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Addressing financial barriers to college completion through community cultural wealth

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Addressing financial barriers to college completion through community cultural wealth

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Addressing Financial Barriers to College Completion Through Community Cultural Wealth

Lorianna Mapps

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

August 2023

© Copyright by Lorianna Mapps 2023
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Lorianna Mapps certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Patricia Tobey
Esther Kim
Robert Filback, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

iv
Abstract
This research applies the community cultural wealth model to explore how Black and Latinx students
experience financial barriers in college from an appreciative lens. The purpose of this study was to
increase understanding of how Black and Latinx students use aspirational, familial, social, navigational,
resistant, and linguistic capital to overcome financial barriers to college completion. Black and Latinx
college students were interviewed to determine what skills and traits they used to overcome these
obstacles. The results indicate that students use aspirational, familial, social, and navigational capital to
overcome financial issues. In addition, colleges inadvertently create financial barriers in the form of
academic advising and the scholarship application process. Three recommendations are provided:
create financial programming for college students’ families, implement an early alert system to identify
students who may be more at risk of financial issues, and review policies and procedures to see which
may cause financial barriers.

v
Dedication
To my parents. I am who I am because of both of you, individually and collectively. Mom, your love of
reading, keeping up with current events, and persevering through difficult times inspired me on this
journey. Dad, your work ethic, grit and resilience, and belief that all should be done for the benefit of la
familia encouraged me to dig in and endure through trying times.
To my sons, Trey and Elliot – you have been the inspiration for me to start and complete a doctoral
program. In my effort to normalize people who look like us earning advanced degrees, I want each of
you to know that you can achieve whatever you put your mind to, and any educational level you pursue
is within your reach. You each make me so proud, and I hope that this research makes you proud of me.
I love you both!
To my sister Soila, I can truly say I would not be here without you. You went through the first-generation
journey alone and, through doing so, cleared the way for me to be successful. From teaching me the
culture of college to eating lunch with me my freshman year so I wouldn’t feel alone, I made it through
that journey because of you. As we say in this family, my degree is your degree, so congratulations to
you!
To my niece and nephew, Karina and Marcos, thank you for supporting me throughout this journey and
serving as role models to my children. I am so proud of each of you for attending college and continuing
the legacy laid before you. Sigue adelante!
To all the Black and Brown boys and girls who cannot see a way out of your current situation: keep
going! You wouldn’t believe how many of my classmates and colleagues look like you! You are an
inspiration for so many of us, and we are already proud of you!

vi
Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge my doctoral committee, Dr. Robert Filback, Dr. Patricia Tobey, and
Dr. Esther Kim. Thank you for your valuable feedback and your belief in the research I pursued. I value
your expertise and am grateful for the presence you have each had in my doctoral journey.
I would also like to acknowledge my classmates, a few in particular who stood by my side from
very early in this program until and, I am sure, beyond graduation day: Linda, Brandon, Jovanny, and
Wanda. I am indebted to you for the late night and early morning texts, impromptu Zoom calls to review
our assignments, in-person time we have spent together, informal therapy sessions, and all the
celebrations along the way. I am confident this journey would not have been what it was without each
of you. I mean it!
Lastly, I wish to acknowledge the participants of this study for sharing your incredibly intimate
stories with me. As I wrote this dissertation, I thought of each of you and your experiences and am
deeply inspired by each of you. Wishing you all the success in college and beyond!

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract ................................................................................................................................................. iv
Dedication ............................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ...........................................................................................................................................ix
List of Figures .......................................................................................................................................... x
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study ................................................................................................... 1
Importance of the Study ............................................................................................................. 2
Context and Background of the Problem ..................................................................................... 3
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology ............................................................... 5
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions .......................................................................... 6
Definitions .................................................................................................................................. 7
Organization of the Dissertation ................................................................................................. 8
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature .................................................................................................... 9
Black and Latinx Students Complete College at Lower Rates ....................................................... 9
Financial Barriers Impede College Completion .......................................................................... 14
Black and Latinx Students Experience More Financial Barriers ................................................... 19
Organizational Behavior Lends to Additional Financial Barriers ................................................. 23
Conceptual Framework ............................................................................................................. 36
Summary .................................................................................................................................. 40
Chapter Three: Methodology................................................................................................................. 41
Research Questions .................................................................................................................. 41
Overview of Design ................................................................................................................... 41
Research Setting ....................................................................................................................... 42
The Researcher ......................................................................................................................... 42

viii
Data Sources ............................................................................................................................. 44
Data Collection Procedures ....................................................................................................... 61
Credibility and Trustworthiness................................................................................................. 62
Ethics ........................................................................................................................................ 63
Limitations and Delimitations.................................................................................................... 64
Chapter Four: Findings .......................................................................................................................... 66
Data for Research Question 1: Capital Used to Overcome Financial Barriers .............................. 66
Data for Research Question 2: Colleges Unknowingly Create Financial Barriers ......................... 87
Summary .................................................................................................................................. 92
Chapter Five: Recommendations ........................................................................................................... 94
Discussion of Findings ............................................................................................................... 94
Evaluation of the Community Cultural Wealth Model................................................................ 96
Recommendations for Practice ................................................................................................. 99
Recommendations for Future Research .................................................................................. 103
Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 104
References .......................................................................................................................................... 106
Appendix A: Interview Protocol ........................................................................................................... 126
Respondent Type .................................................................................................................... 126
Introduction to the Interview .................................................................................................. 126
Conclusion to the Interview .................................................................................................... 130
Appendix B: Recruitment Flyer ............................................................................................................ 131
Appendix C: Sample Implementation Plan ........................................................................................... 132
Financial Outreach Program for Black and Latinx families ........................................................ 132
Intended Audience .................................................................................................................. 135

ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Demographic and Institutional Descriptors for Research Participants 58
Table A1: Interview Protocol 128

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 39
Appendix B: Recruitment Flyer 131

1

Chapter One: Introduction to the Study
Although education has long been deemed the great equalizer, disparities in experiences can be
found among students from different racial and ethnic backgrounds (Baker & Montalto, 2019; Center for
Community College Student Engagement, 2017; Eichelberger et al., 2017; McCabe & Jackson, 2016;
Mukherjee et al., 2017; Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009; Shapiro et al., 2017). Historically, Black and Latinx
students have not been afforded equal access to a college education (Crewe, 2017; MacDonald &
Garcia, 2003; Slater, 1994), as the college system was not built for these students. As a result, there are
systemic reasons Black and Latinx students experience college differently than their White classmates.
While recent demographic shifts and increased college attendance rates lend to higher college
enrollment for Black and Latinx students, as a percentage of the total U.S. population, these students do
not attend college at the same rate as White students (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014). When they do attend
college, Black and Latinx students graduate at a lower rate than their White classmates (Shapiro et al.,
2017).
In addition, Black and Latinx students encounter more financial barriers to college completion
than their White classmates (Baker & Montalto, 2019; Center for Community College Student
Engagement, 2017; McCabe & Jackson, 2016; Warnock, 2016), including less financial support from
families even when first-generation status is excluded (McCabe & Jackson, 2016), a greater likelihood of
accumulating debt (Baker & Montalto, 2019), and a greater likelihood of believing future wages will be
high enough to pay that debt (Warnock, 2016). These factors demonstrate these students face different
struggles than White students. Financial barriers are especially concerning for Black and Latinx students,
as these are a leading reason for not completing degree programs (Joo et al., 2009; Xu & Webber, 2018).
Thus, the long-term financial well-being of Black and Latinx college students requires reducing financial
barriers to college completion.
2

Importance of the Study
According to the National Center for Education Statistics (2019), of students who begin
undergraduate studies, 60% earn a bachelor’s degree within 6 years. While the college completion rate
for first-time, full-time undergraduate White students is 64%, the 6-year graduation rate for Latinx
students is 54%, and for Black students, it is 40% (NCES, 2019). Financial troubles are one of the leading
reasons students drop out of college (Joo et al., 2009), and Black and Latinx students face distinct
financial barriers to college completion (Baker & Montalto, 2019; Center for Community College Student
Engagement, 2017; McCabe & Jackson, 2016; Warnock, 2016).
This problem is important to address for several reasons. First, according to the U.S. Bureau of
Labor Statistics (2019), individuals who hold bachelor’s degrees earn $400 more dollars per week on
average than those who attend college but do not graduate. This equates to a difference in lifetime
earnings of $721,000 between those with some college education and those with a degree (Carnevale et
al., 2011). Nonetheless, even among bachelor’s degree holders, Black college graduates earn 20% less
than their White counterparts, and Latinx students with the highest educational levels earn almost $1
million less than their White peers over their lifetimes (Carnevale et al., 2011).
Second, adults with higher education live longer and healthier lives than those without one
(Case & Deaton, 2021). The health advantages of earning a bachelor’s degree include a lower likelihood
of smoking and a higher probability of engaging in exercise. Other benefits are enhanced financial
security, stable employment (especially in economic downturns), and a lower likelihood of living in
poverty (Ma et al., 2019). Finally, bachelor’s degree holders are more likely to vote and more likely to
volunteer in their communities (Ma et al., 2019). Without attention to this, Black and Latinx adults may
not be afforded opportunities for enhanced health, financial, and civic standing.
Lastly, the low college completion rates are damaging to the U.S. economy. If high school and
college graduation rates were equal, local, state, and federal tax revenue would increase by more than
3

$90 billion (Libassi, 2018). In addition, the United States would produce a million more bachelor's
degrees in 3 years if Black and Latinx students graduated at the same rate as White students (Libassi,
2018). Thus, college completion is not solely a university problem. It is a national dilemma.
Overall, this problem is important to resolve to address social inequities and racial wealth gaps
among Black, Latinx, and White adults and their families. Without attention to this problem, colleges
and universities continue to breed systemic inequality.
Context and Background of the Problem
As of 2020, 10.9 million undergraduate students were enrolled in 773 public 4-year universities,
representing 69% of total undergraduate enrollment in the United States (National Center for Education
Statistics, 2022). Although the share of Black students’ enrollment at public 4-year campuses increased
from 19% to 35% from 1980 to 2015, they made up only 13.64% of the total public 4-year public
university enrollment in 2015. In addition, the share of Latinx student enrollment increased from 16% to
37% from 1980 to 2015 and in 2015, they represented 21.28% of total enrollment at 4-year public
universities (Carnevale et al., 2018). Despite these upward trends, overall college enrollment decreased
for both Black and Latinx students due to the COVID-19 pandemic. From fall 2019 to fall 2021, Black
student enrollment decreased by 8%, while Latinx enrollment declined by 0.2% at public 4-year
institutions (National Student Clearinghouse Research Center, 2021). Of particular significance is that
the increase in Black and Latinx college enrollment does not correlate with higher college completion
rates (Shapiro et al., 2017).
At public 4-year universities, tuition has increased significantly. Between the 2009-2010 and
2019-2020 academic terms, the average cost of tuition increased by over 39% before accounting for
inflation. In fact, the average cost of attendance per year at public, 4-year universities is $25,487
annually or $101,948 for four years (Hanson, 2022). Although federal financial aid is available, aid for the
neediest students is often not enough to cover the full cost of attendance. According to the U.S.
4

Department of Education (n.d.-a), the Pell Grant is the largest federal program that awards grants to the
neediest undergraduate students. In 2001–2002, a maximum Pell Grant covered 42% of tuition, fees,
room, and board at public 4-year universities, but by the 2021–2022 academic year, the Pell Grant
covered only 29% of these expenses (Ma & Pender, 2021). The rising cost of tuition, coupled with the
decreased coverage from the nation’s largest grant program, creates a challenging financial situation for
students.
Universities have specific initiatives to address the barriers to college that Black and Latinx
students face. Multicultural admissions counselors, diversity and access coordinators, and directors of
multicultural and diversity programming are positions housed in admissions offices dedicated to
enrolling a more diverse student population. Once students are enrolled, summer bridge programs
offered the summer before college entrance help Black and Latinx students acclimate to their college
environment, prepare academically, and build social networks (Bir & Myrick, 2015). While in college,
multicultural student centers, identity centers, and centers for inclusion and equity support Black and
Latinx students. In addition, the U.S. Department of Education funds TRiO programs and student support
services programs to facilitate college access, retention, persistence, and completion for students from
disadvantaged backgrounds (U.S. Department of Education, n.d.-b). Each system aims to help students
adapt and address how to pay for college (Cowan Pitre & Pitre, 2009; Pulliam & Sasso, 2016).
Additionally, universities offer programming like financial aid outreach, financial literacy programming,
and financial coaching for all students (Solis, 2018; Supiano, 2010).
The Consensus is that Black and Latinx students face distinct financial barriers. Various data
show that these students graduate from college at a lower rate than White students (National Student
Clearinghouse, 2021; Shapiro et al., 2017). In addition, research has found distinct financial barriers
Black and Latinx students face compared to their White classmates (Baker & Montalto, 2019; Center for
Community College Student Engagement, 2017; McCabe & Jackson, 2016; Warnock, 2016), and various
5

initiatives designed to help them overcome these barriers (Bir & Myrick, 2015; Cowan Pitre & Pitre,
2009; Pulliam & Sasso, 2016). One study identified barriers to underrepresented students’ financial
capacity (Eichelberger et al., 2017). However, none of these studies addresses financial barriers from a
cultural wealth perspective. Public 4-year universities are large and complex organizations and, as such,
tend to have unique organizational hurdles (Kaufmann et al., 2019). There is a need to understand how
the college organization works because paying for college usually encompasses coordination between
and knowledge of various campus offices. In addition, much of the current research on overcoming
financial barriers addresses student knowledge from a deficit perspective. Thus, a gap exists in the
research regarding organizational behavior that impacts financial barriers for Black and Latinx students
to overcome with asset-based skills and backgrounds.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth model was used as the theoretical framework to
understand how Black and Latinx students navigate financial barriers presented by organizational gaps.
Through the community cultural wealth model, Yosso introduced six forms of capital: aspirational,
familial, social, navigational, resistant, and linguistic capita).
The potential of Black and Latinx students to pursue their dreams and goals despite obstacles is
referred to as aspirational capital. Familial capital refers to the social capital that students gain from
their home communities (Yosso, 2005). In Yosso’s paradigm, social capital refers to the networks of
classmates and community supports that students can tap into to help them understand societal
institutions (2005). Black and Latinx students demonstrate navigational capacity when they can employ
skills and abilities to find their way through potentially threatening or unfamiliar situations (Yosso,
2005). Resistance capital is developed by confronting inequitable actions and behaviors, while linguistic
capital is demonstrated by the knowledge and social skills students develop by communicating in more
than one language or in multiple ways (Yosso, 2005).
6

These forms of capital represent the knowledge, talents, capacities, and networks that are
often overlooked or devalued (Yosso, 2005) by those in power yet help Black and Latinx students. For
this study, aspirational, social, navigational, and linguistic capital were evaluated.
The community cultural wealth model is an appropriate framework to use as it speaks to the
various forms of capital students of color use to understand and traverse through the college
experience. Although other studies seek to understand why and how Black and Latinx students
experience financial barriers differently from their classmates, most use a deficiency lens. In other
words, the focus is on what Black and Latinx students lack, what they do not know, or what
shortcomings they have that make their college experience difficult. Yosso’s (2005) community cultural
wealth model views the Black and Latinx student experience from an appreciative standpoint, meaning
these students’ strengths and unique skills that help them learn a system that was not designed for
them.
Qualitative methods were used to answer the research questions. To identify how Black and
Latinx students use the four forms of capital outlined earlier, interviews were conducted with
participants who have experienced financial issues on a 4-year university campus. Interview questions
addressed each form of capital.
In addition, the interviews were standardized and open-ended, as I asked questions in the same
order and worded them only in an open-ended format (Patton, 2002). Although this format limits
flexibility during the interviews, it enables easier organization and data analysis (Patton, 2002).
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to increase understanding of how Black and Latinx students use
aspirational, familial, social, and navigational capital to overcome financial barriers to college
completion. To fulfill this purpose, two research questions were posed:
7

1. What aspirational, familial, social, navigational, resistant, and linguistic capital do Black and
Latinx students employ to overcome financial barriers on the college campus?
2. Which operational processes and practices on the college campus inadvertently create financial
barriers for Black and Latinx students?
Definitions
Definitions are provided to ensure a clear understanding of key terms for this study.
Administrative delay: Administrative delay is a social construct of perceived delay measured by
how long a person believes tasks should take to complete (Kaufmann et al., 2019).
Barriers to college completion: Barriers to college completion are obstacles that alone or
together may impede students’ college graduation.
Capital: In this study, capital refers to the wealth students bring to college, including
aspirational, social, navigational, and linguistic abilities (Yosso, 2005).
College completion: Also referred to as college graduation, this term refers to the completion of
an undergraduate academic program that results in the attainment of a bachelor’s degree.
Cost of attendance: the entire cost of attending a year of school. In addition to tuition and fees,
the cost of attendance includes living expenses, books, transportation, and technology needed to attend
college (U. S. Department of Education, n.d.-e).
Departmental silos: Working in departmental silos means employees are strictly separated by
work function, thus limiting communication and collaboration between departments.
Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA): an application that students must complete to
be eligible for federal financial aid (U.S. Department of Education, n.d.-f).
Financial aid: Funds used to help students pay for college are classified as financial aid. Federal
financial aid includes loans, grants, and work-study resources. Financial aid may be available at the state,
local, and institutional levels (U.S. Department of Education, n.d.-d).
8

Financial literacy: refers to the awareness of basic financial concepts and knowledge of personal
finances that can be tied to higher rates of financial well-being (Fazli Sabri et al., 2012).
Financial stress: When students experience financial stress, they are troubled by their inability to make
ends meet or pay for life’s basic necessities (Åslund et al., 2014; Peirce et al., 1996).
First-generation student: a student whose parents did not earn a college degree.
Pell Grant: Federal Pell grants are funds awarded to the neediest students. Pell grants are funds
that do not need to be repaid by students (U.S. Department of Education, n.d.-a).
Persistence: a student’s continuation of college enrollment at any college semester after
semester (National Student Clearinghouse Research Center, 2022).
Red tape: regulations, policies, and processes that impose a compliance burden on a company
but provide no value or utility to the business's work operations (Bozeman, 1993).
Retention: a student’s ability to return to the same college semester after semester (National
Student Clearinghouse Research Center, 2022).
Verification: refers to a process some financial aid applicants must follow to verify the
information they submitted on the FAFSA. This process regularly includes submitting additional
documentation from students and their families (U. S. Department of Education, n.d.-c).
Organization of the Dissertation
This dissertation follows a conventional five-chapter format. Chapter One introduces the study,
including the context and background of the problem, the purpose of the study, research questions, the
importance of the study, and definitions needed to understand the language used throughout the
dissertation. Chapter Two provides a thorough literature review. Next, Chapter Three provides the
methodology for the study, including the design overview, data sources, and the study’s credibility and
limitations. Chapter Four provides findings pertaining to the research questions. This dissertation
concludes with Chapter Five, which outlines recommendations for practice and further research.
9

Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
This literature review will examine Black and Latinx students’ financial barriers when attending
college. This review begins with a general overview of the financial issues that prevent students from
completing college. Then, a discussion of Black and Latinx students’ unique barriers will be presented.
Next, the literature review will cover inequities in college completion, including in college access for
these student groups. The literature review will then explain organizational behaviors like administrative
delay, departmental silos, red tape, and insufficient resources that cause or exacerbate barriers to
college completion. This will then be followed by efforts colleges are making to address those barriers,
including financial programming, technological tools, specific initiatives aimed at Black and Latinx
students, and changes in business processes. Finally, a conceptual model will be introduced to explain
variables and the relationship between those variables that will be studied in this research.
Black and Latinx Students Complete College at Lower Rates
An overview of these students’ historical lack of access to higher education is essential to
understand the systemic reasons Black and Latinx students complete college at lower rates. Historically,
Black and Latinx students have not had the same access to education as their White peers. In schools,
institutional racism is not easy to recognize as its pervasive nature has been imbedded since the
inception of educational systems and is maintained through systemic racism and power (Briscoe, 2014;
Bryan, 2005). Intentional and overt acts of discrimination based on race, higher rates of disciplinary
action and suspension for Black and Latinx students (Losen & Martinez, 2013), inadequate support to
families of Black and Latinx students, including linguistic ability of school staff (Thorn & Contreras, 2005;
Yamamura et al., 2010;), and school counselors and teachers who do not reflect the racial makeup of
the students they serve (Bradley et al., 2005) are all concealed ways that demonstrate educational
institutions are systemically racist.
10

Subsequently, this historical lack of educational access extends to the college campus. Although
the first Black student to earn a bachelor’s degree graduated from Amherst College in 1822, institutions
like Emory University, Duke University, and Vanderbilt University did not have a Black graduate until
more than 100 years later, in 1967 (Slater, 1994). This lack of access for Black students in the form of
legal segregation in the South and enrollment quotas in the North led to the creation of historically Black
colleges and universities, with the first one, Cheyney University, established in 1837 (Crewe, 2017). To
date, there are over 100 HBCUs in the United States dedicated to uplifting Black Americans and students
from other historically underserved groups (Crewe, 2017). Likewise, while access to higher education for
Latinx students is documented as early as 1894, most Latinx students did not enroll in U.S. colleges and
universities in substantial numbers until the late twentieth century (MacDonald & Garcia, 2003).
When considering current access to higher education, Black and Latinx students face additional
obstacles during recruitment and application. In a study of how 15 public research universities recruit
out-of-state students, universities disproportionately recruited students from affluent areas out of state
where there was not a high concentration of Black and Latinx high school students (Han et al., 2019).
This is troubling considering that college recruitment and outreach is an effective method for enrolling
Latinx students in competitive out-of-state colleges (Gurantz et al., 2017) and is especially significant
because Latinx students generally attend college close to home (Desmond & Turley, 2009). In addition,
Latinx students do not have the social capital to understand college application procedures. When
learning about college applications, Latinx students generally turn to those outside their families for
assistance (Ponjuan et al., 2015). Finding someone who is knowledgeable about the process can be
especially problematic as Latinx students are more likely to attend a high school that does not support a
college-going culture (Roderick et al., 2011).
When being considered for college admission, Black and Latinx students’ high school
environments and resources can contribute to under-preparedness for college. Black and Latinx
11

students are six times and five times more likely, respectively, to attend high-poverty schools than
White students. High-poverty schools tend to have less experienced teachers, less available counselors,
and fewer college preparatory classes (The Center for Law and Social Policy, 2015). In addition, high
schools in urban areas with a higher rate of racial diversity are more likely to be under-resourced (Milner
& Lomotey, 2014), and Students of Color who attend these schools are more likely to face inequities in
access to college, including fewer opportunities to attend and lower academic preparedness (Quinn,
2015). These factors lead to lower college-going rates and higher rates of remedial education for those
who do attend college (The Center for Law and Social Policy, 2015), both of which lower college
enrollment and graduation rates.
Finally, standardized college admission tests create an additional obstacle for Black and Latinx
students. According to the National Center for Education Statistics (2010), 60% of White students in
their senior year of high school have taken the SAT, while only 12% of Black students and almost 13% of
Latinx students in the 12th grade have done so, showing a disparity in access for Students of Color.
When reviewing SAT scores for 2019 test takers, the mean score for all test takers was 1059, while the
mean score for White testers was 1114. In comparison, the average score for Latinx test takers was 978,
and for Black testers, the average was 933. Additionally, 57% of White students met benchmarks in both
math and evidence-based reading and writing, while only 29% of Latinx and 20% of Black testers met
both benchmarks (College Board, 2019).
Another standardized test used for college admissions is the ACT. The average scores earned for
the ACT follow the same pattern as SAT scores, as the average score for all ACT takers in 2019 was 20.7,
while the average score for White testers was 22.1. Latinx testers earned an average score of 18.7, while
Black test takers earned a mean score of 16.8 (ACT, 2020). Standardized test scores serve as a
component of college admissions criteria and have a significant role in awarding merit-based
scholarships. Although some colleges and universities have adopted a test-optional policy for college
12

admission and merit-based scholarship awarding due to the COVID-19 pandemic, relatively few schools
are test-blind (Jaschik, 2020). Test-optional admissions policies review standardized test scores only if
the applicant submits them, whereas test-blind admissions policies will not review submitted
standardized test scores at all (Jaschik, 2020). Because test-optional admissions review can favor
students who submit test scores, it is essential to review test-taking trends to view disparities. From
2019, the testing year before the COVID-19 pandemic began, to 2021, the number of White students
taking the ACT dropped by almost 24%, the number of Black students taking the ACT decreased by 30%,
and the number of Latinx students who took the ACT decreased by almost 38% (ACT, 2021). Although
various factors can explain this trend in testing, it speaks to the number of students who may not
receive an advantage when being considered for admissions and merit-based scholarships under test-
optional policies.
In addition to a lack of access to attending college, Black and Latinx students do not complete
college at the same rates as their White peers. In 2017, a report was released by the National Student
Clearinghouse on the graduation rates of students who started college in 2010. This study found that
67.2% of White students graduated within 6 years of entering a 4-year university, while 55% of Latinx
students and 45.9% of Black students graduated within 6 years (Shapiro et al., 2017). When comparing
the end of Black and Latinx students’ educational careers to White students, one study found that Black
students are more likely to attend some college but not graduate, while Latinx students are more likely
to never enter college at all (Merolla, 2018). According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2014), when
reviewing college degree attainment as a percentage of the U.S. population, 34.5% of White adults hold
a bachelor's degree, while 21.4% of Black adults and 14.5% of Latinx adults have a bachelor’s degree.
Although there is data showing Black and Latinx students now complete more years of college than in
the past, the college completion rate has not increased at a rate representative of the additional years
of college completed (Merolla, 2018). In fact, although Latinx college student enrollment increased by
13

12% between 2005-2019, the graduation rate for Latinx students in this same timeframe only increased
by 5% (Capers, 2019). One characteristic of Latinx students that makes college completion difficult is the
cultural practice of familisimo, a family-first mindset where Latinx young adults experience a strong
attachment to family. Familisimo compels some Latinx students to balance college plans with providing
financial support to their families (Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009). This connection to family may also mean
Latinx students balance investing time and finances to support college success with spending time at
family events and assisting with their families’ needs (Eichelberger et al., 2017).
According to Eller and DiPrete (2018), there are four causes for the disparity between Black and
White college graduates. The college decision process, the relationship between students’ academic
preparation and college choice, the quality of the college attended, and students’ academic and social
experiences in college can explain why Black students graduate at lower rates than their White
classmates (Eller & DiPrete, 2018). In addition to the lower academic preparedness, other pre-college
factors impact the college graduation gap, namely inadequate counseling regarding college application
and admissions procedures (Roderick et al., 2011), insufficient financial counseling in preparation for
paying for college (Advisory Committee on Student Financial Assistance, 2008; Hodara, n.d.) and
inexperience with college-going behavior (McCabe & Jackson, 2016).
Another pre-college event related to the completion gap between Black and White students is
the college selection choice. Black students are more likely than White students to undermatch or select
a college of lower academic caliber than the student is capable of undertaking (Bowen et al., 2009). This
is significant because students who undermatch when selecting a college are 15% less likely to graduate
from college within 6 years compared to students who match in alignment with their academic ability
(Bowen et al., 2009). The concept of college quality extends to the type of institution students attend.
Six-year graduation rates for the most selective 4-year institutions (those with acceptance rates under
25%) is 89%, while graduation rates for the least selective 4-year institutions (those with open
14

admissions) was 29% for students entering college in fall 2013 (National Center for Education Statistics,
2022). Highly selective colleges tend to prove beneficial for Students of Color and first-generation
students, as students who attend them have higher graduation rates and earnings than students who do
not attend highly selective universities (Dale & Krueger, 2014). However, the majority of Black and
Latinx college students do not attend highly selective institutions and thus do not reap the higher
graduation rates these colleges offer (Kirst & Stevens, 2015; Wagner, 2015).
Finally, academic and social experiences in college impact the college completion rates of Black
students (Eller & DiPrete, 2018). These experiences can include choosing a field of study, living on
campus, and taking developmental courses, though the most determinant factor of Black students’
persistence in college is their cumulative grade point average (Eller & DiPrete, 2018). To further the
concern of Black and Latinx students having less access to college and lower college completion rates,
students who experience financial issues also graduate from college at lower rates.
Financial Barriers Impede College Completion
Evidence suggests that financial concerns are one of the primary roadblocks to college
completion (Xu & Webber, 2018), as students who experience financial issues are more likely to drop
out of college (Joo et al., 2009). Specifically, feeling financial stress, understanding how to pay for
college, experiencing financial aid barriers, accruing high educational loan debt, and paying out of
pocket for college are all financial issues that can impact college completion.
Financial Stress
Financial stress can be defined as worry or anxiety experienced when individuals are
continuously unable to make ends meet or afford life’s basic necessities (Åslund et al., 2014; Peirce et
al., 1996). The effects of financial stress are far-reaching and can impact mental and emotional well-
being (Fitch et al., 2011; Tran et al., 2018), as well as physical and physiological health (Åslund et al.,
2014; Sturgeon et al., 2016; Warth et al., 2019). For college students, managing financial issues is often a
15

new experience and one that brings its own concerns (Robb, 2011). Those concerns can include the debt
level associated with using student loans, working enough hours to pay for college, and experiencing
financial insecurity. When surveyed, 73% of college students reported some level of financial stress,
including feeling often stressed, stressed, or always stressed (American College Health Association,
2020).
A common idea found in the literature is that financial stress impacts student persistence in
college. One of the consequences of financial stress is that it can cause lower academic performance for
college students (Baker & Montalto, 2019). When students’ levels of financial stress were evaluated
along with cumulative grade point averages, students with high financial stress had significantly lower
grade point averages than their peers with lower or no financial stress (Baker & Montalto, 2019). In a
study by Britt et al. (2017) where college students were asked to self-report their educational loan debt,
those who experienced financial stress and worries about student loan debt were more likely to drop
out of college. In fact, students who reported debt above $18,000 had an increased chance of dropping
out of college compared to their peers with no debt. Students who reported total debt above $24,000
were three times more likely to drop out of college than students without loan debt (Britt et al., 2017).
Joo et al. (2009) found that students who experience even modest stress about finances have a higher
likelihood of reducing credit hours per semester and withdrawing from school. Based on a survey issued
to students who either dropped out of college or reduced their college hours, 62% experienced
moderate to severe financial stress (Joo et al., 2009). In addition to financial stress among college
students, students who are unfamiliar with how to pay for college experience added financial issues in
college.
Understanding College Finances
Another financial concern of college students is unfamiliarity with how to pay for college.
According to a recent report, 18% of families whose junior or senior high school students are planning to
16

attend college believe they will pay less than the cost published by colleges (Sallie Mae, 2022). This
means that most families believe they will have to pay full price for college and may not understand the
importance that scholarships and financial aid play in reducing out-of-pocket expenses for college. This
same report reveals that half of the families surveyed believe that scholarships are only for exceptionally
gifted students. Additionally, almost half of the families surveyed use scholarships to help pay for
college, and almost 75% of students who did not use scholarships to pay for college did not apply for
scholarship funding (Sallie Mae, 2022). It is not surprising that families lack an understanding of how to
pay for college or the true cost of college, as one in three colleges publish living expenses at least 20%
below the actual living costs for their area (Goldrick-Rab & Kendall, 2016) and almost 40% of colleges do
not publish living expenses on their websites at all (Coles et al., 2020). Finally, terminology that is hard
to understand and complicated financial aid forms and processes make it difficult to understand the true
cost of college (Burd et al., 2018).
Financial Aid Barriers
The FAFSA is an application used to award grants, loans, and work-study funding to college
students. The FAFSA calculates a student’s need for federal funding and can also be used by states and
educational institutions to award state-based and institutional aid. Completion of a FAFSA serves as an
indicator of whether a student will attend college. High school seniors who complete a FAFSA are 84%
more likely to enroll in college, whereas the likelihood of college attendance increases to 127% for
lower-income students who complete a FAFSA (National College Attainment Network, n.d.). Yet,
according to a report released in 2021, submission rates for the FAFSA have decreased over the past
four years (National College Attainment Network). Of those who did not complete the FAFSA, one-third
would have been eligible for a Federal Pell Grant, a need-based grant (Hodara, n.d.), leaving millions of
need-based financial aid unawarded to college students who need it the most. Overall, an estimated 24
17

billion financial aid dollars go unclaimed each year due to eligible students not completing the FAFSA
(Kofoed, 2017).
Of the reasons students and families do not complete a FAFSA, the most prevalent are that
students and their families do not understand the financial aid process, do not believe they have
financial need, are overwhelmed by the cost of college, are intimidated by potential student loan debt,
or believe the FAFSA is too confusing or cumbersome to complete (Advisory Committee on Student
Financial Assistance, 2008; Hodara, n.d.). Completing the FAFSA is only the first step in securing financial
aid for college. Once the FAFSA is completed, students may be selected for verification, a process where
students have to verify or prove the information they submitted on the FAFSA via tax or income
documents (Davidson, 2015). In a study on improving access to financial aid at California’s community
colleges, over half of Pell-eligible students were selected for verification (Cochrane & Hernandez-
Gravelle, 2007). The verification process is time-consuming and, as a result, can lead to delayed financial
aid awarding for students and a decline in student persistence (MacCallum, 2008). Finally, when
students do receive financial aid packages, the amount is usually not enough to pay for tuition, fees,
housing, books, and other living expenses (Goldrick-Rab & Kendall, 2016).
High Loan Debt
There are additional financial barriers that stand in the way of college completion. Student loan
debt has an inverse relationship to academic performance and has an especially negative impact on
lower-income students. Students with larger loan balances have lower grade point averages and
complete fewer credit hours (Stoddard et al., 2018). In a data review of student borrowers at a 4-year
university, an increase of 10% in the loan-to-tuition ratio lowered their grade point averages by 0.8
points. In addition, this same increase in loan-to-tuition ratio results in almost half a credit less earned
for the semester (Stoddard et al., 2018). Moreover, students who take on more debt than their peers
have a higher chance of dropping out of college (Britt et al., 2017). Students who left college studies
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within a year of being surveyed on financial health and behavior accrued $2000 to $3000 more in loan
debt during their first 2 years of study than those who continued college studies (Britt et al., 2017). For
lower-income students, taking on educational debt is beneficial up to a certain amount but can become
a detriment once the debt reaches a certain threshold (Dwyer et al., 2012). Less affluent students who
attend public colleges and secure educational debt up to $9882 experience a higher likelihood of
graduation. Once this group of students reaches loan debt over $9,882, the likelihood of graduation
decreases (Dwyer et al., 2012).
Self-paying College Tuition
To further understand where financial stress comes from, it is essential to look at an
instrumental source of stress for one specific population: those who pay out of pocket. Although
financial aid is available for students to help pay for college, a subset of the college population pays for
tuition and fees without financial assistance. Students who do not secure scholarships or financial aid
may rely on employment to pay for college. In a survey administered to college students at a large public
university, students who paid for college out of pocket were more likely to drop out of school than
students who secured loans (Britt et al., 2017). In addition, students who work to pay for college as an
alternative to taking on educational debt experience lower financial well-being and higher financial
stress than nonworking students (Mukherjee et al., 2017). Approximately 80% of community college
students are employed while in school (Horn & Nevill, 2006) and work to pay for tuition, childcare,
housing, and other living expenses. Based on a survey administered to students at two large urban
community colleges, working students are more likely to leave college for a semester or reduce the
number of classes taken per semester (Mukherjee et al., 2017). One of the reasons students stop out or
leave college is so they can work additional hours to pay for school (Mukherjee et al., 2017).
Furthermore, students who do not apply for financial aid are those who are already at risk of not
completing college (McKinney & Novak, 2015). Based on a study of first-year students who were eligible
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to receive financial aid, almost half of community college students did not complete a FAFSA (McKinney
& Novak, 2015). This study also revealed that students attending college part-time had 75% greater odds
of not applying for financial aid. Additionally, students who did not attend college immediately after
high school had a 75% greater chance of not applying for financial aid (McKinney & Novak, 2015).
Finally, students who did not declare a major upon entering college had a 43% greater chance of not
applying for financial aid (McKinney & Novak, 2015). These descriptors are risk factors for college
graduation (McKinney & Novak, 2015). At the opposite end of the spectrum from students who do not
use financial aid are students who pay for college by accumulating high debt. Students with significant
loan debt face unique hurdles to graduating from college.
In summary, financial stress, lack of understanding of how to pay for college, financial aid
barriers, accruing high loan debt, and paying out of pocket are all financial issues that can hinder college
completion. The fact that Black and Latinx students experience these financial issues at a higher rate
than other students is of particular significance.
Black and Latinx Students Experience More Financial Barriers
For Black and Latinx students, college-related financial barriers are different and occur at
heightened levels when compared to the financial experiences of their White classmates. According to
Xu and Webber (2018), financial troubles are one of the leading reasons students of all backgrounds do
not complete college. Further evidence demonstrates all students who experience financial issues are
more likely to leave college without a degree (Joo et al., 2009). When Latinx students prepare to attend
college, their families are less likely to understand financial aid processes than White families (Warnock,
2016). When Black students complete college, they accrue a higher rate of educational loan debt than
their White counterparts (Baker & Montalto, 2019) and are more likely to return to live with their
parents after college (Houle & Warner, 2017). In addition, Black and Latinx students are more likely to
enroll in college part-time than their White classmates (Center for Community College Student
20

Engagement, 2017), thus extending the time to college completion. Each factor demonstrates how Black
and Latinx students face different struggles than White students.
Less Financial Preparation
Black and Latinx students and their families are less financially prepared to attend college than
their White classmates (Elliott & Friedline, 2013; Nienhusser & Oshio, 2017; Quadlin & Conwell, 2021;
Warnock, 2016). By the time they are in high school, 56% of families of White male students have saved
money for college with an average college savings amount of $24,810, while 34% of families of Black
male students have saved money for college with an average college savings of $11,560 (Quadlin &
Conwell, 2021).
In addition to less college savings, less financial preparation can be tied to high school students’
awareness of how much college costs. When high school students were asked to estimate tuition at
private and public colleges, Black and Latinx students were more likely to have imprecisely estimates
than their classmates (Nienhusser & Oshio, 2017). Inability to estimate college costs can be detrimental
as students may self-eliminate from attending college altogether (Nienhusser & Oshio, 2017).
When families consider how they will pay for college, there are distinct differences between
how Black and Latinx anticipate they will pay for college. In a study on the perceptions of paying for
college among parents of different socioeconomic backgrounds, Warnock found Latinx parents are more
likely than all other racial groups to believe their children can pay for college through working to pay for
school (2016). These parents may not understand that working to pay for college means students have
less time to study, fewer alternatives when scheduling classes, and may have to take a semester off due
to work or financial obligations (Mukherjee et al., 2017). Additionally, Latinx families tend to be less
willing to use student loans to pay for college (Cunningham & Santiago, 2008). Conversely, compared to
White families, Black families are more open to acquiring debt to pay for their child’s college tuition
(Warnock, 2016). The willingness to take on educational debt may be a reason Black college graduates
21

have more debt than any other racial group (Warnock, 2016). In addition to families of Black and Latinx
students being less financially prepared to pay for college, once these students get into college, they
experience unique financial barriers.
Unique Financial Obstacles
Upon entering college, Black and Latinx first-generation students are more likely to navigate the
college-going process alone (McCabe & Jackson, 2016). Although Black and Latinx students can
eventually discern how to pay for school, it is usually only after they experience and overcome
significant hardship. Eventually, the students learn how to use peer social networks or find a counselor
they can rely on for help understanding college financials and developing a plan for paying for college
(Eichelberger et al., 2017; McCabe & Jackson, 2016).
Furthermore, Black and Latinx students experience unique financial stressors during college,
which can lower college completion rates (Britt et al., 2017). There are several indicators of the
likelihood of dropping out due to financial stress. One indicator is borrowing up to $3,000 more than
peers during the first 2 years of school, and another is self-paying for college (Britt et al., 2017). Because
Black students tend to take on more educational debt than their peers (Grinstein-Weiss et al., 2016) and
because Latinx students are expected to help pay for college (Warnock, 2016), each of these groups is
more apt to leave college before graduation.
In addition, the college-going patterns and academic performance based on debt are distinct for
Black and Latinx students. Students with larger educational loan balances tend to have lower grade
point averages and complete fewer credit hours (Stoddard et al., 2018), lowering their academic
performance and extending their time to graduation. In a study on the impact of student loan debt and
academic performance, Students of Color who had high debt had lower academic performance, while
White students with high debt did not (Baker & Montalto, 2019). Another way Black and Latinx students
experience financial barriers can be viewed when race intersects with other identifiers.
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First-Generation, Gender, and Income Level Exacerbate Financial Barriers
When coupled with other identifiers such as gender, first-generation status, and income level,
financial barriers for Black and Latinx college students are more prominent. In an aforementioned study,
families of Black males save less for college than families of White males (Quadlin & Conwell, 2021).
When gender is factored in, the statistics are more glaring. On average, the families of Black females
save $12,000 less for college than families of White females and almost $2,000 less than the families of
Black males. Families of Black females are more likely to anticipate using scholarships to pay for college
and are less likely to anticipate paying for college through parents’ earnings than all other groups (White
males, White females, and Black males), thus signifying less reliance on parents’ ability to pay for college
(Quadlin & Conwell, 2021). Finally, the probability of college enrollment increases for students whose
parents have saved for college for all groups except Black females, whose chances of going to college do
not change based on whether their families save for college (Quadlin & Conwell, 2021).
The intersectionality of race and being a first-generation college student also has an impact on
financial barriers to college completion. In a study on how race impacts students’ experience with
paying for college, White students whose parents went to college depend on their parents to help them
pay for college and understand the nuances of attending college (McCabe & Jackson, 2016). Black
students whose parents attended college may not depend on families to pay for tuition but use their
parents’ social networks to understand how to pay for college. When first-generation status is factored
in, White first-generation college students receive some financial help from parents, although financial
assistance eventually decreases or ceases. Meanwhile, Black and Latinx first-generation students carry
the burden of figuring out how to pay for college by themselves (McCabe & Jackson, 2016), and once
they do, the burden of having to educate their parents on this newfound knowledge falls on the first-
generation student (Perna, 2006). Because first-generation students are less likely to rely on financial
23

and network support from their parents, they are more likely to piece together ways to pay for college
on their own (McCabe & Jackson, 2016).
When Black and Latinx students come from low-income families, they face additional barriers to
college completion. In a study of debt levels among low- to moderate-income (LMI) students, Black
college students acquired more debt than their White classmates, even when their income level was the
same (Grinstein-Weiss et al., 2016). Within the LMI student group, Black college students were more
likely to have debt and, on average, had $7000 more educational debt than their White peers (Grinstein-
Weiss et al., 2016). Furthermore, both low-income and Black students are more likely to attend for-
profit schools where tuition is higher and more likely to use alternative credit sources like private loans
and credit cards to pay for school (Grinstein-Weiss et al., 2016). On the other hand, Latinx families,
regardless of income level, tend to be less knowledgeable about financial aid and expect their children
to help pay for college (Warnock, 2016). Because of this, Latinx families, even those with moderate
income, have the same attributes as low-income families, who are more averse to educational debt and
are more likely to see no way to pay for school (Warnock, 2016).
In addition to financial barriers, there are administrative barriers in college offices that support
student finances.
Organizational Behavior Lends to Additional Financial Barriers
Organizational behaviors, such as administrative delays, red tape, departmental silos, and
conflicting policies and procedures, lend to additional hurdles for college students.
Administrative Delay
Administrative delay is an organizational construct that can be measured by the time it takes to
complete basic duties (Kaufmann et al., 2019). The cause of this delay can be ineffective management,
futile rules, lack or resources, or uncontrollable events (Kaufmann et al., 2019). Because it is a social
construct, administrative delay is based on individuals’ perceptions of how long work tasks should take
24

and as such, there is no clear objective definition for what constitutes a delay (Kaufmann et al., 2019). In
the college sector, then, students may perceive administrative delay as tasks that take longer than they
should to complete. In a study on the impact of administrative delay on organizations of different sizes,
larger organizations (like colleges) are more negatively impacted by the consequences of administrative
delay, and organizational performance is improved when these delays are lessened (Kaufmann et al.,
2019).
One way administrative delay is present in processes that support student finances is through
financial aid verification. Verification is a process whereby college financial aid offices are required to
verify information submitted on the FAFSA by both students and parents through collecting tax and
financial documents. Verification is tedious for students and financial aid offices and an obstacle for
community college students (Cochrane et al., 2010). Most students selected for verification are initially
deemed eligible for a Pell Grant and who demonstrate exceptional need (Cochrane et al., 2010). In fact,
students who are deemed Pell-eligible are six times more likely to be selected for verification
(Wiederspan, 2019). Document collection for verification is institution-specific, meaning that each
college separately collects documentation from the student and their family, such as regarding child
support statements, social security benefit statements, verification of college enrollment for others in
the household, and citizenship status (Davidson, 2015). Verification may also require that parents
amend previously submitted tax returns (AlQaisi et al., 2020). In addition, gathering documents for
verification coupled with the time it takes the college or university to review, approve, or request
additional verification documents delays financial aid award disbursement. Verification rarely results in
the neediest students not being eligible for aid, further proving that it can be an excessive obstacle and
setback (Page et al., 2020; Wiederspan, 2019). This delay can impede student persistence (MacCallum,
2008).
25

In addition to verification documents, administrative delay may be exacerbated by many
financial aid offices’ staffing models and resources. A survey by the National Association of Student
Financial Aid Administrators (NASFAA, 2010) revealed that 90% of respondents felt under-resourced to
meet critical student needs. According to the survey, this lack of resources directly impacted their ability
to counsel students, the attention needed to focus on certain populations, and the outreach efforts
financial aid offices can give to students (NASFAA, 2010).
The conflict of needing to counsel students on the financial aid process while meeting
burdensome administrative requirements for compliance is one experienced by financial aid staff
(Cochrane & Hernandez-Gravelle, 2007). Although financial aid offices at private universities generally
employ five full-time staff for every 1000 students, public universities tend to employ two financial aid
staff for every 1000 students (NASFAA, 2012). When specifically addressing the financial aid counselor-
to-student ratio, one study found that a large public university employed one financial aid counselor for
every 1,000 students (Goldrick-Rab, 2016), and in a study of how financial aid counselors at community
colleges helped students understand financial aid, the majority of counselors reported there were 1000
students or more per each financial aid counselor (McKinney & Roberts, 2012). Furthermore, the
workload for financial aid offices is not decreasing (Chitty, 2010). According to the National Center for
Education Statistics (2018), the number of FAFSAs submitted between 2006–07 and 2015–16 increased
by 40%. Also, verifying information submitted on the FAFSA is a requirement not funded by the
government, so colleges must absorb the cost of verification (AlQaisi et al., 2020). This is significant as
compliance can cost colleges and universities nearly $500 million and comprise 15% of financial aid
office budgets for public 4-year colleges and 22% of financial aid operating budgets for community
colleges (Guzmán-Alvarez & Page, 2021).
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In addition to administrative delay and a lack of resources for employees who counsel students
on financial issues, colleges are divided into departments that handle specific functions, inadvertently
creating departmental silos (Birnbaum, 1988).
Departmental Silos
Decades ago, Weick described educational organizations as loosely coupled systems (1976). The
components of these systems though attached in some manner, operate independently of each other,
and as such, their attachment to each other can be limited, intermittent, inconsequential, and slow to
respond to one other (Weick, 1976). As loosely coupled systems, colleges have fewer networks, less
distribution of information across the organization, and limited connections across the campus (Kezar,
2005a). In addition, the structural makeup of colleges and universities does not lend to collective
methods for teaching, research and organizational effectiveness (Lloyd, 2016). Colleges tend to be
broken into administrative and academic units, each responsible for meeting discipline-specific goals.
These inflexible units lend to segmented business processes where employees value independent work
over cooperation and partnership (Kezar, 2005a, 2005b). Further, these characteristics can lead to silos
across the organization, as employees are focused solely on their work and are not familiar with the
work performed by other members of the organization (Kezar, 2005a, 2005b; Lloyd, 2016).
Considering the student experience in the loosely coupled college, students are harmed by
organizational silos. As a general rule, students must apply for financial aid through the financial aid
office, register for classes in the registrar’s office, and receive a financial aid disbursement through the
bursar’s office (Fifolt, 2010). These silos can lead to a prolonged and confusing maze for students to
navigate while undergoing a runaround to resolve issues. In a study on one-stop shops as a model for
reducing university silos, students highlighted the runaround they received on campus, both
metaphorically and as actual movement from office to office to resolve an issue or receive approval for a
request (Fifolt, 2010). In addition to being bounced to different offices on campus, students also
27

experienced a virtual runaround, where the university’s website led to inactive links, partial or deficient
information, and confusing webpages organized by office instead of by function (Fifolt, 2010). In a
qualitative study on the barriers underrepresented students face, a common theme was the lack of a
centralized website concerning paying for college and scholarships (Eichelberger et al., 2017). Finally,
the runaround that students experience extended to phone communications, where a call to one office
resulted in being forwarded to multiple offices to have their questions answered (Fifolt, 2010).
Another impact of departmental silos on the college campus is the disconnection of staff, ideas,
and work responsibilities (Lloyd, 2016). When departments and employees in those departments work
independently of each other, pervasive dissemination of information is difficult to achieve. When
information is distributed in the organization, it may not reach the employees it needs to reach, making
it difficult for employees to remain current on the organizational updates needed to perform their work
effectively. In addition, if employees are not aware of organizational communications or initiatives, it
can be difficult for them to attach their work to broader organizational goals (Lloyd, 2016). Silos on the
college campus can also lead to a duplication of work efforts as isolated faculty and staff may be
working simultaneously to address the same issues (Lloyd, 2016). This duplicative work effort is only
exacerbated by the multitude of data that can be found on the college campus. In siloed college offices,
data is not shared (Lloyd, 2016), citing FERPA and student privacy as a rationale for amassing useful
data. Unless data points are shared meaningfully between offices, this data cannot be analyzed and
linked to related work performed by multiple members of the organization (Kezar, 2005b), nor can data
be tied to larger institutional goals.
Red Tape
Regulations, policies, and procedures that create a burden of compliance for an organization but
have no usefulness or value to the organization’s work functions can be classified as red tape (Bozeman,
1993). Through a psychological process view, red tape can also be viewed as a burden of compliance
28

imposed on employees in specific roles by the organization (Pandey, 2021). Red tape is related to the
aforementioned concept of administrative delay, as delays tend negatively affect red tape or lead to
heightened quantities of red tape (Kaufmann et al., 2019; Pandey & Welch, 2005). Specifically, there are
two types of red tape: internal and external. Internal red tape is self-imposed rules and regulations that
fall under the organization’s leadership locus of control, whereas external red tape consists of rules and
regulations imposed by external agencies and, thus, are more difficult to change (George et al., 2021). In
a study on how red tape impacts organizational performance, George et al. (2021) found that red tape
created within the organization is more detrimental than that imposed by external agencies. In addition,
red tape’s impact on both human resources practices and information systems can hinder the
recruitment, hiring, and retention of knowledgeable employees (George et al., 2021). Finally, red tape
can adversely impact employee self-sufficiency and make employees feel isolated, inadequate, and
frustrated (Hattke et al., 2020).
At colleges and universities, both internal and external red tape can harm the student
experience. An example of red tape can be found in the financial aid verification process, where
students are asked to submit documents to support the information they provide in the FAFSA.
Although the federal government only requires certain information to be verified, colleges may request
additional items to complete the verification review process. In a review of California community college
students who were selected for verification, 13 schools were evaluated to determine how they managed
their approaches to verification (Cochrane et al., 2010). Four schools requested only items required by
the federal government, while nine required items beyond those (Cochrane et al., 2010), further
extending the time to complete verification and creating additional red tape for students and their
families. In a study of students selected for verification in Tennessee, 11% did not ultimately complete
the process (Lee et al., 2021), demonstrating that red tape can hinder financial aid eligibility.
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Another example of red tape at colleges and universities is the arbitrary deadlines for financial
aid applicants. Although the NASFAA discourages colleges from creating an earlier deadline for financial
aid, most schools advertise a priority or general deadline in February or March for students to complete
a FAFSA to receive full financial aid consideration (Pulcini, 2018). These institution-specific deadlines
cause particular issues for low-income students who tend to file FAFSAs later than internal deadlines
and do not receive the volume of financial aid for which they are eligible (McKinney & Novak, 2015).
Because organizational behaviors like administrative delay, departmental silos, and red tape can
contribute to financial barriers, colleges endeavor to ameliorate those issues.
Colleges Are Aware of Financial Barriers
Entry into college usually presents the first time young adults must make large-scale financial
decisions. Many studies confirm that students have not acquired foundational knowledge on budgeting,
borrowing, and other financial concepts (Gutter & Copur, 2011; Robb, 2011) by the time they enter
college. As an attempt to help students obtain financial awareness, colleges and universities have
introduced financial literacy programing (Solis, 2018; Supiano, 2010), financial counseling (Choi et al.,
2016; Pulliam & Sasso, 2016), financial peer coaching (Maurer & Lee, 2011), and online modules for
students to follow (Holland, 2014). In addition, colleges and universities use technological tools to
encourage financial awareness and inspire students to complete financial aid steps (Nurshatayeva et al.,
2021; Page et al., 2020). This section will discuss tools and strategies colleges and universities employ to
combat financial inexperience. Following this general overview will be a discussion of specific initiatives
aimed at helping Black and Latinx college students address financial issues. Finally, college processes and
procedures to address financial obstacles will be provided.
Financial Literacy Initiatives
Colleges can offer large-scale financial education events to educate a significant number of
students at one time (Solis, 2018). Topics for campus-wide events can include budgeting while in
30

college, managing credit, and handling educational debt (Solis, 2018). For one college, a financial
education event was produced by 33 upper-level students in a financial counseling class (Solis, 2018).
The upper-level students identified the top six financial topics college students should know and
researched each topic in working groups. This content was then shared at the large-scale financial event
with 187 students in attendance (Solis, 2018). The benefits of this program were three-fold. First,
attendees learned financial concepts that could be applied immediately and with greater retention.
Second, students who organized the event and identified and researched financial topics applied the
knowledge learned in their financial counseling class when sharing financial knowledge with their peers.
Third, event attendees felt more comfortable asking upperclassmen about financial issues than asking
faculty (Solis, 2018).
Another method colleges employ to help students overcome financial issues is the use of peer
financial counselors (Maurer & Lee, 2011). Peer financial counselors are college students who counsel
their peers on basic informational financial topics (Borden et al., 2008). Because peer counseling is
generally offered in shorter sessions than semester-long courses (Borden et al., 2008), and peer
counseling sessions offer the opportunity for college students to seek financial consultation with a
higher degree of comfort (Lyons, 2004; Solis, 2018), peer financial counselors can be an effective
method for helping students overcome financial barriers. In a study comparing the effectiveness of peer
financial counseling sessions to semester-long academic classes providing the same content, peer
financial counseling was found to be as effective (Maurer & Lee, 2011). Explanations for this level of
effectiveness include content being taught in a more relaxed environment than the college classroom,
students feeling more comfortable asking peers financial questions instead of faculty, and peer financial
counseling sessions being offered at students’ request (Maurer & Lee, 2011).

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Use of Technology to Impact Student Financial Behavior
In addition to using financial literacy to help students overcome financial barriers, colleges and
universities apply technology to help students complete enrollment and financial aid-related tasks. One
type of technology employed to remove enrollment barriers is chatbots powered by artificial
intelligence (Nurshatayeva et al., 2021). Chatbots provide personalized, automated real-time answers to
questions from an intelligence source that grows stronger as it responds to students’ questions
(Nurshatayeva et al., 2021). In a study on summer melt, or the practice where students who commit to a
university do not end up attending college (Castleman & Page, 2014), chatbot messaging was used to
help students complete enrollment tasks, including completing financial aid processes, accepting
financial aid, and securing student loans (Nurshatayeva et al., 2021). Because the chatbot answers
commonly asked questions, enrollment and financial aid staff are released from answering basic or
lower-level questions to handle more complex cases (Nurshatayeva et al., 2021). The chatbot used in
this study helped students navigate the financial aid process and increased student loan adoption by
four percentage points. Even more significant is the impact of chatbot interaction with first-generation
students whose loan acceptance rate increased by eight percentage points and whose enrollment in fall
classes increased by three percent (Nurshatayeva et al., 2021). Because summer melt is more likely to
occur with students from underrepresented groups, these increases are significant (Nurshatayeva et al.,
2021).
Personalized nudges sent via text messages are another tool used to impact student financial
behavior. Providing information on how to complete financial tasks related to attending college is not
enough to help students complete these tasks (Bergman et al., 2017; Perna, 2006). To study whether
nudges to students were effective at helping students navigate financial aid on a college campus, Page
et al. (2020) constructed a text messaging communication plan that provided general and personalized
messaging to students about their financial aid status, informed students about help available to
32

complete financial aid tasks, and provided the availability of staff to answer text messages from
students. When students asked questions, a majority of their texts were answered within 3 days.
Students asked questions regarding how undocumented students could receive aid, financial aid
deadlines, FAFSA workshops and general financial aid questions (Page et al., 2020).
At the culmination of the text message intervention program, students who received the nudges
had 6% higher FAFSA submission rates than those who did not receive the nudges, and by the end of the
school year, those who received nudges were 3.3% more likely to submit a FAFSA and 4.4% more likely
to compete the FAFSA (Page et al., 2020). More importantly, students who received nudges completed
the financial aid process earlier, which translates to higher availability of financial aid funding and more
time to complete the verification process if required (Page et al., 2020). Although general nudges and
text messaging campaigns on a national level are not highly effective (Oreopoulos et al., 2020; Page et
al., 2020), targeted nudges that are personalized, sent from a familiar source, feature a call-to-action
that requires a timely response, and are sent to students who need administrative reminders the most
are effective (Page et al., 2020).
Financial Support for Black and Latinx Students
In addition to financial support offered to all students, colleges provide enhanced support to
Black and Latinx students through education and intervention. Melguizo and Chung (2012) found that
private colleges provide more grants to low-income Black and Latinx students than to low-income White
students to attract Black and Latinx students to enroll at their colleges. Of importance in this study is
that despite receiving more grant money, low-income Black and Latinx students are still unable to afford
tuition, fees, books, and living expenses at these private colleges. In fact, the Black and Latinx low-
income students in this study secured student loans to pay for educational costs, cover additional
expenses and provide familial financial support (Melguizo & Chung, 2012), confirming that Black and
Latinx students have financial need beyond a college’s cost of attendance.
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When confronted with the cost of college, Black and Latinx students may see college as a distant
endeavor instead of an immediate likelihood (Xiao et al., 2004). Strategies to make college seem more
attainable are offering financial aid workshops, summer bridge programs, pre-college outreach, and
awarding more need-based aid (Pulliam & Sasso, 2016). Financial aid workshops help students obtain
financial aid, give them confidence that college is affordable, and, if offered prior to college, can help
them determine which colleges are affordable to them (Pulliam & Sasso, 2016).
Summer bridge programs are offered to incoming college students so they can access financial
aid counseling staff outside of traditional office hours and in a more relaxed environment (Pulliam &
Sasso, 2016). Inviting families to the summer bridge program allows them to learn about the financial
components of college and eases information sharing, as students need their parents’ tax information to
complete the FAFSA (Fosnacht, 2013; Pulliam & Sasso, 2016). Also, continuing the summer bridge
program into the first year of college reduces transitional concerns for first-year students as the process
of navigating the college experience does not end on the first day of classes (Pulliam & Sasso, 2016;
Tinto, 2007).
In addition, colleges leverage grants, scholarships, work-study, and need-based aid to help
students pay for college and provide additional counseling so students understand how these separate
aid components can help them develop a plan to pay for college (Pulliam & Sasso, 2016). Lastly, reaching
Black and Latinx students before they attend college is an additional tactic used to introduce students to
the college environment, as students may not have the social capital to understand the nuances of
paying for college (Pulliam & Sasso, 2016). Students can be reached through community-based
organizations like TRiO and college access centers, as these organizations can provide an initial
connection to college-going culture (Cowan Pitre & Pitre, 2009).

34

Simplification of Financial Information and Processes
In addition to financial literacy programming, technological tools, and specific initiatives for
Black and Latinx students, colleges also review financial processes and procedures to address students’
financial barriers. Particularly, shopping sheets, the format of financial aid offers, net price calculators,
and college-wide change initiatives will be discussed.
In 2012, the college financing plan, more commonly known as the shopping sheet, was
introduced through a joint effort from the U.S. Department of Education and the Consumer Financial
Protection Bureau (Rosinger, 2019). The shopping sheet was developed to simplify the price of college,
make the price of college more transparent, and give students outcome information on each college’s
graduation and loan default rates compared to the national average (Rosinger, 2019). When it was first
introduced, 500 colleges opted to use the shopping sheet, and by 2017, more than 3,000 colleges and
universities were using it (Rosinger, 2019). The shopping sheet lists the cost of attendance minus grant
aid. It lists loans separately to distinguish the two types of financial aid and lists outcome information at
the top of the sheet to note its importance. In a study on the shopping sheet’s effect on enrollment and
financial aid behavior, there was little impact on enrollment but some impact on borrowing to pay for
school. The number of students taking out education loans decreased at institutions with lower
graduation rates, and underrepresented students took out $1,300 less in student loans (Rosinger, 2019).
This study shows the result of simplifying financial aid information for students and their families.
Another effort related to simplifying financial aid information is how loan information is
presented to students. Students may experience cognitive overload when trying to decipher the myriad
of financial aid documents presented to them (Festa et al., 2019). In an attempt to reduce this cognitive
overload, Festa et al. (2019) studied how the information displayed on financial aid forms impacts
borrowing. By including loan interest rates on the loan decision form and emphasizing the interest rate
35

on financial aid brochures, students borrowed fewer private loans and worked more to help pay college
expenses (Festa et al., 2019).
The Higher Education Opportunity Act of 2008 required colleges and universities that offered
Title IV financial aid to feature a net price calculator on their websites (Perna et al., 2021). The U.S.
Department of Education provides a free template, or colleges can use their own calculators as long as
the tool meets the law’s requirements (Perna et al., 2021). The net price calculator uses student data to
calculate estimates for tuition and fees, housing, books and supplies minus potential grant aid offered to
the student. Thus, prospective students can estimate their total cost of attendance without first
applying for admission and completing the FAFSA (Anthony et al., 2016). The net price calculator’s
availability on the college website is instrumental, as websites tend to be helpful for first-generation
students and their parents, as well as students who attend high schools with limited resources (Perna et
al., 2008). In a study of the usability of net price calculators, usability was defined as the ease of finding
the calculator, the functioning of the calculator, the net price calculator being properly labeled, easily
understood questions, and the net price significantly displayed on the website (Perna et al., 2021).
In addition to simplifying financial information for students, colleges are also changing their
processes to help students navigate paying for college and reduce institutional issues like high loan
default rates. To reduce its institutional loan default rate, Mohave Community College (MCC)
implemented sweeping changes to its financial aid processes (Charles et al., 2016). By adding a
participation verification form to confirm students were attending classes before distributing aid, MCC
prevented distributing loans to students who were not actively engaging in learning activities (Charles et
al., 2016). In addition, MCC centralized their financial aid processing tasks to an offsite campus so that
financial aid counselors at each campus could focus on counseling students instead of processing
paperwork (Charles et al., 2016). Also, MCC hired a full-time default prevention manager and eventually
contracted with a loan default prevention provider to manage outgoing calls and help student loan
36

borrowers get on track with repaying their loans (Charles et al., 2016). Another process change enacted
at MCC was requiring enhanced entrance counseling for students who secured education loans, first-
time borrowers, and students who were not making satisfactory academic progress (Charles et al.,
2016). At MCC, math and English courses added financial literacy content, including loan repayment
calculations and writing on the concerns of defaulting on educational loan repayments (Charles et al.,
2016).
Although colleges and universities recognize the financial barriers students face toward college
completion and are attempting to resolve these issues through financial literacy initiatives, unique
funding for Black and Latinx students, the use of technology, and the simplification of financial forms
and processes, these efforts have been largely unsuccessful as Black and Latinx students still experience
lower college graduation rates than their peers (Capers, 2019; Merolla, 2018; Shapiro et al., 2017). In
addition, research on college efforts to reduce financial barriers for college students does not address
the impact of financial literacy on graduation rates (Charles et al., 2016; Eichelberger et al., 2017;
Maurer & Lee, 2011; Page et al., 2020; Perna et al., 2021; Pulliam & Sasso, 2016; Solis, 2018). According
to Melguizo and Chung (2012), high-achieving Black and Latinx students’ financial issues are larger than
these solutions can address, especially as colleges try to overcome decreasing endowments amid
prohibitive political and economic environments.
Conceptual Framework
This literature review reveals salient key concepts that are interrelated and integral to
understanding how financial barriers experienced by Black and Latinx students impede college
completion.
Yosso’s community cultural wealth model will be used as a framework to help understand Black
and Latinx students’ tools, knowledge, and skills to overcome these barriers and navigate college.
Although it would be easy to explain these barriers to college completion as a lack of understanding or
37

knowledge for Black and Latinx students, doing so implies these barriers are instigated or caused by
deficiencies of Black and Latinx students (Yosso, 2005). Yosso’s (2005) model challenges this deficit
thinking by introducing six forms of capital: aspirational, familial, social, navigational, resistant, and
linguistic.
Aspirational capital refers to the capacity of Black and Latinx students to strive for dreams and
goals despite the hurdles they face. Familial capital describes the social capital or kinship that Students
of Color bring to college from their home communities (Yosso, 2005). Social capital in Yosso’s model
refers to the networks of peers and community supporters Black and Latinx students can rely on to help
them find their way in societal institutions. When Students of Color can use skills and abilities to
navigate through potentially hostile or unfamiliar systems, they are exhibiting navigational capacity
(Yosso, 2005). Resistance capital is acquired through challenging actions and behavior that foster
inequity (Yosso, 2005). Linguistic capital is exhibited through the knowledge and social skills acquired by
communicating in more than one language or in more than one way (Yosso, 2005). Together, these
forms of capital reflect Black and Latinx students’ knowledge, talents, capacities, and networks as
strengths that normally go unrecognized or undervalued (Yosso, 2005). These forms of capital represent
critical race theory’s (CRT) rejection of established concepts of cultural capital, as CRT recognizes that
racism can be found in societal norms and practices (Matsuda et al., 1993). In other words, educational
systems are assumed to be effective by those in power, so Black and Latinx students and parents must
learn how to conform to these systems if they want to acquire the knowledge deemed appropriate by
the dominant culture (Yosso, 2005).
Community cultural wealth has been used in various studies to explain how Black and Latinx
students’ skills, knowledge, and abilities are assets that help them traverse new experiences (Holland,
2017; Kouyoumdjian et al., 2017; Ofoegbu et al., 2022; Pérez, 2014, 2017; Samuelson & Litzler, 2016).
Although there are six forms of capital in the community cultural wealth model, most studies focus on
38

only a few of the forms. For example, in a 2019 study of how LGBTQ+ Students of Color experience
support on the college campus, Whitehead focused on social and navigational capital. In another study
that explores Latino students’ academic and social experiences at predominately White institutions,
Pérez focuses on linguistic, resistant, and navigational capital. In addition, familial and aspirational
capital through media, family support and inspiration, and early introduction to college, has been used
to study how Black male students’ college aspirations were influenced (Brooms & Davis, 2017).
This study explored how approaches to help Black and Latinx students overcome financial
barriers would change if colleges and universities recognized these students’ community cultural wealth.

Figure 1
Conceptual Framework

39
40

This visual representation of the conceptual framework depicts the six forms of capital that lend
to students’ community cultural wealth in understanding and navigating the college finance process.
Information gathered through identifying the form of capital will inform whether change in
organizational behavior is necessary, including what the organization needs to do and how the
organization should respond to these forms of capital. In other words, if Black and Latinx students
experience financial barriers, it is not because they lack skills and abilities. Thus, the organization needs
to respond to these students’ assets and skills and allow their strengths to be actualized.
Summary
In summary, this literature review identified financial barriers to college completion in general,
followed by Black and Latinx students’ unique financial barriers. The difference in access to college
caused by systemic racism and educational oppression was discussed alongside the difference in college
completion rates for Black and Latinx students compared to White students. Next, organizational
behaviors that impact college completion were discussed. Finally, the chapter covered colleges’ efforts
to address inequitable financial barriers. The components of this literature review were then used to
introduce a conceptual framework for this study.

41

Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of this study was to increase understanding of how Black and Latinx students use
aspirational, familial, social, navigational, resistant, and linguistic capital to overcome financial barriers
to college completion. This study aimed to expand the literature on these barriers through a distinct lens
of knowledge and motivation as wealth instruments. Chapter Three begins with an outline of research
questions and an overview of the design employed for this study. Following these sections is a
discussion of the research setting, a description of the researcher, including a statement of positionality,
data sources, how credibility and trustworthiness were maximized, and a statement on ethics.
Research Questions
1. What aspirational, familial, social, navigational, resistant, and linguistic capital do Black and
Latinx students employ to overcome financial barriers on the college campus?
2. Which operational processes and practices on the college campus inadvertently create financial
barriers for Black and Latinx students?
Overview of Design
The study's research questions were answered using qualitative semi-structured interviews.
Because the study sought to understand how Black and Latinx students realize their financial experience
in college and the meaning they attribute to this experience, interviews were most appropriate
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In addition, this study used an interpretive research orientation, as I believed
multiple realities or explanations based on subjects’ experiences would inform the results. In other
words, there was no single source of reality sought, as reality is a construct of those who experience it
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
The interviews were conducted via a cloud-based video conferencing platform. Participants
were Black and Latinx students who have encountered financial difficulties in college, and the interview
42

questions were structured to determine how they employed four of the community cultural wealth
model’s forms of capital. Each type of capital served as a subject of interview questions.
Research Setting
Because the research was conducted with students at various colleges and universities, there
were multiple research sites for this study. Thus, the focus was on purposefully finding a sufficient
number of students who met the study’s criteria. Although the intended number of participants was 13,
I employed the concept of saturation, which means that data were collected until sufficient information
was collected and new data no longer provided different understandings or findings (Charmaz, 2006).
The Researcher
Considering how Black and Latinx students experience financial barriers to college completion as
a problem of practice requires accounting for how my social identities influenced this research. Namely,
being a college-educated Latina who grew up in a working-class family influenced how I view this issue.
Although these identifies are social constructs, they can present as opportunities or strengths and
produce blind spots.
Through my research, I found Latinx and Black students experience distinct financial issues with
completing college. Warnock (2016) found that parents of Latinx students tend to believe that their
children will need to work to help pay for college and are less likely to understand the financial aid
process than their White classmates. As a first-generation Latina, I can relate to both findings. As an
undergraduate college student, I received a scholarship that paid for all my academic studies. However,
because adherent Latina daughters are expected to stay home until they get married, and I chose to
move out for college, my parents left other fees and all living expenses for me to pay. At one point, I
worked three jobs to pay for these expenses. In addition, my family discouraged me from applying for
financial aid because they believed we would not qualify for any. My social identity as a Latina helps me
understand and relate to these viewpoints. In fact, I chose my profession based on these viewpoints. I
43

want to help others get into college, but it is more important to me to help students figure out how to
pay for college without working three jobs and forgoing financial aid opportunities. It is also important
to note that a significant portion of the research on college-related financial barriers focuses on Black
students. My social identity as a Latina may have presented a challenge in this area. Although I try to
understand what different groups face in their college experiences, there may be dynamics and
perspectives I am not aware of and may need to research further.
As a former college enrollment practitioner for over 20 years, I am well-versed in methods to
pay for college. I created financial literacy programs and educational sessions where I taught students
how to build a budget, taught parents how to determine the true cost of college, and created learning
modules for college staff and faculty to learn how to have conversations with students who face
financial issues. This work experience gives me a unique vantage point when discussing my problem of
practice. I have counseled students in financial crisis, so I understand the issues they face. Conversely, a
potential blind spot from this social identity is the potential to approach the problem from a helping
perspective, especially when discussing students’ abilities to pay for college. I avoid victim-blaming
statements like “If they would just learn how to pay for college,” especially when there are systemic
reasons for financial barriers.
Since reviewing Cooper’s (2017) Intersecting axes of privilege, domination, and oppression, my
understanding of diversity, equity, and inclusion has expanded. I have long-known how certain social
identities (person of color, female, heterosexual) inform my life’s experiences, but thinking about other
social identities (able-bodied, credentialed, light skin color, upper-middle class) has helped me
understand that I have privilege and various identities that correspond with domination in U.S. society.
Furthermore, Jones’s (2000) Levels of Racism: A Theoretic Framework and a Gardener’s Tale resonated
with me as it explained internalized, personally mediated, and institutional racism in an approachable
manner. The reading explains racism with a tale about flowers that grow (or do not grow) based on their
44

environment, the care given to them, and the assumptions made about the flowers based on their
appearance. What resonated the most with me is the explanation of how institutional racism affects
basic yet vital necessities like access to education, medical care, housing, and employment. In the
allegory of the gardener’s tale, the question Jones posed is, “Who is the gardener?” An infographic
explains that the U.S. government is the gardener as it provides access to these necessities and has the
power to control these resources (Jones, 2000).
Because my problem of practice concerns financial aid (a practice managed by the U.S.
Department of Education) and involves colleges and universities (systems managed by state and local
governments), understanding how the government restricts and provides access to education, and has
done so throughout history, is essential. As such, I seek to further research how access to power and
structural disadvantages impact students and the financial barriers they face to college completion.
Since the researcher is the primary means for data collection in qualitative studies (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016), I mitigated biases and assumptions through careful and intentional practices. Using
respondent validation, I confirmed my findings with participants so that I am not applying meaning
where it is not intended by study participants. These member checks will decrease the likelihood that I
am misinterpreting participant input (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In addition, making my positionality
known is a way to present the perspective I brought to this study. Finally, through peer review as well as
review by my dissertation committee, I received feedback on whether this study’s findings are
conceivable (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Data Sources
One data source was employed to answer the research questions. The data sources were
qualitative, semi-structured interviews with Black and Latinx students.

45

Interviews
Interviews were held with Black and Latinx college students to define which forms of capital
they used to overcome financial barriers.
Participants
Purposive sampling was employed to find students who could provide insight into the research
questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Because this study involved both Black and Latinx students, quota
sampling was also employed to ensure an even number of students from each group (Robinson &
Leonard, 2019), though overlap of the student groups (students who are both Black and Latinx) was also
supported. To receive adequate data for this study, the goal was to conduct a minimum of 13
interviews.
Inclusion in this study was based on whether participants met the following self-reported
criteria: (a) undergraduate student, (b) currently enrolled in college, (c) identifies as Black, Latinx, or
both, and (d) has experienced financial barriers on the college campus. Because this study focuses on
the capital students use to overcome barriers, it was imperative to include currently enrolled college
students, as individuals who stopped out of college or are unable to attend for financial reasons would
not be able to provide insight into which forms of capital helped them overcome financial issues. In
addition, the undergraduate student population was chosen for a larger sample because graduate
students largely receive financial aid in the form of loans and because I sought a more diverse collection
of approaches to paying for college.
I applied multiple recruitment methods to identify the participants. First, I used professional
networks to identify Black and Latinx undergraduate students who experienced financial barriers. I
created recruitment flyers to share with potentially eligible students. Flyers listed study criteria, contact
information for me, and a financial incentive for participating. I asked those in my professional network
46

to share the recruitment flyer with the students they served. The recruitment flyer is presented as
Appendix B.
Students who were interested in participating in the study were asked to email me. Upon
receipt of emails, I sent back an email to confirm whether they met the participation criteria, and once
confirmed, interviews were scheduled within the next 1 to 3 days.
Beginning in February 2023 and ending in March 2023, I interviewed 13 participants across the
United States. The 13 participants were all undergraduate students who represented various age
groups, institution types, academic levels, ethnic backgrounds, and knowledge levels of paying for
college. There were no previous relationships or affiliations between the participants and me, and
because difficulty with finances can be a deeply personal topic, there was a concern that participants
would be reluctant to share their personal experiences without first establishing rapport. Despite this
concern, participants were forthcoming with the financial issues they faced on the college campus and
shared methods they employed to overcome those issues.
Participant Profiles
Although the participants shared general characteristics of belonging to Latinx, Black, or both
racial groups and financial difficulties, each brought a unique perspective to the research. To provide a
visual representation of their backgrounds, Table 1 provides general demographic and institutional
information.
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Table 1
Demographic and Institutional Descriptors for Research Participants
Student
pseudonym
Racial identity Year Institution type First generation Other
Methods used to
pay for college &
living expenses
Nicole Latina Freshman 4-year public
university
Yes Scholarships
Loans
Catarina Latina Sophomore 2-year
community
college
Yes

Grants
Scholarships
Loans
Credit cards
Tandas
Russell Black Junior 4-year public
university
No Student athlete Grants
Loans
Money from
grandmother
Employment
Payment plan
Delilah Latina Senior 4-year public
university
Yes Undocumented Scholarships
State financial aid
Payment plan
Emergency
deferment loan
Genoveva Latina Sophomore 2-year
community
college
Yes

Scholarships
Grants
Employment
Takezo Black Senior 4-year private
university
No Student athlete Scholarships
Grants
Loans
Employment
Parents
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Student
pseudonym
Racial identity Year Institution type First generation Other
Methods used to
pay for college &
living expenses
Cadence Black Sophomore 2-year
community
college
No Works full-time Grants
Loans
Parents
Friends
Tuition benefits
as a college
employee
Mariana Latina Freshman 4-year public
university
Yes International
student
Personal savings
Liliana Black and Latina Freshman 4-year public
university
No Scholarships
Grants
Loans
Nala Black Sophomore 2-year
community
college
Yes Grants
Employment
Parents
Friends
Ava Latina Senior 4-year private
university
Yes Undocumented Scholarships
Employment
Tuition benefits
from employer
Mother’s tax
refund
Friend’s book
scholarship
Paul Latino Sophomore 4-year public
university
No

Loans
Employment
Parents
Brucie Latino Sophomore 4-year public
university
No

Scholarships
Grants
Employment
Parents
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Instrumentation
An interview protocol was used to organize and conduct the interviews. The interview protocol
included research questions, an introduction to the interview that was read to participants, interview
questions, and a conclusion to the interview that was also read to participants. In the interview protocol,
interview questions were mapped to research questions and the conceptual framework to ensure
interview questions were relevant to the study. The interview protocol for this study is included as
Appendix A.
Interviews were semi-structured to provide structure for the interview while allowing an
element of natural discussion and follow-up questions should the need arise for clarification or should
the respondent’s answer spark additional questions. The semi-structured format also makes sure all
participants are asked the same questions in the same order. Although this method limits flexibility, it
enables the researcher to analyze data more easily (Patton, 2002). Questions were open-ended and
included probing follow-up questions when there was a need for further information (Patton, 2002).
Interview questions were organized into four sections: (a) setting the stage, (b) financial barriers to
college completion, (c) forms of capital used to overcome financial barriers, and (d) closing. These
sections were chosen to organize and group interview questions according to research questions and
the concepts being researched.
Before I conducted interviews, faculty adept with interview methods reviewed each interview
question. I adjusted the interview instrument based on feedback from these experts. Next, I conducted
pilot interviews with students who fit the study participation criteria. I used pilot interviews to evaluate
the questions’ wording and order and whether they were easily understandable. Finally, I adjusted the
interview instrument as pilot interviews allowed me to adjust questions before conducting interviews
(Krueger & Casey, 2015).
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Data Collection Procedures
Once the institutional review board granted approval, I conducted interviews within 2 months.
The average time for each interview was 60 minutes. I conducted the interviews via a cloud-based video
conferencing platform. Participants had the option of having their interview recorded for ease of data
collection and to confirm transcribed notes. I employed transcript capabilities during the interviews and
checked transcripts against the meeting recording (when applicable) to confirm participant comments,
as the cloud-based video conferencing platform’s transcription was highly inaccurate. Although I
employed other methods to transcribe interviews (taking notes during and after), recording interview
content word-for-word is a preferred data collection method, according to Merriam and Tisdell (2016). I
stored the data in a password-protected drive to ensure the security and confidentiality of participant
feedback. I provided pseudonyms to each participant so interview transcripts could not be tied to
participants, and I deleted all interview recordings once the interviews were transcribed.
Data Analysis
As interviews were conducted, notes were taken to identify emergent concepts as the data
analysis was iterative. I followed Creswell’s (2013) general data analysis process. I prepared the data,
reviewed them, and coded or organized them into digestible segments, established themes, and
described the themes through narrative writing. Specifically, once I conducted interviews, I organized,
coded, and analyzed the interview transcripts to identify initial patterns. According to Creswell,
organizing qualitative data into five to seven common themes helps to manage interview data. Thus, I
identified themes using ATLAS.TI software, which I also used to store, code, and analyze transcripts.
Once I identified themes, I attempted to tie each to aspirational, familial, social, and navigational capital
(Yosso, 2005). I then used a narrative passage to describe themes and findings.
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Credibility and Trustworthiness
As recommended by Merriam and Tisdell (2016), careful consideration was given to how this
study is designed and how data is gathered, analyzed, interpreted, and presented to increase the
credibility and trustworthiness of this research. Following Tracy’s (2012) conditions for high-quality
qualitative research, I made efforts to ensure this study employed transparent research methods, had a
significant impact on prior research, remained ethical, covered a valuable topic, and delivered
meaningful consistency between literature, research, and findings. Because credibility is relative,
meaning that it cannot exist in the absence of context and because the researcher is the primary
collector of data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), specific strategies are required to increase the credibility and
trustworthiness of qualitative research.
One strategy for safeguarding integrity in this study was respondent validation, or member
checks, as described by Merriam and Tisdell (2016). Once interview data were collected and analyzed, I
reviewed a preliminary interpretation of the data with interviewees to see if the interpretation aligned
with what they intended to depict. If they could not identify their experiences in the interpretation, I
refined and rechecked the preliminary interpretation.
Because qualitative studies are based on participants’ unique experiences and their
interpretations of these, confirmability is not based on whether the results can be reproduced by
another researcher with a similar population at a similar research site (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Rather,
credibility was pursued based on whether the data interpretation was plausible and whether the
findings aligned with interview data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
In addition to respondent validation and determining whether data interpretation is reasonable,
once I analyzed and synthesized the findings, I explored alternative explanations for understanding the
data (Patton, 2015). Through considering opposing explanations, or explanations that challenge initial
findings, I either confirmed initial explanations or provided a different perspective.
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Finally, I employed journaling to create an audit trail for dependability and confirmability
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The audit trail provided a roadmap or log of how data were collected, what
decisions I made during collection that may have affected the analysis, how I constructed coding
categories, and which decisions I made. I also documented outlying information in the audit trail. Lastly,
I included my observations or questions in the journal (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Ethics
This study adhered to the notion that ethics is the researcher’s responsibility (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). As such, I worked diligently to safeguard the interviewees’ confidentiality, reduce risks to them,
and inform them that their participation was voluntary.
Confidentiality
Each participant received a study information sheet for this study and was asked to read the
sheet before the interview took place. In addition, before the interview began, I read the section on
confidentiality to each participant and secured the participant’s approval to have the interview recorded
for transcription purposes. If the participant chose not to have their interview recorded, I used pen and
paper to take notes. The interview data remained confidential, meaning participants’ names were not
visible to anyone other than me. Specifically, participant names were not shared with college staff or
leadership, as study participants have the right to expect their information and interview content will be
kept private (Glesne, 2011). The data were compiled into a report, and while participant data is included
in the study as direct quotes, none of this data is attributed to participants. Pseudonyms were used to
protect participant confidentiality, and the data were de-identified. Data were stored in a password-
protected file and destroyed after transcription. Finally, interview transcripts will be destroyed after 3
years of storage in a password-protected drive.

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Potential Risks
In conducting this study, I paid particular attention to the power dynamic between researcher
and participants. This study was based on its participants’ lived experiences. As such, I avoided misusing
pain narratives they shared and accepted their refusal to participate or answer specific questions (Tuck
& Yang, 2014). To avoid exploiting the interviewees, I carefully considered whom the study benefits,
what knowledge would be gained from this research in the community and academia, and to whom I
was accountable (Glesne, 2011).
Answering questions about financial barriers may have caused discomfort for the participants.
Specifically, if their financial issues were unresolved, discussing them might have triggered feelings of
hopelessness or despair. In addition, they may not have been comfortable discussing their families’
financial situation or how family or individual finances affected financial barriers. All interviewees were
notified that participation in this study was voluntary, and they could withdraw at any time without
penalty.
Limitations and Delimitations
This study has several limitations and delimitations. Limitations are factors that cannot be
controlled by the researcher (Lunenburg & Irby, 2007) and include relying on self-reported participant
information, the researcher’s positionality, the transferability of findings, and the interpretation of
results. When participants opted into the study, they were asked questions to determine whether
participation criteria were met. Because there was a financial incentive for participating, the
interviewees may have felt compelled to answer the initial questions in a way that made them eligible
for the study. My positionality and identity limit the study as each may lend to unintended bias. Because
this is a qualitative study of lived experiences, it would be difficult to replicate this study. Also, the
results were based on experiences at various campuses, so the findings may not apply to students at
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other campuses. Finally, because I was the primary instrument of data collection and interpretation, a
limitation exists because data interpretation occurred through one researcher’s lens.
Delimitations are choices a researcher makes (Lunenburg & Irby, 2007) and include population
sample, interview questions, and research site. The population sample consisted of 13 students.
Interview questions were tailored based on the population and constructed to address the research
questions and conceptual framework. Thus, questions about financial barriers that did not align with
either were not included.

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Chapter Four: Findings
This chapter presents the results of interviews with Black and Latinx undergraduate students
across the United States regarding which forms of community cultural wealth they used to overcome
financial barriers. Overall, findings indicate that participants used various forms of aspirational, familial,
social, and navigational capital. In addition, although colleges intend to help students graduate, many of
their policies and practices inadvertently impede student progress. Two research questions served as a
framework for this study:
1. What aspirational, familial, social, and navigational capital do Black and Latinx students
employ to overcome financial barriers on the college campus?
2. Which operational processes and practices on the college campus inadvertently create
financial barriers for Black and Latinx students?
Throughout this chapter, pseudonyms for participants and the colleges they attend, as well as
departments or programs within the college, are used to protect the confidentiality of each participant
and their lived experiences. This chapter will begin with an introduction to each of the interviewees.
Then, findings related to each research question will be provided through claims supported by evidence
from the data. Finally, a summary of the findings will be provided.
Data for Research Question 1: Capital Used to Overcome Financial Barriers
To answer research question 1, a discussion of how participants use aspirational, familial, social,
and navigational capital will be provided. Exemplars will be presented along with common experiences
participants shared. To illustrate how these forms of capital are used to overcome financial barriers,
vignettes will be used to begin the discussion of each form of capital in research question one.
Aspirational
As Mariana enters the building of the enrollment center for the fifth time this week, she is
determined that today is the day she will get answers to her questions. To the enrollment center
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employees, she is one of 39,000 students, but to the daughter she left behind in her home
country, she is one of one. While she waits to speak to a representative from the bursar’s office,
she recalls last night’s call with her daughter. Fighting back tears, she hears her daughter’s cries
and pleas for Mariana to find a way to bring her to the United States. Mariana is determined to
earn an undergraduate degree so she can pay for her daughter’s international move and support
he financially r. Yet, those financial goals seem so distant right now, as her unpaid $15,000
tuition fee bill threatens to remove her from classes. Most students would give up, but to
Mariana, it doesn’t matter how many visits it will take to the enrollment center or how many
financial hurdles she will have to overcome to stay in college. Reuniting with her daughter serves
as inspiration for her to overcome financial barriers.
Finding 1: Students Use Long-Term Educational Goals, Hopes, and Dreams As Motivation to Overcome
Present-Day Financial Barriers
The first form of aspirational capital that helped the interviewees overcome financial barriers is
high educational ambitions. When asked how goals influence her ability to overcome financial barriers,
Nicole shared that although she had the opportunity to attend a university in her hometown for free,
she pursued her college degree at her dream university, even if attending this university necessitated
securing loans to pay for tuition and living expenses. Her educational goal fueled her determination to
overcome financial setbacks and helped her subdue her reluctance to secure loans:
I know once I get my degree here, I want to go for my master's, and I want to get my PhD. … I
know I’ll be able to pay these loans off, and I think it’ll all be worth it in the end.
When describing educational attainment among the Latinx community, Nicole said, “We're not
very represented when it comes to education. And again, that's for financial reasons, and I 100%
understand that. But I think that should just fuel us more with more determination to get all of our
dreams done.” Nicole also acknowledged that when she has limited funds, she focuses on doing well in
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school to get her through. When considering whether she should spend the last of her refund money on
milk, Nicole said,
I can eat something without milk, but I can’t take these classes again. You know, everything’s
costly, and if I’m paying for this class, I’m gonna pass it the first time. I don’t want to have to
retake it … because then that will be another financial decision that might set me back.
These responses show that Nicole sees her educational success as more significant than financial
setbacks, whether those mean saving by not purchasing milk or taking out additional loans to pay for
classes and living expenses. By focusing on her academic goals, Nicole sees beyond her present financial
circumstance. Forgoing excessive spending and securing loans to experience long-term financial success
through a college degree is a sentiment she shared with other participants.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, Catarina returned to college after being laid off from her two
frontline retail positions. Although she was concerned about the cost of college, especially when she had
no income, she knew attending would pay off in the long run:
I looked into the college. I saw that they had a class to become a certified nursing assistant, and I
told myself, this is something that is gonna take while. It’s going to frustrate me because I’m
losing money, but I have to look at it as the long run.
Catarina’s experience is unique from other participants as she decided to attend college after
experiencing financial difficulty while employed full-time. When she was unable to pay her bills after
maxing out all her credit cards to pay for tuition and living expenses, Catarina considered leaving
college:
The drive of what I can do to expand my knowledge, what I can do to help me in my future is
what caused me to not give up. … I really want to be educated, you know, and work in the
school system, and I feel like that is what pushed me because even though I faced a bunch of
obstacles, I really feel like just thinking about that is what helped me stay on track.
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Catarina’s ability to look toward the future and focus on her educational goals motivated her to pursue a
college education and influenced her to persist in college despite financial barriers. In addition, Catarina
was willing to forego employment and pay for college after she was laid off. Catarina saw the long-term
benefit of a college education even though the immediate impact meant she had to endure and
overcome financial struggles.
Finding 2: Students Are Driven to Overcome Financial Barriers to Inspire Future Generations to
Persevere Towards College Degree Attainment
Although students sought to overcome financial barriers to achieve their educational goals, they
also hoped their ability to overcome financial issues could inspire future generations to do the same.
Delilah, a senior at a 4-year public university, described how college attainment could inspire other
undocumented students to persevere, despite their unique financial obstacles. When describing how
these students cannot receive financial aid, Delilah shared, “If I do [graduate from college], then it’s
gonna make it possible for other students that are [in] the same shoes that I am, to achieve their goals. I
gotta persevere for them and for myself as well.” One of Delilah’s long-term goals is to create an
undocumented student center at her university where students can seek financial resources, work
opportunities, and social support. She shared this goal with other undocumented students who now ask
her how and when she will create this center: “They keep asking me, and I’m like, ugh, the pressure! But
it’s also motivation.” Delilah also hopes that her experiences navigating alternate ways to pay tuition
encourage younger family members who are U.S. citizens to attend and graduate from college, even if
they do not have sufficient money to pay for it:
A lot of my cousins and siblings, they’re coming to college. They come to me for support. And
I’m like, okay, you got to look for this scholarship, or you can apply for scholarships. Let’s talk to
your mom and dad to see how they can fund your education, especially payment plans and
looking for loans.
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Delilah tells her family members and other students, “I will tell them, even though you have these
barriers, [you can] make opportunities for yourself.” Because she overcomes financial barriers, Delilah
views her struggle as a way to influence future generations to persevere beyond financial issues.
Delilah’s experience is exacerbated and distinct from other participants whose citizenship affords the
ability to secure federal financial aid.
Another undocumented student, Ava, shares Delilah’s sentiment of wanting to inspire future
generations to pursue a college education despite financial barriers. Throughout her time in a
community college and a 4-year private university, Ava has had to piece together ways to pay for
college. When she reflects on how she overcame this significant hurdle, she says, “I want to be a voice
for people in my similar situation … just tell them that if I was able to do it … just by all the barriers that
I’ve had, I was able to do it. I think … anybody can do it.” Ava said she might be willing to offer
workshops in schools or become a public speaker to share how she overcame financial hurdles in
college:
I just want to be that voice … maybe even do workshops in schools or … be a speaker or
something … those things motivate me because I really want people not to give up in the future,
people in similar positions like me, because you can do so much with nothing, basically.
Additionally, Ava shared a story of inspiring one of her best friends from high school to consider
attending college: “She was also undocumented, and when I graduated from college, I posted a picture.
And she texted me and said, ‘Woah, I thought if we didn’t have papers, we couldn’t go to college.’” Ava
inspired her former best friend and shared suggestions and information via social media with others
who questioned how she paid for college and had a job. Ava sees her financial struggles as a vehicle to
benefit others. She is enthusiastic about sharing tips through informal methods like social media and
formal ones like workshops with future college students. Ava’s experience differs from Delilah’s, as she
seeks to inspire those outside her family and current networks.
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Like Delilah and Ava, Nicole hopes she will inspire future generations of the Latinx community,
who will see her as an example of someone who overcame financial setbacks:
I think it’s also just going to not just encourage me and other students here, but I think it’s also
going to encourage future generations that I wasn’t financially gifted. But look where I am now. I
also want to help the Latino community know that financially we are set back, and that’s okay,
but it’s not going to change unless we start making a difference … I know there’s so many Latino
boys and girls out there that deserve this chance to be here to do what I’m doing, to go to their
dream college, and I feel that if it wasn’t for finances, we’d be so much more represented when
it comes to education.
Nicole’s desire to influence future generations stands out as she seeks to impact her community
by making a difference in the lives of Latino boys and girls. By encouraging them to attend college,
potentially their dream college, Nicole seeks to strengthen Latino representation in college.
Catarina shared this sentiment when she described that she wants to serve as an example to
others:
Any young person that’s out there, like in high school … regardless of, like, they’re Hispanic,
White, Black, whatever race it is, just to show them that life in general is not easy. It’s very hard,
but you shouldn’t let something as simple as a financial barrier stop you from achieving your
career, stop you from achieving your goals, and that’s just like one of the huge pieces for me is
money should not be an objection for you to go to college.
The experiences of Delilah, Ava, Nicole, and Catarina indicate their desire to share their plight to
encourage future college students who will likely experience similar financial barriers. This form of
aspirational capital serves as motivation for each student. The motivation is twofold as it encourages
each student to overcome their own barriers and motivates them to inform future students that
although they will face barriers, they can overcome them.
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Familial
As a small child, Paul and his immediate family lived in his grandparents’ RV with his father’s
nine siblings and their families. Paul recalls when his father decided to move on from the RV
despite his siblings’ sentiments that moving on meant his father thought he was too good for
them. Determined to have his own place for his wife and children, Paul’s father rented an
apartment. Now, as a young adult, Paul realizes that the time his parents told him there was a
blackout in the city was really a facade to cover up the fact that they could not pay their electric
bill. Yet, his father remained determined to raise his family in a different living situation than he
was provided. His father worked tirelessly in the oil fields, never bought himself clothing, and did
not give the children allowances or chore money so he could save enough to afford a house. So,
this? Trying to figure out a way to pay for rent and other living expenses while in college? “I can
do that. I just have to set my mind to it, limit my spending, and work hard—just like my dad did.”
Finding 3: Students Depend on Family and Community Support, Especially Emotional Support,
Motivation, and Encouragement, to Overcome Financial Barriers
Although the majority of students did not receive financial support from their families to help
pay for college, every interviewee cited support from their families in the form of emotional support,
encouragement, helpful gestures, and motivation to keep moving forward, even when students faced
financial barriers in college. This familial capital, or the social and personal resources students can use
from their family and community networks, is paramount to helping students navigate financial
roadblocks. Nala, a student at a 2-year community college, shared how her go-to source of financial
advice is her family:
I really don’t like borrowing or asking for financial help from friends, especially. I’d really prefer
family. My family has been my support system, and they always encourage me and make me
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feel comfortable … They always encourage me when things are good or bad, and they always
show me the way.
Likewise, when Ava is experiencing financial difficulties, she reaches out to her mom for emotional
support and encouragement:
My mom has definitely helped me a lot with encouraging words … I would cry. I remember
telling her, how am I going to pay for this? And she’s like, no, you’re going to find a way. Don’t
worry, it’s going to be okay.
Similarly, Genoveva’s family encourages her to overcome financial barriers and continue in her college
journey through words of praise:
When they look at me … or they say, I feel proud of you, Genoveva. You were the first in our
family to go to college. Three months ago, I felt very depressed, … and I was talking with my
mom that night, … and I felt special in the moment because she said, “If you need help,
Genoveva, I am here for you. Even though it’s not economic, I can support you. You’re never
alone. I know you’re working so hard, so I can support you.” So, then she hugged me. I never
thought my mom would tell me that.
Through these responses, Nala, Ava, and Genoveva demonstrate their use of familial capital, or
networks developed prior to college, for encouragement, motivation, and advice. Each of their
experiences, although distinct, demonstrate alignment between these three participants.
Beyond emotional support, students depend on family to help them resolve emergencies. When
Brucie’s car wouldn’t start one morning, he called his dad, an auto parts employee, to help him figure
out a solution. Eventually, Brucie’s father met him halfway between his hometown and the town in
which he attended college and brought several solutions to help Brucie’s car start: “If he wouldn’t have
been able to do that, then I would have had to go directly to a mechanic or auto parts store and pay a
pretty big amount to figure out what was wrong.” Similarly, when Nicole experienced a death in the
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family, she relied on her siblings to help her pay for gas so she could travel home for the funeral. When
describing the support she received, she shared,
My grandmother passed on a Wednesday, so that’s the middle of the week. I knew my mom
couldn’t be alone and, financially, me and my siblings had to come up with that money for gas to
go home. And, I mean, that did take a big amount of money because gas is very expensive, … but
it was worth it. I didn't plan for an emergency like that, and it was a blessing in disguise. It was
something that I think I needed to experience to be financially okay if I needed to do that again.
Although Brucie and Nicole likely had college support they could contact for financial emergencies, each
demonstrated the use of familial capital when dealing with financial emergencies.
Beyond family, other pre-college networks include teachers, college advisors, and various
community members who have helped students overcome financial barriers by teaching students about
financial aid and how to pay for college. When reflecting on his home community and how they support
him through financial difficulties in college, Russell shared, “teachers that I had, they would direct me in
the right path, they would give me advice and things like that.” Because of this experience, Russell
employed faculty help while in college to help him figure out the right path and ask for advice, especially
when he was unable to register for classes due to an unpaid tuition bill. Additionally, Nicole’s high school
was instrumental in teaching her how to manage money in college. One of the classes her high school
offered was called Money Matters, and although she did not take the class, she obtained a copy of the
textbook. From the book, along with advice from the course instructor and others who took the course,
she learned different websites the course teacher suggested, tips and tricks for saving money, smart
spending habits, and how to secure financial aid for college.
Although Russell and Nicole used support from their teachers, Ava’s experience with familial
support is distinct as it involves a working professional in her community. Ava recognizes her family’s tax
professional as a source of support for the family and says that without her, she would not have found
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ways to pay for college: “As far as community, we had a very good tax person. … She always looks for
resources as well … and she knows how to go about certain things … So I learned that from her.”
Without the tax professional, Ava and her mother would not have known that even as an
undocumented family, Ava’s mom can file income taxes, claim Ava as a dependent, claim Ava’s tuition
as educational expenses, and when she receives a refund, use a portion of that refund to pay for Ava’s
private college tuition.
These are examples of how pre-college family and community support systems were
instrumental in motivating and encouraging the interviewees to overcome financial barriers and arming
them with information, advice, and guidelines for circumventing and resolving financial issues.
Finding 4: Students Develop Attitudes About Finances Through Their Home Communities and Use
Those Outlooks to Overcome Financial Barriers
In addition to the emotional support and encouragement students receive from their families
and pre-college communities, students’ families and communities shape how they view finances, and
this familial capital helps them overcome financial barriers. Takezo spoke about his upbringing’s effect
on his views on financial struggles:
I don't really care about money like I used to. I used to care about money when I was younger
because I didn't have it. … The money doesn't really matter. What really matters is doing what
you enjoy to do and fulfilling … whatever purpose you find for yourself. And part of that has
come from, like, my view on life from having a lot of my friends die when I was young and a lot
of people I know passing away and stuff like that. I've been surrounded by a lot of, I’d say,
premature death, but just death in general. Like, some of my friends, like their parents died real
young and stuff like that. So, I think life is really short. … Personally, I just want to enjoy
whatever time I have here. However much time I have left here, I just would rather enjoy it than
focus on … money. So, it just works out. Everything works itself out.
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Tazeko’s experience in his home community taught him that life is too short to worry endlessly
about financial struggles, and in the end, financial issues will be resolved. This outlook on life and
finances shapes how he approaches financial barriers. Unlike all other participants, Tazeko is confident
that a resolution will occur, and on his path to resolving financial barriers, he takes a calm and collective
approach. Others in the research group had dissimilar experiences, such as Catarina, whose home
community inspired her to do better so that she does not succumb to familial and cultural pressures:
So, speaking from the perspective of family. My family doesn’t believe in the whole education
thing. To be exact and give you an example, the definition from my father is, “To be successful is
to have a job, have a family, have a house.” So, I’m someone that’s currently 25 years old. The
whole worry is you don’t have kids, you don’t have a husband, you don’t have all these things.
What’s going on? … I’m just like, I’m not worried about that. I’m focused on school. I need you
to understand. And it can be very hard, but it also gives you that push to be like, I’m gonna show
you my definition of success. I’m going to change and break these generational curses for my
kids and show them that family and everything, you shouldn’t look at it like that. You know, or
living paycheck to paycheck. But I want to be able to have financial freedom. It’s extremely
important to me just because everything I had to deal with growing up.
Because her family sees college as lost income while Catarina sees college as an opportunity to
secure future financial freedom, she uses her family’s view of education as motivation to not fall victim
to living paycheck to paycheck or to the cultural pressure of getting married and having children as a
measure of success. That motivation helps her overcome financial barriers as she feels a need to prove
that college is worth the time and financial investment.
Conversely, Brucie recalled a conversation with his grandfather that inspired him to continue
attending college, even after experiencing financial difficulty. His grandfather recalled a time when he
was unable to feed his family and noted why hard work is essential:
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[He] said that he remembered a time where he wouldn't eat dinner because they couldn't afford
a sandwich. You know, him and my grandma when they were first getting married, and so he
said he works because even though he knows that he would be fine … he didn't want to see my
grandma ever go through that again.
Brucie referenced this story when detailing how seeing his grandparents work hard to put food
on the table inspires him to persist in college, even when he experiences financial problems.
Another way students use familial capital on the college campus is by adopting some of the
spending and saving habits they learned in their homes and in their communities prior to enrolling in
college. When discussing how her parents inspire her to adopt healthy spending habits, Delilah shared,
My parents are really good at budgeting. Like, my mom is really big on cupones. So, it’s learning
from her. … Don’t overspend your budget or at home. She's seen, like, what we need, like
essentials, and then learning from her. And then, yeah, learning from what she's doing and, like
other family members, to make sure, like, we don't overspend, I think, like that's what has
helped me.
Paul shared this sentiment as he described that his father worked a minimum-wage job and cut
costs to make sure his family always had food on the table:
He still found a way to get food on the table, you know, pay for the apartment, the AC. And we
lived in my eyes comfortably, and I think it's just mainly from being able to push through, being
hardworking. And not only that, having an experience where we live like that, where, you know,
sometimes you just gotta give up some of your wants to get what you need.
The concept of putting food on the table and learning the value of hard work is one Ava shared
with Paul:
So, we live in an apartment very small. It only has one bedroom, so [my mother] kind of takes in
charge of paying for everything, like living expenses. But my mom, like I mentioned, she only has
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enough to cover living and food. That's like the minimum, basically. So, that has thankfully never
been an issue, just because she has worked so hard, you know, to really make sure that we have
everything we needed, and I can never say that I never had food on my table, … but, you know,
like I mentioned, we have lived very, very humble, because my mom doesn't have any type of
big debt like mortgage or cars or anything like that. So, we live very, like, humble so that she can
save money.
Ava said she learned how to save and spend money by adopting her mother’s hardworking
habits. Through adopting spending and saving habits from their families, Paul, Delilah, and Ava credited
them with modeling practices that helped them handle finances in college and overcome financial
barriers through hard work and determination.
Catarina provided a unique perspective on saving money as she shared that her home
community helps her save money through savings clubs or tandas. Catarina describes tandas as pools of
money generated from community members who contribute equal amounts each month, and each
month, the pool of money goes to one person:
In my community, we’re very strong believers [in] the Latino culture of saving clubs. … It’s
basically where you choose a number, and you give biweekly or weekly, depending upon what
the rules are, a certain amount. It could be, at that time, me and my best friend would split a
number which is $500 biweekly, so he was paying $250. I was paying $250, and then our
number was eight, so meaning in Week 8, we would get this huge, large sum of money … like
$4,000.
With the money generated from the tanda, Catarina paid her tuition, bills, and other school-
related expenses. This experience not only shapes how Catarina views saving as a community or
collective experience but also depicts how Catarina’s community helped her overcome the barrier of not
having money to pay for tuition and living expenses.
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Beyond attitudes about finances, adopting financial habits from family members, and depending
on the community to help save money, Paul and Nicole shared they use their family and home
communities as examples of how not to handle finances. When describing how his extended family
spends money compared to his immediate family, Paul explained,
When it comes to my aunts and uncles, most of them did get, like, that kind of mindset, saving
up and stuff, while others, they spend more money. They know what they need, or they want a
new house, but then they will buy all this jewelry … And, you know, that's like the main reason
why when I’m 21, I'm not gonna buy cigarettes and booze or stuff like that because you know all
that kind of stuff, it'll add up.
Similarly, Nicole shared that her community does not support its members going to college:
As for my community, when it comes to saving money for college, that wasn’t very voiced, and it
wasn’t very common. It wasn’t encouraged to save money for college. It was actually
encouraged not to go to college because instead of putting yourself in debt, you can go get a job
and help your family financially.
Paul and Nicole use the financial habits of their communities as an antithesis of the financial
habits they wish to employ in college.
Social
Five more minutes left in English class, and the time could not go by any slower. Every Tuesday
and Thursday at 1:00 pm, without fail, Genoveva has a lunch date with two of her classmates in
the student union. Things are so different from when she first started college during the COVID-
19 pandemic. She attended college entirely online and had zero interaction with her classmates
once class was over. Now, she has actual college friends! Friends that have helped her figure out
how to apply for scholarships, friends she can lean on when she doesn’t understand U.S. culture
and traditions, and friends that helped her find an on-campus job to pay for school. Now that
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Genoveva understands the different ways to pay for college, she even shares scholarship
opportunities with her friends. Compare this to her first semester when all her classes were
dropped because she could not figure out how to move her grant from anticipated aid to actual
aid to pay for college. The clock strikes 1:00 pm. Time for lunch!
Finding 5: Peer Networks Help Students Deal With and Overcome Financial Barriers
On the college campus, Black and Latinx students develop meaningful friendships with their
classmates and use those friends not only as sounding boards but also as sources of helpful information
both to prevent financial burdens and resolve financial issues. When Russell transferred from a
community college to a 4-year university, he relied on his girlfriend to help him expand his social
network to include others who could help him when he had financial obstacles:
My girlfriend, she has actually helped me out a lot. You know, she’s been here. I transferred
here. She’s actually graduating this semester, so she has a lot of connections, and she has a lot
of network. I feel like her, my relationship with her has definitely helped me out for the better
cause I feel like if I didn’t know her, then financial issues would’ve been way worse.”
Delilah, who interacts with peers in a student support program for Black, Latinx, and first-generation
students, credits these peers with helping her become more organized in her endeavor to find
scholarship money. She detailed,
With the student support program, I didn’t know much about it until a peer told me. They’re the
ones that told me to create a spreadsheet with all of the scholarships. So that’s one thing they
have helped me with … [my peers], many of them are not open with their [undocumented
status] when you talk about it … [and my documented peers], they can’t relate to what I’m going
through, but I do appreciate that they listen and that they still connect me to resources.
Both Russell and Delilah use social capital, or networks built with peers in college, to help them navigate
the process of paying for college and finding scholarships.
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In addition to providing tips and tricks for paying for college, friends helped Paul figure out how
to complete the FAFSA. Paul shared,
The main thing was do your FAFSA, and I didn’t know how to do that. And I had to ask around
my friends. I was like, where do I go? And they’re like, “Oh, you have to go to a different website
that’s not connected to the school.” I was like, that’s a thing? I was freaking out! I have this one
friend. He’s a senior right now, and I ask him so many questions about paying. Where do I see
my balance and stuff like that because they have everything on the website, but for me, it’s
really hard to navigate through it because what I think would be on fiscal was actually on
financial and vice versa. He would be like, so this is how much you owe, and I was like … what’s
this other number, and he would be like, “Oh, that’s next semester, but you don’t owe that yet.
So, I’m like, why is that even on there? I would ask so many questions that my friends would ask
me questions, and I would have the answers. Having friends was a big help.”
Paul’s experience with completing a FAFSA and learning how to navigate the student portal to
see the total amount due per semester not only reveals his use of social capital but also depicts his
willingness to pay that social capital forward as he takes the knowledge he learned from an
upperclassman to help classmates with their financial questions.
Another participant who received financial advice from a peer recognized the value his
friendships have on his financial well-being. When describing this advice, Tazeko shared,
This is my first year doing taxes. My friend actually was like, do you do taxes? I was like, no, I’ve
never done them, and he was like, “Bro, you got to do your taxes, bro! I was like, I don’t know
how to do it. [He said], “Get your W-2 form, get on Turbo Tax. Do you have any loans?” I was
like, I think I have one. He was like, “Put that on there.” This is my first time doing this, even
though I worked over the pandemic, … but now he’s going to help me go through taxes, which
I’m excited for.
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Because the financial advice he received from a peer on filing income tax returns goes beyond
the college experience, Tazeko is using social capital to learn lifelong practices that will impact him for
years.
Ava credited three peers who attended different colleges than she did with giving her sound
financial advice:
So, the person I was with at that time, … he got a full ride, so basically, it was him that helped
me a lot. And then I had a friend who goes to another college. She also got a full ride to her
school, and she’s doing engineering, which is awesome, but she has also helped me. The other
day, she sent me this nursing informational session [about] different opportunities in the
nursing field and internships. … She has also helped me with writing papers for scholarships.
She’s been very helpful. I reached out for help to them because they got full rides, so I’m like,
they must know how the process works … what’s good that they can incorporate in the essays
and what’s going to get the money. The other person that got the full ride, he helped students.
… He was a peer advisor. He helped students navigate through college and pick their classes,
and he would also help me. His friend helped as well. I asked him, what are some of the grants
you got, and he’s like, “Oh, I got this one grant,” and he’s like, “I’m pretty sure you can apply for
it, even if you’re undocumented.” I did my research, and I found that I could apply for it, and it
didn’t matter if I had papers or not. So, yeah, definitely, I’ve had that peer support a lot. When it
comes to peers, it was definitely harder to ask for help, but I think I went to the right people.”
Although the peers she asked for advice did not share Ava’s undocumented status, she viewed each peer
as a standard of success and used their experiences to help her piece together how to pay for college.
In addition to expanding social networks and receiving financial advice and tips from friends,
peers help by providing direct financial support. When Cadence ran out of money in the middle of a
semester, her roommate provided financial relief to her: “I’ve had financial issues in the past, and my
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roommate, she’s been like, well, I got a raise, so don’t worry about rent this month.” Additionally, Nala
is confident she can ask her friends for money if she needs it for a financial emergency:
I can talk to my friends, and … if they are willing, they can come up with a way to help me get all
the money. I’ll tell them that this amount of money is required in school, and maybe they can
find a way to chip in and help me pay.
A friend volunteered to pay for Ava’s books with his leftover scholarship money:
For my books, … I was with someone at the time, and they had scholarship money, so they were
connected with Chegg, so that’s how I got my books. I remember one semester, I’m like there’s
no way I’m going to pay this. And you know, he was like, “Oh, I have extra scholarship money
that I don’t need anymore.” So, he’s like, “Here, I’ll just order the books for you.” … He did that
for two semesters.
Additionally, although Paul was experiencing financial difficulties at the time, he helped his classmates
by providing financial support to those with financial issues. When deciding where to eat lunch one day,
Paul’s friend asked him,
What am I going to eat? What’s the cheapest thing around here? And I was like, don’t worry, I
got us, we’re okay. I always thought I didn’t have money, but then I realized that I saved a good
amount where I could help other people.
Cadence, Nala, and Paul’s social networks go beyond advice and include tangible financial
support to overcome financial barriers in college. Although this was not the norm among interviewees, it
demonstrates the strong support that participants had in their social networks.
Navigational
“Hey, Miss Jeannie. How was your weekend? Yeah, I’m back. My last loan still hasn’t come
through. Sure, I can follow you to your office. Miss Jeannie. I appreciate you so much. I know you
understand what we go through trying to pay for college.” Russell feels a little guilty, but only a
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little bit, as he walks past the 20 or so students waiting to speak to financial aid. This is only his
second semester here, but he knows from his previous college that your best friends on campus
should be the financial aid employees. From what he’s learned over the years, their work is
subjective. They can decide whether to lift your registration holds, they can answer your
questions in one-word answers or provide really helpful and thorough information to you, and
they can even protect your classes when the college drops classes of students who haven’t paid
tuition. Other students always complain about the runaround they get at this college, but Russell
knows if you are nice and use a little bit of sweet talk, it is so much easier to find your way
around the college and get the help you really need. Miss Jeannie has determined that he
actually needs to speak to the bursar’s office, so Russell faces her to say goodbye after she walks
him past more waiting students and over to someone in the bursar’s office whom she knows will
take care of him the way she would. “Thanks, Miss Jeannie! Yes, I’ll be sure to tell my mom you
said hi!”
Finding 6: Students Figure Out How to Push Through Departmental Silos and Administrative Delays to
Resolve Financial Barriers
When Paul was notified that he owed money to his university, he went back and forth between
the Financial Aid Office and the Bursar’s Office to figure out where the new fees on his student account
came from and what his options were for paying the fees:
I called the financial aid office, and then I did call fiscal services, and both of them offered a little
bit of help to tell me where the fees were coming from. The first time I called, they’re like, we
don’t know what’s going on. … They said, “We don’t know where the [fees] are coming from, so
just give us a while. Just call us back.” And I was like, okay, that was weird. So, I called them the
next morning, and they were like, “Oh, we don’t hold that stuff. It’s actually financial aid.” So,
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then I go to financial aid … They’re like, “That’s fiscal services. I don’t know why they told you to
go here.” Then, I go back.
Paul’s experience highlights not only how staff in student accounts and financial aid can be
confused with which office owns each process but also calls attention to how this confusion can impact
the student experience when attempting to resolve financial concerns. Paul described how he has
learned what times and dates are best to call and visit the financial aid and fiscal services offices:
Calling in, … you have to do that in the mornings because, in the afternoon, they won’t answer.
Or you’re gonna be on hold behind like 17 people, right? But when it comes to going in person …
everyone knows, like if spring break’s coming up or … if the new semester is coming up, you
have to go in the middle of your semester that you’re in now because if you don’t go … you’re
gonna be behind like 30 people in person. Or … you can go … hours earlier than when they open,
and people will still be there.
Through his previous interactions with the financial aid and fiscal services offices, Paul has
learned how to navigate departmental silos and developed a strategy of when to contact these offices.
Likewise, other students learned to navigate college departmental silos to overcome financial
barriers. In Mariana’s quest to comprehend what resources were available to her as an international
student with an unpaid tuition bill, she explained she goes between various offices on her campus to
seek assistance:
I went to the student business center again, and I told them, please, I don't have enough money
to pay the tuition [in] April … Can we postpone or make a plan? And then the guy went to the
supervisor, and he came back, and he said, “No, there's nothing we can do about it.” I talked to
the financial aid as well. [They said,] “Go to international student services.” So, see? The
financial aid said, “There's nothing I can do about it. You cannot get a loan.” The international
student services office said, “Oh, go to student support center.” The student support center
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said, “There's nothing I can do about it. [Go] back to the international student services office
because they have … financial aid or something,” and … then I came back, and they said, “No,
we can't.” But then they told me, “You should write to this person,” and they gave me an email
address. … Nobody’s helping me.
At the time of her interview, Mariana still did not have a resolution on what support the college
could provide to help her pay her tuition and which office or offices could assist her with this. As a next
step, Mariana’s plan was to visit the human resources office at her university to see if she could secure
employment on campus that would reduce her tuition by 50%. As an international student, Mariana has
not only had to learn the process of paying for college in the United States but has also had to devote
time to going back and forth between offices to resolve her financial barrier. As such, Mariana’s
experience navigating the college system is unique as she is doing so while adjusting to learning the
culture of American universities.
Additionally, Russell has used his awareness of how to navigate the college system and has
extended that knowledge to the classroom. When he experienced a financial aid issue that prevented
him from registering for classes, Russell proactively reached out to his professors for approval to attend
class despite not being registered:
I have a good relationship with a lot of my teachers that I already, knowing my issue from the
jump, I already emailed them, reached out and let them know, like hey look, l got this financial
aid issue, and I’m gonna be registered for your class soon. I’m hoping that while I’m trying to get
that squared away, I can just sit in and, you know, just taking the class and saving a seat for me,
and a lot of teachers were able to work with me and still let me attend their class even though I
wasn’t technically registered.
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Whereas other students may wait to resolve their financial barriers before attending class, Russell
learned that asking to attend class without an official registration will help him keep up with course
content and assignments.
Another way students use navigational capital to overcome financial issues is to make
knowledgeable decisions about school expenses based on learned experiences. After his sophomore
year, Tazeko realized that there were charges on his housing bill that were optional. He shared,
I learned that the room and board has a lot of extra finances that’s taxed on that you can
exempt from. I learned that freshman or sophomore year because we had paid for it before, but
it wasn’t necessary. But nobody knows that unless you go through it.
Tazeko has learned how the college system works because of his experiences: “My knowledge is based
upon things I’ve gone through.” This feedback suggests that Tazeko’s ability to navigate the college
system is only enhanced as he experiences and resolves financial issues.
In summary, the interviewees use aspirational, familial, social, and navigational capital to
overcome financial barriers to college completion. Although the methods they employ vary, students
use a combination of these forms of capital for emotional support, financial advice, direct monetary
support, and goal backing needed to address and triumph over financial barriers.
Data for Research Question 2: Colleges Unknowingly Create Financial Barriers
Research question 2 focused on which practices and procedures in colleges and universities
inadvertently create financial barriers for students. Because college employees and leaders are expected
to see college graduation as a goal for the students they serve, it is surprising that their practices could
actually impede college graduation. Throughout the interviews, participants continuously referenced
that colleges make it difficult for students to persist. Two practices were identified as particularly
troublesome: academic advising and scholarship applications.
Academic Advising
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On the college campus, academic advising provides an opportunity for students to receive
academic guidance on which classes to take to complete a degree, insight on how students can meet
academic and personal goals, and can also include mentorship or coaching (Kuhn, 2008). For a few
interviewees, academic advising unintentionally caused barriers.
When Russell transferred from his community college to a 4-year university, he met with his
academic advisor when he was unsure what classes to take for his major. Russell shared that his
advisor’s guidance caused him to register for the wrong classes:
She kinda like messed up my schedule a little bit, and it threw off my progress ’cause I was
signed up for wrong classes. I ended up changing my major ’cause I thought that I was going to
be graduating sooner than I was, and I didn’t even know that I was expecting to graduate way
later. I wasn’t getting the help I needed from the advisor. I tried to do it on my own cause they
weren’t being helpful to me.
Russell registered for the wrong classes due to his advisor’s flawed guidance and also lacked a clear idea
of his anticipated graduation date. As a result, he enrolled in and paid for at least one extra semester of
classes, which served as a financial barrier. The extra semester prolonged his time to graduate and
forced him to use financial aid to pay for classes he did not need.
Similarly, Brucie believes a lack of guidance from his academic advisor contributed to his
academic performance and almost cost him his academic scholarship. According to Brucie,
[Academic advisors] don’t know too much. A lot of times, you have to talk to somebody higher
than them just to be able to get, like, access to actual help. They offer guidance, but, like, in my
experience, I would talk to my advisor, and he would, like, kind of misdirect me … Like, if I would
ask … should I take five classes this semester? Instead of being like, “No, last semester, you did
four, and you struggled a little bit with two of those.” … Instead of saying something like that, he
would just be like, “Well, if you think you can,” or … “if you think it's a good idea.”
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With better guidance and more direct answers to his questions, Brucie believes he would not have
struggled academically as much as he did his first year in college. Brucie’s experience depicts how
academic guidance can affect students’ decisions about how many classes to take based on previous
academic performance as well as how performance in those classes can affect scholarship funding.
While Russell and Brucie believe they received inadequate or erroneous academic advising that,
in turn, inadvertently impacted their finances, Mariana struggles with scheduling enough time with her
academic advisor to address her concerns. As an international student, Mariana has already completed
college-level coursework in her country. When describing interactions with her academic advisor,
Mariana stated,
I haven't talked to my advisor yet, because, before the enrollment, they say, “We don't have
time to talk to you.” So, she sends me an email, and she told me, “You should [register for] these
classes. That's it. You can go yourself and [register for] these classes.” So, but I already have
three semesters done in psychology, so I need to get my [transfer credit] evaluation. So, I was
waiting for January, and I’m going to talk to her right now, too, because I think now she's a little
bit available, and … she's like, “Oh, please have all the questions ready. I have just a little time
for you. There is another [student after you that needs] to talk to me,” and I have so many
things to talk to her because I have to get the evaluation, I have to.
Although Mariana has already completed one semester of coursework, she has not received a
transfer credit evaluation to determine if coursework in her home country will count for classes needed
for her degree. Mariana’s inability to see her academic advisor may mean she is enrolling in and paying
for classes she does not need to complete her degree. This example not only shows how a student’s
previous academic coursework can reduce the time needed to earn a degree, but it also depicts how
repeating classes (and, in Mariana’s case, classes she has already completed in her home country) can
result in paying more tuition money for students who may already be struggling to pay tuition.
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Mariana’s experience is unique as she has been unable to receive adequate facetime with her advisor to
get the answers she needs to make academic progress and potentially resolve her financial barriers.
Based on the experiences of Russell, Brucie, and Mariana, academic advising, whether
inaccurate, inadequate, or inaccessible, can cause direct and indirect financial consequences for
students.
Applying for Scholarships
A majority of the participants sought scholarship funds from their colleges as well as from
nonprofit organizations and corporations to pay for tuition, fees, and living expenses. Although
scholarships are useful, applying for them creates a barrier for students due to the time required to
apply for them, the low success rate of securing them, and the confusion surrounding how to apply for
them. Russell discussed the methods he used to overcome financial barriers:
I know the school has certain scholarship opportunities, but sometimes it’s hard. … There’s a lot
of requirements and stuff to meet in order to get accepted to those types of things. I feel like …
it may be easy to some people, but I know for me, sometimes I don’t know what to do or which
ones are best and getting more help would always be helpful to me.
Russell said that scholarship requirements are skewed in favor of students who come from wealthy
families with access to better academic resources needed to earn higher grades. He shared, “Some
people are privileged to have families with more money and have better grades to get these
scholarships that pay for tuition in full and things like that. … I don’t have all these academic
scholarships.” Russell’s view of scholarships as unattainable and biased in awarding may be a financial
barrier and inhibit him from applying for them.
Likewise, Cadence sees scholarship awarding as a biased process and views the scholarship
application process as time-consuming and stressful. As a traditional undergraduate student, Cadence
dropped out of her 4-year selective university because she could no longer afford tuition. Years later,
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Cadence returned to a community college to earn an associate degree. When discussing the difficulty of
applying for scholarships, Cadence shared, “Scholarships are a lot harder to get when you're an adult,
and you're returning to school, and you're not fresh out of high school. So, [applying for scholarships]
helped with nothing.” In response to what advice she would provide to students regarding how to pay
for college, Cadence stated,
I would definitely let them know to start applying for scholarships as early as possible. [It’s] a
very, very strenuous task. So, allot yourself a lot of time to do so … It’s a part-time job applying
for scholarships. It’s crazy.
Based on her responses, Cadence has attempted to apply for scholarships but finds that scholarships are
designed for first-time freshmen students so much that applying for scholarships as an adult student is
fruitless. In addition, viewing applying for scholarships as the equivalent of a part-time job illustrates the
time commitment required. As such, it appears that applying for scholarships is frustrating for Cadence,
and she may be less inclined to search for and complete the applications.
In addition to scholarship applications being strenuous and time-consuming, Liliana believes she
needs help with finding and applying for scholarships because she is not proficient at doing either. When
having to pay her past due housing fees, Liliana shared,
I’m also trying to do a scholarship. I’m working with the student support center, … and the lady
over that, she’s helping me find scholarships to pay for my housing, … but I gotta apply. I don’t
know. I feel like I’m kind of bad at scholarships. Not bad, but maybe I’m applying to the wrong
ones.
Liliana shared Cadence and Russell’s sentiment that scholarships are not awarded to students like her.
“It's hard trying to find something else I qualify for because they have, like, a lot of first-gen
scholarships: I’m not first-gen … I’m second!” Based on her statements, Liliana is not confident that she
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is applying for the right scholarships, which may be caused by finding scholarships for which she does
not meet the criteria.
Finally, Brucie shared the confusing and perplexing scholarship application process at his
university:
A lot of people are misinformed … or misdirected. I feel like when [my college] will send out a
general scholarship application … it's kind of misleading because it doesn't really say that it's
gonna apply you for every scholarship in the school. It says, ‘fill out the survey to be entered for
scholarships.’ But if you just enter that, it will list you for everything that you're available for or
like available to get.
Because the scholarship application process is unclear, Brucie believes that students typically don’t
complete the application and, as a result, miss out on scholarships offered by his college. Through
Brucie’s experience with the scholarship application, it appears that he believes the scholarship
application process is a confusing procedure for most students at his college. Brucie’s perspective that
scholarship applications are confusing is a sentiment other participants shared.
Summary
In summary, scholarships are viewed as tools to help students pay for college and overcome
financial barriers. However, the scholarship application process poses hindrances because it is perceived
as time-consuming and confusing, and students self-eliminate because they do not meet requirements
or encounter multiple scholarships for which they do not qualify. As such, the scholarship application
process inadvertently causes a financial barrier.
Ultimately, the research questions for this study regarding sources of capital used to overcome
financial barriers and college processes or procedures that unintentionally cause financial barriers were
answered through qualitative interviews. Based on these findings, several recommendations can be
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made to enhance practices for colleges that seek to help students overcome financial obstacles to
college completion.
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Chapter Five: Recommendations
This chapter begins with a discussion of this study’s findings and recommendations for practice
based on these findings. The chapter continues with a suggested implementation plan for these
recommendations and considerations for future research. Finally, this chapter closes with my reflections
and a conclusion.
Discussion of Findings
Based on this study’s findings, three overall ideas prevail regarding the interaction between
Black and Latinx students and the college as an institution. First, when students encounter financial
difficulties, their first point of contact is usually a family member but is rarely college staff or personnel.
This finding aligns well with the result from a study that confirmed Latinx students largely only depend
on their familial and social networks when making enrollment decisions (Martinez & Cervera, 2012),
even if the only support families can offer is encouragement and reassurance (Pérez & McDonough,
2008). This finding also supports research that shows the importance of family support in the college
persistence of Students of Color (Barbatis, 2010). Along with the notion that Black and Latinx students
depend on family support and familial capital in college, it is important to note that there may be
barriers that prevent Black and Latinx students from seeking help or using college resources, such as lack
of awareness about available resources, fear of discrimination or stigma, or challenges navigating
college financial processes. Because Black and Latinx students with financial difficulties rely on familial
support before support from the college, a recommendation for practice is to leverage this capital.
Secondly, although colleges admit and enroll students for the purpose of graduating them, this
study’s findings reveal that colleges actually foster financial barriers instead of proactively resolving
them. One of the most common practices is disallowing course enrollment if students owe a debt to the
university, including tuition and fees for housing, dining, and parking. Even when students are
proactively working to complete financial aid or waiting for outside parties to pay college expenses, they
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are unable to make degree progress and may be withheld from persistence and retention. This finding
aligns with a study that revealed inequities in the types of students who were prevented from
registering for classes, as Black students were more likely to be prohibited from class registration even
when past due balances were comparable with other students’ debt to the university (Curs et al., 2022).
Another way that colleges uphold barriers is the confusion that administrative silos cause for
students. Specifically, the distinction between the duties and support offered by the bursar’s office (also
called the financial services office) and the financial aid office was unclear for the interviewees. As a
result, students usually go back and forth between the two offices until one of the departments finally
resolves the issue, the issue is escalated to a supervisor who resolves it, or the student gives up and
looks for unconventional ways to overcome the barrier. Although colleges segment work in a way that
divides the office that handles payment to the college versus the one that provides help to pay for
college, students do not view the distinction in this fragmented way. Because these administrative silos
limit teamwork and collaboration among units (Lloyd, 2016), these offices send students to each other
in an indirect blame game. Determining which office handles which function further delays the issue
resolution, can lead to late course registration, and can cause students to wait in long lines and long
calling queues only to be told to call or visit another office.
A final prevailing theme in the findings is that the college needs to adapt to students’ changing
demographics. The status quo of college operations and practices has worked for the traditional
populations the college was designed for (based on graduation rates), but there is a marked gap in
graduation rates between White students and Black and Latinx students (NCES, 2019, Shapiro et al.,
2017). The number of Black and Latinx college graduates from 2012 to 2022 increased by 6.4% for each
racial group (U.S. Census Bureau, 2023), and the number of Black and Latinx students increased over
time while the percentage of White students declined by 25% from 1980 to 2014 (U.S. Department of
Education, 2016). Should this trend persist, the racial makeup of college students will continue to
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change and become more diverse, while the college’s model for paying for college has not changed in
decades. The recommendations set forth in the next section addressed the college system’s need to
adapt as well as the previously addressed themes of families’ role when students experience financial
barriers and how institutions create barriers for Black and Latinx students.
Although previous research supports these findings, two emerging themes are new to research
regarding Black and Latinx students’ college-relate financial barriers. One of these concerns silos
between the financial aid and bursar’s offices, confusion about which office handles which function, and
how these silos perhaps foster financial barriers. The second theme is the need for colleges to adjust
practices to today’s students.
Evaluation of the Community Cultural Wealth Model
Because it outlined the strengths and skills of Students of Color from an appreciative standpoint,
I chose Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth model as a framework for this study. Four of the
model’s six forms of capital were used (aspirational, familial, social, and navigational), while two were
excluded (resistance and linguistic). Based on this study's findings, the four forms of capital explored
were advantageous as there was ample evidence to support how these forms of capital helped students
overcome financial barriers in college. However, four themes arose from the research that were not
encompassed by the cultural wealth model: (a) there is a stigma associated with needing help to pay for
college that, at times, prevented students from overcoming barriers, (b) undocumented and
international participants felt forced to operate in survival mode to make it through emotional and
financial obstacles, (c) mental health was a concern for many participants and, as such, mental health
care was used to overcome financial barriers, and (d) participants used financial capital, a form of capital
not encompassed by Yosso’s model, to overcome financial difficulties.

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Stigma With Asking for Help
Within Yosso’s (2005) model, social and familial capital are used as sources students can
leverage to acclimate to the college-going experience. While this research found concrete examples
where participants used each of these forms of capital to overcome financial barriers, participants must
first ask for help to enact these forms of capital. In a study on help-seeking behavior among first-
generation college students, students were less likely to seek help due to concerns about how asking for
help could impact relationships, including feeling like a burden to others, exacerbating the issue at hand,
and being judged by others. Traditionally underrepresented students experienced further obstacles to
seeking help, including the fear of humiliation and risking group unity (Chang et al., 2020). The
participants expressed embarrassment associated with asking for help with financial matters, especially
because doing so means the help-seeker does not have adequate funds to overcome the issues on their
own. In addition, participants shared that asking for help comes with maturity and help-seeking
behavior is developed over time. The Cultural Wealth Model does not include a component of personal
development or maturity, but doing so may help explain how students learn how to use capital over
time.
Distinct Student Groups
Although Yosso’s model focuses on the capital Students of Color bring to college, Students of
Color encompass many different student types and experiences. As such, the model does not directly
address how distinct subgroups within the Students of Color group experience the college campus and
how the use of capital may differ among subgroups. In this study, international and undocumented
students with financial obstacles seemed to experience college in a survival mode first, before any forms
of capital could be used. For example, Delilah operated in survival mode each day she commuted to her
college. Delilah relied on family members or friends with U.S. citizenship to drive her to campus to
combat her fear of being stopped by the police if she drove herself. Delilah was aware that a minor
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traffic stop could result in her deportation. In addition, as an international student, Mariana could not
secure financial aid or personal loans. Even when family members in her home country offered her
financial support, the value of her country’s dollar could not make a dent in the balance she owed to her
university. Also, Mariana’s financial troubles were heightened by being alone in the United States, so
although she could use capital acquired through her home community, her ability to call on her home
community for help in the United States was extremely limited or non-existent. Because Students of
Color are not a monolith, adapting the model to address distinct student groups would highlight the
diversity in the Students of Color category.
Mental Health and Financial Barriers
Along with the forms of capital in Yosso’s cultural wealth model, participants used mental health
resources to deal with and overcome financial barriers. The participants described how financial
obstacles they faced impacted their mental health, including not being able to get out of bed or needing
to discuss financial obstacles with a therapist or counselor. Two participants discussed physical health
issues they faced that were triggered and exacerbated by stress and mental health issues. Another
participant shared how financial problems in college caused anxiety for her. She described that even
when she figured out how she would pay for college for the current semester, she immediately began
worrying about how to pay for her next semester of college. In addition, one of the resounding issues
participants faced when they experienced financial barriers in college was feeling alone in their plight.
Because this was such a strong sentiment among study participants, a model that addresses mental
health and related resources as a form of capital would encompass this concept.
Financial Capital
A final theme of this study that cannot the community cultural wealth does not support or
explain is the financial capital participants used to overcome financial barriers. As a general rule,
participants knew how to piece different financial means together to pay for college and make ends
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meet. One participant used her financial aid refund to pay for her housing expenses first and then used
the remainder to pay for food. When she ran out of money for food, she used her learning community’s
extra dining credits and food pantry. The strategy of paying for housing first shows that this participant
knew there was help available for meals but not for housing fees. As described earlier, another
participant used a combination of tandas, credit cards, and financial aid to pay for tuition and living
expenses. Additionally, the undocumented interviewees exhibited expertise in applying to and acquiring
numerous small scholarships. Finally, another participant was both an audiovisual services employee at
his college and an aspiring musician. As an employee, he had influence over the hiring of musical
performers for college events, so he hired his own group and was simultaneously paid for setting up and
supporting the performance’s audiovisual needs.
Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth model provided a valuable framework to pursue this
study. While the model addresses the college-going experience of Black and Latinx students from an
assets-based approach and provides six forms of capital, including the four themes addressed above
enhanced the model. Each theme presented the participants’ internal resilience encompassed, but not
easily explained, by Yosso’s model.
Recommendations for Practice
The following sections provide three recommendations to address college-related financial
barriers for Black and Latinx students. These recommendations specifically consider the aspirational,
social, familial, and navigational capital these students use.
Recommendation 1: Provide Financial Programming, Education, and Outreach to Families of Black and
Latinx College Students
College can be a daunting and expensive investment for many families, particularly those from
traditionally underserved backgrounds. Because this study’s participants reached out to their families
first, providing financial education and outreach to families will help ensure they have the resources and
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knowledge to support their students. Although most students depend on their families and home
communities for emotional support and motivation, educational programming for families can help
students navigate scholarship and financial aid, budgeting, and other important decisions that can affect
their academics. In addition, this study found a disconnect or mismatch between some participants and
their parents regarding the value of attending college. As such, the college can negotiate that mismatch
and support students when their wishes conflict with what parents deem valuable, like avoiding debt,
getting married, and contributing to the family’s income.
To begin, colleges can establish financial support networks for families of Black and Latinx
students. These networks can connect families with a central person or group of people on the college
campus they can contact for culturally appropriate help with finances, such as understanding that Latinx
families are generally averse to loans and believe students should work to pay for college, whereas Black
students acquire more loan debt than their peers in college. In addition, these networks can connect
families with financial advisors, peer mentors, and other resources to help students overcome financial
barriers.
In addition, colleges can host family information nights around key times of the academic year.
For example, key times may include before class registration for the next semester begins, prior to when
students’ classes are dropped for nonpayment, and prior to the FAFSA opening date. Colleges can
organize these family information nights to provide information on financial aid, scholarship
opportunities, and other resources available to families of Black and Latinx students. Additional topics
for family information nights can include managing finances, student loan repayment, and the
differences between grants, loans, and work-study. The information nights can also allow families to ask
questions and receive personalized help.
When parents are unable to communicate in English, do not have access to the internet, or do
not have proficiency in using the internet to find information, they rely on their children to figure out
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how to pay for college. Thus, the responsibility of both figuring out how to pay for college and then
educating parents and families on financial matters related to college falls on the student (Perna, 2006).
This recommendation takes the onus of educating parents from the student and transfers it to the
college or university. Providing financial programming and outreach to families of Black and Latinx
students uses these students’ familial capital, as this form of capital provides a first step to overcoming
financial barriers.
To initiate this recommendation and others like it, colleges can use a change implementation
model such as Kotter’s eight-step change model (Galli, 2018). A sample change implementation plan for
this recommendation is included in Appendix C.
Recommendation 2: Implement an Early Alert System to Identify Students Who May Be Having
Financial Difficulties Before a Financial Obstacle Occurs
As college tuition fees continue to rise, many students face financial difficulties that can hinder
their academic progress and even force them to drop out. Early alert systems have been effective in
recognizing students experiencing academic difficulties or absenteeism, and when coupled with
intervention efforts from college personnel, early alert systems have proven effective at increasing
student retention (Villano et al., 2018). Implementing an early alert system can help colleges identify
students who may be experiencing financial issues before a barrier arises, as most of the obstacles
discussed in this study could be easily recognized via a student information system. To implement this
recommendation, colleges should first identify financial risk factors such as being on the verge of losing
scholarship funds, past due balances for students who have no anticipated financial aid, or a missed
payment plan installment. Next, faculty and staff who interact with students should be trained to
identify signs of financial distress, such as not having course materials or textbooks, signs of stress and
anxiety, and increased absences. Once faculty or staff notice this change in students or review data
analytics that show the student has one or more financial risk factors, they should flag this student for
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outreach and support. Support can range from advising to financial assistance programs such as marked
scholarships, grants, or low-interest loans to help students overcome financial barriers.
By implementing an early alert system, colleges can help identify students who may be
experiencing financial difficulties and provide them with appropriate support and resources before an
obstacle occurs. With the right tools and resources in place, students can focus on their academic goals
(by using aspirational capital) without worrying about financial challenges.
Recommendation 3: Review College Processes and Organizational Structure to Identify Practices That
Cause Unintentional Financial Barriers
Several college processes and organizational structures were recognized as barriers. These
include the silos between the bursar’s and financial aid offices, registration holds due to past due
accounts, misinformation during the academic advising process, and a complex scholarship process. To
address these issues, colleges should periodically review processes and organizational structure to
identify practices that may inadvertently create financial barriers. As an important first step of this
review, colleges should conduct campus climate surveys to gather student feedback about their
experiences with paying for college and other aspects of the college experience. Questions can be
designed to address financial barriers, such as reasons for them, difficulty completing scholarship
applications, or financial aid processing delays. Colleges should also review policies and procedures to
identify barriers preventing student persistence. For example, complex scholarship applications,
difficulty with financial aid applications, conflicting scholarship and financial aid deadlines, and
registration holds for students who are actively taking steps to resolve an unpaid balance may be
barriers that can be addressed by procedure review.
Additionally, because organizational performance can improve when administrative procedures
are made more efficient and clearer to the intended audience (Kaufmann et al., 2019), colleges can
examine their administrative processes to identify any practices that may be adding to the financial
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burden of students, such as inefficient or delayed financial aid disbursements or confusion regarding
which office can help students who are experiencing financial difficulties. Finally, colleges can seek input
from student organizations or advocacy groups on campus for valuable insight into the challenges
students face in understanding and approaching how to pay for college as well as navigating the college
experience. Although the interviewees eventually figured out how to navigate the college as a system
through trial and error as well as learning from their peer networks, a review of college procedures and
processes can ameliorate the discovery students have to perform, ultimately improving access to college
and ensuring students have the opportunity to succeed.
Recommendations for Future Research
To present recommendations for future research, it is essential to recall the purpose of this
study, which was to increase understanding of how Black and Latinx students use aspirational, familial,
social, and navigational capital to overcome financial barriers to college completion. This research could
have focused on first-generation students, low-income students, or students from other
underrepresented populations, but the populations of Black and Latinx college students were chosen for
four specific reasons. First, the literature review revealed that Black and Latinx students encounter more
and distinct financial barriers to college completion than their White classmates. Second, based on the
literature review and national databases of graduation rates, Black and Latinx students complete college
at lower rates than their White classmates. Third, Black and Latinx students have historically been
excluded from attending college and, as such, experience a legacy of systemic barriers to college
completion. Finally, based on my experience at various types of institutions, students with unpaid
tuition at the beginning of each semester and students who carry balances at the end of each semester
and are thus unable to persist in college are overwhelmingly Black and Latinx.
Several recommendations for further research arose during this study. Specifically, because
international students must show proof of ability to pay for college before being granted a student visa,
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there is a need to understand how these students navigate paying for college. A comparative study of
how Black and Latinx students overcome financial barriers compared to White students would also lend
to the research on supporting students from different backgrounds. Next, increasing understanding of
undocumented students’ financial plight and the specific capital they use to overcome these barriers
would be helpful for higher education institutions.
Another area for future research is the experience of family and home communities that do not
support students attending college either through social pressure, making the student feel guilty for not
working to support the family, or making the student feel like they have forgotten their roots or are not
honoring their community or legacy by attending college. A final recommendation for further research
rests on the hidden curriculum of paying for college. To clarify, the hidden curriculum refers to the
unwritten rules or unexplained understanding established by the dominant culture in an educational
system that depicts the expected way to act and behave in that setting. In other words, there are
cultural norms that legacy college students understand and of which first-generation and traditionally
underserved students have limited or no understanding. Exploring how the hidden curriculum affects
students’ understanding of paying for college could be a fruitful area of research.
Conclusion
In conclusion, this study sought to increase understanding of Black and Latinx students’ forms of
capital that help them overcome financial barriers through an asset-based approach, which views
diversity and the capital of traditionally underserved students as positive assets. The research found that
participants use various forms of aspirational, social, familial, and navigational capital to address college-
related financial issues. This study also highlighted how colleges inadvertently cause financial barriers
and what can be done to address this by colleges and universities.
The financial barriers that Black and Latinx students face to college completion have far-
reaching impacts on their lives and the national economy. Firstly, education is a key determinant of
105

social mobility, as research shows that college graduates have better job opportunities, higher earning
potential, and greater social and economic opportunities than those without degrees (Ma et al., 2019).
Therefore, barriers to college completion perpetuate systemic inequalities. Moreover, the financial
burden of college has a lasting impact on individuals’ economic well-being. For example, high student
debt can limit opportunities to buy a home, start a business, or invest in retirement savings. Over time,
this can exacerbate economic disparities and hinder financial stability for Black and Latinx families.
Finally, addressing financial barriers for Black and Latinx students can benefit the economy as a
whole. Research shows that college graduates have higher earnings, pay more taxes, and have greater
purchasing power (Ma et al., 2019). Colleges can cultivate a stronger, more diverse workplace, fuel
innovation and economic growth, and promote social cohesion by supporting Black and Latinx students
in college completion. Thus, addressing the financial barriers that Black and Latinx students face in
college completion is not only a matter of social justice but has important implications for the economy
and the well-being of society as a whole.
106

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Appendix A: Interview Protocol
This study addresses the following research questions:
1. What aspirational, familial, social, navigational, resistant, and linguistic capital do Black and
Latinx students employ to overcome financial barriers on the college campus?
2. Which operational processes and practices on the college campus inadvertently create
financial barriers for Black and Latinx students?
Respondent Type
Inclusion in this study will be based on whether participants meet the following self-reported
criteria: (a) undergraduate student, (b) enrolled full-time, (c) identifies as Black, Latinx, or both, and (d)
has experienced financial barriers on the college campus.
Introduction to the Interview
Thank you for agreeing to participate in my study. I appreciate the time you have set aside to
answer my questions. This interview should take about 1 hour. Does this still work for you?
Before we get started, I would like to give you more information about my study and answer any
questions you may have about participating in this interview. I am a student at USC and am conducting a
study on the financial barriers students face while in college. Specifically, I am interested in
understanding which strengths or tactics students use to overcome these financial barriers. I am talking
to students to learn more about this.
I want to assure you that I am strictly wearing the hat of researcher today. What this means is
that the nature of my questions is not evaluative. I will not be making any judgements on your
performance or behavior as a college student. My goal is simply to understand your perspective.
As stated in the study information sheet I provided to you previously, this interview is
confidential. What this means is that your name will not be shared with anyone outside of the research
team. I will not share them with other staff or college leadership. The data for this study will be
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compiled into a report, and while I do plan on using some of what you say as direct quotes, none of this
data will be attributed to you. I will use a pseudonym to protect your confidentiality and will try my best
to de-identify any of the data I gather from you. I am happy to provide you with a copy of my final paper
if you are interested.
As stated in the study information sheet, I will keep the data in a password-protected file, and
all data will be destroyed after it is transcribed.
Do you have any questions about the study before we get started? I would like to record our
interview via the record feature in the Zoom platform so I can accurately capture what you share with
me. The recording is solely for my purposes to best capture your perspectives and will not be shared
with anyone outside the research team. May I have your permission to record our conversation?
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Table A1
Interview Protocol
Interview questions Potential probes
RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
I’d like to learn a little bit about
your background before we
kick off our interview. First,
can you tell me a little bit
about yourself as it relates to
your college identify
(including your year in
college, major, whether you
are first-generation)?
What is your college major?
Are you a freshman,
sophomore, junior, or
senior?
Did your parents attend
college?
In what extracurricular
activities do you
participate?
Setting the
stage

Can you tell me the methods
you use to pay for college?
(Examples of methods to pay
for college are financial aid,
scholarships, payment plans,
parents paying for college,
and working to help pay
tuition).
If affordability was one of the
reasons you chose this
school, can you tell me
how you determined this
school was affordable?
Setting the
stage

Can you tell me about the
financial barriers you have
faced while in college?
How did these barriers
impact your ability to be a
successful student?
How did these barriers
impact your ability to
graduate from college, if at
all?
1

Financial barriers
How did you overcome these
financial barriers, if at all?
If you have not overcome the
barrier yet, what steps
have you taken to
overcome these financial
issues?
1 Financial barriers
When you think of college
graduation as a goal, how
did having this goal in mind
help you overcome financial
barriers, if at all?

Besides college graduation,
what other goals do you
have as a college student?
How did keeping this goal
in mind help you overcome
financial barriers?
1 Aspirational capital
How have past relationships or
communities (like your home
community, your family, or
other meaningful
relationships) impacted your
ability to overcome financial
barriers, if at all?
How did this experience feel?
Can you share an example?
1 Familial capital
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Interview questions Potential probes
RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
How have your peers,
community supporters, or
other members of your
network help you overcome
financial barriers, if at all?
How did you develop your
network?
Who are key members in
your network?

1 Social capital
What were some of the things
about paying for college that
were difficult for you to
understand?
How did you learn how to
pay for college?
Were there times where you
felt you were the only one
who did not know how to
pay for college? Please
provide an example.
1 Navigational capital
When you think about how you
learned to pay for college,
what skills and abilities did
you depend on to navigate
the college financial system?

How comfortable are you
with navigating the college
as a system?
Are there areas in the college
system that are still
confusing or
uncomfortable for you? If
so, can you provide an
example?
1

Navigational capital
When you think about financial
barriers, can you tell me
overcoming these barriers
can translate into fighting
inequity?

Do all students face the same
financial barriers? If not,
can you share an example?
Is paying for college fair for
all students?
When you overcome a
financial barrier, do you
see that as a form of
resistance? If so, can you
provide an example?
1 Resistance capital
How has language helped you
overcome financial barriers?
This could be knowing a
second language or knowing
how to communicate in
more than one way.
Do you use a different voice
or different language when
trying to overcome your
financial barriers? If so,
how does this voice help
you?
How does speaking another
language help you
overcome financial
barriers, if at all? (If
student speaks a second
language)
1 Linguistic capital
What kind of financial barriers
to college completion do
How do Black and Latinx
students experience these
1
2

Recommendations
for organizational
change
130

Interview questions Potential probes
RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
students face on your
campus?
barriers differently, if at
all?
How does the organization
react to these barriers?
What is the impact of these
barriers on student
success?
What needs to change for
this barrier to be
removed?

In what ways does your college
recognize the strengths you
use, like (list 1 or 2
examples), to overcome
financial barriers?
How can colleges become
more aware of the
strengths and skills
students use to overcome
financial barriers?
Are there offices on campus
that do a better job at
recognizing your strengths
than others? If so, can you
provide examples?
1
2
Recommendations
for organizational
change
How can colleges help students
overcome financial barriers?
Are there college processes
that are known to be
difficult for students?
Are there examples of ways
your college has helped
you overcome financial
barriers? If so, can you
provide an example?
1
2

Recommendations
for organizational
change

Conclusion to the Interview
Thank you so much for sharing your thoughts with me today! I really appreciate your time and
willingness to share. Everything that you have shared is really helpful for my study. If I have any follow-
up questions, can I contact you via email? Again, thank you for your participation. As a thank you, you
will receive an e-gift card to Amazon via email as a token of my appreciation.
131

Appendix B: Recruitment Flyer
Appendix B: Recruitment Flyer

132

Appendix C: Sample Implementation Plan
In response to combatting the unique financial barriers toward college completion Black and
Latinx students face, a recommendation has been made to add financial programming, education, and
outreach to families of Black and Latinx college students. This recommendation is in answer to a study
that revealed Black and Latinx students use familial capital to overcome financial barriers, even if family
members are unfamiliar with how to pay for college.
Financial Outreach Program for Black and Latinx families
To implement this recommendation, Kotter’s eight-step change model will be used to outline
the steps needed for program execution.
Step 1: Create a Sense of Urgency
In step 1, the organization should establish why this change is needed and why it is needed now.
National statistics to share include: Nationally, the graduation rate for first-time, full-time
undergraduate White students is 64%. For Latinx students, it is 54%, and for Black students, the college
graduation rate is 40%. Financial troubles are one of the leading reasons students drop out of college.
In addition to national statistics, state and institutional graduation rates for different
demographic groups should be gathered.
Step 2: Create a Guiding Coalition
As a second step, the college should designate a steering committee or guiding coalition to
implement this initiative. To add extra support for this initiative, an executive sponsor, such as a vice
president, provost, or dean, can be appointed. Proposed members of the coalition include
representatives from academic affairs, retention office, office of financial aid, the student bursar’s
office, and student affairs. To enhance the coalition, student representatives from the Black and Latinx
communities are essential.

133

Step 3: Create a Vision for Change
Next, the coalition should develop a vision for this initiative. In other words, the coalition should
define what success looks like for this initiative. As an example, the vision can include the following
goals:
1. to train college student supporters on the basics of paying for college,
2. to inform supporters of resources available at the college, and
3. to introduce supporters to key contacts at the college
Success for this initiative includes:
1. In the first year, the organization seeks a 35% participation rate of college supporters in at
least one educational program offering.
2. Students will experience less runaround, fewer financial barriers, and increased knowledge
of resources which will then lead to higher graduation rates.
Step 4: Communicate the Vision
Internally, communication will begin with verbalizing and communicating the vision for the
change or the “why” for the change. Goals and measures of success can be shared with the college
community along with regular status updates, any barriers the project is facing, and milestones that
have been reached. Sample methods to communicate the vision include the following:
• Convocation
• Strategic Plan Inclusion
• President and Leadership Town Halls
• President's Weekly Updates
• College-wide emails
• Evaluation Results Shared
• Recommend a family member initiative
134

Step 5: Remove Barriers to Action
For this program to be successful, barriers should be identified, and the coalition should make
efforts to remove or ameliorate those barriers. Sample barriers to overcome include:
• Time and resources: In a time where college staff already feel stretched thin and already
have more than enough initiatives to participate in, time and resources are a challenge to
overcome.
• Project ownership: Increasing student graduation rates may fall under academic affairs or
the retention office. The financial barriers students experience can be addressed by the
financial aid office or student bursar’s office. The wraparound support needed for student
success may fall under the responsibility of the student affairs unit, student life, or student
cultural centers. And finally, the training and outreach of families can fall under Family &
parent programs, financial literacy, or new student orientation. Determining who will “own”
the training program is another barrier to overcome.
Step 6: Create Short-Term Wins
As a next step, the guiding coalition should define short-term key performance indicators as
graduation rates for students whose families attend programming will take at least 4 years to be
measured.
Short-term wins may include participation rates for family programming, pre- and post-
assessments of participants, post-event satisfaction surveys, and semester-to-semester persistence
rates.
Although measuring short-term wins is important, even more imperative is communicating
those short-term wins to the campus community.

135

Step 7: Build on the CHANGE
Once short-term wins have been actualized and communicated, discussing what went well and
areas for improvement is essential. This discussion, as well as developing a plan to address areas for
improvement, can begin a culture of continuous improvement for this initiative. In addition, the
coalition can set new goals or new measures of success to achieve to ensure the initiative has fresh
ideas.
Step 8: Institute the Change
In the final step of change implementation, the new initiative becomes part of the college’s
identity. Success stories are shared as exemplars among the college community, incoming students,
faculty, and staff are introduced to the initiative during onboarding, and the college sees a connection
between the initiative and institutional values.
Intended Audience
Although this initiative is described as a financial outreach program for families, the intended
audience for this program is college student supporters such as parents, guardians, family members, or
primary caretakers.

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Mapps, Lorianna (author)

Core Title Addressing financial barriers to college completion through community cultural wealth

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-08

Publication Date 07/19/2023

Defense Date 06/20/2023

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag aspirational capital,Black student,college completion,college student,cultural wealth,familial capital,financial barriers,first generation,Hispanic student,Latinx student,navigational capital,OAI-PMH Harvest,social capital,undocumented

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Filback, Robert (committee chair), Kim, Esther (committee member), Tobey, Patricia (committee member)

Creator Email lorianna.mapps@gmail.com,mapps@usc.edu

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