact
● Slightly positive
● Moderately positive
● Extremely positive
14. Overall, has the coronavirus pandemic had a major negative impact, a minor negative
impact, a negative impact, a positive impact, or no impact on:
● Your ability to pay for basic necessities like housing, utilities, and food
● Your children’s education
● Your ability to care for your children
● Your relationships with family members
● Your mental health
15. Please indicate how the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted your career goals at your
current place of employment by indicating your agreement with the statements below:
● I expect that I can accomplish my career goals at my current place of
employment
● I am confident I can make my career plans work at my current place of

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employment.
● I cannot achieve my career goals at my current place of employment
(reverse-coded)
● I feel uncertain about my chance to get where I want at my current place of
employment (reverse-coded)
16. Qualitative: If the candidate selected “Agree” or “Strongly Agree” to I feel uncertain
about my chance to get where I want … display the following question: In what ways
has COVID-19 contributed to your feeling of uncertainty in the workplace?
17. Thinking about the start of COVID-19 and post-recovery (March 2020 to present),
please first indicate generally how often you have had each experience in your
workplace because of your race. [0 = has never happened to me, 1 = less than once a
year, 2 = a few times a year, 3 = about once a month, 4 = a few times a month, 5 =
once a week or more]
● being treated rudely or disrespectfully
● others reacting to you as if they were afraid or intimidated
● being treated as if you were “stupid”, “being talked down to”
● others expecting your work to be inferior
● being left out of conversation, meetings, workplace activities, or networking
events
● being treated in an overly friendly or superficial way
● being asked to speak for or represent your entire racial/ethnic group (e.g.
What do Latinos think?
● being mistaken for someone else of the same race

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18. Thinking back to the start of the COVID 19 pandemic, please indicate your level of
agreement with the following statements. Seven-point Likert: 1 (strongly disagree) to
7 (strongly agree).
● People at work communicate with me respectfully.
● I feel respected when I interact with people at work.
● I am treated with respect at work.
● At work, I have the chance to build my competence.
● People at work recognize my competence.
● People show they appreciate my work efforts.
● At work, people talk to me like an equal, even if there are status differences
between us.
● I feel just as valued as others in the organization.
● At work, I am valued as a human being.
● People at work treat me like I matter as a person, not just as a worker.
● People at work genuinely value me as a person.
● My workplace is a source of dignity for me.
● I am treated with dignity at work.
● I have dignity at work.
● People at work treat me like a second-class citizen.
● I am treated as less valuable than objects or pieces of equipment.
● My dignity suffers at work.
● I am treated in undignified ways at work.
19. Overall please indicate how relevant the following statements are true for you in your

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everyday life (indicate if the statement is not true for you; rarely true for you;
sometimes true for you or always true for you):
● I feel obligated to present an image of strength at work.
● Asking for help is difficulty for me
20. Please provide any additional thoughts or comments.
21. Are there additional questions that you believe might be helpful to ask others
participating in this study?

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Appendix B: Survey Outreach List
Organization name Estimated
membership
Conversion rate Potential sample
size
Alpha Kappa Alpha 300000 1% 3000
Delta Sigma Theta 350,000 1% 3500
Zeta Phi Beta 125000 1% 1250
Sigma Gamma Rho 100,000 1% 1000
National Council of Negro Women 25,000 1% 250
Links 12,000 1% 120
National Organization of Women 500000 1% 5000
National Association of Women Business
Owners
65000 1% 650
American Association of University
Women
170000 1% 1700
Ascend 233564 1% 2336
Asian Women in Business 500 1% 5
The Center for Asian Pacific American
Women
2000 1% 20
Note. Population size was determined by taking a percentage of the current membership at each
organization. N = 18,831.

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Appendix C: Intern Job Description
The research intern will provide outreach and data management support for a doctoral
study focused on Black women leaders and sensemaking in the COVID-19 pandemic. Key
responsibilities include:
● Monitor and track online survey responses to ensure completion of survey and to
meet quota as outlined.
● Draft email communications for incomplete survey respondents.
● Draft a list of key potential partners including CBOs, social media influences, and
others to spread the word about the survey.
● Send messages and make outreach to partners about their participation in the survey.
● Track incentives and send directly to respondents.
● Confirm interviews with respondents ensuring they have all details for Zoom and
other calls.
● Provide transcription review for all interviews.
● Support with other administrative projects as assigned.
● Highly organized, detail-oriented individual sought for this critical work.
● Expertise utilizing Google products, including Google Docs, Gmail, Google Sheets is
required.
● Prior experience in an outreach and administrative role preferred.
Intern must be able to commit to up to 5 hours per week, starting in April–June 2022.
Applications from all qualified individuals without regard to race, color, religion, gender, sexual
orientation, gender identity or expression, age, national origin, marital status, citizenship,
disability, veteran status and record of arrest or conviction, or any other characteristic protected

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by applicable law. Black people, Indigenous people, people of color; lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, queer, and intersex people; women; people with disabilities, protected veterans, and
formerly incarcerated individuals are all strongly encouraged to apply.

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Appendix D: Outreach Letter
To Whom It May Concern:
My name is Andrea Douglas, and I am a doctoral candidate at the Rossier School of
Education at the University of Southern California, conducting a research study as part of my
dissertation. I am examining how women make sense of their abilities to persist in the workplace
given the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. The Institutional Review Board (IRB) has approved
this research.
You and your membership are cordially invited to participate in this study. To support:
● You can complete an anonymous online survey of questions anticipated to take about
15 minutes to complete.
● Participate in a Zoom interview to discuss the impact of COVID-19 on your personal
and professional goals. This is completely voluntary and your identity as a participant
will be strictly confidential.
● Share the survey with your membership and other networks to spread the word about
this impactful work.
If you would like to participate in the survey, please begin the survey via the link below.
Should you also participate in the interview, you will have the option to add your personal
contact details. Should you have questions about the study, please feel free to contact me at
andreado@usc.edu or 646-494-6280. Thank you in advance for your participation.
Sincerely,
Andrea Jordan Douglas
Doctoral Candidate-Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California

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Appendix E: E-Blast Language
Women have lost wages totaling $800 billion dollars globally since the start of the
COVID-19 pandemic. A new study wants to examine the impact of COVID-19 pandemic on the
personal and professional journeys for women in the U.S. Join the conversation! Add your
reflections by visiting the link here [survey link]. For questions about this critical work, please
contact Andrea Douglas, andreado@usc.edu or 646-494-6280.

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Appendix F: Interview Protocol
There were three research questions:
1. What are the lived experiences of Black women seeking to become executive leaders
in predominantly White spaces?
2. In what ways do Black women make sense of their ability to persist in leadership
given the complexities of the COVID-19 health pandemic?
3. What results emerge comparing qualitative data for Black women leaders during the
COVID-19 pandemic with the outcome quantitative data?
Respondent Type
Mixed methods research that would look at surveys of African American women about
their experiences in the workplace with additional interviews to further elaborate on experiences
and perceptions of the emergent leaders.
Introduction to the Interview
Thank you for agreeing to our interview today; I so appreciate the time that you have set
aside to go a bit further than survey. As you know, my name is Andrea Douglas, and I am a
student at USC, and I am conducting a study of the experiences of Black women in the
workplace. Specifically, I am interested in further understanding the underrepresentation of
African American in managerial and executive roles across industries and connecting with
multiple women across various sectors to learn about their perceptions and experiences.
Again, thank you for supporting this very important work!
My role today is as a researcher, and this means that I am here for evaluation purposes
only, not to make judgements or cast my own opinion. Rather, I am taking the information that

162
you and others frame for me in these interviews to further understand your shared experiences
and perspectives.
Our session today will be up to an hour in length and will be strictly confidential in
nature. This means that I will not share your name and other identifying information in final
reports or directly with your place of employment. To further ensure confidentiality, I will be
utilizing a pseudonym and as I mentioned deprecating any identifying information from this
interview, which will be shared with you in a final report. Lastly, files will be password-protected
and can be saved up to three years. I will pause here to see if there are any questions before we
get started.
I would like to record our audio conversation so that I can accurately capture what you share
with me. The recording is solely for research purposes to best capture your perspectives and will
not be shared with anyone outside the research team. May I have your permission to record our
conversation?
Interview Questions
1. Do you believe that COVID-19 has a negative, positive or no impact on you?
● Probe: In what ways has COVID-19 impacted you in the workplace?
● Probe: In what ways has COVID-19 impacted you in your personal life?
2. How has the pandemic impacted your ability to lead and manage others?
3. Do you believe that you can achieve your career goals during the pandemic? Probe:
What would need to change at home or at work to ensure your (continued) success?
4. Do you believe that you can achieve your career goals in your current place of
employment? Probe: What cues have you noticed in your workplace that inform your
response?

163
5. What strategies, if any, did you utilize at home or at work to persist during the
pandemic?
6. Do you believe that your career trajectory has changed – either negative or positive –
due to the COVID-19 pandemic? Probe: Can you share an example of how this has
impacted you in the workplace?
7. Have you ever felt like you have been treated differently in the workplace as a result
of your race and/or gender? Probe: Can you share an experience in which this has
occurred?
8. I am going to read a series of statements. Please let me know whether you think the
statement is relevant to you and share an experience in which this occurred.:
● I feel obligated to present an image of strength at work.
● Asking for help is difficult for me.
● At work, people talk to me like an equal, even if there are status differences
between us.
9. Please discuss any resources that you either found helpful or would have been helpful
in overcoming navigating the pandemic.
Conclusion to the Interview
Your insights have been super informative, and I am so appreciative for your candor and
transparency about your personal and professional experiences. We will share a combined
narrative highlighting the results from these interviews for your reference. We value any
additional input you may have. Again, thank you so much for your help and please feel free to
reach out to me should you have any additional questions or concerns post-interview.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Douglas, Andrea Stacy (filename)

Core Title Black women leaders and critical sensemaking in the COVID-19 pandemic: a mixed methods study

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-12

Publication Date 12/08/2023

Defense Date 12/07/2023

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag belongingness,Black women,career resilience,COVID-19 pandemic,critical race theory,intersectionality,invisibility,leadership,mixed methods,OAI-PMH Harvest,self-compassion,sensemaking,strong Black women schema

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Lynch, Douglas (committee chair)

Creator Email adouglas1207@gmail.com,andreado@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113783857

Unique identifier UC113783857

Identifier etd-DouglasAnd-12536.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-DouglasAnd-12536

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Douglas, Andrea Stacy

Internet Media Type application/pdf

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Source 20231211-usctheses-batch-1113 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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