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Testimonios of part-time enrolled Latina students: the challenges and experiences at a Hispanic-serving California community college
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Content
Testimonios of Part-Time Enrolled Latina Students: The Challenges and Experiences at a
Hispanic-Serving California Community College
Desiree Zuniga
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
August 2023
© Copyright by Desiree Zuniga 2023
All Rights Reserved
The Committee for Desiree Zuniga certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Adrián Trinidad
Atheneus Ocampo
Gina Garcia
Sheila Bañuelos, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023
iv
Abstract
This qualitative study explored the challenges and experiences of part-time enrolled Latina
students moving through a Hispanic-serving California Community College (HSCCC).
Grounded in Schlossberg’s transition theory, the 4 S system, and Latino critical race theory
(LatCrit), the study captures the testimonios of 12 testimonialistas to examine their challenges
and experiences while navigating through an HSCCC. By analyzing their situations, self-
perception, strategies, and support systems, the study highlights the assets, resilience, and
resources these students utilize to persist through college. Furthermore, the testimonios highlight
three major themes related to their challenges and experiences: lack of sense of belonging and
connection to the campus environment, financial challenge, and limited academic and student
support services. These findings present implications for policy, practice, and future research that
move HSCCCs toward equity and justice for part-time enrolled Latina students.
Keywords: part-time enrolled Latina students, Hispanic-serving community college,
qualitative research, testimonios, transition theory, 4 S system, Latino critical race theory, sense
of belonging, financial challenges, academic support services.
v
Dedication
To the part-time enrolled Latina college students navigating their academic journey.
To my partner, Robert Del Toro, I extend my deepest gratitude. Your teachings have surpassed
anything a program, degree, or academic institution could ever provide. Life is the ultimate
classroom, and it’s a privilege to continually learn and evolve alongside you as we navigate this
life journey together.
To my parents, Leticia, and Jesus Zuniga, who devoted their lives to me and my sisters in hopes
of better opportunities and a future beyond their reach, this degree is OUR degree.
To my grandparents, the roots of our dreams, I acknowledge their sacrifices for their children
and the generations to come when they migrated to a new country with very little but lots of
aspirations and hope.
To my three incredible sisters, Elaine, Jennifer, and Valerie, thank you for reminding me daily
that we come from a long line of strong women.
To my beloved nephews and nieces, may your heart always serve as your compass in life and in
pursuing your dreams.
To my inner child, you are bold, fearless, confident, creative, and a dreamer; thanks for paving
the way.
To my community and students who inspire me daily.
To the next chapter in my life. I’m ready for you.
vi
Acknowledgments
My deepest appreciation to the 12 testimonialistas who entrusted me to share their
aspirations, counterstories, experiences, and resiliency. Thank you for sharing the personal
challenges and experiences you have encountered in an effort to ignite change for those
navigating through college on a part-time basis.
I am deeply grateful to my dissertation chair, Dr. Sheila Bañuelos. Your dedication
and tremendous support have been invaluable. I appreciate your words of encouragement and for
recognizing my potential to develop into a practitioner-scholar. I would also like to thank my
amazing committee members Dr. Adrián Trinidad, Dr. Atheneus Ocampo, and Dr. Gina Garcia,
for their generous time, guidance, support, and insights.
My sincere appreciation to my fellow USC cohort members for accompanying me on
this academic journey. May we never forget the resiliency we exhibited and the sense of
community that served as our pillars as we entered the program at the start of the pandemic and
graduated with a new profound lens of the world both academically and personally.
To my family and friends, thank you for your support and patience throughout this
process. I will also treasure the check-ins and unconditional love you all provided during this
demanding academic endeavor.
To my esteemed colleagues and cherished work sisters who kindly devoted their time
to engage in discussions about my research journey and who graciously offered to review select
chapters, I extend my heartfelt thank you!!
To Dr. Gina Garcia, thank you for inspiring so many of us and for providing a space
for HSI practitioners and scholars to come together each summer in community to write. Somos
girasoles.
vii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ........................................................................................................................................v
Acknowledgments.......................................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables ...................................................................................................................................x
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ xi
Chapter One: Introduction ...............................................................................................................1
Latinx Students in Higher Education .....................................................................................2
Hispanic-Serving Institutions .................................................................................................5
Hispanic-Serving Community Colleges .................................................................................6
Degree Attainment, Transfer Rates, and Enrollment Patterns of Latinx Students .................8
Latina Students and Part-Time Enrollment at HSCCCs ......................................................10
Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................................12
Significance of the Study .....................................................................................................13
Definitions of Terms ............................................................................................................16
Organization of the Study ....................................................................................................18
Chapter Two: Literature Review ...................................................................................................19
Part 1: An Overview of the California Community Colleges ..............................................19
Part 2: Hispanic-Serving Institutions’ Development ...........................................................27
Part 3: Latinas in Higher Education .....................................................................................36
Part 4: Part-Time Enrollment in Higher Education ..............................................................50
Part 5: Theoretical Frameworks ...........................................................................................57
Chapter Closing ....................................................................................................................61
Chapter Three: Methodology .........................................................................................................62
Restatement of Research Purpose and Questions ................................................................62
viii
Methodology and Research Design ......................................................................................64
Research Methods ................................................................................................................68
Instruments ...........................................................................................................................71
Data Collection .....................................................................................................................73
Data Analysis .......................................................................................................................74
Positionality ..........................................................................................................................78
Trustworthiness ....................................................................................................................81
Chapter Closing ....................................................................................................................82
Chapter Four: Testimonialistas ......................................................................................................83
Demographics of Testimonialistas .......................................................................................85
Chapter Closing ..................................................................................................................101
Chapter Five: Findings .................................................................................................................102
The Challenges and Experiences ........................................................................................102
The 4 S’s: Situation, Self, Strategies, and Support ............................................................125
Chapter Closing ..................................................................................................................164
Chapter Six: Discussion ...............................................................................................................165
Discussion and Implications ...............................................................................................166
Conclusion of Discussion and Implications .......................................................................183
Limitations .........................................................................................................................186
Recommendations ..............................................................................................................187
Chapter Closing ..................................................................................................................204
References ..........................................................................................................................205
Appendix A: Recruitment Flier ...................................................................................................237
Appendix B: Recruitment Email ..................................................................................................238
Participation .......................................................................................................................238
ix
Compensation .....................................................................................................................238
What Is Required to Participate? ........................................................................................239
Interviews and Confidentiality ...........................................................................................239
What Is the Benefit to You? ...............................................................................................239
What to Do Next if You Are Interested in Participating? ..................................................239
Got Questions? ...................................................................................................................240
Appendix C: Demographic and Screening Questionnaire ...........................................................241
Appendix D: Invitation to Interview Post Demographic and Screening Questionnaire ..............245
Appendix E: Student Interview Protocol .....................................................................................246
Introduction Interviewee: ...................................................................................................246
Reminders ...........................................................................................................................246
Rapport building .................................................................................................................247
Self, Situation, and Strategies ............................................................................................247
Challenges and the 4 S System ..........................................................................................247
Campus Environment and the 4 S System .........................................................................248
Commitment to Social Justice and Voice ..........................................................................249
Closing Questions and Remarks ........................................................................................249
Appendix F: Information Sheet for Exempt Research .................................................................250
Appendix G: Interview Questions Matrix....................................................................................252
x
List of Tables
Table 1: Fall 2021 Student Population and College Enrollment at CCC 3
Table 2: Demographic Data of Study Testimonialistas 84
Table 3: What Being a Latina Means to Each Testimonialistas 85
Table 4: Preferred Ethnic/Racial Identity of the Testimonialistas 87
Table 5: Themes and Sub-themes of the Challenges and Experiences of the Testimonialistas 104
Table 6: Themes Related to the 4 S System Categories 126
Table G1: Matrix 252
xi
List of Figures
Appendix A: Recruitment Flier 237
Figure C1: Demographic and Screening Questionnaire 242
1
Chapter One: Introduction
A significant portion of the Latinx population in the United States is concentrated in the
four states that share a border with Mexico: California, Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico
(Krogstad, 2020). Among these states, California and Texas have the highest number of Latinx
residents, with 15.6 million and 11.5 million, respectively, accounting for nearly half (45%) of
the total Latinx population in the country (Krogstad, 2020). In California, the Latinx population
constitutes 40% of the state’s total population and over 25% of the nation’s Latinx population
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2023). Furthermore, over just a decade, the Latinx community nationwide
experienced a 23% increase in population, growing from 50.5 million in 2010 to 62.1 million in
2020 (Jones et al., 2021). Projections indicate that by 2060, the Latinx population will constitute
46% of California’s population (California Department of Finance, 2017) and 28% of the U.S.
population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2018).
Although many factors contribute to the growth of the Latinx population, this
demographic’s young age structure compared to other racial and ethnic groups is one of the
underlying reasons for the population’s expansion (Noe-Bustamante et al., 2020). In 2021, the
college enrollment of Latinx individuals aged 18 to 24 rose significantly, reaching 2.4 million,
compared to 1.2 million in 2005 (Hernández & McElrath, 2023). The growing Latinx population
has and will continue to have ramifications for various sectors in the United States, including
higher education attainment. As such, investing in the higher education of the Latinx community
consequently serves as an investment in California’s future economic condition and, by
extension, that of the entire country.
This chapter begins with an overview of the enrollment and representation of Latinx
students in higher education, placing special emphasis on the Californian context. Following this
2
is an examination of Hispanic-serving institutions (HSIs), an introduction to the concept of
“servingness,” and an explanation of the role that HSI community colleges (HSCCs) perform in
promoting access to and success in higher education for Latinx students. Subsequently, a brief
introduction to Latina college students’ challenges and experiences, particularly concerning part-
time enrollment, is discussed. This sets the stage for the statement of the study’s purpose and the
rationale for the research questions, followed by an explanation of the study’s significance. The
chapter concludes by defining key terms prevalent throughout the research and outlining the
overall organization of the study.
Latinx Students in Higher Education
In recent years, there has been a notable increase in enrollment and representation of
Latinx students at 4-year colleges and universities throughout the country (Excelencia in
Education, 2022d; Fry & López, 2021; Núñez et al., 2015;). However, despite the surge, Latinx
students remain disproportionately enrolled in public universities and colleges (Fry, 2002;
National Center for Education Statistics, 2021a; Núñez et al., 2011), particularly at community
colleges. Nationally, 41% of Latinx students are enrolled in community colleges, compared to
28% registered in public 4-year institutions (Excelencia in Education, 2019). In California,
within the three public higher education systems (the University of California [UC], the
California State University [CSU], and the California community colleges [CCCs]), Latinx
students are primarily funneled toward enrollment in community colleges where resources are
limited (Marginson, 2018).
A recent study by Reddy and Siqueiros (2021), highlights the role of California’s public
higher education system in serving Latinx undergraduates. In the 2018–2019 academic year, the
system served over 90% of Latinx undergraduates, accounting for 1.26 million students.
3
Moreover, 72%, or just over 1 million students, were pursuing their studies at one of the 116
CCCs. In the fall of 2021, the total number of Latinx students enrolled in for-credit classes at a
CCC reached 597,966, representing the largest ethnic group within and accounting for nearly
half of the CCC student population (CCCCO, 2022; Table 1).
Table 1
Fall 2021 Student Population and College Enrollment at CCC
Fall 2021 student population and college enrollment at CCC
Enrollment status and gender
Ethnicity Total
Part-time
female
Part-time
male
Part-time
other
Full-time
female
Full-time
male
Full-time
other
Hispanic 597,966 247,344 173,685 5,242 97,715 72,118 1,862
White non-
Hispanic
298,983 114,019 98,362 4,383 41,258 39,568 1,393
Asian 126,571 47,362 38,850 1,335 18,847 19,712 465
African American 70,078 29,653 21,897 629 9,081 8,628 190
Multi-ethnicity 57,110 22,117 16,634 896 8,793 8,353 317
Unknown 48,861 15,313 18,061 2,274 6,156 6,520 537
Filipino 36,007 13,487 11,655 319 5,334 5,085 127
Pacific Islander 5,235 1,954 1,687 48 704 823 19
American
Indian/Alaskan
Native
4,187 1,713 1,352 70 611 425 16
Total 1,244,998 492,962 382,183 15,196 188,499 161,232 4,926
Note. From the Management Information System Data Mart by the California Community
Colleges Chancellor’s Office, 2022. (https://datamart.cccco.edu/Students/). In the public domain.
4
Latinx and minoritized students’ substantial enrollment in community colleges across the
nation and state reflects persistent educational, social, economic, and racial disparities on a
broader scale. Contreras and Contreras (2015) found that Latinx students often attend community
colleges, facing financial constraints, inadequate academic readiness, and setbacks in completing
a degree or transferring to a 4-year institution. Rendón et al. (2012) highlighted some economic
barriers Latinx community college students face while attending college, including poverty, low
income, and challenges due to college expenses. Furthermore, she highlighted how the combined
cost of college tuition, housing, and meals could be two to five times higher than the average net
worth of Latinx households.
Moreover, The College for Campaign Opportunity (2021b) found that when comparing
racial cohorts of students in California from ninth grade until college enrollment, Black, Latinx,
and Native American students had poorer outcomes compared to White and Asian American,
Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander (AANHPI) students; only 31% of Black, 36% of Latinx,
and 24% of Native American students graduated and met the requirements necessary for
freshman admission to the UC or CSU systems, compared to 49% of White and 67% of
AANHPI students. Consequently, fewer Black, Latinx, and Native American students were
eligible for UC or CSU admission upon high school completion. These educational disparities
arise from limited access to courses required for college admission, qualified teachers, academic
and counseling support, and other vital resources, creating significant barriers for minoritized
and low-income student populations to access higher education (Moore, 2021). With the most
vulnerable populations being funneled into CCCs, these institutions provide access to higher
education and serve them to ensure they retain and meet their academic goals. The following
section discusses the significant number of CCCs federally recognized as HSIs.
5
Hispanic-Serving Institutions
Of the 116 CCCs, 107 (92%) are federally recognized as HSIs (Excelencia in Education,
2022b). These campuses are, by definition, non-profit public or private postsecondary
institutions with a full-time equivalent undergraduate enrollment of at least 25% or more Latinx
students (Contreras & Contreras, 2015). With an abundance of Latinx undergraduates enrolled in
HSCCCs, these institutions are an important resource for helping Latinx undergraduates enroll,
graduate, and develop the skills required for both personal and social advancement of the Latinx
community, which in turn has a significant impact on the state and national economies.
Hispanic-serving institutions aid in advancing college success rates and socioeconomic
transformation for Latinx communities by promoting degree attainment (Contreras & Contreras,
2015). Yet, questions arise regarding their commitment to serving Latinx, minoritized, and low-
income student populations. It is important to note that HSIs are eligible for Title III and Title V
grants (U.S. Department of Education, 2022), intended to support and promote the attainment of
Latinx and low-income students. However, although Latinx student enrollment is what qualifies
institutions for HSI grants, HSI literature has devoted little attention to the racial makeup of
institutions awarded these grants (Vargas, 2018) or the degree to which grant proposals indicate
their intent to serve Latinx students and other minoritized populations (Vargas & Villa-
Palomino, 2019). With a federal designation that does not offer a clear definition of “serving”
and that places an over-emphasis on enrollment numbers rather than outcomes (Garcia, 2017,
2019; Garcia et al., 2019), the extent to which HSIs serve and put the needs and experiences of
Latinx and minoritized student groups at the forefront has and continues to be questioned
(Contreras et al., 2008). Higher education institutions require more than a large Latinx student
6
body to be considered “Latinx-serving.” The ambiguous definition in the HSI legislation has
made it imperative to understand what it truly means to serve Latinx students (Garcia, 2017).
Garcia (2017) defined “servingness” as the capacity for HSIs to not only enroll but also
educate Latinx students through a culturally enhancing approach that centers on Latinx ways of
knowing and being and intentionally provides positive experiences that result in academic and
nonacademic outcomes. More recently, Garcia and colleagues (2019) proposed a comprehensive
framework for the multiple dimensions of servingness. The framework depicts the impact of
White supremacy and external factors on structures of servingness and how these structures
influence student experiences and outcomes. Núñez et al. (2016) explored the diversity of HSIs
and their various institutional types through a population-level typology, challenging the
depiction of HSIs as a monolithic group. This typology aids in comparing and understanding
these diverse institutions, illustrating differences and challenges or the distinct nature of the types
of HSIs (e.g., emerging HSIs, Puerto Rican-HSIs, health science HSIs). Moreover, it assists in
informing policies and structures by providing context and understanding of the distinct needs of
HSIs regarding resources and student outcomes. Additionally, to effectively serve Latinx
students, it is essential to fully understand the diverse nature of the Latinx community and the
specific needs of the population within the unique typology of the HSI. In what follows, I discuss
the HSCCs.
Hispanic-Serving Community Colleges
Núñez and colleagues (2011) found that HSCCs enroll a significantly larger proportion of
first-generation migrant students than non-HSI colleges (28% and 18%, respectively), including
students with multiple minoritized identities. Scholarship in the field of HSI has advanced
significantly. Instead of solely focusing on the various types of HSIs (e.g., public, private, etc.),
7
HSI scholars have broadened research to explore students’ intersectional identities as they
navigate through these institutions. This shift aims to enhance support for the diverse needs of
the Latinx student population within these HSIs, recognizing the complexity involved. One
example is the concept of queer HSIs (Q-HSIs) proposed by Cataño and González (2021), which
focuses on the experiences of LGBTQ+ students regarding their sexual orientation and gender
identity within an HSCC. Similarly, Jones and Sáenz (2020) have advocated for recognizing
male-serving, specifically HSIs, as institutions that cater to Latino males. Expanding on this idea,
Garcia (2023) argued that there is still much to explore regarding the intersection between
student identities and the organizational identity of HSIs. Furthermore, she contends that each
transformed HSI should address the specific needs of its student population, with a focus on
uplifting student identities for the sake of “full justice, liberation, joy, and healing for minoritized
students’’ (Garcia, 2023, p. 46).
Hurtado and Ruiz Alvarado (2012) have also highlighted the multiple identities and
competing interests of HSIs as they relate to the institution’s mission, which is often not
developed to meet the complex needs of students. Furthermore, Núñez et al. (2011) found that
HSCCs are more likely than non-HSIs to enroll students with multiple factors contributing to
dropping out, including having children, working full-time, and/or enrolling part-time. Part-time
enrollment has been identified as a prevalent avenue through which Latinx students access and
enroll in college, particularly at community colleges. In fact, a recent report by Excelencia in
Education (2019) on Latinx college enrollment revealed that Latinx undergraduates continue to
enroll part-time at higher rates than their counterparts, with almost half (44%) enrolled part-time
compared to all undergraduate students (38%) nationwide. Nationwide data presented by Isserles
(2021) on community college outcomes for part-time enrolled students reveal concerning
8
statistics: only 39% of all community college students earn a degree within 6 years, indicating
low retention rates for all. However, a more detailed analysis shows a significant disparity
between part-time and full-time enrollment. Students who opt for full-time enrollment have a
higher completion rate of 55%, while 20% of those exclusively enrolled part-time manage to
earn a degree. Among those who enrolled strictly part-time, 72% are no longer enrolled after 6
years, highlighting the degree attainment and retention disparities based on enrollment status
(Isserles, 2021).
Degree Attainment, Transfer Rates, and Enrollment Patterns of Latinx Students
According to data from the 2017–2018 academic year, there was a significant disparity in
the attainment of associate degrees or higher between Latinx and White adults aged 25 and over.
The data revealed that only 24% of Latinx adults earned an associate degree or higher, while
46% of White adults earned the same level of education (Excelencia in Education, 2021). In the
same academic year, the segment of Latinx Californians over 25 who earned an associate degree
or higher was 20%, with White adults at 54%, an even higher percentage gap of 34 than the
nationwide gap (Excelencia in Education, 2021). While possessing an associate degree can
provide financial benefits, resulting in individuals making an average of $14,000 more per year
compared to those with a high school diploma, the potential earnings for bachelor’s degree
holders are even greater, with around $40,000 additional income per year (Reddy & Siqueiros,
2021).
Unfortunately, transfer rates for Latinx students are relatively low: within 6 years of
enrolling in a community college, only 32% of Latinx students transferred to a 4-year college or
university (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021). Specifically, while the transfer rates for Latinas (females)
are slightly higher than for Latinos (males), there is still a significant gap when compared to
9
White women (24% versus 33%, respectively). The data on degree attainment and transfer rates
emphasize establishing practices and initiatives that intentionally serve Latinx students.
Increasing Latinx students’ degree attainment and transfer rates entails not overlooking
the large population that enrolls part-time. Research concerning part-time students
predominantly employs quantitative methods and is notably sparse (O’Toole et al., 2003).
Publicly accessible data on graduation rates mainly consider full-time students, ignoring those
enrolled part-time (Bombardieri, 2017). Furthermore, federal data collection methods and
regulations limit the separation of outcome statistics on an individual level based on
characteristics such as gender, race, ethnicity, and enrollment status. The limited data on part-
time Latinx students mirror the scarcity of discussions, research, and literature on this
population; consequently, this student population is often overlooked.
While there are limited data on part-time enrolled students due to federal regulations on
data collection, the National Student Clearinghouse (2023), a private sector organization,
recently published the Yearly Success and Progress Rates Report, which includes data on part-
time students. This report indicated an increase in 4-year and 6-year graduation rates for full-
time students who began their college journey in the fall of 2016 compared to the cohort from
the previous year. However, part-time students face significant challenges, with many
discontinuing their education prematurely. From a pool of 1.9 million full-time students,
approximately 48.8% obtained a postsecondary degree by the end of the 4th year and 67.7% by
the end of the 6th year. However, approximately 25.1% dropped out without obtaining a degree
within 6 years. In contrast, of the 420,000 part-time students, only 20% achieved a degree by the
4th year, and 54.2% had dropped out by the 6th year. The report, which contains data on part-
time student retention, persistence, transfers, graduations, and dropouts, is intended to assist
10
educational institutions and states in developing strategies to boost student achievement.
However, despite the significance of understanding the experiences of part-time enrolled
students in general, there is a lack of discussion and initiative directed toward this considerable
yet often overlooked student population.
It is important to highlight that the issue with attainment and transfer rates among part-
time enrolled students results from their choice to enroll part-time. Their decision is often
influenced by personal responsibilities and the barriers they encounter within the education
system. Instead of trying to encourage full-time enrollment for those who do not have this
option, higher education initiatives and programming should focus on addressing the main
problem: improving and cultivating a culture of serving part-time students.
Latina Students and Part-Time Enrollment at HSCCCs
At the state level in California, there is better data collection and availability, which
includes attributes of individual student counts such as enrollment status, gender, age group, and
ethnicity. This data reveals that within the CCC system, the Latinx student population is the
largest racial-ethnic group, making up 48% in the fall of 2021. Latina students represent 50% of
the total female student population and comprise the majority (57%) of the Latinx student
population, accounting for 345,069 students in the fall of 2021 (27% of all CCC students). When
disaggregating the data even further, in the fall of 2021, of all Latinas enrolled at a CCC,
247,344 enrolled part-time, accounting for nearly 20% of the CCCs total population and 71% of
its Latina population (Table 1). Although they enroll and persist at higher rates than their male
counterparts, Latinas still lag behind White women and men, with just over a quarter of Latinas
having a college degree, compared to slightly more than half of White women and men (Anthony
et al., 2021).
11
Much literature has highlighted the gender disparities in college enrollment and
completion between Latinos and Latinas (Clark et al., 2013; Huerta & Fishman, 2014; Pérez &
Sáenz, 2017; Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2011), with a growing focus on Latinos’ experiences in
community colleges in comparison to that of Latinas (Abrica & Martinez, 2016; Sáenz et al.,
2018; Vázquez et al., 2015). Due to their higher rate of college enrollment and degree
completion compared to Latinos, it may be assumed, as López et al. (2022) argued, that Latinas
do not require additional support. However, much of the literature points to their various
identities and the intersections of race, class, gender, language, and immigration status (Alemán,
2018; López et al., 2022; Pérez Huber, 2010), including the various challenges and stressors they
face while navigating college (Rodríguez et al., 2000).
Part-time enrollment is also associated with lower persistence and degree attainment rates
than full-time enrollment (Adelman, 1999; Bean & Metzner, 1985; Chen, 2007; Stratton et al.,
2007). Specifically, Fry’s (2002) report suggested that Latinx part-time enrollment is often due
to commitments such as family and work. This observation is reinforced by Gándara and
Contreras (2010), who found that many Latinx students work over 20 hours a week, typically
due to socioeconomic factors and high education costs (Cunningham & Santiago, 2008).
Contreras and Contreras (2015) linked part-time enrollment to longer degree completion times.
Furthermore, studies have revealed that most institutional resources are directed and
designed to retain traditional full-time students (Seidman, 2012) and that many students enrolled
less than full-time are ineligible for sources of financial aid (Ardissone et al., 2021; Bombardieri,
2017), potentially adding to the challenges and stressors Latina students face (Rodríguez et al.,
2000). While the literature has highlighted the need to focus on part-time Latinx students (Fry,
12
2002), little qualitative research has been conducted, particularly on the intersection of Latina
students and their part-time enrollment status.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this research was to gain a comprehensive understanding of Latina
students’ experiences when navigating through a specific HSCCC while enrolled part-time. As
previously mentioned, the range of stressors and challenges (Rodríguez et al., 2000) that Latina
students face may negatively impact their chances of degree attainment (Anthony et al., 2021).
Furthermore, Latina students at HSCCCs are more likely to enroll part-time, which is associated
with high dropout rates (Adelman, 1999; Bean & Metzner, 1985; Chen, 2007; Stratton et al.,
2007). Thus, this study aimed to shed light on the journey of part-time enrolled Latina students
moving through an HSCCC, focusing on their challenges and experiences, as well as their
situation, self-perceptions, strategies, and support systems.
The primary research question for this study asked, “What are the perceived challenges
and experiences of part-time enrolled Latina students transitioning through an HSCCC?” Two
sub-questions accompany this primary question:
How do part-time enrolled Latina students describe their situation and self-perception
at an HSCCC?
What strategies and support systems do part-time enrolled Latina students use to
persist through an HSCCC?
Schlossberg’s (1984) transition theory and LatCrit theory (Solórzano, 1998) serve as the
guiding frameworks for this research. The “moving through” phase from Schlossberg’s transition
theory and the 4 S system (situation, self, support, and strategies) are used to explore the
transition of moving through college with the intent to gain insight into students’ perceptions of
13
their situation, their self-concepts, and their strategies and support systems. Concurrently, LatCrit
theory is employed to examine the experiences of the Latinx community, emphasizing aspects of
ethnicity, culture, and racialized systems.
With limited qualitative research on Latina students enrolled part-time, this study
employs a qualitative research design that uses testimonios as a methodology. Testimonio in
educational research is essential for conducting critical research (Pérez Huber, 2009).
Testimonios, as opposed to more traditional interviews or narrative inquiry, transform the private
into a political stance that fosters greater social consciousness and change (Latina Feminist
Group, 2001). This study sought to understand the challenges and experiences of part-time
enrolled Latina students to raise awareness of how HSCCCs can intentionally serve, not just
enroll, this large yet often hidden-in-plain-sight student population (Bombardieri, 2017).
Significance of the Study
This study is significant because it aims to unravel the shortcomings prevalent in policies,
practices, and institutional structures that impede the academic experiences of Latina students
enrolled part-time at HSCCCs. Understanding these barriers is imperative, especially in light of
the increasing enrollment of Latinx students in higher education—a demographic that exhibits
higher part-time enrollment rates compared to other student groups (Contreras & Contreras,
2015; Fry, 2002). Part-time enrollment has historically been linked to lower degree completion
and retention rates (Adelman, 1999; Bean & Metzner, 1985; Chen, 2007; Isserles, 2021; Stratton
et al., 2007). The discrepancies in degree completion rates among part-time students warrant
additional attention. This is particularly relevant for Latina students, who enroll part-time at
higher rates at CCCs than their counterparts, including Latino students (CCCCO, 2022).
Additionally, Latina students face challenges related to their intersectional identities (Alemán,
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2018; López et al., 2022; Pérez Huber, 2010) and the stressors and responsibilities they carry
while navigating college (Rodríguez et al., 2000). Data has revealed lower retention and
graduation rates for Latina students compared to their White peers. Therefore, a thorough
understanding of the various experiences and barriers is key to improving academic achievement
and retention among part-time enrolled Latina students at HSCCCs.
This study will contribute to the existing literature by providing a qualitative perspective
that highlights the testimonios of part-time enrolled Latina students with a focus on their
challenges and experience. Furthermore, the study dives into how they move through college,
examining their situations, self-perceptions and strategies, and support systems. This study
addresses a significant gap in the research on the intersection of race, gender, and part-time
enrollment and the challenges and experiences faced by Latina students enrolled part-time at an
HSCCC.
Earlier studies on part-time enrollment have recommended full-time enrollment to boost
retention and graduation rates (Bombardieri, 2017; Center for Community College Student
Engagement, 2017; Isserles, 2021) and have largely overlooked the factors influencing Latina
students’ and minoritized student populations’ decisions to enroll part-time. This study examines
the factors contributing to the part-time enrollment of Latina students at an HSCCC through a
LatCrit perspective which provides a lens for highlighting the systemic barriers these students
encounter that impact their part-time enrollment. Furthermore, this concentrates on how
HSCCCs can be responsive to those enrolled part-time, an aspect that has received limited
attention in previous research.
The study holds significant value for various stakeholders and groups, including Latina
students enrolled part-time, HSCCCs, policymakers, educational stakeholders, researchers,
15
educational advocacy groups, and society. The primary beneficiaries of this study are the Latina
students and HSCCCs. Through the insights gained from the testimonios, HSCCCs can develop,
transform, and implement policies, support services, and academic practices tailored to the needs
of part-time enrolled Latina students. Moreover, these responsive and transformative approaches
can positively impact all students who are enrolled on a part-time basis. By attuning to the needs
of part-time Latina students, HSCCCs can set goals and a strategic plan to enrich their academic
experience, improve retention rates, and increase degree completion within this group.
Additionally, policymakers and educational stakeholders stand to benefit. The findings of
the testimonios have implications for systemic barriers that impact Latina students and can be
invaluable for policymakers in creating policies at statewide and national levels that support
equitable access and success in higher education for minoritized populations, especially Latina
students enrolled part-time Additionally, educators, academic advisors, student services
professionals, and HSI leaders could benefit from the testimonios and findings to develop more
inclusive practices, initiatives, HSI activities and programming, leading to a more enriched
educational environment for Latina students enrolled part-time and their student counterparts. In
addition, researchers and student advocacy groups can also benefit from the implications and
recommendations for future research.
Lastly, society at large can also benefit from this study. Higher education is often linked
to improved economic mobility. As Latina students navigate college, they are likely to contribute
positively to the economy through skilled employment. Moreover, the success of these students
can have a cascading effect, inspiring and opening doors for future generations within the Latinx
communities. This is particularly significant given the increasing Latina demographic in the
16
United States, which can drive socioeconomic development. In what follows, I present the
definitions commonly used throughout this dissertation.
Definitions of Terms
Following is a list of the terminology I will use throughout my study, along with
explaining why I chose some terms over others when applicable.
Latina: Latina is a female-identifying person of Latin American descent. I acknowledge
and respect the fluidity of gender identity embraced by “Latinx”; nonetheless, this research
focuses on self-identifying females.
Latinx: I use Latinx instead of “Hispanic” or “Latina/o” when referring to people of Latin
American heritage to be gender inclusive. I understand that the U.S. Census and educational
institutions have failed to recognize the intersectionality of race, language, culture, and gender in
their data collection processes. Therefore, when sharing data acquired by these agencies and
institutions, I substitute the words “Hispanic” and “Latina/o” with “Latinx.” Salinas and Lozano
(2019) comprehensively explained the Latinx word in higher education.
Moving through: Schlossberg (1984) conceptualized a transition as any event or non-
event that results in changes in relationships, routines, assumptions, or roles, which she then
dissected into three stages: moving in, moving through, and moving out. Schlossberg et al.
(1989) described the moving-through phase in college life as a time of learning to balance
conflicting academic and personal responsibilities requirements.
Part-time enrolled: To avoid deficit and marginalizing language and to acknowledge that
students, regardless of the number of units they take, are fully the responsibility of the institution
and not part students, I refer to “part-time enrolled students” throughout my dissertation instead
of “part-time students.”
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Post-traditional students: a new term that has been used to replace “non-traditional” to
take into consideration the presence of a large, diverse student population in higher education
that no longer represents the “traditional student” (Gulley, 2021) who historically have been
defined as students who reside on campus, are 18 to 24 years old, and attend college full-time
(Bean & Metzner, 1985).
Servingness: is a multidimensional and conceptual approach to comprehending what it
means to go from merely enrolling Latinx students to serving them (Garcia et al., 2019).
Testimonios: Testimonios, as opposed to more traditional interviews or narrative inquiry,
transform the private into a political stance that fosters greater social consciousness and change
(Latina Feminist Group, 2001) For this study, testimonios were used as both a method and data
(Delgado Bernal et al., 2012) used to bring about change by providing a platform for voices often
living on the margins (Latina Feminist Group, 2001).
Traditional students: are historically defined as students who reside on campus, are 18 to
24 years old, and attend college full-time (Bean & Metzner, 1985).
Non-traditional students: are generally older than 25 or enrolled part-time (Bean &
Melzber, 1985). Non-traditional students may also hold characteristics such as full-time
employment, not having a traditional high school diploma, having one or more dependents, being
a caregiver, being independent for financial aid purposes, or delaying postsecondary education
enrollment (Choy, 2002; Horn, 1996; Kim, 2002; Taniguchi & Kaufman, 2005).
Minoritized: Throughout the text, I use the term “minoritized” over “minority” to
underline that people are not automatically assigned to marginalized roles in U.S. society but
subordinated and rendered into minority positions (Harper, 2012).
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Organization of the Study
Six chapters make up this study. In Chapter One, I introduce the problem, a broad
overview of the study’s information, the purpose, and the key terms. In Chapter Two, I review
the literature on CCCs and HSIs, Latinas, and part-time enrolled students in higher education and
introduce the theoretical frameworks that guide this study. In Chapter Three, I describe the
methodology for the study, including sample and population, instrumentation, data collection,
and data analysis. In Chapter Four, I introduce the testimonialistas of this study. In Chapter Five,
I will present the findings of my research questions. In Chapter Six, I discuss the study findings,
explore their relationship with existing literature, and examine their implications. This
dissertation research project concludes with policy and practice recommendations and
suggestions for future research.
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Chapter Two: Literature Review
To comprehend the challenges and experiences of Latina students enrolled part-time, the
literature review focuses on the experiences of Latina undergraduate students and what is known
about part-time enrollment in higher education. In addition, the literature review offers an
overview of the history and mission of the CCC system and HSIs. As mentioned, while this
study is focused on the experiences and challenges of part-time enrolled Latina students, it is
important to understand the historical background of these institutions which largely enroll this
student population. Therefore, before reviewing the literature on Latina undergraduates and part-
time enrolled students, the literature review provides context to why CCCs and HSIs were
created, their mission and goals, and how they have evolved, focusing on the challenges,
opportunities, and practices that impact Latina students within these institutions. The literature
review is divided into five sections: an overview of the CCC system; an overview of HSIs;
Latinas’ experiences in higher education and HSCCCs; literature on part-time enrollment and
part-time college students; and the theoretical frameworks that support this research.
Part 1: An Overview of the California Community Colleges
Part one of the literature review offers a detailed examination of the California
community college (CCC) system, highlighting its establishment, evolution, and influential role
in shaping community college structures across the United States. It delves into the historical
contexts, demographic changes, sociopolitical influences, and policy-driven developments that
have shaped the current diverse CCC system. Importantly, it reveals that the system was not
originally designed with Latina women and part-time students in mind, indicating a need to
address these student populations’ needs and experiences within the CCC framework.
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A Brief History of the California Community Colleges
The 1907 Upward Extension Law authorized California high school districts to offer an
additional 2 years of postgraduate lower-division coursework typically provided at universities
(Gallagher, 1994) and was the first state law in the United States to establish junior colleges,
known today as community colleges (Boggs & Galizio, 2021). The development of junior
colleges was influenced by a postgraduate high school program led by Joseph Stanely Brown,
superintendent of Joliet Township High School, and William Rainey Harper, president of the
University of Chicago in Chicago, Illinois, which later became Joliet College in 1901 and was
the nation’s first public community college. University administrators in various states began to
advocate for junior colleges to assume all lower-division coursework, allowing universities more
exclusivity in their admission policies and a focus on upper-division coursework, graduate
programs, and research (Boggs & Cater, 1994; Brint & Karabel, 1989; Cohen et al., 2013). This
exclusivity, assumed by universities, has persisted over the last 120 years.
Although the first junior college in Chicago, Illinois, inspired the formation of
community colleges, California drove the vision and foundation that led to the expansion and
structure of community colleges across the country (Boggs & Galizio, 2021). At the turn of the
20th century, the three primary universities in California were one private and two public ones:
Stanford University, the University of Southern California, and UC Berkeley (Boggs & Galizio,
2021). With only three established universities, access to higher education was geographically
and economically limited. As Californians relocated to other parts of the state, access to these
institutions became even more challenging. Educational and political supporters of the expansion
of junior colleges stressed geographical considerations by emphasizing how community colleges
would provide families with better opportunities, such as having children closer to home and
21
saving money (Gallagher, 1994, p. 6). Geographical concerns, coupled with a push from
university presidents and deans for top-tier research and university admissions, propelled the
growth of junior colleges in California. By the end of the fall of 1918, 21 junior colleges in high
school districts throughout the state served primarily traditional students (Boggs & Galizio,
2021).
The rise of junior colleges in California was linked to the overall increasing population
and advancement associated with the industrialization of the early 1900s (Boggs & Galizio,
2021), university administrators’ advocacy for top-notch research and admissions selection
(Boggs & Cater, 1994; Brint & Karabel, 1989; Cohen et al., 2013), and geographic concerns
about universities removing children from their families and communities (Gallagher, 1994). In
the following section, I briefly discuss social and political factors from the 1930s to the 1960s
that contributed to the current diverse student demographics in higher education, with a
particular focus on gender, race, and ethnicity, followed by the sociopolitical awakening of the
1960s and today’s students’ population.
The Great Depression to the Civil Rights Movement
During the Great Depression of the 1930s, the demand for vocational education
increased, and many Californians sought career advancement at community colleges (Boggs &
Galizio, 2021). Throughout the country, enrollment increased from 56,000 in 1929 to 150,000 in
1939, further influencing expansion, and the state added five new community colleges (Boggs &
Galizio, 2021). Boggs and Galizio (2021) drew attention to the link between the economy and
enrollment demands on colleges and universities based on socioeconomic circumstances. This
also held true for political conditions and their impact on college enrollment.
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In the 1940s, a report by the Truman Administration called for creating more colleges,
which shifted the playing field, giving females, minoritized groups, and low-income students
opportunities to pursue higher education. Furthermore, males’ college enrollment dropped as
many went to fight in World War II, giving room for women to attend college (Eisenmann, 2006;
Snyder, 1993). By 1943–1944, more than half of the undergraduate student body identified as
female (Eisenmann, 2006; Snyder, 1993). In preparation for the soldiers’ return, Congress passed
the Servicemen’s Readjustment Act of 1944, also known as the GI Bill.
After the war, the GI Bill brought new funds and a predominantly male student
population to higher education, and many White male veterans enrolled at elite universities
(Eisenmann, 2006). Latinx World War II veterans also utilized the GI Bill to attend college,
which increased Latinx undergraduates’ and low-income students’ enrollment (Rivas-Rodríguez,
2006). However, the growth in veteran Latinx enrollment was stifled since many Latinx had
difficulties getting GI benefits. As a result, Latinx advocates formed the American GI Forum in
the 1940s to assist Mexican American soldiers who were discriminated against in getting GI
benefits, including education subsidies (Allsup, 1982; Ramos, 1998). Although not everyone
benefited equally from the GI Bill initiative, higher education did. This discrepancy exemplifies
how policies created to provide access can reinforce racial inequities, forcing society to critically
evaluate systems so that such policies do not persist (Barber et al., 2020).
Even though by the fall of 1949, only 10% of students in higher education were enrolled
in community colleges (Snyder, 1993), community colleges were on the brink of a boom. By the
end of the 1940s, community college enrollment had almost doubled nationwide, from 251,000
in 1944 to 500,000 in 1947 (Boggs & Galizio, 2021). As a result of the social awakening of the
23
1950s, the community college systems’ student population increased and became more diverse
by the 1960s.
The Sociopolitical Awakening of the CCCs
The 1950s brought the sociopolitical awakening of “equality, equal opportunity, equal
access, due process, and equal benefits” (Ochoa, 2015, p. 30). In 1954, two landmark U.S.
Supreme Court cases contested racial segregation. The Supreme Court ruled in Hernandez v.
Texas (1954) that “Mexican-Americans and all other racial groups in the United States had the
right to equal protection under the 14th Amendment of the United States Constitution” (Ochoa,
2015, p. 30). In Brown v. Board of Education (1954), the court overruled the legal doctrine of
“separate but equal” established in 1896 under the Plessy v. Ferguson case, which upheld the
constitutional practice of racial segregation (Ochoa, 2015). These historical facts offer context
for the racial issues that contributed to social and educational challenges affecting students of
color and their influence on a growing number of students within minoritized populations in
higher education.
By the end of the 1950s, the concept of community colleges as local institutions that
provide open access to the communities they serve while allowing other universities to maintain
a sense of exclusivity began to gain widespread popularity nationwide. Today, the historical
design of exclusivity and open access reveals disparities in racial equity among the various
categories of institutions, particularly community colleges and universities. In addition, student
populations such as part-time enrolled Latina students were not considered in these institutions’
initial design or purpose, which has implications for continuing equity gaps. What follows is a
brief overview of the mission of the CCC system.
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The CCC System Today
In 2021-2022, the CCC system served nearly 2 million students (CCCCO, 2022),
constituting the largest higher-education structure in the United States. The mission of the CCCs
system includes offering academic preparation for transfer to a 4-year university, vocational
education that prepares students for the workforce, adult non-credit education curricula, and
community service courses and programs (Cohen et al., 2013; UCOP, 1999). The CCC system
enrolls a student population that is diverse in terms of race, ethnicity, and gender, and the
majority of students no longer fit the traditional student description.
According to the CCC Chancellor’s Office (2022), in the fall of 2021, females make up
55% of enrollment, males make up 44%, and 1% of students identify as non-binary. The Latinx
student population is the largest racial/ethnic group making up 48% in the fall of 2021. Latina
students represent 57% of the Latinx population and 50% of the total female population. Latina
students comprise the largest Latinx student population, accounting for 345,069 students in the
fall of 2021 (27% of all CCC students). When disaggregating the data even further, in the fall of
2021, of all Latinas enrolled at a CCC, 247,344 enrolled part-time, accounting for nearly 20% of
the CCC’s total population and 71% of its Latina population.
Today, many Latinas students are enrolled in the HSCCC system part-time, yet very little
is known about their experiences within these institutions. A review of the historical literature
on the origins and development of the CCCs reveals that these institutions were initially designed
for traditional-aged students and White males and did not intentionally serve minoritized and
female populations. While the CCC system has grown more diversified, we must critically
interrogate the prevailing racialized systems and practices, which are “sometimes-hidden
mechanisms producing racial stratification” (Ray, 2019, p. 48). In what follows, I present the
25
literature on the racialized structures of CCCs. To clarify, while this study focuses on the
experiences of part-enrolled Latina students, it is essential to highlight the literature on these
institutions where this student population enrolls in large numbers: CCCs, predominantly HSIs
(90%). In what follows, I provide an overview of the California Master Plan of the 1960s, which
has influenced the mission and structure of the CCCs.
California Community Colleges as Racialized
In 1960, the California Master Plan for Higher Education established a three-tiered public
higher education system with separate funding patterns, missions, pools of students, and
governance (Altbach, 2005). Today, this system includes the UC system, which now has 10
campuses, accepts the top students, and is the state’s leading research university system; the CSU
system, which has 23 campuses and focuses on undergraduate and professional education; and
the CCC system, an open-access system that serves various purposes, including transfer
education, vocational training, developmental education, and non-credit community learning.
Another modification to the master plan was differentiating admissions pools. The admission
pool allowed the UC system to select from the top one-eighth (12.5%) of the high school
graduating class, the CSU from the top one-third (33.3%), and the CCCs to admit any student
who could benefit from the institution’s instruction (UCOP, 2007). Since its inception, the
California Master Plan has drawn criticism from scholars due to its ramifications on the most
vulnerable and minoritized student populations (Hansen & Weisbrod, 1969; Marginson, 2018).
Hansen and Weisbrod (1969) contended that the master plan favored upper-income
students more than lower-income students because the UC system had access to more resources
than the CCC system, which enrolled a sizable number of students from a low socioeconomic
background, as it still does currently. Scholars, such as Marginson (2018), have called attention
26
to the master plan’s shortcomings and place in modern society. Marginson argued that the plan,
which allows only the top 12.5% of incoming 1st-year students to enroll in the UC system,
places too much pressure on the transfer path. In addition, Marginson emphasized that non-
White and migrant families experience the most significant difficulties as the plan’s dictates
funnel them into open-access and less competitive institutions with the fewest resources.
Furthermore, the author contended that the economy would suffer in the long run due to the lack
of a financial infrastructure to guarantee excellence and access for individuals who want to earn
a degree (Marginson, 2018). Douglass (2010) added that the master plan is more significant for
what it preserved and prevented rather than what it invented, highlighting its adverse effects on
the widening socioeconomic and college attainment gaps.
Over the past few decades, the CCC student population has changed with the country’s
increasing racial and ethnic diversity. More students of color are pursuing higher education, with
43% of California’s undergraduates being Latinx. Most of the state’s students of color begin
their careers at the CCC. Although the UC system enrolled the highest percentage of Latinx
students in its history in the fall of 2020 (26%), that rate does not sufficiently reflect the state’s
large Latinx population and diversity (Moore, 2022). Scholars have pointed out the racial
ramifications of selectivity and the merit of each system’s enrollment decisions, as they have led
to opportunities that vary by race and ethnicity (Bastedo & Gumport, 2003; Bowles & Gintis,
2002).
While the need to reduce future operating and capital costs at public universities drove
part of the decision in the master plan to limit enrollment of the top two tiers in the state’s public
higher education system based on high school rankings, the plan has and will leave out many
students. In addition to the financial concerns, university administrators supported these
27
institutions’ growth by arguing to maintain the exclusivity and elitism of universities and
research institutions (Wattenbarger & Witt, 1995). These practices and initiatives granted
privileges and social status to social groups already possessing them and advanced injustices that
persist (Cabrera, 2014; Kezar, 2011; Wilder, 2013). Instead of designing California’s public
university system to uplift and develop students, the master plan allows the UC and CSU
universities to more easily pass through students who already have the most privileges and
resources, causing the tiers of the state’s public university system to mirror the state’s racial and
class trier much more than it mirrors the state’s public.
Like all American educational systems, the CCC system was born into a society with a
deeply ingrained practice of classifying and valuing people according to their race. It is a system
built in a nation where Whiteness is ingrained in society, law, culture (Mills, 1997), and
education and where racialized structures maintain significant barriers for students of color
(Bonilla-Silva, 2001). Although community colleges provide access to all, evaluating the racial
stratification that pushed more students into these campuses and fewer into universities is
essential. Within the CCCs, many students of color receive the fewest resources, while UCs with
a greater proportion of White and affluent students have the most funding. The truncated funding
outlined in the master plan created significant challenges and barriers for the 116 community
colleges to serve their students equitably. In 2021, many part-time female students attend CCCs
(CCCCO, 2022), so this disproportionate stratification also affects them. The following section
overviews HSIs and their role in serving Latina higher education students.
Part 2: Hispanic-Serving Institutions’ Development
Part two of the literature review explores the development and evolution of HSIs in the
United States, focusing on California’s HSI community colleges (HSCCCs). This section details
28
the eligibility for HSI grants and discusses the growing Latinx demographic in California
influencing HSIs’ expansion. Lastly, this section examines the racial implications within HSIs
and delves into the concept of “servingness.” Overall, this section of the literature review offers a
comprehensive overview of the history, significance, and challenges associated with HSIs. This
understanding aids in conducting a more in-depth examination of the experiences of part-time
enrolled Latina students transitioning through an HSCCC and exploring how these institutions
can impact their experiences.
A Brief History of Hispanic-Serving Institutions
By the 1960s, many in the United States were beginning to realize the important role that
higher education would play in the future of the nation’s economy. In 1965, congress passed the
Higher Education Act (HEA) of 1965 to improve college and university instructional resources
and to provide financial aid to postsecondary and higher education students. However, by the late
1970s, the HEA had done little to reduce disparities among the growing Latinx student
population and calls for action from advocacy groups began to increase. In 1979, during the
hearings for the act’s reauthorization, Hispanic Higher Education Coalition (HHEC) members
conducted testimonies in favor of increased government funding for Hispanic colleges (Valdez,
2015). The Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund and the National Council of
La Raza were among the first eight Latinx advocacy organizations to form the HHEC (Valdez,
2015). By providing data and emphasizing the Latinx population’s low education and high
unemployment rates, HHEC argued for an increase in Title III funding to expand institutions’
services for low-income students, arguing that this would benefit more than half of the Latinx
students who begin their higher education journeys at community colleges (Valdez, 2015).
29
Between 1976 and 1992, Congress reauthorized the HEA (1965) four times (Valdez,
2015). During the fourth reauthorization in 1992, the Hispanic Association of Colleges and
Universities (HACU) introduced the HSI legislation, later amended into Title III. Under Title III,
the U.S. Department of Education offers 5-year HSI grants to institutions that enroll at least 25%
Latinx students and have limited resources. The funding is meant to help expand opportunities
and increase success for Latinx students and other historically marginalized populations. Valdez
(2015) highlighted the role that early proponents of the HHEC played in ensuring the HSI
legislation in 1992, when HSI became an official classification. Eventually, the HEA was revised
in 1998 to include HSI Title V, which provides funding to qualified colleges and universities
(Valdez, 2015). Today, HSIs are public and private non-profit degree-granting institutions with
at least 25% full-time enrollment (FTE) Latinx undergraduate students and are eligible for Title
III and Title V grants under their HSI designation (U.S. Department of Education, 2022).
By 2000, California had 31% of the nation’s Latinx population, the same as 46 states
combined (excluding Texas, New York, Florida, and New Jersey; Pew Research Center, 2004).
By 2014, census figures show that Latinx surpassed non-Latinx. This growth in California’s
Latinx population naturally led to a growth in federally recognized HSIs in California. Today, of
the 116 community colleges in the state, 107 are HSIs (Excelencia in Education, 2022b). In
2019, 21 out of 23 CSUs and six out of nine UC undergraduate campuses were designated HSIs
(Contreras, 2019). Additionally, 46 California institutions are close to HSI status (Excelencia in
Education, 2022a), known as emerging HSIs (eHSIs), and 58 HSIs with graduate programs
(gHSIs; Excelencia in Education, 2022c).
For decades, scholars have highlighted the importance of HSIs in increasing college
access and completion rates (Arciniega, 2012; Galdeano & Santiago, 2015; Hurtado & Ruiz
30
Alvarado, 2012; Santiago, 2006) and providing socioeconomic transformation for Latinx
communities through degree attainment (Contreras & Contreras, 2015). Additionally, data and
literature highlight the importance of states with a high concentration of HSIs, such as California
and Texas, and the need for them to strategically invest in these campuses to transform the next
generation of Latinx families and their communities (Contreras & Contreras, 2015). However,
questions remain about how HSIs attempt to reduce inequalities by putting the needs and
experiences of Latinx and historically underrepresented student groups at the forefront
(Contreras et al., 2008).
Hurtado and Ruiz Alvarado (2012) highlighted that HSIs have multiple identities and
competing interests. These factors are also evident in scholarship, specifically highlighting
HSCCs. Despite its scarcity, the research covers topics such as Latinx students’ access,
experiences, and success at HSCCCs (Alcantar & Hernández, 2020; Benitez & DeAro, 2004;
Núñez et al., 2011; Perrakis & Hagedorn, 2010) as well as these campuses’ institutional structure
and policies (Felix et al., 2018), organizational identity (Carter & Patterson, 2019), and campus
racial climate (Cuellar & Johnson-Ahorlu, 2016). HSI research also addresses Black and Latino
male students’ experiences (Abrica et al., 2020; Jones & Sáenz, 2020), LGBQ+ Latinx students’
experiences (Cataño & González, 2021), and the characteristics of Latinx transfer students
(Huang & Enriquez, 2016; Ornelas & Solórzano, 2004; Rivera, 2016).
The search for literature on HSCCs revealed the limited scholarship on Latina students
and their experiences in these systems. Limited data and research often lead to a lack of
understanding and support for specific populations. For instance, the literature on Latino male
students at community colleges has grown since scholars called attention to the dearth of Latino
males’ research and the disparities in access and completion at these institutions. By highlighting
31
specific student populations with significant disparities in data and research, policymakers and
practitioners are reminded to consider these populations when making decisions.
Furthermore, I contend that future research on the Latinx student population needs to
consider multiple identities and academic enrollment patterns and move away from a monolithic
perspective. As Garcia (2023) suggested, “I challenge us to complicate the ‘H’ in HSIs, since
Hispanics and Latinxs are not homogenous” (p. 29). This study aims to further the research on
Latina undergraduate students with a particular focus on their part-time status and their
experiences at an HSCCC. The following section analyzes the literature on the racialization of
HSIs.
HSIs as Racialized Institutions
As mentioned in the previously, I discussed how California’s master plan creates a tiered
system that allows for filtering out Latinx students and other minoritized student populations
from the institutions with the most resources. In California, for instance, HSIs make up roughly
half of all undergraduate institutions but enroll over 90% of Latinx students and 80% of all
undergraduates (Excelencia in Education, 2021). This further illustrates that the funneling of this
population effectively creates a racialized institution inside of a racialized system. Garcia (2019)
has described HSIs within a racialized system and drew attention to the fact that many HSIs are
open access, have less funding, and have lower completion rates, all markers of subordination
within the hierarchy of higher education institutions. These structural factors pose barriers for
Latina students’ academic success at HSCCs. In what follows, I present the literature on HSIs as
racial projects within racialized institutions.
By characterizing the HSI classification and Title V funding as a racial project, Vargas
(2018) drew attention to the notion that HSIs are racial projects within racialized institutions
32
shaped by institutional leaders and stakeholders who can rectify racial disparities or perpetuate
social inequities. Omi and Winant (1994) described racial projects as “effort(s) to rearrange and
redistribute resources along particular racial lines” (p. 56). Thus, as Rendón (2015) stressed, the
HSI designation was a “racial project” created by “a concerned group of Latino[/a/x] advocates
[who pushed] for federal attention to HSIs” (p. 2), which were disproportionately underserved.
Valdez (2015) also emphasized the long-standing advocacy for securing government funding to
close the growing opportunity gap for Latinx students in higher education. Although institutions
qualify for HSI grants due to Latinx students, scholarship has found little attention paid to the
racial makeup of institutions awarded these grants (Vargas, 2018) or whether grant proposals
indicate their intent to serve Latinx students and other marginalized populations (Vargas & Villa-
Palomino, 2019). Other scholars have drawn attention to the ambiguity of HSI objectives
(Contreras & Contreras, 2015) as well as the fact that many institutions use these grants to
improve their entire campus and maintain the status quo, with little consideration to raising
Latinx students’ academic achievement (Hurtado & Ruiz Alvarado, 2012).
Furthermore, scholars have emphasized that operating from a colorblind perspective
could uphold a racial hierarchy, whether implicitly or overtly (Bonilla-Silva, 2001). In this
section, I provide an overview of two empirical studies on how race plays a part in the selective
process of HSI grants and whether grant proposals indicate their intent to serve Latinx students.
Finally, I draw attention to the HSI literature that Garcia (2019) compiled to help evaluate
whether institutions serve Latinx students as intended when the federal government developed
the HSI designation (Contreras & Contreras, 2015).
Vargas (2018) highlighted that few studies have considered how HSIs, as racial
initiatives, match the initial aims of the Latinx advocates of the 1970s and 1980s who pressed for
33
federal funding to address the expanding Latinx educational disparities (Valdez, 2015). Vargas
further emphasized the adverse social ramifications of ignoring the educational inequalities these
institutions were meant to address. This demonstrates the lack of systematic analyses of
racialized higher education funding for HSIs. Vargas offered the first study into the racial
makeup of institutions with HSI designation and the likelihood of these institutions receiving
Title V grants. Vargas (2018) emphasized that one might anticipate that HSI funding would be
disproportionately distributed to HSIs with larger Latinx student populations to address the
disparities directly. However, his findings revealed otherwise. Using HSI institutional data from
the Integrated Postsecondary Educational Data System (IPEDS) and the list of all Title V grant
awardees from 2011 to 2015, Vargas (2018) found that HSIs with more White and fewer Black
students were more likely to receive competitive funds. Based on the findings, Vargas’s study
highlighted critical distinctions among racialized organizations and the significance of assessing
the covert ways racial inequalities manifest in educational institutions (Ray, 2019). Furthermore,
the findings show that hierarchies in those organizations with greater fidelity to Whiteness (e.g.,
higher White student enrollment) are considered more legitimate and deserving of more funding
(Ray, 2019).
Vargas and Villa-Palomino (2019) analyzed 220 successful Title V grant abstracts
submitted to the U.S. Department of Education from 2009 to 2016. They examined how HSIs
intended to serve Latinx students with federal funding. They thematically categorized the
information gathered as (a) Latinx-centered, (b) colorblind, or (c) usurping. They described
Latinx-centered as expressly and solely focused on programmatic initiatives targeted at Latinx
students regardless of their specific objectives. When Latinx students were secondary
beneficiaries of Title V activities, they coded colorblindness for these abstracts. Lastly, they
34
coded HSIs that prioritized programmatic initiatives and infrastructural improvements from
which Latinx students were disproportionately unlikely to benefit as usurping, defined as taking
the place of. In this case, “usurping” describes funding that knowingly supports efforts that will
benefit non-Latinx students at higher rates than Latinx students. In conclusion, the study found
that most abstracts (85%) were colorblind and that Latinx students benefited from HSI
programming activities as secondary recipients compared to 10.2% for Latinx-centered and 4.8%
for usurping resources. Overall, Vargas and Villa-Palomino suggested that most HSIs take a
colorblind approach to decide how to use grant funding most effectively, reducing the potential
to close equity gaps. In the following sections, I provide an overview of HSCCCs.
HSI California Community Colleges
In 2020–21, 559 HSIs comprised 18% of the nation’s higher education institutions
(Excelencia in Education, 2022b). Among them, 226 were community colleges, making up
approximately 40% of all HSIs (Excelencia in Education, 2022b). While more Latinx students
are enrolling in higher education institutions, the community college system remains the point of
entry for them and other students of color (Contreras & Contreras, 2015; Fry, 2002; Núñez et al.,
2016; Santiago & Stettner, 2013). Excelencia in Education (2022b) reported that 107 CCCs
identified as HSIs comprised nearly 90% of CCCs.
Núñez and colleagues (2011) evaluated the characteristics of HSI community college
students. They found that Latinx students are four times more likely to enroll in HSCCs than
non-HSI ones. Furthermore, their study revealed that HSCCs enroll more than one-quarter (28%)
of first-generation migrant students, almost double the rate of non-HSI ones (18%). They also
found that HSCCs are more likely than non-HSI ones to enroll students with multiple factors
contributing to dropout risk, such as having children, working full-time, or enrolling part-time.
35
Latinas enrolled part-time are the largest segment of the Latinx community attending HSCCCs,
41% of the total Latinx population. Yet, little is known about their challenges and experiences
transitioning through these institutions. Therefore, this study centers on their voices with
implications for better serving this student population. In the following section, I provide an
overview of the concept of servingness at HSIs.
Elevating the “S” in HSIs
Coined by Garcia and colleagues (2019), the term servingness elevates the “S” in HSIs
(Garcia, 2023). In an effort to determine what it means to serve Latinx students within an HSI,
through an extensive literature review of 186 articles centered on HSIs, Garcia and colleagues
(2019), found themes, variables, and phenomena which revealed that servingness could not be
described by a single factor, further complicating this notion. These findings created the
multidimensional conceptual framework for servingess to guide future HSI research and shape
policy and practices (Garcia et al., 2019). Expanding Garcia’s (2017) original work focused on
academic and nonacademic outcomes, the framework created by Garcia and colleagues (2019)
includes (a) structures for serving (e.g., mission and values statements, leadership and decision-
making practices), (b) external forces (e.g., federal legislation, institutional governing boards),
and (c) indicators for serving (e.g., validating and racialized experiences). The framework
acknowledges the importance of validating experiences for Latinx students as an indicator of
serving within HSIs. In addition, it recognizes the racialized experiences influenced by White
supremacy. This multidimensional conceptual framework is a resource for institutional agents
and leaders, providing indicators and structures to enhance their capacity to serve. By examining
the experiences of part-time enrolled Latina students, this study has implications for further
complicating the notion of servingness and providing positive experiences that are validating for
36
part-time enrolled Latina students. The following section presents a literature review on Latinas
in higher education.
Part 3: Latinas in Higher Education
The existing body of literature regarding Latinas who are part-time students at HSIs, or
community colleges is significantly lacking. Studies that specifically examine Latinas frequently
overlook their enrollment patterns and status, with minimal qualitative research exploring their
experiences in relation to their enrollment status. Instead, the research primarily focuses on
Latinas’ various identities and their intersections, such as race, class, gender, language, and
immigration status (Alemán, 2018; López et al., 2022; Pérez Huber, 2010). Due to the limited
literature on part-time enrolled Latina students, I separately reviewed the literature on Latinas
and part-time enrollment in higher education.
Part three of the literature review begins with a brief overview of the literature on Latinas
in higher education over the past 4 decades, followed by the intersections of Latinas’ experiences
in higher education. Following that section is an overview of gender roles and cultural values
that shape Latinas’ higher education experiences. The literature on Latina students ends with the
role of community colleges and HSIs in supporting this population. It is important to mention
that some of the findings were from studies that included Latinas and Latinos, while others solely
focused on Latinas. As such, I intentionally indicated who is included when referencing the
literature. In other cases, the study focused on participants who identified as Chicanas or
Mexican American students; in these instances, I will also mention the particular racial-ethnic
population of the Latina females studied or discussed.
37
The Trends of Literature and Spike of Latinas in Higher Education
Early literature on Latinas in higher education often adopted a deficit model, focusing on
their academic under achievements. During the 1950s and 1960s, scholars in the field of social
sciences advanced a “cultural deficit” model, which highlighted cultural shortcomings as a way
to account for the limited involvement of the Latina in higher education (Escobedo, 1980). In
light of this perspective, many researchers emerged who emphasized their strengths and directed
attention toward enhancing institutional support for Latina students (Gándara, 1982; Melendez &
Petrovich, 1989). Historic data and literature have demonstrated a notable surge in both
enrollment rates and the attainment of degrees among Latina students over the past 10 years.
During the 1980s, the college enrollment rate for Latinas in higher education throughout
the country stood at only approximately 16%, and by the year 2000, this figure had risen to
25.4%, surpassing the enrollment rate of Latino males (González, et al., 2004). When compared
to their male counterparts, historically, Latinas have achieved higher college graduation rates.
Between 1990 and 2000, there was a significant increase in the college graduation rate for
Latinas from 53.7% to 65.7%, while the college graduation rate for Latino males remained
stagnant at 54% (Harvey, 2002). Latinas have also grown substantially in the number of degrees
awarded, particularly in attaining associate’s and bachelor’s degrees, exhibiting the most
substantial increase between 1991 and 2000 (Cook & Córdova, 2007). However, despite making
significant progress, Latinx students continue to encounter challenges and barriers that result in
lower completion rates than other racial or ethnic groups (Fry & López, 2012).
At the start of the century, Rodríguez and colleagues (2000) shed light on the challenges
Latinas face in higher education. The barriers presented were divided into two groups: barriers
encountered before entering college and those faced during college. Pre-college obstacles
38
included low socioeconomic status and the impact of cultural and gender-role stereotypes. Latinx
families face significant socioeconomic status disparities, which negatively impact their
educational attainment, pointing to the clear relationship between poorly funded education and
low college enrollment. In addition, the literature highlighted that cultural and gender stereotypes
pose obstacles for Mexican American females in pre-college education. These stereotypes
depicted them as “submissive and docile” and limited to motherhood, having a negative impact
and providing them with limited opportunities.
Furthermore, Rodríguez and colleagues (2000) presented research suggesting Latina
students, particularly Chicanas, face higher stress levels than their White counterparts while
navigating college. These stress factors included financial burdens, insecurities related to
academic preparation, and social challenges, including cultural and gender-role conflict. The
main causes of stress for Chicanas were financial worries such as debt, lack of funds, and
uncertainty about financial assistance. Additionally, Latinas experienced stress due to concerns
about their academic readiness, negative expectations from educators, and a hostile college
environment. They also dealt with family obligations, conflicts between their educational goals
and parental expectations, and gender-role conflicts, particularly as first-generation college
students. These challenges present the various layers and intersectional challenges Latina
students face.
The extensive literature on Latina college students (Rodríguez et al., 2000) concludes
with the strategies employed by Latina students to overcome obstacles and succeed in college
and the strategies that institutions can implement to promote success for Latina students. The
college strategies employed by successful Latina students involved navigating the physical,
social, and academic aspects of the college environment. Navigating orientation programs,
39
tutoring, mentoring, and support groups were vital in helping them familiarize themselves with
the college system. Furthermore, successful Latina students formed mentor-like relationships,
established study spaces, built connections with instructors and advisors, formed peer support
networks, and explored academic departments.
In conclusion, Rodríguez and colleagues (2000) proposed several strategies for
institutions to enhance success in higher education for Latina students. These strategies
encompassed financial aid, academic support, social/cultural support systems, and campus
environment. The recommendations put forth included designing tailored financial aid packages
with increased grants and scholarships to alleviate financial stress, implementing early
intervention and personalized guidance in academic support systems to address individual needs
and barriers, establishing social/cultural support systems such as networks, cultural centers, and
Latina support groups to encourage social engagement, cultural exploration, and discussions on
marginalized experiences, and fostering an inclusive campus environment by increasing
representation, hiring Latinx administrators, and actively involving Latina students in classroom
discussions while acknowledging their diverse backgrounds. Twenty years after this report, the
number of Latinas enrolled in higher education continues to rise, yet they continue to face the
same barriers as they transition through college.
Today, females continue to outperform males in college enrollment and completion and
have made significant advancements in all areas of education (Buchmann & DiPrete, 2006).
Despite Latinas outpacing Latino males, Latinas still lag behind White women and men in terms
of having a college degree, with over a quarter of Latinas having a college degree, compared to
slightly more than half of White women and men (Anthony et al., 2021). Much literature has
highlighted the gender disparities in college enrollment and completion between Latino males
40
and Latinas in higher education (Clark et al., 2013; Huerta & Fishman, 2014; Pérez, 2017; Pérez
& Sáenz, 2017; Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2011), with a growing focus on Latino males’ experiences in
community colleges in comparison to that of Latinas (Abrica & Martinez, 2016; Sáenz et al.,
2018; Vázquez Urias & Wood, 2015). Due to their higher rate of college enrollment and degree
completion compared to Latino males, it may be assumed, as López et al. (2022) argued, that
Latinas do not require additional support. However, relying solely on these statistics could
neglect the intersectionality and barriers Latinas face in the higher education system.
Latinas, in particular, have proven to face sacrifices to attain higher education, often
challenging or balancing traditional roles with the pursuit of earning a higher education
(González, et al., 2004). Overall, despite the intersections and barriers Latinas face while
navigating higher education based on race, class, and gender, the literature demonstrates that
they keep aspiring and persisting (Aragon, 2018; Contreras Aguirre et al., 2020; Graff et al.,
2013). Furthermore, Latinas continue to survive, resist, and be resilient, described as
sobrevivencia, a coping mechanism to overcome social, political, and institutional barriers
throughout the college journey (Oliva & Jiménez, 2019). In the following section, I present the
concept of intersectionality before presenting the recent literature on the experiences of Latinas
in higher education.
Intersections: Unique Experiences of Latinas
Crenshaw (1991) is credited with coining “intersectionality.” The term refers to the effort
to move beyond a singular axis to understand better the complexities of concurrent social
constructions of identities, such as race, culture, gender, and oppression (Lewis & Grzanka,
2016). Intersectionality focuses on the essentialism of identity and considers the cultural and
structural factors that oppress these identities (Collin & Bilge, 2020). For example, although
41
women attend college at higher rates than their male counterparts (Buchmann & DiPrete, 2006),
Black and Latina women are less likely than White and Asian women to complete an
undergraduate degree program due to oppressive systems (National Center for Education
Statistics, 2021b).
Although I did not use intersectionality as the framework for this study, I acknowledge
the diversity of the Latinx community and the various intersecting identities and oppression
Latinas experience (Alemán, 2018). I also understand that although Latinas have many culturally
based similarities, they also have many intersectionalities and differences that make each unique
(Harper & Nichols, 2008) and challenge essentialism by highlighting the diversity of the Latinx
community. The following section of the literature review reveals that Latina college students
live within various intersections of race, gender, and class while navigating competing tensions
such as racialized structures, family responsibilities and values, and financial barriers.
Latina Student Experiences in Higher Education
In this section of the literature review, the multifaceted experiences of Latina students in
higher education are presented, including racialized experiences, gendered experiences, access to
equitable financial aid services, and the cultural value of familismo. Understanding these factors
is essential for promoting the success and well-being of Latina students in higher education.
Racialized Experiences
Critical scholars have shed light on Latina students’ racialized experiences and
stereotypes in educational settings and how stereotypes have been used to justify inadequate
support, educational inequalities, and segregational practices (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001).
Valencia (2002) highlighted that deficit thinking and stereotypes about Latinx families could
affect how Latina students and their families are preserved and served within educational
42
structures. Furthermore, scholars have dispelled the cultural stereotypes of Latinx parents’
undervaluing of education by documenting the assets they bring to their children’s college
aspirations (Aragon, 2018; Ceja, 2006; Espino, 2020), moral support (Auerbach, 2007; Matos,
2015) and the sacrifices they make for their children to achieve their educational goals (Cuevas,
2019; Mariscal, 2021). Other studies have found that teachers and school administrators often
view Latina students who want to go to college as passive underachievers, which affects how
much support they get and how they are perceived through the college-going process (Gándara et
al., 2013). Similar to debunking the stereotypes of Latinx parents, scholars have disputed
stereotypes about Latinx students regarding educational deficiencies (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001;
Valencia & Black, 2002).
Critical scholars in higher education have found a correlation between racial
microaggressions and Latinx students’ persistence and college success, with findings revealing a
negative impact on those who encountered racialized experiences (Huber & Cueva, 2012; Pérez
Huber & Solórzano, 2015; Yosso et al., 2009). Pierce and colleagues (1978) defined racial
microaggressions as “subtle, stunning, often automatic and nonverbal exchanges which are ‘put
downs’ of blacks by offenders” (p. 66). Racial microaggressions, according to Solórzano et al.
(2005), are “layered” in that they target “one’s race, gender, class, sexuality, language,
immigration status, phenotype, accent, or surname’ (p. 17). Studies on HSIs have found that the
large Latinx enrollment does not exclude students of color from encountering racialized
experiences within these institutional structures (Abrica et al., 2020; Cuellar & Johnson-Ahorlu,
2016; Sánchez, 2019). In addition, Cuellar and Johnson-Ahorlu (2016) linked racialized
experiences off and on campus. They drew attention to the sociopolitical and local context that
can inform the perception of a campus climate at an HSI, impacting Latina students’ racialized
43
experiences. In addition to racialized experiences, gender, and gendered spaces have shaped how
Latinas perceive their educational experiences.
Gendered Experiences
Early literature reveals that the educational system historically favored males and created
gender disparities and uneven power dynamics (Connell, 1996). Connell (1996) drew on research
to illustrate that gender is constructed within institutions and cultural contexts and that one form
of gender is hegemonic over others. More often than not, programs may be gender-specific or
gender-relevant, creating gendered spaces. An example is that despite having a high college
enrollment rate, Latinas are disproportionately underrepresented in certain professions and
majors, such as STEM. According to Gándara (2015), Latinas account for 3.5% of STEM degree
recipients. Regarding Latina students majoring in STEM, Rodríguez and Blaney (2020), found
that in these spaces, Latinas frequently felt marginalized and lacked a sense of belonging,
defined as a “sense of being accepted, valued, included, and encouraged by others” (Goodenow,
1993, p. 25). Because a sense of belonging is strongly correlated with academic success
(Freeman et al., 2007; Maestas et al., 2007) and college retention, institutions must examine
racial and gendered spaces that marginalize Latinas and can hinder their academic success.
Latinas frequently find themselves grappling with gender roles and societal expectations
that are deeply intertwined with notions of family and cultural expectations (Castellanos, 2015).
The concept of familismo, which emphasizes the importance of maintaining strong family ties
(Santiago Rivera et al., 2003), holds a central position in discussions of gender and will be
further explored later in the literature. Gloria and colleagues (2005) present the complex, diverse
cultural and gender expectations associated with Latinas, ranging from portrayals of submissive
and subservient women to empowered warriors who challenge traditional gender roles.
44
According to Crisp et al. (2015), Latinas face challenges outside of traditional gender roles and
the cultural norms and expectations their families and Latinx communities have for them.
Numerous studies on Latinx culture have identified marianismo as the belief that Latinas should
be submissive, sacrifice for their families, and be devoted to traditional gender roles (Crisp et al.,
2015). Díaz de Sabatés et al. (2018) drew attention to literature identifying traditional Latinx
family values as barriers for Latinas in college who, based on their gender, are expected to
adhere to specific cultural gender-role expectations. These expectations range from caregiving
support to working to support their families (Gil & Inoa Vázquez, 1996; Ginorio & Huston,
2001). The literature reveals that Latinas’ lives are inherently tied to their families, often
presenting added responsibilities due to cultural/home gender roles (Gil & Inoa Vázquez, 1996;
Gloria et al., 2005).
Cammarota (2004) provided an anthropological perspective on the high enrollment and
achievement of women of color, including Latinas, in higher education by drawing on the work
of educational ethnographers who linked working-class and minority females’ academic
achievement to social constructs that aim to subordinate them to males (Holland & Eisenhart,
1990). Through her research, she found educational achievement for Latinas to be a form of
resistance to gender oppression. She described Latinas as empowered to return to their
communities to introduce the “ideas of women seeking independent goals, such as college or
professional work. These new images for Latinas were absorbed by families, inspiring the
younger generation to achieve positions in life that had been unattainable for the previous
generation of women” (Cammarota, 2004, p. 70).
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Socioeconomic and Financial Aid Experiences
A report by Rendón and colleagues (2012) highlighted key findings demonstrating the
numerous advantages of financial aid, including relieving financial burdens, reducing stress, and
fostering positive academic and social perspectives. In addition, financial aid plays a critical role
in promoting college persistence, academic achievement, degree attainment, and transfer.
However, when it comes to low-income Latinx students, especially those receiving Pell Grants,
they often experience the highest unmet financial needs compared to other racial and ethnic
groups. Moreover, the cost of college, encompassing tuition, accommodation, and meals, can be
two to five times greater than the average net worth of Latinx households. Additionally, low-
income Latinxs face challenges in terms of financial literacy, which hinders their ability to
complete the FAFSA (Free Application for Federal Student Aid) and comprehend the financial
aid processes.
In a more recent report, Excelencia in Education (2019) revealed that a significant
majority of Latinx students actively pursued and obtained financial aid. Approximately 74% of
Latinx students applied for financial assistance, and 72% of them received some form of
financial aid. However, when comparing financial aid awards across different racial and ethnic
groups, it was found that Latinxs received the lowest average amount. The average total aid
received by all students was $12,262, with Asians receiving the highest average award of
$13,016. On the other hand, Latinxs received the lowest average award of $10,256.
Financial aid has been recognized as a compelling factor attracting students to higher
education. Arbona and Nora (2007) described financial aid as an environmental pull factor that
entices and incentivizes students to remain in college. However, these factors can also have the
opposite effect by restricting students’ ability to fully immerse themselves in college, potentially
46
leading to their departure. Mahaffy and Pantoja (2012) studied financial barriers in Latinx
college students’ experience and noted that these played a central role in deciding to persist in
higher education. For community college students, financial aid is a key component of retention
(Mendoza et al., 2009), with environmental pull factors, such as obtaining a federal student loan
and Pell Grant shaping educational attainment (Bremer et al., 2013).
Despite financial aid benefits as a pull factor, Kewal Ramani et al. (2007) revealed that
fewer Latinx students received financial aid than Black and American Indian-Alaskan Native
students. This lower rate is concerning, given that financial aid is highly correlated with retention
and persistence. Further, Hurtado et al. (2018) indicated that Latinx students worry about paying
for college even when they attend less expensive institutions like community colleges and that
approximately 50% of Latinx undergraduates took out loans (National Center for Education
Statistics [NCES], 2018) to cover their educational and living expenses.
Social-Cultural Experiences
Dominguez (1992) emphasized not blaming cultural factors without looking at power
structures influencing Latinas’ behaviors. Thus, as I review the literature on the impact of social-
cultural factors, such as familismo and Latinas, in higher education, it is essential to use a critical
lens that recognizes cultural practices within a larger structure and is anti-deficit-minded.
Numerous Latinx populations have been found to share the cultural value of familismo,
which emphasizes loyalty and closeness (Sy & Romero, 2008). In contrast to the dominant
Western society, which tends toward individualism and independence, familismo emphasizes
collectivism and personal sacrifices that place the family at the center (Sy & Romero, 2008).
Studies have also documented families’ influence on Latinx communities’ college choice and
access.
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According to a large body of research, Latinx students’ families significantly influence
their college choice and completion (Alvarez, 2015; Ceja, 2006; Martinez & Cervera, 2012).
Furthermore, these students’ decision to enroll at community colleges is primarily shaped by
their desire to live close to their families (Cohen et al., 2013). According to Jabbar and
colleagues (2019), Latina students were more influenced than Latino males regarding
geographical proximity to family, even though both male and female Latinx students showed a
strong commitment and loyalty to family, consistent with familismo. Older literature framed
familismo’s impact on college as negatively affecting Latinx students’ college decisions and
overall higher education attainment (Grodsky, 2002). Stereotypes of Latinx parents have
included that they undervalue college education. However, studies have dispelled these
stereotypes (Stepler, 2016), as has Yosso’s (2005) work highlighting communities’ cultural
wealth.
According to Stepler (2016), 86% of Latinx parents, compared to 67% of White parents,
believe their children must enroll in college and earn a degree, dispelling myths about their lack
of college aspirations. In another study on Chicana students, Ceja (2000) found that although
first-generation Chicana students’ parents lack familiarity with the college process, they support
their children in other ways, such as covering the cost of attending college or providing
emotional and moral support. In Ceja’s study, older siblings familiar with the college process
were key in providing resources and tapping into opportunities. Other studies on Latinx
children’s familial responsibilities found that Latinas (females) are more frequently and
consistently responsible than Latinos (males) for completing tasks such as family chores or
caregiving (Raffaelli & Ontai, 2004; Valenzuela, 1999). From a psychological standpoint, as
highlighted by Espinoza (2010), studies have shown that Latina college students’ ability to adjust
48
to college life is strongly correlated with their ability to maintain healthy family ties while
enrolled in school (Hurtado et al., 1996; Sánchez et al., 2006). Family is a strong component of
Latinas’ college aspirations, choices, and attainment. In the following section, I discuss the
impact of CCCs and HSIs on Latina success.
The Role of CCCs and HSIs in Latina Success
The research on Latinas’ college experiences indicates that their trajectories are
accompanied by race and gender-related experiences that can lead to stressful and negative
encounters. In the following sections, I highlight institutions’ social settings and the importance
of community colleges and HSIs in providing validating experiences and a sense of belonging.
Validating Experiences
Per Rendón (2002), validating experiences inside and outside of the classroom have been
essential for Latinx communities’ success, particularly for non-traditional student populations
like students enrolled part-time, low-income students, first-generation students, and women and
minority students from working-class backgrounds. Rendón’s (1994) validation theory presents
two types of validation: academic and interpersonal. Academic validation happens when
institutional agents, such as faculty and academic affairs staff, encourage students to see
themselves as learners, which helps students gain confidence in their ability to succeed in college
(Rendón, 1994). On the other hand, interpersonal validation occurs when an institutional
representative supports a student’s social development and personal growth (Rendón, 1994).
Students in Rendón’s (1994) study identified a variety of faculty behaviors as validating
experiences, including (a) being approachable, (b) treating students equally, (c) presenting
structured learning experiences that allowed for everyone to learn, (d) giving students
meaningful feedback, (e) promoting peer support, (f) acting as mentors for all students, and (g)
49
trying to meet with them outside of the classroom. Given the challenges many Latina students
face, how faculty interact and validate them can determine their academic success. According to
research on student-faculty interactions at community colleges, students close to at least one
faculty member are more likely to be satisfied with their college experience, have higher grade
point averages, have higher academic and career aspirations, and have a positive academic
identity. Yet, community colleges are the institutional sites where students are least likely to
interact with faculty (Chang, 2005).
In Rendón’s (2002) study on community college students enrolled in the Latinx-specific
Puente Project program, validating agents outside the classroom included counselors. The study
revealed that Puente counselors provided academic and interpersonal validation and support.
Their academic support included guidance through educational planning and fostering students’
aspirations for higher education by affirming that transferring to a university is possible. Puente
counselors also engaged in interpersonal validation by providing support to parents. These
connections validated students and played a central role in the student’s commitment to stay in
school (Rendón, 2002). In addition to validating experiences, a sense of belonging is essential for
academic success (Stayhorn, 2018).
Sense of Belonging
A sense of belonging is central to college academic success, whether among peers, in the
classroom, or on campus (Stayhorn, 2018). A sense of belonging is particularly important for
Latinx community college students, who are often the first in their families to go to college,
encounter barriers, and experience the college setting as foreign (Loveland, 2018). Students’
sense of belonging on campus correlates with positive student-faculty interactions (Hurtado et
al., 2015; Strayhorn, 2018). Also, culturally responsive pedagogies and mentoring have been
50
found to help Latinx students continue their education by making them feel like they belong on
campus (Gonzales et al., 2015).
The classroom provides an opportunity to address validating student-faculty interactions
and a sense of belonging. However, barriers are present even in classrooms that provide
opportunities to build student-faculty relationships. For example, Cox’s (2009) study on
community college students and their sense of belonging found that students perceived their
professors as “looking down” on them and, consequently, felt fear, anxiety, and intimidation. In
Acevedo-Gil and colleagues’ (2015) study, Latinx students in developmental English and math
courses in community colleges experienced moments of invalidation from faculty, which
resulted in lowered educational aspirations, academic self-confidence, and self-efficacy.
Part 4: Part-Time Enrollment in Higher Education
Due to the paucity of literature on part-time enrolled Latina students and part-time
enrollment at HSIs and community colleges, part four of the literature review focuses on
scholarships on part-time enrollment in higher education. This part of the literature provides a
brief historical overview of part-time enrollment, followed by current enrollment trends,
demographics, characteristics, and financial aid implications for part-time students. Furthermore,
the section concludes with retention and persistence concerns for part-time enrollment and the
need for equitable practices and structures for part-time student enrollment.
A Brief Historical Background of Part-Time Enrollment
Part-time enrollment in higher education reached new heights in the 1970s, with
community colleges having the greatest rise in students enrolling part-time (O’Toole et al.,
2003). Part-time enrollment at public undergraduate institutions increased from 2.1 million in
1970 to 6 million in 2020 (NCES, 2022). In a longitudinal study, O’Toole and colleagues (2003)
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examined the variables that led to the increase in part-time enrollment between 1970 and 1998,
including the characteristics of part-time student groups. They found three key factors
contributing to the expansion of part-time enrollment: (a) an increase in the number of students
who were 25 years old or older, and (b) the rise in part-time enrollment among college students
who fall within the traditional age range of 18 to 24 and (c) the increase in minoritized student
populations’ enrollment. To understand the growth of part-time enrollment during these 28 years
based on O’Toole and colleagues’ (2003) findings, I will focus on the two factors related to this
study: race and gender.
Despite a large correlation between part-time enrollment and Latinx and female
undergraduate students dating to the 1970s, little is known about these two populations,
particularly Latina students enrolled part-time. While the number of students over the age of 25
contributed to the rise of part-time enrolled students, disaggregated data further revealed that
female students enrolled part-time largely contributed to the growth of this population (O’Toole
et al., 2003). There was a 190% increase in female students enrolled part-time between 1970 and
1998, compared to an increase of 59% of males enrolled part-time. O’Toole et al. (2003) linked
the substantial gender disparities in part-time enrollment to the rapid increase in women’s labor
force involvement. Other scholars connected the increase in female college students attending
part-time to the change in American society (Bean & Metzner, 1985; Eisenmann, 2006).
Before World War II, most women’s occupations consisted of traditional positions such
as secretaries, teachers, and nurses (Bean & Metzner, 1985). With the change in societal
perceptions of women’s potential and an economic need due to the war, most full-time and part-
time higher education students in the United States became female (Bean & Metzner, 1985).
Another contributor to the increase in part-time enrolled students was the increase of students
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from minoritized groups, with a significantly larger growth for Latinx students from 4% of the
part-time enrolled student population in 1980 to 9.2% in 1999 (O’Toole et al., 2003).
Latinx Students and Part-Time Enrollment in Higher Education
According to NCES (2022), FTE is anticipated to rise by 4.4% between 2020 and 2030
(from 9.8 million to 10.3 million students), while part-time attendance is anticipated to rise by
7.8% over the same period (from 6.0 million to 6.5 million students). A report by Excelencia in
Education (2022d) on Latinx college enrollment revealed that Latinx undergraduates are more
likely to enroll part-time, with almost half (44%) enrolled part-time compared to all
undergraduate students (38%) nationwide. Throughout the literature on part-time enrollment and
Latinx students in higher education, the prevalence of Latinx students enrolling part-time is
commonly mentioned (Contreras & Contreras, 2015; Fry, 2002; Jacoby, 2014; O’Toole et al.,
2003).
A report by Fry (2002) on the scope and nature of Latinx enrollment found that Latinx
students were more likely to enroll at community colleges part-time due to family
responsibilities and employment commitments. Many Latinx students work more than 20 hours
per week (Gándara & Contreras, 2010), often correlated to low socioeconomic backgrounds and
the high costs of pursuing higher education (Cunningham & Santiago, 2008). In an analysis of
college completion and success rates at HSIs in California, Contreras and Contreras (2015)
pointed to the correlation between longer degree completion times and part-time enrollment for
Latinx students related to financial need. Contreras and Contreras (2015) suggested seeking new
approaches for Latinx success, such as changing work-study opportunities on campus for part-
time working students and rethinking financial aid for part-time, low-income students at
community colleges. Furthermore, they suggest that traditional models of assessing persistence
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and student success through a 30-unit completion rate during the 1st year are not the best
predictor of college completion, given that part-time enrolled students will not meet this standard
and timeline.
Latinx and Part-Time Enrollment at CCCs
As mentioned in the literature and revealed through the data, part-time enrollment is
particularly higher at community colleges (Contreras & Contreras, 2015; Fry, 2002; Jacoby,
2014; NCES, 2022; O’Toole et al., 2003). In California, in the fall of 2021, 71.5% of all students
enrolled at a community college were part-time; of those who were part-time, 47.9% identified
as Latinx (CCCCO, 2022). Among Latinx students enrolled part-time, Latinas comprised 58%
(see Table 1).
Although Latinas comprise a large portion of the part-time enrolled student population at
CCCs, little is known about their experiences due to the lack of qualitative research and limited
data. What is known from the literature is that part-time enrollment is highly associated with
financial disparities and low student retention and engagement. In the following section, I review
the literature on part-time enrollment and its financial implications.
Financial Aid and Part-Time Enrollment
Almost 80% of students enrolled at CCCs get tuition fee exemptions and financial aid
assistance (Community College League of California, 2019). However, students not enrolled
full-time and enrolled in fewer than 6 units per semester are ineligible for many forms of
financial aid, thus raising the cost of college attendance (Ardissone et al., 2021; Bombardieri,
2017). Radwin and colleagues (2013) found that the average financial aid full-time students
received is $11,200, while the average amount part-time students received is $4,200. This
difference reveals that part-time students receive much less financial aid than full-time students.
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Bombardieri (2017) further highlighted financial disparities by arguing that part-time enrolled
students may not get enough financial aid to offset college costs like babysitting, car payments,
and internet services.
Expanding on Bombardieri’s (2017) findings, Ardissone and colleagues (2021) noted that
the reduction in financial aid is not proportional when extra expenses, such as textbooks and
school supplies, are included. Regarding the average yearly cost of college attendance beyond
tuition, part-time students are likely to spend more out of pocket than full-time students (Palacios
et al., 2020). For Latinx college students, financial barriers make the difference between staying
in school or dropping out (Mahaffy & Pantoja, 2012); thus, those who enroll part-time may be at
a higher risk of dropping out due to a lack of financial support. Studies have also revealed a
substantial positive correlation between financial aid and college students’ educational outcomes
(Bettinger et al., 2009). Therefore, excluding part-time students from financial aid may impede
their ability to earn a degree.
Part-Time Enrollment and Data Collection
Data on part-time students’ completion rates and outcomes are scarce. Part of this
scarcity is due to how data is collected and the passing of the Student Right-to-Know and
Campus Security Act of 1990 (Sen. Bradley, 1990). This act was developed to increase
transparency and accountability for graduation rates, including data on 2-year and 6-year
completion rates (Sen. Bradley, 1990). Despite this mandate, part-time enrolled students remain
omitted from the data on graduation rates due to how data are collected. Graduation rate data
collected by NCES only include cohorts of those who enrolled full-time during their first
semester, thus excluding all students who enrolled part-time during their first semester from all
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future data collection. Thus, data on graduation rates for community colleges, which enroll a
substantial number of part-time enrolled students, are missing.
Another law affecting data collection on part-time enrolled students is the Higher
Education Opportunity Act (HEOA) of 2008. One of the main goals of the HEOA of 2008 was to
update and simplify the filing of the FAFSA (U.S. Department of Education, 2010). A subset of
the legislation prohibited the creation of a federal database of personally identifiable information
on individuals receiving assistance (U.S. Department of Education, 2010). Since the U.S.
Department of Education was prohibited from collecting individual student progress and
outcomes, all the information submitted to the IPEDS, a database widely used by scholars under
the NCES, must aggregate (group and summarize) data for each semester from each institution
(U.S. Department of Education, 2010). This legislation makes it difficult to follow individual
students’ enrollment patterns and impossible to desegregate outcome statistics based on gender,
race, and ethnicity enrollment status. Consequently, there are no government statistics on the
graduation rates of Latina students enrolling part-time. In the following section, I review what is
known about the retention rates of part-time enrolled students at higher education institutions.
Retention and Persistence for Part-Time Students
Much of the literature on part-time students has highlighted the lower persistence and
retention rates in comparison to the full-time student population (Adelman, 1999; Bean &
Metzner, 1985; Stratton et al., 2007), with a negative correlation of degree attainment and
persistence with part-time enrollment (Chen, 2007). What is evident from the literature is that
many studies on enrollment patterns are quantitative research conducted through surveys or data
analysis (O’Toole et al., 2003). However, studies continue to report the need to focus attention
on part-time enrolled students (Kuh et al., 2006), with some studies revealing the need to focus
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on Latinx part-time students (Fry, 2002), few strategies to increase the retention of part-time
through support services throughout their educational journey have been presented (Jaycob,
2014). Some studies have also found that most institutional resources are directed and designed
to retain traditional full-time students (Seidman, 2012). Others recommend strategies for
improving student retention that focus on increasing units for academic success and incentivizing
FTE (Bombardieri, 2017; Center for Community College Student Engagement, 2017). However,
enrolling full-time or adding additional units is often not an option for part-time students due to
family, financial, work, or caregiving responsibilities outside of school. There is growing
awareness that part-time enrollment is the only feasible option for some students (Bombardieri,
2017).
Current policies and initiatives to increase student achievement and retention often
depend on FTE. For example, the Extended Opportunity Programs and Services (EOPS), aimed
at helping students with socioeconomic, educational, or language disadvantages, provide
additional academic, support, and financial assistance and require that students enroll in at least
12 units (CCCCO, 2022). Another example is the California College Promise, also known as
Assembly Bill (AB) 19, which gives funding to college districts to further the legislative goals,
which include: increasing college enrollment directly after high school, increasing the percentage
of students in credit math and English college courses; increasing the number of certificates,
associate degrees, and university transfers; and reducing achievement gaps. Although not
required, the law allows districts to use specific funds to cover the fees for first-time, full-time
students, again excluding part-time students.
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Part 5: Theoretical Frameworks
For this study, Schlossberg’s (Anderson et al., 2021; Schlossberg, 1981) transition theory
provides a structure for examining part-time enrolled Latina students’ perceived challenges and
experiences as they transition through an HSCCC. The literature on the historical background
and racialized structures of CCCs and HSIs provides context on the environment and structures
through which these students navigate. Additionally, Latino/a critical race theory (LatCrit) was
used in this study to provide a lens that considers how these students’ transitions are affected by
the racialized systemic barriers that impact the experiences and inequities of Latinx students and
other minoritized student populations in higher education (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). In this
concluding section of the literature review, I present an overview of the two theoretical
frameworks used for this research and an explanation of the association between LatCrit and
testimonios, which is the methodological approach for this study.
Schlossberg’s Transition Theory
Schlossberg (1984) described a transition as “any event or non-event that causes changes
in relationships, routines, assumptions, or roles” (p. 35). Chickering and Schlossberg (2002)
described three main phases of the college transition: moving in, moving through, and moving
out. This study focuses on Latina students who have been enrolled at an HSCCC for more than
one academic year and are moving through an HSCCC. Schlossberg and colleagues (1989)
described moving through college as a time of learning to balance competing demands while
navigating academic and personal transitions. Latinas balance a variety of intersectional
identities and obligations and encounter many obstacles, adding to the stress that comes with
navigating through college (Espino, 2020). Whether registering for classes, attending college, or
transferring out of college, these experiences are considered a transition (Jacoby, 2014).
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Schlossberg’s (Anderson et al., 2021; Schlossberg, 1981) transition theory offers two
models to help conceptualize life transitions of all types: “positive and negative, dramatic and
ordinary” (Schlossberg, 1981, p. 3). These models provide the basis for analyzing possible
interventions and coping strategies and have been used in research to understand college
students’ experiences. The models are moving in, moving through, and moving out (Schlossberg
et al., 1989) and the 4 S system (Anderson et al., 2021; Schlossberg, 1981). In the following
section, I introduce these two models and their correlation to this study.
Moving In, Moving Through, Moving Out
The series of phases an individual moves through when going through a transition was
described by Schlossberg and colleagues (1989) as moving in, moving through, and moving out.
Chickering and Schlossberg (2002) recognized the college experience as a series of transitions
and used this model to help students evaluate and reflect on the phases as they progress through
college. Jacoby (2000) presented these phases from the perspective of part-time and commuter
students, illustrating the moving-in phase in college as a time when one’s life requires new and
complex learning. The transition of moving into a new environment presents new demands that
can be overwhelming. Schlossberg and colleagues (1989) described the moving through phase as
requiring learning to balance competing demands while navigating academic and personal
transitions. Lastly, the moving out phase is a common transition that frequently causes
conflicting emotions and doubts about the next steps or new life experiences (Jacoby, 2014).
This final stage is critical given the low degree attainment and transfers to 4-year institutions for
Latinx community college students (Contreras & Contreras, 2015; Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021).
This final stage may also include supporting students as they prepare for their next steps,
including transferring or starting a new career.
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Latinas struggle to balance various obligations and encounter numerous obstacles, adding
to their stress as they navigate college (Espino, 2020). While supporting Latina students in all
phases of the transition process is essential, for this study, I selected participants who had already
completed a year in college and were moving through an HSCCC to meet their academic goals
because of the low retention rates of part-time students in their 1st year.
The 4 S System
Schlossberg (1981) identified four categories to determine how a person will handle
change: the 4 S system. Schlossberg (1981) created the 4 S system to “identify the possible
resources someone holds to cope with the shift” (p. 16) and was originally used in personal
counseling to help individuals navigate through transitions. According to Sargent and
Schlossberg (1988), this systematic process can be used to master change. The four coping
mechanisms, as defined by Schlossberg and colleagues (Anderson et al., 2021; Schlossberg,
1981), include (a) situation, which is more closely related to the actual transition and changes
occurring and is typically a feature describing the triggers, changes, and stresses of the
transitional experience; (b) self, referring to individual traits based on one’s perception of
oneself, including their value system; (c) support, which includes support systems such as
family, friends, and mentors, including support from institutions; and (d) strategy, which focuses
on the actions, interactions, interventions, and tactics used to get through a transition.
Although the 4 S system has been a valuable tool in educational research to study
students’ experiences as they transition through college, it does not consider racialized systemic
barriers. A critique that I pose of Schlossberg’s (Anderson et al., 2021; Schlossberg, 1981)
transition theory and the 4 S system is that it does not consider race and other intersectional
identities within systems of oppression and how these systems can present barriers and hinder an
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individual’s resources or ability to persist through transitions. Therefore, I couple Schlossberg’s
(Anderson et al., 2021; Schlossberg, 1981) transition theory with LatCrit to provide a critical
lens that recognizes the experiences of Latina students (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001),
including how race and gender intersect within systems of injustice, privilege, and power
(Solórzano, 1998).
Latino/a Critical Race Theory
Latino critical (LatCrit) theory is a subset of critical race theory (CRT). It concentrates on
the intersecting identities of Latinx individuals, which include aspects like language,
immigration status, ethnicity, gender, and culture (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). Critical
race theory (CRT) and Latino critical theory (LatCrit) both contest the deficit viewpoint often
attributed to Latinx students. Using LatCrit as a theoretical framework can “reveal the ways
Latinas/os experience race, class, gender, and sexuality while also acknowledging experiences
related to issues of immigration status, language, ethnicity, and culture” (Pérez Huber, 2009, p.
643). This study focuses on the personal experiences of Latina students who are enrolled part-
time, taking into account the varied intersectional identities and experiences that shape their
educational journey. A LatCrit framework provides a lens to examine Latinx students’
educational disparities and critically evaluate the racial structures, policies, and practices that
significantly influence their educational achievements (Solórzano et al., 2000).
Scholars have used LatCrit to understand Latinas at HSIs. For example, Contreras
Aguirre and colleagues (2020) studied the experiences of Latina undergraduate students in male-
dominated STEM disciplines at two HSIs. Using a LatCrit lens, the study reflected on Latinas’
experiences in these fields, providing insight into peers, faculty, and family members’ role in
persistence. Another study by Ek and colleagues (2010) studied the experiences of Chicana and
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Latina junior faculty at an HSI with racism and sexism in academia. The results showed the
effectiveness of community and mentoring as the participants progressed toward tenure. Overall,
Schlossberg’s transition theory and LatCrit are coupled to provide a valuable lens to understand
the experiences of Latina students enrolled part-time at an HSCCC.
For this study, LatCrit theory is the core framework that guides testimonios as a
methodological approach. While HSIs enroll 25% or more of Latinx students, the literature
reveals that HSIs do not shield Latinx students from negative campus experiences and
discrimination (Cuellar & Johnson-Ahorlu, 2016). To better understand the experiences of part-
time Latina students, the 4 S system is utilized to structure the interviews, spotlighting
testimonios. Additionally, the 4 S system moves beyond simply assessing participants’ assets and
deficits. Instead, it provides implications for taking stock of how HSCCCs can intentionally
serve and support this student population.
Chapter Closing
The review of the literature, in the aggregate, illustrates the two types of institutions,
CCCs and HSIs, and how Latinas and other part-time students are positioned within these higher
education systems. What is obvious from the literature review is that Latina students enrolled
part-time at CCCs and HSIs continue to be understudied. Furthermore, much of the literature on
part-time enrollment uses a quantitative approach, while qualitative research that provides an
understanding of students’ experiences is limited. This study sought to add to the literature on
Latinas attending an HSCCC by understanding their challenges and experiences while exploring
the implications for this particular student population.
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Chapter Three: Methodology
Qualitative research aims to “study things in their natural settings, attempting to make
sense of or interpret phenomena in terms of the meanings that people bring to them” (Denzin &
Lincoln, 2000, p. 3). Merriam and Tisdell (2015) described the primary interest of qualitative
researchers as wanting to understand “the meaning people have constructed; that is, how people
make sense of their world and the experiences they have in the world” (p. 15). While quantitative
research aims to describe trends and relationships in numeric data (Lochmiller & Lester, 2015)
and often focuses on reducing large amounts of data into patterns and statistics, qualitative
research seeks to enhance the data and increase its density and complexity (Gibbs, 2018).
Furthermore, qualitative research helps to understand certain parts of the human
experience more deeply and plays an integral role in telling the stories of people’s experiences
instead of generalizing (Maxwell, 2013). Rather than predicting or generalizing, Bhattacharya
(2017) described qualitative research as having various purposes, including attempting to
understand, interrogate and deconstruct. This chapter focuses on the qualitative research design
of this study, including the methodology and methods used to collect and analyze the data on the
perceived challenges and experiences of Latina students enrolled part-time at an HSCCC. In the
following section, I briefly reiterate the purpose of this study and restate the main research
question and its sub-questions.
Restatement of Research Purpose and Questions
This qualitative research sought to explore the perceived challenges and experiences of
part-time enrolled Latina students at an HSCCC, with particular attention to their perception of
self, their situation, and the support systems and strategies they use to transition through college.
For decades, research has identified part-time enrollment as one of the most significant risk
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factors threatening persistence and graduation (Kuh et al., 2006). Other risk factors include not
enrolling in college immediately following high school graduation, being a first-generation
college student, being a single parent, being financially independent, caring for children at home,
working more than 30 hours per week, and being academically unprepared for college-level
work (Kuh et al., 2006). Students with two or more of these traits are more likely than their peers
to drop out of college (Choy, 2002; Muraskin & Lee, 2004; Swail, 2003). In addition, regardless
of the postsecondary field of study or type of institution attended, Fry (2002) found that part-time
college enrollment is associated with a greater risk of accumulating college credits without
earning a degree.
Similarly, Contreras and Contreras (2015) revealed that most Latinx students attend
college part-time due to financial need, which extends the time required to acquire a degree and
increases the likelihood of dropping out of college. While research continues to reveal the risk of
part-time enrollment for Latinx students, few studies have taken a qualitative research approach
that examines their challenges and experiences. To comprehend the distinctive experiences of
Latina students who enroll part-time at an HSCCC, the main research question for this study
asked, “What are the perceived challenges and experiences of part-time enrolled Latina students
transitioning through an HSCCC? Two additional sub-questions accompanied the primary
question for this research:
How do part-time enrolled Latina students describe their situation and self-perception
at an HSCCC?
What strategies and support systems do part-time enrolled Latina students use to
persist through an HSCCC?
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To answer the research questions, semi-structured interviews via Zoom were conducted
with 12 Latina students enrolled part-time at an HSCCC. All participants had been enrolled in
college for over one academic year and moved through without breaks or stopping out. The
interviews highlighted their testimonios to center their challenges and experiences with the intent
to begin to interrogate and deconstruct how HSCCCs can better support and retain this student
population as they persist and transition through these institutions to achieve their academic
goals. In what follows, I introduce the study’s methodology and research design connecting them
to the theoretical frameworks that serve as the study’s foundation.
Methodology and Research Design
Crotty (1998) defined methodology as “the strategy, plan of action, process, or design
lying behind the choice and use of a particular method and linking the choice and use of methods
to the desired outcomes” (p. 3). A methodology is often compared to a blueprint or road map as
it guides the research design (Bhattacharya, 2017). Given that this study aimed to examine,
through qualitative interviews, the challenges and experiences of part-time enrolled Latina
students at an HSCCC, I adopted a methodology that strongly emphasized interview data from a
critical perspective. It is an approach that can provide both a methodology and a hopeful outlook
for increasing awareness and racial equity for this student population and transforming how they
are served. As a result, I implemented testimonios as a critical qualitative methodology.
Testimonios validate the experiential knowledge of the participants and their lived
experiences while recognizing the power of collective voice to disrupt racialized structures and
spark racial equity in higher education. As a critical approach, this methodology choice is
consistent with LatCrit theory (Solórzano, 1998), one of the theoretical frameworks for this
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study. A brief overview of the theoretical underpinnings is introduced in Chapter Two, focusing
on their correlation to the research design.
The theoretical frameworks guiding this study are Schlossberg’s transition theory,
including the 4 S system (Anderson et al., 2021; Schlossberg, 1981) and LatCrit theory
(Solórzano, 1998). These theoretical perspectives provide a more than logical and thorough
research design analysis (Bhattacharya, 2017). For instance, Schlossberg’s Transition Theory
(Anderson et al., 2021; Schlossberg, 1981) helps to recognize the college experience in three
phases: moving in, moving through, and moving out (Schlossberg et al., 1989). Research
indicates that part-time students are more likely than full-time students to drop out of college
early (Kuh et al., 2006); therefore, this study focuses on the phase of moving through college to
understand the experiences and challenges of Latina students enrolled part-time who are
persisting and defying the odds at an HSCCC.
Additionally, Schlossberg’s 4 S system (Anderson et al., 2021; Schlossberg, 1981)
guided the organization of the interviews to accentuate the testimonios and identify the
participants’ resources and needs in transitioning through college with implications for ‘taking
stock’ of how HSCCCs can serve and support this student population. Lastly, LatCrit theory
(Solórzano, 1998) provided a lens for recognizing the distinct experiences of the Latinx
community in relation to immigration status, language, ethnicity, culture, and racialized
structures. In the following section, I present testimonios as the methodology for this study and
describe their use in educational research. In addition, I align testimonios with the tenets
presented in LatCrit theory (Solórzano, 1998) and explain how three of the five tenets guided the
use of testimonios and influenced the interview questions and analysis of this study.
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Testimonios and LatCrit
Testimonio has been historically used in postcolonial writings developed by Latin
American people or in Latin America to document the experiences of oppressed groups and
highlight injustices (Alvarado, 1989; Freire, 1970). In the United States, educational scholars
have used testimonios to highlight the experiences of Chicano/a/x and Latinx communities
predominantly produced by Chicanas and Latinas (Delgado Bernal et al., 2012). They are often
rooted in liberatory education and pedagogy, as presented by Paulo Freire (Reyes & Curry
Rodríguez, 2012). Although testimonios are frequently expressed vocally or written in the first
person, they can be conveyed through narratives, storytelling, poetry, song lyrics, and spoken
word (Reyes & Curry Rodríguez, 2012).
In Telling to Live: Latina Feminist Testimonios (Latina Feminist Group, 2001), the
authors reflect on their papelitos guardados, both a metaphor and reality of their “little stored
papers,’” that contained private thoughts and recollections kept in a safe place until the time was
appropriate to share them to the world. Despite the various approaches, all testimonios have a
common goal: gaining solidarity to bring change by providing a platform for voices often living
on the margins. This study utilized testimonios as a methodology to unfold the papelitos
guardados of the untold experiences of part-time enrolled Latina students transitioning through
an HSCCC to center their voices and spark change. In what follows, I make connections between
three of the five tenets of LatCrit (Solórzano, 1998) and testimonios used for educational
research (Pérez Huber, 2009).
When applying LatCrit to education, Solórzano (1998) noted five tenets of LatCrit rooted
in CRT. These five tenets include (a) the intercentricity of race and racism, (b) the challenge of
the dominant ideology, (c) the commitment to social justice, (d) the centering of experiential
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knowledge of people of color, and (e) the utilization of interdisciplinary perspectives. Lindsay
Pérez Huber (2009) links the five tenets of LatCrit to using testimonios in educational research.
In what follows, I present the three tenets of testimonios as presented by Lindsay Pérez Huber
(2009) and their correlation to testimonios as a methodological approach for this study:
The intercentricity of race and racism: Using testimonios in research illustrates the
injustices people of color face. Through a LatCrit perspective, the intercentricity of
race and racism in testimonios aims to reveal oppressive structures and the
intersection of race and other facets, including ethnicity, gender, and language (Pérez
Huber, 2009).
The commitment to social justice: Historically, testimonios have been used to reveal
oppressive structures to reform oppressive conditions and eliminate injustices
(Alvarado, 1989; Freire, 1970). This study centered on the testimonios of part-time
enrolled Latina to understand their perceived challenges and experiences to identify
ways to cultivate successful outcomes and cultivate support services at HSCCCs that
intentionally serve this student population.
The centrality of experiential knowledge: Like this principle of LatCrit, testimonio
draws on the lived experiences of People of Color to record and analyze injustice.
Furthermore, testimonio as a methodology addresses equity and “voice”. In this
study, I centered the participants’ (testimonialistas) voices and saw them as holders of
knowledge who are co-constructors of this study. I acknowledge their community
cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005) and the cultural intuition (Delgado Bernal, 1998) they
bring to the interviews. Throughout this study, I recognize the participants’
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testimonios as valuable instruments that make this research possible and have
implications for effecting positive change.
While testimonios based on LatCrit theory (Solórzano, 1998) serve as a methodology,
this theory also influenced the interview protocol. As described in the following section, an
interview matrix (see Appendix G) was developed to illustrate how the three tenets of LatCrit
and Schlossberg’s (Anderson et al., 2021; Schlossberg, 1981) 4 S System guided the method of
interview questions used for this study.
Research Methods
Simply put, the study methods are the details used to collect and analyze the data
(Esposito & Evans-Winters, 2021). In this section, I provide information on the site selection,
sampling and recruitment process, demographic and screening questionnaire, data collection, and
analytic process used for this study. In addition, I will present my positionality and how it relates
to this study.
Site Selection
Rose City College (RCC; a pseudonym) is a top-rated community college in Southern
California and is one of the state’s oldest and largest. It was founded in the 1920s and enrolled
over 250 students in its 1st year. Today, the college enrolls about 25,000 students yearly. Nearly
45% of the student body self-identifies as Latinx, more than 50% identify as female, and more
than 65% enroll part-time. Part-time enrollment among Latinas is among the highest. Almost
70% of the 6,000 Latina students enrolled at RCC in the Fall of 2021 were classified as part-time
and enrolled in fewer than 12 units (RCC, 2022). During the pandemic, enrollment at RCC
decreased by 25% between Fall 2019 and Fall 2021, from 27,000 students to around 21,000
(RCC, 2022).
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Since the early 1990s, the institution has been designated an HSI for its large Latinx
enrollment and has secured multiple HSI Title V and Title III grants since 2000 (RCC, 2022).
The institution has been recognized for several accomplishments and awards. The Hispanic
Outlook in Education Magazine recognized the institution as granting the most associate degrees
to Latinx students in the state and third-most nationwide. Despite the HSI grants and national
rankings, RCC continues to have persistent equity gaps between Latinx and non-Latinx students,
with an even wider gap for part-time enrolled Latinx students. At RCC, the data reveals that part-
time students are at a higher risk of quitting after their 1st year in college.
The geographical area around RCC depicts social and economic disparities beyond
education. RCC is located in the greater Los Angeles area, which houses California’s most
socioeconomically unequal cities (Hipp & Kim, 2021). The city has a significant, continuously
widening gap between high-income and low-income households. Many Latinx and people of
color who reside in the area struggle to meet basic needs, given an increasing cost of living, and
typically hold low-wage jobs. These disparities widened throughout the COVID-19 pandemic,
highlighting various disparities, including the gender gap among Latinas, who experienced
higher unemployment rates than their Latino male counterparts (Hernández, 2021).
Overall, I selected RCC for this study because of its high enrollment of part-time Latina
students and its continuous HSI Title V grant awards. Additionally, like most HSCCCs, despite
their efforts, the institution’s leaders still grapple with equity gaps in degree attainment and
retention for Latinx students, even more so for those enrolled part-time.
Sampling Procedures
Due to the specific population and institution type being studied, a purposeful sampling
approach was used to recruit the participants for this study. Purposeful sampling involves
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deliberately recruiting and selecting participants who meet the criteria (Esposito & Evans-
Winters, 2021). For this qualitative study, the criterion included students who self-identify as
Latina (female), were over 18, were first-time college students, enrolled part-time (fewer than 12
units) at RCC, and had been enrolled part-time for academic year or more at RCC.
Recruitment Strategies
During the recruitment stage, with the support of RCC’s Office of Institutional
Effectiveness, I gathered a list of potential participants who met the study’s criteria and had been
predominantly part-time since 2016, allowing for a 6-year review. This list of possible
participants was the primary source for recruitment. All students on the list were invited to
participate through email (see Appendix A), which included the attached flyer (see Appendix B)
and information sheet (see Appendix F). I also asked RCC’s faculty and student services
personnel to distribute emails and documents to students in their respective programs. In
addition, directors of special programs and empowerment programs, such as RCC’s Puente
Project, Mathematics, Engineering, and Science Achievement Program, and EOPS, were asked
to email and distribute flyers to students in their prospective programs.
In addition to recruitment through email and electronic media, flyers were approved by
authorized personnel in the Office of Student Life to be distributed and placed in program
centers and throughout the campus. As the primary source of information, the flyer outlined the
study’s objectives, criteria, and compensation. The flyer provided students with my Google
Voice number, USC email address, and a QR code that led interested students to a webpage with
further details about the study, the researcher, and the demographic and screening questionnaire.
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Instruments
This study used two primary instruments, a questionnaire (see Appendix C) and semi-
structured interview questions (see Appendix E).
Questionnaire
The questionnaire for this study served as both a screening tool and a demographic form.
The demographic information collected included age, gender identity, ethnic identity,
participants’ academic goal(s), and employment status. Participants who completed the
questionnaire and met the criteria were invited to schedule an interview appointment via email
(see Appendix D). The second instrument was 60–90-minute one-on-one semi-structured
interviews conducted via Zoom.
Semi-structured Interviews
Semi-structured interviews allow participants to go off-topic while ensuring that the most
critical questions are addressed (Esposito & Evans-Winters, 2021). The interview protocol (see
Appendix E) was used as a guide to ask 28 questions. Questions were influenced by
Schlossberg’s (Anderson et al., 2021; Schlossberg, 1981) 4 S System and three of the five tenets
of LatCrit theory (Solórzano, 1998). The theoretical rationale for the interview questions can be
found in Appendix G, which aligns each question to an appropriate theoretical framework used
for this study. In what follows, I briefly reintroduce the four elements of Schlossberg’s
(Anderson et al., 2021; Schlossberg, 1981) 4 S System, focusing on how they were used to
organize and structure the interview questions.
1. Self refers to individual traits based on one’s self-perception. For this study,
participants were asked to reflect on the traits that have helped them persist through
college and their perception of self within an HSCCC.
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2. Situation is more closely related to the actual transition and changes occurring and is
typically a feature describing the changes and stressors of the transitional experience.
This study examined the unique experiences of part-time enrolled Latina students at
an HSCCC, focusing on the situations that influence their part-time enrollment and
their transition through college as continuing students.
3. Support includes support systems such as family, friends, mentors, and institutional
support systems. For this study, participants were asked to identify essential support
systems, both on-campus and off-campus, including institutional agents, programs,
support services, and outside individuals who helped them transition through an
HSCCC.
4. Strategies focus on the actions, interactions, interventions, and tactics used to get
through a transition. For this study, students were asked about strategies they utilize
when facing a challenge that impedes their academic progress.
While testimonios serve as a methodology grounded in LatCrit, it has also influenced the
interview protocol. The interview matrix for this study (see Appendix G) exhibits how three of
the five tenets of LatCrit, including the intercentricity of race and racism, commitment to social
justice, and the centrality of experiential knowledge, influenced the interview questions to
examine potential narratives or themes related to race and intersectional identities, commitment
to social justice, and the centrality of the participants’ voices and expertise. Findings related to
these tenets are presented in Chapter Five, and discussions and recommendations related to the
results are addressed in Chapter Six.
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Data Collection
Upon institutional review board (IRB) approval by USC and RCC, I collected data
through one-on-one interviews using the semi-structured interview protocol (see Appendix E).
The predetermined number of 12–15 student participants considered the population at RCC and
the study’s timeline. At RCC, approximately 20% of the student population enrolled in Fall 2021
identified as Latinas and were registered part-time (fewer than 12 units). In addition, the sample
size met the time constraints associated with the Doctor of Education in Educational Leadership
program at USC. It also allowed sufficient time to conduct in-depth interviews to shed light on
the participants’ experiences and testimonios.
Fourteen individual interviews, each of a duration ranging between 60 and 90 minutes,
were conducted utilizing Zoom. The interviewees comprised of 14 Latina students who were
enrolled on a part-time basis. However, the conclusive findings of the research accounted for 12
students, a decrease necessitated by minor modifications in the interview protocol approved by
the University of Southern California IRB. The two initial interviews with Latina students were
excluded from the final data pool as these changes to the protocol were enacted post these
interviews. Although the initial objective encompassed conducting interviews with 12–15
participants, only 12 interviews were conducted due to the timeframe of the dissertation project.
As a researcher, I initiated each discussion by outlining the study’s objectives and
requesting consent from the participants for the interview. I further sought approval from every
participant to record the sessions using Zoom. All the recordings were securely stored in a cloud
service within a password-protected account. These files are planned to be erased 3 years after
the research ends.
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Confidentiality
Throughout the study, I have used various research strategies to protect the participants’
identities, including pseudonyms for people and places. Immediately after reviewing the protocol
for confidentiality with the participants, I asked each participant to choose a pseudonym and
selected a name for those who did not have a preference. I have also taken precautions to protect
the location where I conducted the research and have assigned the site a pseudonym. I have
shielded all pseudonyms from identity discovery by avoiding nicknames for participants and
descriptive words for the site. To further ensure the participants’ protection, I gave each
participant an information sheet (see Appendix F) with thorough information regarding the study
and notified them of their option to withdraw at any time. The information sheet included my
IRB approval number, contact information, and other contacts, including the faculty advisor and
USC’s IRB, should they have any questions. In the next section, I provide the protocols and
procedures used to analyze the data.
Data Analysis
Data analysis is the transformation of extensive data collection into an analytic procedure
that turns the data into a “clear, understandable, insightful, trustworthy, and even original
analysis” (Gibbs, 2018, p. 2). In contrast to data analysis, which consists of data organization,
fragmentation, coding, and synthesis, data interpretation is the process of deriving concepts from
the data and relating them to the literature (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). Some researchers contend
that qualitative data analysis includes data handling and interpretation (Bazeley, 2013; Flick,
2014). In this section, I include details on how I engaged with the data and systematically
interpreted the data as part of my data analysis. What follows is a description of the data analysis
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conducted for this study, including data organization and transcription, coding schemes, and
analysis.
Data Management and Transcriptions
To prepare for the data analysis, audio recordings of all interviews were transcribed
verbatim using Zoom. I manually reviewed each transcription, and when clarity was needed,
participants were emailed to review for accuracy. A narrative format was used for all
transcriptions. For confidentiality, the names of the interviewees were kept anonymous, and only
pseudonyms were used on transcripts and other study documents and files. All transcriptions
have been uploaded to CAQDAS (NVivo 12) with original audios and field notes. NVivo 12 is a
software tool used for qualitative and mixed-methods research. The program was specifically
used to analyze and organize text and audio from the data collection and field notes.
A portion of my data collection consisted of field notes documented during the
interviews, which contained precise information about the interview, such as the date, time, and
place, as well as an emphasis on observations, such as tone of voice. A few hours after each
interview, I completed field notes used throughout the data analysis to help evaluate the
transcriptions while carefully differentiating between what was stated verbatim and my
interpretation (Rubin & Rubin, 2012). In addition to notes taken during the interviews, notes
were taken during the development and review of the transcriptions, focusing on my thoughts
and reflections and emphasizing notable quotes (Rubin & Rubin, 2012).
Meta-data were applied to provide detailed information about each file uploaded on
CAQDAS (NVivo 12). Simply put, meta-data is data about the data (Gibbs, 2018). When saving
transcriptions and field notes, I included meta-data at the start of the electronic file, including a
summary and description of the document. For example, electronic transcriptions had
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participants’ pseudonyms, the date and time of interviews, details about the participant as
collected through the interview and demographic and screening questionnaire, and field notes
relevant to the interview. The meta-data summary components of each file also contained my
first impression, developing themes, and possible bias for each interview, as recorded in my field
notes.
Coding and Data Analysis
Coding is the link between data collection and analysis (Charmaz, 2006). Some
researchers divide coding into two cycles, the first and second (Saldaña, 2016), which Charmaz
(2006) referred to as the initial and focused coding phases. For this study, I completed two
coding phases. During the first coding phase, I took a descriptive coding approach, also
described as open coding (Esposito & Evans-Winters, 2021), and highlighted illustrative quotes
and themes. Throughout the study’s coding and data analysis stage, I maintained a journal to stay
organized and kept track of my thoughts and analysis. Furthermore, I listened to the recording of
each participant multiple times and added to the notes taken.
Descriptive codes describe the characteristics of respondents and may include situations,
relationships, strategies, support systems, or other concepts that arise (Gibbs, 2018). Although
descriptive and open coding does not offer an analytical examination of the data, for this study, it
provided a method for initially reading and understanding the participants’ testimonios.
Furthermore, throughout the initial phase, I also used an inductive approach by keeping an open
mind to potential outcomes and interpretations of the raw data (Esposito & Evans-Winters,
2021). Researchers have argued that the coding used in a study should be influenced by the
answers the study aims to uncover (Saldaña, 2016). This study aimed to reveal the
testimonialistas’ realities, specifically their challenges and experiences at an HSCCC, through
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their testimonios. I used descriptive coding (in vivo coding) to highlight the testimonialistas’
narratives. In vivo coding uses the participants’ direct words or phrases from the data (Esposito
& Evans-Winters, 2021). For this study, I used their direct words to honor their testimonios and
them as knowledge holders.
The primary purpose of coding is to transform raw data into themes (Esposito & Evans-
Winters, 2021). In the second coding phase, I moved toward a more analytic approach using
categorical and analytic data. During this coding round, I developed categorical codes by
grouping themes (Gibbs, 2018). I also used analytic codes to conceptualize the data in a deeper
context (Gibbs, 2018) and connected them to the theoretical frameworks and questions guiding
this study. Specifically, I coded analytically by categorizing and grouping the data based on their
presented challenges and experiences. Additionally, I employed an analytic approach to gain
insight into the participants’ situations, how they perceived themselves, and their situations. I
also analyzed the strategies they used to navigate through college. Furthermore, I examined the
support systems they discussed.
While there were two distinct coding phases, I took multiple rounds in each stage to
ensure a more thorough analysis. Moving toward the data analysis, I collapsed codes into
numerous categories and themes and included annotations on how they connected to the research
questions, literature, and theories. I also used NVivo 12 and my notes to conduct case-by-case
comparisons of respondent data to search for common themes or typologies. Based on their
relation, codes were stored in NVivo 12 in hierarchical form (Gibbs, 2018). Once themes
emerged, I categorized them by the research questions they addressed and began to gather
statistical data that would help to present the findings in a hierarchical form.
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Positionality
Positionality is “how one is situated through the intersection of power and the politics of
gender, race, class, sexuality, ethnicity, culture, language, and other social factors” (Villaverde,
2008, p. 10). As the researcher, I embrace a critical lens in acknowledging that I bring my unique
epistemological perspectives—ways of knowing—that influence the research design, from the
questions I present to the interpretations I make of the data (Morris & Parker, 2018). I
acknowledge that my positionality presents both opportunities and challenges. In this section, I
introduce Chicana feminist epistemology (CFE), often used in critical qualitative research that
employs testimonio to honor the participants, and sometimes the researcher, as holders of
knowledge (Delgado Bernal & Villalpando, 2002). In this section, I will present CFE and
connect it to my testimonio/positionality and what I offer as a Chicana researcher. Additionally, I
address how understanding my positionality has enabled me to evaluate my biases while
maintaining a critical perspective as an established community college practitioner and an
emerging researcher.
Chicana Feminist Epistemology
Epistemology is how we know what we know. Douglas and Nganga (2013) further
described that “one’s epistemology is a highly nuanced filter that is constructed from an
amalgamation of the social, political, and historical dynamics of lived experience” (p. 60). In
other words, Esposito and Evans-Winters (2021) described epistemology as one’s level of
knowledge that is influenced by one’s identities; the knowledge passed down to us, and the
knowledge to which we have access. Chicana feminist scholarship recognizes the power
relations in knowledge and provides a different standpoint that challenges traditional ways of
knowing. Delgado Bernal (1998) argued that Chicana researchers bring a unique viewpoint that
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can give a different perspective, which she calls “cultural intuition” (p. 563). CFE recognizes the
cultural intuition that Chicana scholars, like myself, bring to the research and the critical stance
needed to serve as a “means to resist epistemological racism” (Delgado Bernal, 1998, p. 556) and
disrupt historically marginalized non-Eurocentric knowledge systems.
Cultural intuition in CFE draws from Strauss and Corbin’s (1990) theoretical sensitivity,
defined as the researcher’s personal quality based on the attribution of having the ability to give
meaning to data from the interpretation of the literature, one’s professional experience, one’s
personal experience, and during the analytical research process itself. In the next section, I will
provide my testimonio focusing on my personal and professional experiences and honor the
cultural intuition I bring to this study.
My Testimonio
Like the testimonialistas of this study, I self-identify as a Latina. Specifically, I identify
as a Chicana born from Mexican descendants raised in the United States, whose ancestors
weaved through borderlands. At the same time, I continue to weave through metaphoric borders
and within margins and new elements as described by Gloria Anzaldua (1987) in Borderlands/La
Frontera: The New Mestiza. My intersecting identities stand strong on one foundation: my roots.
I am the proud daughter of Mexican descendants who migrated to California when they were
under the age of five. I was born and raised east of East Los Angeles in Montebello, California,
and grew up in Pico Rivera, California. In this lower-middle-class city, my educational dreams
and hopes began to take shape beyond the borders and margins I faced.
While attending high school, college was an aspiration; however, there was no guidance
or support. In hindsight, there was a clear distinction at my high school between students with
college-bound resources and those limited to these support services. This distinction became
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very clear during my senior year when I realized that my entire high school schedule had been
created to satisfy high school graduation requirements rather than college entrance requirements.
I did not meet the admission requirements when I attempted to apply to universities during my
senior year. This ineligibility to apply to universities instilled doubts in my academic abilities
and led me to believe that I was not considered “college material.”
Despite these beliefs, I applied to a community college where I was placed in the lowest
developmental courses for math and English. This further reinforced my belief that I was not
“college material,” but I persisted despite these beliefs. As a first-generation college student,
navigating college was challenging. I did not know how to apply for financial aid or get
assistance with developing an educational plan; my lack of support further increased my
concerns about my ability to succeed in college. As such, I enrolled in college part-time while
working full-time, one foot in college and the other exploring other possibilities. Due to my part-
time enrollment, it took me more than 5 years to complete my associate degree and meet my goal
of transferring to a university. My employment at a preschool led me to my passion for helping
individuals of all ages and abilities achieve their fullest academic potential. My career aspirations
of working in education helped me gain the confidence and commitment to pursue higher
education. While a passion for serving others drove me, my academic journey required extensive
self-resilience and persistence.
After working in the K–12 system and higher education in numerous academic and
educational roles, 10 years after graduating from an HSI community college in California, I
became a tenured faculty counselor at the same institution I attended. Through my experience as
a faculty counselor and the thousands of students I have been honored to meet and serve, I
understand the importance of HSCCCs in closing racial equity gaps. From these collective
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student experiences, I know the importance of these institutions in identifying how they can
better serve and support Latinx and other minoritized student populations.
I bring skills and strengths gained through my greatest teachers: my parents and
communities. I bring my cultural intuition, which has been acquired from my community
cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005) and has shaped this study, from my understanding of epistemology
to the theory and methodology selected. From a LatCrit theoretical perspective, I recognize my
unique position as a Latina and how it indelibly connects me to this work (Parker & Lynn, 2002).
Trustworthiness
Trustworthiness in qualitative research pertains to the reliability, applicability,
consistency, and verifiability of the results (source). Throughout this study, several measures
were taken to ensure trustworthiness. These steps involved checking for personal biases,
conducting thorough data analysis, maintaining comprehensive records throughout the research
journey, and seeking external input and perspectives. In what follows, I elaborate on the various
steps that were implemented.
When selecting the topic of this study, I acknowledged how closely my personal story
aligned with the subject matter and recognized the importance of checking for personal biases
and assumptions throughout the study process. I understood that my biases could affect the
research and findings of this study; therefore, I systematically assessed for subjectivity (Perhkin,
1988) by keeping a journal to monitor my partiality throughout the study. During the data
analysis, I took an iterative approach and examined the data, including the audio recordings,
transcriptions, field notes, and notes taken while reviewing the recordings to help identify
patterns, discrepancies, or alternative interpretations. This method ensured the reliability of the
study’s findings by ensuring the consistency and accuracy of the analysis. While there were two
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distinct coding phases that I initially followed, as mentioned in the coding and data analysis
section of this chapter, I took multiple rounds in each stage to ensure a more thorough analysis.
Throughout the study, I maintained detailed documents. These documents included coding
schemes and analytical memos. These documents helped to enhance the dependability of the
study. Lastly, I sought feedback and clarity from my colleagues, including my dissertation
committee.
Chapter Closing
This chapter presented the qualitative research methodology and the methods used,
including details on the site selection, sampling method, participant selection, data collection,
data analysis, and research positionality. In the following chapter, I present the 12
testimonialistas contributing to this study, each of whom deserves their own dedicated chapter.
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Chapter Four: Testimonialistas
In this chapter, I introduce the 12 part-time enrolled (fewer than 12 units) testimonialistas
who shared their challenges and experiences as they moved through an HSCCC. This chapter
begins by presenting the demographics of the testimonialistas as collected from the screening
and demographic questionnaire, followed by vignettes of each of the testimonialistas as gathered
from the one-on-one semi-structured interviews. As the researcher, I acknowledge that the
testimonios hold value and are what makes this study. With great responsibility, I upheld an oath
of commitment throughout the study to honor their stories and continue to recognize the
privilege and honor it is to reshare their experiences and voices. Furthermore, throughout the
data collection and analysis, I took a critical and deliberate approach to recognize who was
included and excluded to reduce the risk of misrepresenting findings as applicable to all Latina
or part-time enrolled students. Therefore, before introducing the testimonialistas, I reiterate the
targeted student population for this study.
This study focused on Latina students enrolled for over a year at RCC, an HSCCC, who
enroll predominately part-time. Students excluded from this study were those who did not self-
identify as Latina students, indicated they enrolled full-time or frequently switched from full-
time to part-time each semester, and were not enrolled at RCC for more than a year. To further
highlight the participants, the following sections present key information about the
testimonialistas collected through the screening and demographic questionnaire, including their
age, typical part-time unit load per semester, academic goals, and work hours per week, if
applicable (Table 2). Following is a description of the testimonialistas’ preferred ethnic and
racial identities (Table 3) and what it means to them to be Latina (Table 3).
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Table 2
Demographic Data of Study Testimonialistas
Pseudonym Age
Units typically
enrolled per semester Academic goals Work hours per week
Dulce 28 7–9 Associate degree 10–20
Elena 33 3–4 Associate degree 0
Glenna 31 4–6 Transfer to a university 0
Jennifer 22 7–9 Transfer to a university 20–30
Kassie 25 4–6 Transfer to a university 0
Luna 23 9–11 Transfer to a university 20–30
Maria 28 4–6 Associate degree 20–30
Mia 21 4–6 Transfer to a university 5–10
Nicolasa 45 4–6 Associate degree 30–40
Onawa 28 7–9 Transfer to a university 10–20
Valeria 28 7–9 Transfer to a university 10–20
Victoria 39 3 or less Associate degree 10–20
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Table 3
What Being a Latina Means to Each Testimonialistas
Pseudonym Meaning
Dulce Chicana, coming from Latin American descendants
Elena Proud of my roots and where I come from
Glenna Mexican descendants
Jennifer Full of culture and family
Kassie It gives me a sense of representation and belonging wherever I go.
Luna Salvadorian: a woman from Central America or South America
Maria Mexican descendants
Mia Second nature to me and a part of my life
Nicolasa Chicana, Mexican born in California
Onawa Culture, food, and music
Valeria Willpower, strength, perseverance, a strong line of Latinas
Victoria From Latin American heritage
Demographics of Testimonialistas
The testimonialistas’ average age is 29 years. Comparing the average age of this study to
the average age of part-time enrolled Latina students in community colleges across California,
this sample provides an equal representation of the state’s average in the Fall of 2021 (CCCCO,
2022). The demographics and screening questionnaire provides information on each
testimonialistas and how many units they typically enroll in per semester. Forty-two percent (n =
5) reported enrolling in 4 to 6 units (1–2 courses), 33% (n = 4) reported enrolling in 7 to 9 units
(2–3 courses), 18% (n = 2) reported enrolling in 3 or fewer units (1–2 courses), and seven
percent (n = 1) reported taking 9 to 11 units (3–4 courses). The majority at 75% (n = 9) enrolled
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in around 4 to 9 semester units per term. All testimonialistas shared the goal of earning an
associate degree and transferring to a 4-year university, with 42% (n = 5) intending to earn an
associate degree and 58 (n = 7) intending to transfer to a university. In addition, 75%, nine of the
12 testimonialistas, shared that working was one of their key responsibilities and an obligation
for financial stability. Testimonialistas are presented in alphabetical order.
Although all testimonialistas self-identified as Latinas, the screening and demographic
questionnaire prompted each to briefly define what it means to them to be Latina to honor their
authentic identities (Table 3). For some, being Latina was a racial identity; for others, it meant
culture and a way of life. In addition, I asked them to indicate their preferred ethnic and racial
identities (Table 4). Table 4 shows that six testimonialistas preferred to be identified as Chicana
or Mexican American. The other six preferred to be identified as Hispanic, Latina, or
Salvadorean. For this study, all the women self-identified as Latina, Chicana, Hispanic, or by
place of birth/origin. For this study, Latina refers to someone from a Latin American country
and/or whose ethnic heritage and lineage are connected to Latin America. In the following
sections, I narrate a brief introduction of the 12 testimonialistas in alphabetical order.
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Table 4
Preferred Ethnic/Racial Identity of the Testimonialistas
Pseudonym Preferred ethnic/racial identity
Dulce Chicana
Elena Hispanic
Glenna Latina
Jennifer Mexican
Kassie Mexican
Luna Salvadorian
Maria Mexican American
Mia Mexican American
Nicolasa Chicana
Onawa Latina/Native American
Valeria Latina
Victoria Latina
Dulce
Dulce grew up in Los Angeles, California, specifically the San Fernando Valley. She is
28 years old. Dulce described herself as proud of inheriting her mother’s work ethic. She has
been enrolled in college for 3 years; since then, she has completed two to three courses per
semester at 6 to 9 units each term.
Although attending college was her decision, she continues to be highly motivated by her
parents, who are extremely proud to see her achieve her higher education goals despite dropping
out of high school. Her academic goal is to complete an Associate of Arts in Web Development.
Her career goals are to enter the technology field of coding and web development, which she
described as male-dominated.
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Initially, she attended college to pursue a nursing degree. However, after going through
what she described as an identity crisis, she discovered the field of coding and web development.
Through social media, she learned about coding and web development and saw an example of
the day in the life of a web developer. After taking several courses in web development, she has
become more confident in her current major and career goals. While her parents’ excitement and
pride in her return to earn a college degree is her largest drive, seeing her ability to succeed
academically has fueled her self-motivation and has taught her that she is capable of more than
she knows.
Dulce works part-time as a housekeeper and cleans approximately two homes per day.
She lives with her boyfriend and his parents. She described her boyfriend as her greatest
supporter. He supports her financially and encourages and motivates her to achieve her academic
goals and to develop to her fullest. When Dulce was exploring majors and careers, he helped her
process her concerns and self-doubt and reminded her that she could achieve her goals. His
parents are also a huge part of her social support.
Dulce predominantly takes courses online, and when on Zoom, her boyfriend and his
family support her by providing a space in the house for her to focus on her academics. She
prefers to take online courses and stated that taking online courses has saved her so much on
money, gas, and time. Dulce stated that the flexibility of taking online courses enabled her to
practice self-care. She indicated that self-care practices empower her to return to her studies
feeling more balanced and focused.
She stated that her primary challenges in navigating college have been her self-doubt and
fear of failure, which are feelings that stem from having dropped out of high school.
Academically, her largest challenge thus far has been passing mathematics. Despite hesitating to
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attend the tutoring center, she sought support and shared that her visit there could have been
more welcoming and helpful. Overall, Dulce reported feeling “disconnected” from her
educational institution and associated it with enrolling solely online. Additionally, she shared
that when on campus, she sees few Latinas and a lack of Latinx representation. She also
mentioned that if she had the option, she would choose to attend college full-time and enroll in
person.
Elena
Elena described herself as a first-generation college student born and raised in Los
Angeles, California. She is 33 years old and is a mother to four girls. She and her family recently
bought a home in Lancaster, California, more than 50 miles from RCC. She has been attending
RCC for 3 years, and since moving, she only takes online courses. Her greatest motivators to
attend college and persist are herself, her children, and her husband. In addition, her oldest
daughter will soon attend high school, and she wants to be a role model for her and hopes that
she will see that college is possible and will choose to attend immediately after high school
rather than wait until she is older like Elena was.
Elena’s academic and career goals are to become a registered nurse. She shared that
household and childcare responsibilities are the primary factors for enrolling exclusively part-
time. She typically takes one or two courses each semester at 3 to 6 units a term. Her daily
responsibilities include maintaining the home, cleaning, cooking, and taking and picking up her
four children from school. Due to her schedule, studying for classes only happens late in the
evening. Her largest challenge as it relates to college has been getting childcare support. She also
shared that the pandemic was an adjustment and a challenge to online learning. However, online
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classes have allowed her to juggle her multiple responsibilities and made college attainable and
flexible.
Elena shared that she wishes she had more guidance with course selection; she receives
course recommendations from a friend who attended RCC. Additionally, she wishes that
instructors were more accommodating and flexible with deadlines. Finally, she shared that
balancing school while caring for her family was incredibly challenging during the pandemic
when everyone was home. She stated that during the pandemic and due to the lack of flexibility
from instructors, she had to withdraw from classes to care for her family. As a part-time enrolled
student, she sometimes feels like she is working slowly and will never finish, so she has
considered leaving. In addition, being placed on academic probation and losing her financial aid
due to her substandard academic status have discouraged her and even made her consider
dropping out. As the first in her family to attend college, her siblings and friends encourage her
to persist and remind her that she can achieve her academic and career goals.
Glenna
Glenna mentioned that she understands the challenges of navigating college as a first-
generation student. She is 35 years old and was born and raised in Los Angeles, California, in the
Southeast region. After high school, she was accepted to a 4-year public university; however, her
admission status was rescinded due to an unmet admission requirement. She described this as an
example of the challenges she has encountered while navigating college as a first-generation
student. In a comparable situation, she shared about a term in which she did not receive financial
aid despite being eligible. She struggled to complete a document and faced a lack of support and
an unwelcoming environment from the financial aid office. That term, her boyfriend and her
sisters, her largest support network, helped her pay for college. In addition to her boyfriend and
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sisters being her greatest supporters, the support on campus included EOPS, the office for
students with disabilities, and a student services TRIO program.
Her main challenges have been navigating college and her mental health. Before
attending RCC, she was enrolled for a short period at another community college, where she
experienced a campus mass shooting. Immediately after the incident, she withdrew and was
diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and severe anxiety, which continue to
impact her academically and in her part-time enrollment. However, due to the incident, she
attended RCC instead, which takes several buses and trains. Glenna is the only participant who
attended another college, and most of her college experience has been at RCC.
Glenna enrolls in 4 to 6 units at two to three courses each term. She recently earned an
associate’s degree in anthropology and communications and is now continuing her education to
transfer to a university to study aerospace engineering. She expressed enthusiasm and
apprehension about pursuing a bachelor’s degree in aerospace engineering as she recognizes the
time commitment, sacrifices, and challenges she is making to continue her education.
Glenna characterized herself as “rebellious” because, at age 35, she had chosen a
different path than the traditional role of being married with children, which she expressed that
her family would prefer. Her significant responsibilities outside of school include caring for her
elderly parents. As an older student, she shared that she feels more connected to faculty and staff
than her peers. She also shared her awareness of the male-dominated STEM fields. She described
a time in a STEM course when a male student corrected her and questioned her understanding of
the material. When the teacher made it clear that she was, in fact, correct, she felt supported and
validated. She expressed a desire for STEM organizations to be more inclusive of women,
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observing that this is not always the case. Her aspiration is driven by her goals of being a role
model to young minority adults pursuing STEM.
Jennifer
Jennifer is 22 years old and grew up in Los Angeles, California, in the south-central
region. She enrolled in college because she believes it is her best chance to avoid the hardships
endured by her family’s previous generations. She works 20–30 hours per week in the food
service industry to support herself financially, which contributed to her part-time enrollment. She
enrolls in 7 to 9 units each semester at approximately two or three courses per term. Her
academic goals are to transfer to a 4-year university to study psychology and eventually attend
graduate school to earn a master’s degree. She shared that she has a love for learning and helping
others.
She described her most significant challenge as her limitation to transportation. Jennifer
does not drive, nor does she have a vehicle. She uses public transportation and sometimes
carpools with her mother. Jennifer is often a caregiver to her younger sister while her mother
works. Although she is one of the youngest testimonialistas at 22, Jennifer shared that she feels
older than most of her peers and misses many of the friends she made during her 1st year, as
many transferred out after 2 years. Her time to completion sometimes gets to her. At one point,
she was placed on academic probation, and during this time, she was tough on herself and
considered dropping out of college.
She finds online courses to be most challenging and prefers to take in-person classes. She
has learned to balance her schedule in a more manageable way and stated that she takes fewer
challenging courses with demanding ones like mathematics. This strategy helped maintain her
good standing. She has struggled the most with mathematics, specifically statistics. Seeking
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support, she attended tutoring, received only 15 minutes of help, and the student tutor could not
help with her specific questions. She shared her observation of a lack of Latinx programming and
that she enjoyed a Day of the Dead event hosted on her campus during the month of Latinx
heritage and would like to see more events like this on campus.
Kassie
Kassie was born and raised in Los Angeles, California, in the northeast region. She is 23
years old and has been enrolled at RCC for 6 years. She enrolls in 4 to 6 units at approximately
two or three courses each term. Her academic goals are to transfer to a 4-year university to earn a
bachelor’s degree in sociology and, ultimately, a master’s in educational counseling. She shared
that her mental health had a significant role in her decision to enroll in college part-time and
spoke openly about her challenges with depression and anxiety which emerged when her mother
was diagnosed with breast cancer.
Kassie is the oldest of three children and is primarily inspired by her siblings and parents,
whom she shared to motivate her to continue to achieve her academic goals. When she talked
about her dad, she warned me that she would cry, and I shared with her that I would too. Kassie
spoke proudly of her father and shared that he is a great inspiration. He has always encouraged
her and her siblings to attend college for a more economically stable future. She recognizes his
sacrifices and the hardships that he has endured.
Kassie described herself as having the drive never to give up and the motivation to
continue to pursue her academics so that she can be the first in her family to graduate college and
inspire the next generation. Her mother’s apoyo (encouragement) and her self-motivation keep
her going. In addition, she wants to be a role model and empower other women to achieve their
higher educational goals.
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Kassie shared that she struggled with mathematics and has taken the course up to five
times. She also shared that her most significant support has been the Puente Project program at
RCC. Through this program, she has embraced her cultural and racial identity, and the program
connected her with other Latinx campus programs, including a transfer program.
Luna
Luna is 23 years old and was born in El Salvador. She migrated to the United States in
2015. While attending high school in California, she recalls being tracked to complete a high
school diploma and was not supported nor given the advice, support, or resources to consider
college. With a strong desire to pursue higher education, she applied to a community college to
major in architecture during her senior year of high school. She switched her major up to five
times. After exploring majors and careers, she decided on a major and career in nursing and
ultimately hopes to pursue education to become a practitioner or anesthesiologist.
Luna stated that navigating education as a first-generation college student and pursuing
higher education despite language barriers, as English is her second language, have been her
most significant challenges. She said she began seeing a personal therapist in 2020 to discuss her
worries and anxiety about continuing to pursue a degree and profession despite her language
limitations. In addition, Luna stated that her sisters dropped out of high school, and neither of her
parents completed middle school, making navigating college challenging. Despite her family not
knowing how to help, she recognizes that they support her as best as possible. Her parents and
siblings are her primary source of motivation, and she considers her academic accomplishments
and professional aspirations to be shared with them.
Luna described her work week as consisting of school and internships. Balancing these
various responsibilities is the primary factor in her part-time enrollment status. She also shared
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that nursing is a competitive major, so part-time helps her maintain the strong academic record
she is striving to obtain and ensures a less stressful schedule, given that she manages many
responsibilities. Luna is currently a certified nurse assistant (CNA). She excitedly shared that,
after submitting more than 15 applications, she was hired to work at a large hospital in the Los
Angeles region. Before being a CNA, she worked at a coffee shop near the hospital. In that role,
Luna met various people who worked at the hospital. She noticed that many of the people were
non-Latinx, and whenever she saw a Latina nurse, she felt comfortable and inspired to ask
questions to gain insight and advice. These nurses helped her understand the nursing field and
taught her that it was important to become a certified or licensed vocational nurse before
becoming a registered nurse.
Luna enrolls in 9 to 11 units per term at three or four courses each term. Some of her
largest challenges have been completing mathematics. She shared that her shyness and language
barrier made getting support in the tutoring center difficult. She thanks the EOPS program and
the counselors who have helped her navigate college. Overall, Luna exhibited a great sense of
advocacy and resourcefulness.
Maria
Maria is the youngest of five children and is the first to attend college. She shared that
two of her siblings dropped out of high school, and the other two have chosen not to attend
college. She expressed that she wants to be a role model for her nieces, nephews, and future
children to show them that if she can do it, they can, too. She also shared that she was diagnosed
with dyslexia and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) early on. While, due to her
learning disabilities, she qualifies for accommodation in college, she chooses not to use the
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services, as she believes she will not receive similar accommodations in other settings and is
preparing herself for these other settings. She prides herself on being independent.
Maria works 20 hours per week as a paraprofessional at a public elementary school and
enrolls in 4 to 6 units each term. She stated that balancing work and school is challenging, so she
enrolls part-time. Her coworkers, whom she shared are over 27, inspired her to attend college
and reminded her that it is never too late to go to college. They continue to motivate her to keep
pushing through. Her boyfriend also encourages her and always motivates her to keep going.
Some challenges Maria faces are paying for books and managing her time to make
herself available for her family. She shared that the most expensive book she had paid for was a
business book that cost $300. She also shared that navigating higher education as a first-
generation college student has been hard. She wishes she had guidance and support at the start of
her academic journey. She also shared that she has not seen programs specifically for Latinx
students. Another challenge that she faces is transportation. Maria does not drive and takes
public transportation to get to school.
Mia
Mia was born and raised in Los Angeles, California, in the San Gabriel Valley. She is 21
years old, is double majoring in sociology and anthropology, and plans to transfer to a 4-year
university. Her mother was 19 when Mia was born, so her mother did not attend college as
planned. Her mother always wanted Mia to attend college, and while initially, it was not her
interest to attend, Mia shared that she has learned to enjoy the learning process and loves
learning. In high school, Mia and her mother moved to avoid contact with her father, who was
abusive. She moved to an upper-middle-class area in the northeast region of Los Angeles,
California. From having grown up with a large Latinx population in her community to feeling
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like an outsider and the only Latinx student in her high school, her experience was a culture
shock.
Mia resides with her grandparents, for whom she provides care. She also works as a
caregiver, working approximately 5 to 10 hours weekly. Her aunt was recently diagnosed with
cancer, and along with her family, she also takes care of her aunt. Balancing work and caregiving
roles contribute to her decision to enroll in college part-time. Mia typically enrolls in two to three
classes at 3 to 6 units each semester. She shared that she was proud of her mother, who has
returned to college and is earning an associate degree at RCC. They recently enrolled in a
general education course together and are each other’s greatest motivation.
Mia’s largest challenges are related to transportation limitations. Her family only has two
cars, which are hard to rely on for transportation, so she primarily uses public transportation to
get to school. Mia attended college predominantly online to protect those in her household for a
while, but since the pandemic subsided, she has been taking more courses in person. She wishes
to be involved on campus, but her schedule is limited.
Nicolasa
Nicolasa was born and raised in Los Angeles, California, in the San Gabriel Valley. She
is 44 years old and is a mother to two sons. She typically takes 4 to 6 units each term. She works
as a manager at a dental office and works 40 hours a week. She initially wanted to attend college
to become a juvenile probation officer and was inspired by her adolescent challenges. Instead of
pursuing her career goal of becoming a probation officer, she attended a vocational school where
she received a certificate as a dental assistant. At the time of this study, she was pursuing an
associate degree in business administration. While she does not feel obligated to go to college,
she is inspired by her children, one of whom is attending college.
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Working full-time is her primary reason for enrolling in college part-time. Given that
Nicolasa is content with her current employment, she was the only one who did not express a
sense of urgency to complete her degree. She stated that she does not need a degree but wants to
meet her personal academic goals. Because of her work schedule, she tries to do her schoolwork
throughout the day and finds it best to complete it during her lunch hour. Her children are older
now and are also in college. Nicolasa shared that she learned how to navigate the college system
by seeing her children go through the college process and is now helping her partner navigate
college. In addition, Nicolasa shared that many of her coworkers attend RCC and have helped
her navigate the college system, such as registering for classes and accessing student support
services.
Onawa
Onawa is 28 years old. She enrolls in 7 to 9 units each term. She has two children and
works full-time cleaning houses for professionals from the upper-middle class and above,
including doctors, lawyers, and surgeons. While cleaning these houses, she shared that she often
thinks about becoming as financially independent as the people for whom she works. She
described herself as an older student since she earned her high school diploma in her early 20s
and returned to college at 26. She wants to work with incarcerated adolescents from minoritized
communities and is pursuing a degree in criminal justice in preparation for a profession in
counseling or as a probation officer. Onawa said that she spent most of her youth in foster care,
and in doing so, she developed a thick skin and a strong will. Additionally, she revealed that she
went through childhood trauma, resulting in severe anxiety that she continues to manage.
Her primary reasons for attending college part-time are her need to work and her multiple
responsibilities, including caring for her children. Onawa shared that she deals with high anxiety
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and is provided academic accommodations due to the severity of her anxiety. Being in the foster
system has influenced her to get a higher education. She wants to break the cycle for her children
and provide them with a stable and secure future. She explained that she refrains from going on
vacations as she is committed to accomplishing her academic goals. She envisions a future where
she can live a more comfortable life, which inspires her.
Her largest challenge has been navigating her first semester and taking mathematics. She
is currently taking statistics, and this is her third attempt. She shared a negative experience at the
tutoring center where she was only given 10 minutes to ask her questions. She shared that she
wishes the college would help students see their potential to succeed no matter where they
started academically.
Valerie
Valerie is 28 and was born and raised in Palmdale, California, and resided in the San
Fernando Valley at the time of this study. She takes 7 to 9 units per term, is undocumented, and
dropped out of middle school. As a young adult, she earned her high school diploma through the
Los Angeles Public Library. She is now majoring in anthropology and plans to transfer to a 4-
year university. As a child, Valerie was placed in the foster care system and raised mainly by her
grandparents. She described herself as determined to achieve her academic goals. She described
that she broke three toes during a midterm and endured the pain because she feared failing and
losing financial aid, which she needs to continue her education.
Her aunt has been a great inspiration. She also recalls a woman who visited her middle
school and shared her higher education journey as an adult learner. That story also inspired her to
keep moving through. She takes pride in pushing back on the idea that Latinas must be on a
timeline. Her primary reasons for attending college part-time include not having a guiding hand,
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her learning disability, her lack of self-confidence, her need to work, and her anxiety and
depression. She also shared that caring for her aunt, who was diagnosed with breast cancer, also
contributed to her part-time enrollment.
Some of the challenges Valerie has encountered are dealing with anxiety and depression.
She shared that the institution pushes grades and not what happens when students do not meet
those grades. She wishes the institution could provide support to students who face test anxiety.
In addition, like many of the other testimonialistas, she uses public transportation to get to
campus. Her strongest supporters on campus have been the foster youth program and EOPS, as
she shared that these programs have helped her to transition into college and have connected her
with other campus resources.
Victoria
Victoria is 39 years old and was born in Bolivia. Before moving to California, which she
considers home, she lived in Florida. She typically takes 3 units each term and plans to transfer
to a university where she will double major in apparel design and environmental studies. Victoria
is the oldest in her family. Her greatest inspirations are her parents, ancestors, and Latinas in
power. She described herself as resourceful and stubborn, with an urge never to give up on her
hopes and dreams. She is most proud of her Latinidad and womanhood but felt like those come
with vulnerabilities.
Victoria predominantly enrolls part-time due to family obligations and described herself
as a caregiver. She coordinates her schedule with her mother, takes her parents shopping, and
drives her parents to get groceries and go to doctor’s appointments. She shared that she deals
with anxiety and also was hesitant and private about her challenges related to her undocumented
status. Her family is her strongest support system, and they help her with her insecurities. The
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undocumented center has been extremely helpful on campus and provided her with a safe space
and needed resources. The center provided her with tutoring and legal services. She enjoys that
the undocumented center provides a safe space that embraces culture, and she expressed that she
enjoyed it when the college celebrated Dia de los Muertos (Day of the Dead) on campus.
Victoria shared that taking a long break from continuing her education and enrolling in
college years after graduating high school was challenging. She shared that she had never owned
a computer until she was an adult, so she found it extra challenging when courses went remote
due to the pandemic. She shared that online courses burn her out faster than average because of
the added barriers and the extra time she faces trying to navigate online courses. Other
challenges include finding a job that fits her school schedule. In addition, she shared that the
books and materials for school can be expensive and shared about a time when she purchased a
book that cost her $300 and was never even used. She also shared that when she visited the
tutoring center, she found the student tutors to be very “cliquey” and unsupported. She wishes
colleges would better understand that students are not solely focused on school and that
instructors would humanize college students’ experiences by understanding that they have other
responsibilities beyond school.
Chapter Closing
This chapter introduces the testimonialistas, part-time enrolled Latina students, at a single
HSCCC and outlines the participants’ profiles. The testimonialistas’ profiles illustrate their lived
experiences, academic challenges, and responsibilities beyond being college students. In the
following chapter, I present the findings, testimonios, and emerging themes relevant to the
study’s primary research question and sub-questions.
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Chapter Five: Findings
This study aimed to understand the challenges and experiences of part-time enrolled
Latina students at an HSCCC. Using a qualitative research design, this study presents the
testimonios and findings acquired from 12 testimonialistas. These testimonios were collected
using a semi-structured one-on-one interview protocol designed to examine the testimonialistas’
challenges and experiences as they moved through a single HSCCC, with an in-depth inquiry
into their situations, and individual self-perceptions while navigating college, as well as the
strategies and support systems they use to persevere. This chapter presents the findings and
emerging themes guided by the primary research question on the perceived challenges and
experiences of part-time enrolled Latina students transitioning through an HSCCC. In addition,
to the primary question, the chapter includes an analysis of the emerging themes associated with
the sub-questions. To reiterate, the primary research question asked, “What are the perceived
challenges and experiences of part-time enrolled Latina students transitioning through an
HSCCC?” Two sub-questions were also posed:
How do part-time enrolled Latina students describe their situation and self-perception
at an HSCCC?
What strategies and support systems do part-time enrolled Latina students use to
persist through an HSCCC?
The Challenges and Experiences
This study revealed three main themes related to the testimonialistas’ perceived
challenges and experiences as they move through an HSCCC. An in-depth analysis provided a
comprehensive understanding of each of the three main themes and their corresponding sub-
themes. These sub-themes provide insights into the overarching themes’ intricate and
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multifaceted nature. Furthermore, these sub-themes shed light on the shared and individual
experiences of testimonialistas, emphasizing their experiences and challenges.
The first theme was a lack of sense of belonging and connection to the campus
environment, with three sub-themes: a lack of a Latinx community, restriction to campus
engagement, and a sense of disconnection due to distance and online learning. The second theme
was financial challenges and insufficient financial aid, with two sub-themes: inadequate financial
aid and financial aid support services and high costs of textbooks and college materials. The final
theme pertained to limited academic and student support services, with the sub-themes including
the need for quality supplemental instructional support and limited access to guidance on support
and campus resources. Table 5 presents the three themes and sub-themes derived from the
primary research question. The following section presents the findings and testimonios relevant
to the primary research questions.
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Table 5
Themes and Sub-themes of the Challenges and Experiences of the Testimonialistas
Theme Examples of testimonialistas’
quotes
Sub-themes
Lack of sense of
belongingness and
connection to the campus
environment
You don’t really see a lot of
Latinas in your class. I
think from the whole time
that I’ve been at [RCC],
I’ve only had one in my
class, and she was literally
my best friend.
It doesn’t feel like I’m a
student enrolled there. It
feels like I’m a visitor.
As a Latina, who’s part-time,
it’s a weird allegation, you
feel somewhat connected,
but then at the same time
you feel disconnected and
almost like you’re sitting
on the sidelines.
Lack of a Latinx community
Underrepresentation of “post-
traditional students”
Limited opportunities for
campus engagement
Virtual learning
Financial challenges I’m thinking about whether I
should keep going because
money-wise, I cannot
afford to pay for classes.
Inadequate financial aid and
financial aid support
services
High cost of textbooks and
college materials
Limited access and awareness
to academic and student
support services
I feel like I can use extra
support like tutoring hours
and or additional support. I
don’t get that in college. So
that’s really hard.
The need for quality
supplemental instructional
support
Limited access to guidance on
support and campus
resource awareness
Theme 1: Lack of Connection and Sense of Belonging
The majority (84%; n = 10) of the testimonialistas shared a lack of sense of belonging
and connectedness to the campus environment. Only two conveyed a sense of belonging and
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connection to the campus. These individuals were actively engaged in student services programs,
such as EOPS, federal TRIO programs, and Puente Project. In these programs, they described
having a supportive network, which included academic counselors fulfilling the roles of support
providers and validation agents. For example, when I asked Glenn to explain the factors
contributing to her feelings of belonging and connection to the campus, she expressed,
I think EOPS would definitely be the one. I’ve known them for so long, and my two
counselors are familiar with me at this point. Like, I said, especially with that Google
folder, they know if I say, can you pull up the folder? You know what I’m talking about?
So, just having interaction like for the past couple years, they know me so well, and
they’re also familiar with me. I’d also say speaking openly with them, since I don’t feel
brushed off as I did with past counselors.
Kassie, who also shared a deep connection to the campus, is an active participant in the
Puente Project and Latinx transfer program at RCC. She mentioned that while moving through
college, during her 4th year, she faced the pressure of not having yet graduated and feeling a
sense of delay and urgency to finish. During this time, Kassie confided in her Puente counselor,
expressing her anxieties and feelings of stress. In response, the counselor provided comforting
and affirming words that helped her in embracing her personal academic journey and timeline as
a part-time enrolled student:
I used to let it get to me, but my Puente counselor once told me, ‘cause I told them, I
think around that time I was gonna go into my 4th year at [RCC], and, like, I told them,
like, I’m stressing out, like, I’m taking forever. It usually takes people 2 years, and, like,
I’m going on my 4th, like, people from my graduating class, like from my high school
already, like getting their degrees. And my Puente counselor told me, and it will always
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stick in my mind, um, your degrees, your diplomas will always just say your name. Like,
it will never say how long, like it took Kassie 5 years to get her degree. It took her 7
years. Like, at the end of the day, it’s just gonna say your name. And I was like con eso,
me dijiste todo [with that, you told me everything]. Thank you.
Overall, the findings revealed that individuals who felt a strong connection with the
campus also had a strong connection with one or more student support services programs. These
programs provided counselors and advisors who knew them personally and offered academic
guidance, validation, and encouragement.
In contrast, of the 10 who conveyed a lack of connection and a sense of belonging to the
campus environment, four indicated that their campus connection fluctuates and depends on the
environment. For instance, Luna, Mia, and Victoria reported that their campus connection and
sense of belonging significantly correlated with whether they took online or on-campus courses,
and they felt more connected when enrolled in on-campus courses.
On the other hand, Onawa stated that her connection to campus is highly context-
dependent and that she feels a stronger sense of belonging when surrounded by peers and staff
from the student support services programs with which she is affiliated. When asked where or
when she felt the most connected, she mentioned the foster youth program, EOPS, and the
disabilities program:
Probably like the [foster youth program], the EOPS program, those gatherings. Just the
programs I’m in, like DSPS, when they have their things going on, that’s when I feel
connected. Otherwise, I feel when I’m walking there, I just look near me, and there’s a lot
younger students and different looking students, so I’m like, oh man, I feel like I’m the
janitor or something. Yeah. Yeah. That’s how I feel.
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Some testimonialistas attributed their disconnection from the campus community and
their feeling of not belonging to the restrictions they faced in participating in activities, visiting
the campus, and engaging with the campus community. Additionally, others mentioned a lack of
Latinx community and Latina representation. Despite the various factors that contributed to their
lack of belonging and connectedness, three significant sub-themes emerged. These sub-themes
included a lack of Latina representation and Latinx community, a lack of post-traditional student
representation, campus engagement restrictions, and a disconnection due to distance and online
learning. In the upcoming section, I will outline the three sub-themes and present testimonios
that shed light on their experiences and challenges concerning their sense of belonging and
connection with the campus environment.
Lack of Latinx Community
Several testimonialistas linked their disconnection from the campus with a lack of
representation of a Latinx community at RCC. Jennifer, for instance, attributed her feelings of
disconnection to her limited awareness of programs tailored specifically for Latinx students and
a noticeable lack of visibility for such initiatives. Jennifer expressed a strong desire to actively
engage with the Latinx community, connect with peers, and establish meaningful relationships
and a sense of relatability and belonging:
I don’t feel that connected to the campus just because I’m not too sure if they have a
Latino community program or anything. I know they have one for Black students. And
they have one specifically for the LGBTQ community. They have programs for specific
groups, but I don’t think they have one. I’m not sure though, um, for like, you know,
Hispanics or anything like that. Which kind of sucks, you know? I would love to see
more and get more involved or talk to my fellow peers and relate and stuff.
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Valerie, a student employee on campus, voiced a similar sentiment, pointing out that
although the college has implemented initiatives aimed at supporting students from various
cultural, ethnic, and racial backgrounds, there is a lack of programs or events specifically
catering to part-time Latina students:
I kind of feel that the college has been good about being inclusive to different cultures
and ethnicities, and backgrounds. But at the same time, I still feel, as a part-time Latina
student, that we’re not fully acknowledged. And I wish that that’s something that would
change. Even if it’s just like a few programs or some activities that are focused towards
bringing us into more of the college life.
Additionally, when questioned about how working on campus affects her overall
connection to the college, Valerie conveyed mixed feelings regarding her part-time enrollment as
a Latina student, indicating that she does not feel entirely connected:
I feel like there’s a part of me that feels disconnected, especially because there are really
not enough people that you can truly connect with as a Latina who’s part-time. It’s a
weird allegation, you know. You feel somewhat connected, but then at the same time,
you feel disconnected and almost like you’re sitting on the sidelines.
In a similar manner, Dulce expressed her observation regarding the inadequate
representation of Latina students in her classes. She shared a time when she met another Latina
student at RCC during one of her in-person courses, which resulted in a meaningful friendship.
This interaction fueled her desire for more opportunities to establish meaningful connections
with other Latinas. She stated,
At [RCC], you don’t see many Latinas in your class. I think from the whole time that I’ve
been at [RCC], I’ve only had one in my class, and she was literally my best friend, and
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she was the sweetest. And if I ever needed anything, she was like right there. So, it was
nice to have her in my community, and I wish there were more of us.
Furthermore, Dulce drew a possible correlation of this absence to the barriers presented
by distance and online education, stating, “Maybe that’s another factor of why I don’t really feel
connected. No one has their Zoom, I mean their video, you know?”
Overall, the commonality in Jennifer, Valerie, and Dulce’ testimonios was that a lack of
representation and dedicated programs had a significant impact on them, resulting in feelings of
disconnection and longing for meaningful relationships in their community. Their experiences
call for promoting cultural and racial affirmation through programming and providing
opportunities to connect and thrive in the campus community. The following sections present the
findings regarding a lack of sense of belongingness and connection to the campus environment
with a focus on post-traditional students’ underrepresentation.
Underrepresentation of Post-traditional Students
Most testimonialistas reported feeling older, further behind than their academic
counterparts, or described their academic journey as different from their peers. Fifty percent (n =
6) of the testimonialistas either stated that they felt older than their peers or referred to their peers
as “kids” when describing them. The testimonialistas’ mean age was 29, with a median of 28.
The youngest was 22, and the oldest was 45; both reported feeling older than the student
population due to a lack of post-traditional student representation on campus, especially
regarding older students.
In addition, 83% (n = 10) of the testimonialistas expressed feeling behind or needing to
“catch up” in completing their academic goals. In many cases, these feelings stemmed from their
“post-traditional” paths. For example, Dulce and Onawa shared that they dropped out of grade
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school and earned their high school diploma or GED later in their 20s. Others, like Elena, shared
that they did not enter college immediately after high school. A sense of delay was also
correlated to their part-time enrollment and degree-to-completion timeframe. For instance,
Jennifer compared her journey with peers she met from her 1st-year experience program, who
have already transferred to a university, leaving Jennifer feeling alone, less motivated, and
behind:
A lot of those friends that I made already transferred out, and I feel like I’m still here. I’m
still at [RCC]. So, I feel like sometimes that also gets the best of me where I’m like
damn, I’m still here, everyone is gone, and you know, I don’t hang out with anyone at
[RCC], And sometimes, it’s a challenge cause I just feel like, not motivated because I feel
like, oh, you know, they’re already finished, and I’m still here.
Glenna shared about a time during a conference when she spoke with her younger peers,
who expressed their feelings of being behind in meeting their academic goals. She interpreted
this sense of feeling behind in meeting their academic goals to social standards, ideas, or
expectations of an optimal degree-to-completion timeframe and age of attending college. She
discussed its implications on students’ beliefs of themselves as college students:
Younger classmates that I met at [the] HACU conference who just finished their last
years of high school and are now at [RCC], they’re like, I feel so behind. And I’m like,
no, you’re not. This is normal, if I’m not mistaken, most community college students are
there longer than 2 years, and the average age is mid-20s. So, it’s just like there’s nothing
wrong with that. But I feel like that’s one thing that’s not getting addressed often enough
where some of us feel inadequate.
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Onawa shared that feeling too old to enroll in college nearly prevented her from attending
college until she met an older RCC alum who debunked this belief. She had been reluctant to
enroll in college because she thought she was too old. However, a mother she met at her
daughter’s school who had graduated from RCC at a later age empowered her to attend college:
There was this other mom friend who graduated from [RCC], and then she transferred,
and so she was so inspirational because she is older than me, and I was like, oh my gosh,
that’s embarrassing. I mean embarrassing because she can do it, and I can’t even get
started because I thought I was old. But she was like, yeah, do school. Look at me, I’m
older, and you can do it.
The theme in these testimonios is that post-traditional students’ underrepresentation led
to feelings of being older, behind in meeting academic goals, and different from peers. However,
encountering students similar to them who succeeded in higher education serves as inspiration,
breaking down barriers and fostering a sense of community and hope. The following section
presents the findings regarding a lack of sense of belongingness and connection to the campus
environment with a focus on restrictions to campus engagement.
Campus Engagement Restrictions
Seventy-five percent (n = 9) of the testimonialistas reported the challenges associated
with balancing school and work. Additionally, 83% (n = 10) indicated that they balance their
academic responsibilities with caregiving roles and family responsibilities. Juggling these
diverse commitments and responsibilities has posed challenges for most, hindering their ability
to engage in campus activities and cultivate relationships with their peers. When discussing the
sense of belonging and connection to the campus, some individuals expressed their constraints
related to availability and busy schedules. They specifically pointed out the limitations and
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restrictions related to the hours of operation for different programming, services, and campus
events. Dulce predominantly enrolls in online courses and holds a full-time job and expressed
her sense of disconnection from the campus environment and her desire to engage in campus
activities and events. However, she faces challenges when it comes to engaging in campus events
as a result of conflicting on-campus schedules and her personal schedule. Furthermore, she
mentioned that events had been exclusively held on-site, adding to her challenges of engaging as
a predominately online student:
I’m really disconnected from the campus. I’m sure they do. I know they do because I see
the email, they have events, and they have a bunch of stuff going on throughout the week.
But, yeah, most of it ends at 5:00 PM, or it’ll be from noon to five or something. And
there have been times when I really wanna go, but I just can’t. Maybe if they were to
incorporate more things like through Zoom or something. Or, like, if they’re having
someone speak or something, maybe record and post on the website or something.
Mia also predominantly enrolls in online courses to protect the older folks she interacts
with on a daily basis, including her family members and the elders she works with as a caregiver.
She also mentioned being extra careful to protect her aunt. However, as the COVID-19 pandemic
subsides, she is beginning to take more in-person courses and feel more connected to the
campus. Nonetheless, her responsibilities as a caregiver coupled with her busy schedule restrict
her from staying on campus after classes, participating in campus activities, and getting
involved:
I would say that I am starting to feel more connected because before, I was only online
for years, and now that I am finally back in person, I’d say I am starting to feel that way
more. Because I’m going to class almost every day of the week. And I do enjoy being on
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campus, and I enjoy seeing what’s around and just being in the atmosphere. But because
of my specific situation where I have to be on a schedule for most days, I can’t really sit
around too much and linger.
The presented testimonios revealed the challenges testimonialistas face when managing
their education, work, and caregiving responsibilities, often impeding, and restricting their
opportunity to engage and participate in campus activities, thus preventing them from
experiencing a sense of belonging in the campus community. Moreover, limited hours of
operation and support services, as well as conflicting schedules, further restricted these
opportunities. The following presents the findings regarding a lack of sense of belongingness and
connection to the campus environment with a focus on the disconnection resulting from distance
education and online learning.
Virtual Disconnection
In relation to the feeling of belonging, most of the testimonios highlighted a link between
online courses and distance education, resulting in students experiencing a sense of
disconnection. Nevertheless, there was a dilemma between those wanting to be more engaged
with college activities and student services with presenting limitations due to having to attend
college predominately online. For example, when Maria was directly asked whether she felt
connected to the college and had a sense of belonging, she mentioned,
As much as I would love to say yes, I think, honestly, no. Since most of my stuff’s been
online, I don’t feel a sense of school pride, I guess. I’m excited every time I go, but it
doesn’t feel like I’m a student enrolled there. It feels like I’m a visitor.
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Maria’s testimonio revealed that students engaged in online learning can often encounter
a sense of detachment from the college campus, leading to a diminished sense of belonging and
resulting in a lack of connection and a feeling of being a “visitor” rather than an enrolled student.
While most testimonialistas expressed a desire for more connection and a sense of
belonging, others, like Nicolasa, did not see it as a significant concern or aspect of her
educational experience and stated: “Not at all, but I don’t miss it. Maybe ‘cause I’m older, I feel
like I don’t need that.” Similarly, Elena resides 50 miles from the college and exclusively enrolls
in online courses. She typically takes one or two courses per term and expressed a lack of
connection to the campus. When asked to explain further, she emphasized that her connection
lies more with her instructors than the campus as a whole. Elena stated, “Not really. I do feel
connected to my professors because whenever I have a question, they are accessible and provide
me with answers.” Overall, the testimonios revealed that students who participate in online
learning tend to experience a sense of disconnection from the college campus and often enroll in
online courses due to the various responsibilities that they balance. In addition, while many
testimonialistas expressed a desire for more connection, others, like Nicolasa, did not see it as a
significant concern or aspect of her educational experience.
In conclusion, the testimonios shed light on the lack of connection to the campus
environment and a sense of belonging among the testimonialistas. The findings revealed that
individuals who felt a strong connection with the campus were actively engaged in student
support services programs, where they had access to supportive networks, academic counselors,
and validating agents. On the other hand, those who lacked a sense of belonging often mentioned
fluctuating levels of connection depending on the environment, such as taking online or on-
campus courses. The sub-themes of lack of Latinx community, underrepresentation of post-
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traditional students, campus engagement restrictions, and disconnection due to distance and
online learning emerged as significant factors contributing to the testimonialistas’ sense of
disconnection. In addition, dedicated programming, and opportunities for students to connect and
thrive in the campus community promote cultural and racial affirmation. Furthermore, the
challenges testimonialistas faced in balancing school, work, and caregiving responsibilities,
coupled with limited hours of operation and conflicting schedules, hindered their ability to
engage in campus activities and cultivate relationships with their peers. The following sections
present the findings from the second theme in the data analysis results: financial challenges.
Theme 2: Financial Challenges
Seventy-five percent (n = 9) of the testimonialistas mentioned the need to work to sustain
themselves financially and, in some cases, their families. In addition, 83% (n = 10) expressed
experiencing limited financial support. Additionally, 75% (n = 9) mentioned high college costs
as a challenging factor in navigating through college. In other circumstances, some shared their
financial challenges. For example, Elena, who does not work and cares for her four children,
mentioned that financial challenges at home had impeded her academic progress, leading to a
loss in financial aid:
My husband wasn’t working as much, so we were tight money-wise. So, I started
dropping classes, and due to that, my financial aid was canceled. So now I’m thinking
about whether I should keep going because, money-wise, I cannot afford to pay for
classes.
Overall, an emerging theme was financial challenges with sub-themes of insufficient
financial aid and financial aid support and the high costs of textbooks and college materials. The
following presents the findings on the sub-themes of challenges and experiences encountered by
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the testimonialistas regarding financial difficulties, specifically focusing on the insufficiency of
financial aid and the services related to financial aid.
Insufficient Financial Aid and Financial Aid Support Services
Most testimonialistas expressed their concerns regarding the lack of adequate financial
aid and support services available to help them navigate the complexities of financial aid. Fifty-
eight percent (n = 7) mentioned that they often enroll in fewer than 6 units (as shown in Table 2).
This means they are unable to qualify for specific federal grants, as the requirement is to enroll in
6 units or more. Consequently, this limitation on their financial aid eligibility adds to their
financial difficulties. Nicolasa, who is eligible for state aid to cover tuition expenses and federal
grants for college expenses when taking 6 or more units, expressed that the financial aid she
receives is not enough. When I asked her how the institution could improve its support for her as
a student and address the challenges she encounters, she provided the following response:
Make the books free. Make stuff like that free. That gets really expensive. Right now,
they’re not charging for parking, so that’s a good thing. But I would say stuff like that.
Even more grants. More grants, more scholarships, more financial help. As I said, I’m a
single mother, and any little bit helps. So, I think that that would be such a huge plus. I
even think for the younger generation because more people would go to college if they
had more financial help and didn’t have to pay $200 for a freaking book.
In a similar manner, Maria shared that despite receiving financial aid, she still finds
herself responsible for the remaining school costs and expenses. She expressed the challenges
she faces in living paycheck to paycheck to meet her basic needs. Furthermore, she mentioned
that even though she has been a student at the college for several years, she is just learning new
information about financial support services:
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I’m lucky enough to be able to get financial aid to cover the cost of my courses, but from
there on, I have to manage. I got a book voucher; that’s something that I also just learned
about but has been offered for a few years now. Apparently, the $200 vouchers are given
every semester. Other than them paying that and giving me $200 for books, everything
else is all on me. And it’s hard having to live paycheck to paycheck. This much is for
rent, this is for food, and this is for expenses that I need. And it makes it hard. Personally,
I don’t drive, but I’ve been trying to save up to get a vehicle, and it’s taking me so long,
and it does get frustrating.
With regard to the financial challenges, Kassie openly shared that her mental illness,
encompassing anxiety and depression, hindered her academic progress. Consequently, this
resulted in her inability to maintain satisfactory academic progress, making her ineligible for
financial aid:
I’ve gotten my financial aid taken away twice, and this is my third time getting it taken
away. I’m currently in the process of appealing to get my financial aid again. Because of
my mental health issues, I didn’t pass my classes. I stick through school, but if I
withdraw from one class or don’t pass the class, they take it away. I’ve written two letters
already, and I’ve appealed twice, and they say the same thing mental health, mental
health. And this is my third time saying mental health, but this time I’m on medication,
so I hope my financial aid gets approved again.
In addition to understanding how the testimonialistas’ personal lives impacted their
academic progress and financial aid eligibility, they struggled with getting the support they
needed to navigate the financial aid process beyond the annual application. Glenna recounted
three instances where she had to interact with the financial aid office, highlighting the challenges
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she faced due to the complex protocols, procedures, and lack of support. Specifically, she
discussed her first online interaction and the difficulties she encountered while trying to submit
electronic documents for approval. Throughout the process, Glenna had to overcome numerous
obstacles imposed by the financial aid office:
I had to submit a document, and I had electronically signed it. I think you can mostly tell
the texture between the real pen that’s been scanned and the ballpoint, and the front staff
just kept going back and forth with me. Telling me it’s not fine. It’s not dated. It needs to
be scanned. It needs to be printed, signed, and scanned. You need to include this. I’m
like, why can’t you tell me all of this at once? So, I included my EOPS counselor in an
email to tell her I need help with this, that the financial aid office is making my life
miserable, and that I think they have it out for me.
Overall, the testimonios revealed a lack of adequate financial aid and support services,
the challenge of meeting financial aid eligibility requirements, the need for more grants and
scholarships, the burden of financial expenses, the impact of mental health on academic progress,
and financial aid eligibility, and the difficulties faced in navigating the financial aid process.
Furthermore, testimonialistas enrolled in fewer units (less than 6 units) are ineligible for federal
grants, which may contribute to their financial difficulties. Students express the desire for free
books, more financial help, and increased support. Despite receiving financial aid, students still
struggled with covering remaining costs and living paycheck to paycheck. The following
presents the findings regarding financial challenges with a focus on the high costs associated
with textbooks and college materials.
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High Cost of Textbooks and College Materials
Forty-one percent (n = 5) of the testimonialistas highlighted challenges in affording
schoolbooks and supplies. They described the price range for some of their books as between
$50 and $300. testimonialistas who were enrolled in student support services programs, which
offered book vouchers and funds for school supplies, expressed appreciation for the extra
financial assistance. However, they also expressed that it was inadequate considering the high
prices of books and materials. Victoria conveyed her frustration with the extremely high costs of
books and the financial burden of purchasing college materials:
Buying materials and buying books that are required, quote on quote required, but then
you only open maybe once. It is frustrating. I’ve taken many art classes because of my
degree in apparel design. And many of those classes have a huge list of materials, and the
cost runs from $50 to $300, sometimes even more. In addition to the cost of books for
other classes, it’s very stressful to have to come up with the money.
Moreover, Victoria shared that not having the funds to pay for all her books impeded her
academic progress, particularly regarding the school library’s limited operating hours, as she
relied on it to access books:
Last semester actually, I was going to the school’s library to use the textbook because I
couldn’t afford it. And it did affect my grade because I had to go to school for an
additional day to access the book. And also, the library hours are morning hours. They’re
not extended hours. So, sometimes I would stay at work too long and not make it to
school or the library on time. So, the book, the cost of books, it is a challenge.
Overall, barriers to affording schoolbooks and supplies, with prices ranging from $50 to
$300 per book. Those receiving financial aid and getting additional support through student
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support programs felt that the aid was insufficient, given the high costs of college books,
materials, and overall expenses. In particular, Victoria’s inability to afford some books hindered
her academic progress, compounded by the lack of access to the school’s library due to its
limited hours of operation.
In conclusion, the study found that several testimonialistas faced financial challenges
while navigating college. Limited financial aid and support and high college costs were
mentioned as major obstacles. In addition, many testimonialistas mentioned the need to work to
support themselves and their families financially, impacting their academic progress. The
findings also revealed the struggles encountered in navigating the financial aid process and the
difficulties associated with meeting deadlines and document requirements associated with
appeals and follow-up paperwork. Those in student support services programs that provided
additional financial assistance still found the financial support insufficient due to the overall cost
of college. The following sections present the findings from the third theme of the lack of
academic and student support services.
Theme 3: Lack of Academic and Student Support Services
All testimonialistas shared that they were first-generation college students. Most
testimonialistas used the term “first-generation college student” to describe themselves. They
often linked their identities as first-generation college students to their academic difficulties
navigating college and their quest for guidance and support. As they continue to move through
college, the testimonialistas expressed a pressing need for academic and student support services,
including the need for (a) quality supplemental instructional support and (b) increased access to
guidance and support services and campus resource awareness. The following presents the
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findings regarding limited access and awareness to academic and student support services with a
focus on the need for quality supplemental instructional support.
The Need for Quality Supplemental Instructional Support
The testimonios revealed challenges related to the lack of instructional support services,
particularly for introductory courses such as mathematics. Six testimonialistas shared challenges
with mathematics specifically and their concerns about the lack of quality supplemental
instructional support such as tutoring. For instance, Dulce described her challenges with
mathematics and stated that she received very little support from the mathematics tutoring
center:
I’ve always been hesitant to go to tutoring, but the times that I have, and I get it, like
maybe there isn’t a lot of, I don’t know if they get paid or not, but the time I did go to
tutoring, I got yelled at because I didn’t understand. And I was like, okay, well, I don’t
know if I wanna keep coming here to ask for help because it doesn’t seem like you’re
helping. It was through Zoom, and I was asking a question, and I think it was a simple
one. I’m pretty sure it was that I just didn’t understand what was being asked, and instead
of kind of explaining, they just kept repeating the same thing and just kept getting louder
and louder and louder.
That same semester, Dulce shared that she sought additional support from the instructor
by visiting their office hours and did not find the instructor available and waited over an hour.
With little support from the tutoring center and few instructional office hours, she withdrew from
her math course. After describing the numerous obstacles, she faced that semester, she stated,
“That semester was a stressful semester. I don’t think I’ve ever cried as much as I did that
semester.”
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Kassie also shared her challenges with mathematics and disclosed that she was enrolled
in a math course for the fifth time. As a result, she reached out to her cousin, who majored in
finance and was proficient in math, for help with the course. Onawa explained that she is
currently on her third attempt to complete a math course. Consequently, she is personally
covering the expenses for an external tutor who provides her with tutoring and extra assistance
for the math course. Onawa connected her struggles in academics, specifically in mathematics, to
her learning disabilities and mental illness, particularly anxiety. She highlighted the fact that the
college lacked proper instructional support and tutoring services for students who faced similar
overlapping difficulties:
I’m in [disabilities and support services program], and I feel there can be more support
for people like me who have this level of anxiety, especially with math. I can read it, and
then I’ll have to read it twice and three times, and I still don’t get it. I feel like I can use
extra support like tutoring hours or additional support. I don’t get that in college. So
that’s really hard.
When I asked Victoria about the difficulties she faced on campus, she immediately
brought up the tutoring center. She recounted a particular incident when she sought assistance for
a science course but was met with a disappointing lack of support from the tutoring staff:
The tutoring centers definitely. I even had to go to [the center for undocumented
students] to find additional tutoring services. I think that is because students run them, it’s
very cliquey. Once they were done, they would all start talking, and even the instructor
would join in, and I couldn’t really ask any more questions ‘cause they were all just
playing and things like that. And whenever I would interrupt, I started feeling a little bit
of bad blood. Eventually, when I would show up on time, I would feel the room kind of
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change a little bit, but I really, really, really needed help. So, I went into the tutoring
center anyway, and they made me wait for way too long compared to other kids. I even
saw the tutors talk between themselves.
Overall, the testimonios discussed the challenges students faced in accessing quality
instructional support, specifically in mathematics, due to a lack of effective tutoring services and
inadequate assistance from instructors, leading to negative experiences, withdrawal from
courses, and heightened stress. The following section presents the findings regarding limited
access and awareness to academic and student support services with a focus on limited access to
college guidance on support and campus resources.
Limited Access to College Guidance on Support and Campus Resources
As mentioned earlier, individuals who attended classes on campus and engaged in student
support services programs demonstrated more familiarity with campus resources and were often
assigned a counselor in their program. Conversely, those who were not associated with a specific
program or primarily took online courses expressed limited access to college guidance and a lack
of awareness regarding campus resources. To illustrate this, Elena revealed that despite being
enrolled at the college for over a year, she had not yet met with an academic counselor and relied
on advice from friends and family who had previous college experience. Similarly, Mia, who has
been attending the college for almost 2 years, confessed to being unaware of the available
resources and student support services on campus and expressed a desire to be better informed
and stated,
I really don’t do that many things that are outside of the classroom at [RCC]. I would
love to get into clubs and would love to get into more student services, but I just feel like
I’m not really aware of too much of what’s going on, and I would like to be involved.
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Maria mentioned that after having been enrolled at the college for 2 years, she is just
learning about counseling and advisement services and was recently contacted by student support
services. Previously, she was unaware of academic counseling services and sought assistance
from the library, where she receives immediate support with her quick questions from librarians
through their 24/7 online chat:
During my first few years, I didn’t actually have anybody reach out to me until just this
past year. I had just this random person pop up on my [student portal/learning
management system] and start messaging me. But before that, I didn’t have any
knowledge, resources, or people to talk to, and I felt if I talked to this person specifically,
they might be able to help me. So that’s why I was so drawn to the library from the
beginning, just because I knew that they were available, and they were able to help me to
the extent that they could versus going to a counselor just because I didn’t know who to
talk to or where to reach out.
When I asked Victoria where she learned about the virtual chat support at the library, she
responded,
Every single class I’ve taken gives you the same information, like, did you know the
library does this, this, and this? And one day, I tried it, just thinking maybe they might be
able to help, and ever since then, I always go back to them. The librarians even helped me
join the CalFresh program for a few months. I still continue to go to the library just for
any little thing that I need help with because I know that they’re very friendly.
Furthermore, aside from lacking awareness of available resources and support services,
testimonialistas who did manage to access these services expressed dissatisfaction with the level
of support provided, noting its inadequacy or limitations. Victoria, for instance, shared her
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experience of grappling with a challenging course and considering dropping it. She sought
academic counseling for assistance, only to find that appointments could only be scheduled
weeks in advance:
I wasn’t doing well in one of my classes, and I was thinking of dropping it, but that
would’ve completely changed my educational plan. My registration date was coming up,
and the appointments to meet with an academic counselor were, I think, 3 weeks away, if
not a month away.
The testimonios regarding the lack of academic and support services emphasize the
necessity to improve academic and student support services. In conclusion, the study’s
testimonios found three key themes that shed light on the challenges and experiences
encountered by the 12 part-time enrolled Latina students at a single HSCCC. In the next section,
I present the findings from the sub-questions of the research, offering a comprehensive
understanding of the situation of the testimonialistas, their perception of self, and the strategies
and support systems they employ to persevere in college. These findings provide a
comprehensive understanding of their resources, experiences, and challenges.
The 4 S’s: Situation, Self, Strategies, and Support
In this section of Chapter Five, I present the findings related to the sub-questions that
delved deeper into the challenges and experiences the testimonialistas faced. Specifically, the
focus was on their perceptions of their situation and themselves, as well as the strategies and
support systems they employ to persist through a single HSCCC. As noted earlier in this chapter,
the sub-questions of the research were influenced by Schlossberg’s 4 S system (Anderson et al.,
2021; Schlossberg, 1981). Table 6 provides an overview of the four categories in the 4 S system
and the emerging themes that offer a comprehensive analysis and understanding of the
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testimonialistas’ experiences and their journey through college. These findings carry significant
implications for enhancing support for this specific student population at HSCCCs. Moreover,
the findings provide valuable insight into the ways these testimonialistas navigate through an
HSCCC.
Table 6
Themes Related to the 4 S System Categories
Situation Self
First-generation college student
Caregiving and family responsibilities
Financial responsibilities and struggles
Transportation challenges and limitations
Mental illness and prioritizing mental health
Having a learning disability
Sense of feeling behind in meeting
academic goals
Strong aspirations and the will to persist
Strategies Support systems
Directly presented by testimonialistas:
Managing time
Practicing self-care
Observed from testimonios:
Finding the right places and times to study
Visualizing their future self as motivation
Leaning on others for support
Femtors—female mentors
Faculty/professors
Family support
Student support services programs
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The Situation
Based on Schlossberg’s 4 S system (Schlossberg, 1981; Anderson at el., 2001), the
situation is viewed as the actual transition and changes that are taking place. In this context, the
change is the process of moving through college. All of the testimonialistas have been attending
college for at least a year, and the vast majority have been enrolled strictly part-time. As shown
in the interview matrix (Appendix G), almost half of the interview questions aimed to
comprehend the distinctive situations of each testimonialistas regarding their enrollment status
and the challenges and experiences they encounter. In order of most prevalent findings related to
their situation, the following are the main themes: first-generation college students, caregiving
and family responsibilities, financial responsibilities, transportation challenges and limitations,
mental illness and prioritizing mental health, and having a learning disability (Table 6). In the
following section, I will discuss the first theme and its relevance to their situations.
Situation Theme 1: First-Generation College Student
Although it was not a criterion for this study nor a question in the interview protocol, all
testimonialistas disclosed that they were the first in their immediate family to attend college,
which they presented as a major source of their motivation for persisting as well as a significant
contributor to their challenges of navigating through college. Jennifer discussed her desire to be
the first member of her immediate family to attend college and the difficulties of not having
someone in her household that could help her:
I’m the first to go to college in my household. So honestly, I didn’t know anything about
college. My mom didn’t go, and you know, I don’t really have my dad around either. So,
it was just me and my mom. And no one really forced me, but I wanted to go to college
because I saw my mom struggle, and I don’t wanna struggle in life, and education is
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important. I need to get an education to get a good job, and that’s always the goal. My
aunt did go to college, and she has her bachelor’s, I believe, in psychology, and she
helped me out a little bit, but she doesn’t live here. She lives in Bakersfield, [California],
so she doesn’t really help me that much. It’s different from living with someone who
knows more about college.
Onawa explained that being the first in her family to attend college was especially
difficult, as she had little guidance and felt lost, “My parents didn’t do school. Like, it’s just not a
part of life here. So, just getting started, you know, in school, I was lost. I didn’t have any
guidance.” Dulce shared that even though her mother cannot provide much in terms of advice,
she still checks in on her academics, asks what she is studying, and encourages her to follow her
dreams:
My mom does not understand what I’m trying to do. Like, she asks me all the time, what,
what are you studying again? But she supports me either way. She cheers me on, and that
gives me a lot of motivation.
The testimonios highlighted the significant impact of being the first in their families to
pursue higher education. These testimonialistas face challenges due to the lack of guidance and
support from their immediate family members, but their determination and motivation to break
the cycle of struggle and oppression and create a better future for themselves propelled them to
move forward. In the following section, I will discuss the second theme and its relevance to their
situations.
Situation Theme 2: Family and Caregiving Roles
Eighty-three percent (n = 10) of the testimonialistas indicated that they balance their
academic responsibilities with caring for their families. Of the 12, three are parents, and two of
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those parents are employed. All three discussed the difficulties of balancing parenting,
academics, and other responsibilities and described managing their numerous responsibilities as
overwhelming and stressful. While Elena is the only parent who does not work, she stated that
her typical week is filled with household chores and caring for her four children. She said that
she can only study so much throughout the day and is committed and studies late at night. Due to
her multiple responsibilities, including caring for her children, Elena disclosed that part-time
enrollment is her best option:
I feel like if I take 12 units, it will be too much for me. As I mentioned, I stay at home, I
take care of the house, I cook, and I clean. So, a lot of that takes up most of my time. So,
when I have time, I’m allowed to work on my courses, which are one or two courses. So
that is enough for me to handle.
Onawa, who is also a student mother, described her typical day as consisting of juggling
multiple responsibilities, including school, employment, community work, and caring for her
two children:
So, I have my homework, right, but I have my two kids’ homework too, and I have
conferences and volunteer work to help coach soccer and for my political class, which I
signed up to teach every Monday. So aside from that, I also have to be a mother and
everything that comes with it, like participating and doing PTA drives. And then there is
my homework, my stress, my finals, midterms, and whatnot.
While only three of the 12 testimonialistas were mothers, all mentioned having some
form of caregiving or family responsibilities, such as household tasks, running errands for the
family, or caring for grandparents, parents, siblings, or aunts. Glenna shared that caring for her
older parents is one of her main responsibilities:
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I am in charge of doing online food orders that get delivered. Since my parents are
elderly, I do not want them traveling out. Like especially in the age of COVID since that
is still going on. Since they are older, I also work as tech support for my family. So, I am
the one who has to deal with phone service accounts or if the internet’s down or having to
fix my parents’ devices when they break.
Like Glenna, Victoria stated that, as the oldest sibling, she feels responsible for caring for
her parents and that her duty as a caregiver and work obligations necessitate her part-time
enrollment:
I feel like Latinas deal with a lot more than just getting a job that has to match your
schedule. Like for me, for example, it’s never just school. Even though I don’t have kids
and I’m not married, I’m the oldest, so I’m still the person that takes on responsibilities
with my family. My parents, they’re older, but they’re very independent. They help me
when I cannot support myself, but being the eldest, I feel we always take on the caregiver
role. So that’s another reason for my decision to be part-time.
Mia stated that her familial circumstances contributed to her enrollment status as a part-
time student. In addition to her part-time employment as a caregiver, she takes care of several
family members, including her elderly grandparents and her aunt:
I’ve recently moved back in with my grandparents because, you know, they’ve gotten
older, and they need more help. Also, my Nina was diagnosed with breast cancer. So,
I’ve been helping take care of her, and everyone in the family helps and takes care of her.
I picked up her son from school. I picked up my little sister from school. I have to be here
to help around the house because my grandparents can’t really do as much. So just things
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like that. And I also have a part-time job as a caretaker that takes up some of my time. So,
it’s just those factors that really make it difficult for me to enroll in school full-time.
The testimonios in this section centered on the challenges of balancing academic
responsibilities with cultural family obligations. Multiple testimonialistas expressed feeling
overwhelmed and stressed due to managing multiple roles and responsibilities, leading them to
opt for part-time enrollment as a more feasible option. In the following section, I will discuss the
third theme and its relevance to their situations.
Situation Theme 3: Work Responsibilities
Another theme that emerged as contributing to part-time enrollment and challenges faced
was work responsibilities. Seventy-five percent (n = 9) of the testimonialistas stated that they
needed to work to support themselves and, in some instances, their families and children. Onawa
shared that she often wishes to attend college full-time to complete her academic goals faster.
However, due to financial responsibilities, this is more of a dream than a reality for her:
I get bummed a lot because, you know, I wish I could go faster, but I can’t, you know, I
have all these other responsibilities, things I have to take care of. I can’t just. That’s the
fantasy for me to do full-time. I don’t have the resources. I have bills to pay, so I cannot.
I have to work.
Valerie also relates the need to work to her part-time enrollment status because work is a
necessity:
I have to work because everything is just so expensive, and it’s so difficult to make ends
meet. So, going full-time without really any financial support would not end well for me.
You know, I would most likely lose my apartment, and I’d most likely be put on the
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street. So, you know, when it comes down to that, there are many deciding factors to
going part-time.
Work responsibilities had a significant impact on part-time enrollment, with financial
constraints being major barriers to pursuing full-time education. These challenges underscore the
fact that part-time enrollment might not be a choice, but a necessity driven by economic
circumstances. In the following section, I will discuss the fourth theme and its relevance to their
situations.
Situation Theme 4: Transportation Challenges and Limitations
Sixty-six percent (n = 8) of the testimonialistas stated that transportation challenges and
limitations impact their decision to enroll part-time. Transportation challenges and limitations
included not possessing a vehicle, carpooling, sharing a family car, and taking public
transportation. Those who did not mention challenges with transportation commuted to school
using their vehicle or were primarily enrolled in online classes; therefore, they did not appear to
face transportation issues.
In Luna’s household, her family takes turns driving the family car. While sharing a car is
difficult, she disclosed that commuting to school via public transportation takes 2 hours and is
significantly more troublesome than carpooling with her family or sharing the car. She drew a
connection between her transportation difficulties and the impact it has had on her study time:
It takes a lot of time to study. So, I started going to the library before or after my class at
the beginning of this year. And I couldn’t do that anymore when I started picking up my
dad after he got his job. And that’s challenging ‘cause I have to take him to work in the
morning. Then in the afternoon, I have to pick him up. I have to drive from San Pedro to
downtown and then to my house.
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Similarly, Mia mentioned that she and her family share two cars. However, given that her
commute via public transit is only 30 minutes, she finds it more convenient to use the metro than
to deal with traffic or take turns using or waiting for the family car to be available. Jennifer
shared that not having a car requires her to carpool with her mother or take the bus. She shared
that carpooling with her family requires shuffling her schedule and coordinating with her mother:
Where I live, no parking is allowed on the streets, so even if I had a car, I don’t know
where I would park it. So that’s a struggle factor there. So yeah, I have to either take the
bus or wait for my mom or catch a ride with her, so I’ll have to wake up extra early just
to leave with them. And we have my mom and my sister, so it’s hard. That’s really a big
thing for me, like, transportation is really hard.
The commonalities in these testimonios were transportation challenges and limitations,
such as lack of personal vehicles and dependence on public transportation or carpooling,
significantly impacting students’ decision to enroll part-time. These difficulties consume time
that could otherwise be used for studying and require adjustments in schedules and coordination
with family members, making transportation a major challenge for many testimonialistas. In the
following section, I will discuss the fifth theme and its relevance to their situations.
Situation Theme 5: Mental Illness or Prioritizing Mental Health
Mental illness and prioritizing mental health also led to part-time enrollment. Half of the
testimonialistas shared that they dealt with anxiety and have been to therapy while attending
college. Four of the six indicated that they had been diagnosed with an anxiety disorder and that
the severity of their anxiety posed academic challenges. In addition to anxiety, 25% (n = 3)
disclosed that they had suffered or are now coping with depression. Lastly, 17% (n = 2) have
been diagnosed with PTSD due to life traumas, such as being involved in the foster care system
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and a campus mass shooting. Overall, many testimonialistas shared their challenges with mental
health and shared a priority for their well-being.
While most testimonialistas have only ever attended RCC part-time, others, like Kassie,
have attempted to attend full-time at some point in their academic careers. Her challenges with
depression and anxiety heightened when she attempted to attend college full-time while coping
with her mother’s diagnosis of a life-threatening disease. Kassie shared that the news of the
diagnosis affected her mental health and enrollment status:
I fell into depression, and I got anxiety, and I would go to seek services, like therapy at
the college, and my academic counselor and the therapist there recommended me to
enroll part-time because I could not handle the load and a lot of the pressure that I was
dealing with.
Onawa shared that as a former foster youth, she has dealt with childhood trauma, leading
to high anxiety, sometimes affecting her studying and concentration in the classroom.
Furthermore, she shared her experiences and challenges while discussing her anxiety with
instructors and how it affected her academic performance. She shared about the support from an
empathetic English teacher who not only understood her struggles but also provided
accommodations by alleviating the technological challenges she faced as a first-semester college
student:
When I started, I was really nervous, and there was this English teacher, she was great.
And I actually love English. I really always enjoyed that subject. I explained to her that I
had all this extra anxiety, unlike the regular college student. I had childhood trauma, and I
told her I could not focus and had to read and reread things a trillion times. And she was
really helpful. I feel like after I shared that with her, she helped me. She really
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accommodated me after that. She made it easier to turn in an assignment. She had a
rubric where it had to be turned in a certain way, but I told her, you know, this was my
first semester in college, and I was really, I’m still really bad at technology. And so, she
made it easier and allowed me to send her the assignments as attachments and through
her inbox.
While her English instructor was reportedly kind and supportive, Onawa shared that it
has not always been easy to cope with her anxiety while attending college. Onawa described a
situation in which a teacher was not very helpful, even after she had shown the teacher the
several options for accommodating her disability that the office of disabilities provided:
My math teacher, I shared it with him and sent him an email from the office of
disabilities and student services, and he just made it a big deal. He was like, well, I
cannot do that. The test is on this day. And he was just all the opposite of, like, helpful.
And he knew that I was part of the disability’s office, but he was like, oh, maybe you
need to go get rechecked. He said something along those lines.
Similar to Onawa, Victoria spoke about her anxiety and expressed empathy for younger
students who could be facing similar feelings. Based on her experience, feelings of not belonging
or being judged are triggers that might lead to anxiety:
Personally, I have encountered all kinds of anxiety triggers—some that are manageable
and some that are not. But, in school, I see a lot of kids like I’m already a timid person,
but I’m older, so I was able to develop myself more. But I see kids that are 18, 19, and I
see myself in them. And I remember how I was afraid to go in, of being judged, of
feeling like it’s not my space. So, I do feel triggered, and it’s not necessarily a panic
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attack or fear that comes up, but it’s judgment or self-consciousness. Sometimes that
leads to anxiety.
Valerie discussed her experiences with anxiety, including depression, and mentioned that
these feelings intensified during her transition into college. Being an adult learner who left
middle school, she has faced the challenge of adjusting to the demands of college while dealing
with self-doubt.
I think one of the other challenges also comes down to anxiety. I know, especially with,
like, test anxiety, which honestly is not spoken about enough. The anxiety for, like,
deadlines and everything overall. It is definitely not spoken about enough. It almost
makes you feel that you’re, I hate to use the word, I really hate to use the word crazy, but
at that point, that’s kind of what I was feeling because, you know, my anxiety was just
kind of through the roof at that point, because there was just so much that I was trying to
adapt to and get used to and learn again because it had been so long since I was in that
kind of position. And for a while, it definitely, for a while, hit hard, you know? And then
my depression kicked in, and some days were harder than others to get out of bed. And I
think that was one of the big things I struggled with, especially in my first and second
semesters.
Additionally, Valerie described the challenges she faces as someone diagnosed with
anxiety and depression, particularly having a traditional background and family where mental
health is stigmatized, leading to feelings of isolation and a lack of support from society:
Mental health is so stigmatized, especially coming from a traditional background and a
traditional family, that you don’t feel that you can speak up about the anxiety and the
depression that you feel, both of which I have been diagnosed with. And that’s also
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something that I’ve been struggling to get past and to continue going to school with, and
it makes you feel alone because society just doesn’t speak about it.
The testimonios indicate that mental illness, including anxiety, depression, and PTSD,
have had a significant impact on academic experiences, leading to challenges in handling FTE.
In addition, many emphasized prioritizing mental health and the need for understanding and
accommodations from educators to support students with mental health conditions. In the
following section, I will discuss the sixth theme and its relevance to their situations.
Situation Theme 6: Learning Disability
The final theme that emerged in relation to their situation and the causes for attending
college part-time was having a learning disability. Approximately 40%t (n = 5) of the
testimonialistas shared that they have a learning disability. Maria shared that in high school, she
was diagnosed with ADHD and dyslexia. While she qualifies for academic accommodations in
college, she chooses not to receive them, posing academic challenges. She believes that not
accepting the accommodations will help her prepare for the workforce:
It wasn’t until I was older that it made me feel like I’m getting modified work. But once I
go into an actual job, they’re not gonna be like, oh, it’s okay, you messed up because
you’re dyslexic. It might make it harder for them to fire me, but in reality, I’m not gonna
get any modifications in real life.
In a similar manner, when explaining the reasons for attending college part-time, Valerie
disclosed her learning disability and learning style:
I struggle with a tracking disability. So that also affects how I do the math and how I do
certain, um, problems. And I was just lacking confidence in myself as well. Um, and,
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especially when it comes to something like that, I wasn’t sure that I would be able to
handle more than one class at a time.
Onawa also shared that she has a learning disability and is receiving accommodations
from the office of disability services due to her anxiety and possible ADHD:
I’m in the [disabilities program], so I have a lot of anxiety because of the trauma I lived
and stuff. So, I can’t focus. And I know that as a child, I had an IEP, and I don’t even
know. I feel like in the 90s, none of this was diagnosed correctly, and now my son has
ADHD, but it’s like, where does he get it from?
While others besides Onawa, Maria, and Valerie mentioned having a disability, they did
not explicitly share their personal experiences or the difficulties they faced due to their learning
disability. However, they did mention their involvement in the disabilities program. In the next
section, I will explore additional findings that are relevant to their circumstances.
The Situation: Other Findings
While all testimonialistas mentioned that they were the first members of their family to
attend college, it is important to note that this topic was not discussed in depth and was merely
mentioned when characterizing themselves or their difficulties in navigating college. Family and
caregiving responsibilities were central in the decision to enroll part-time, accounting for 83% (n
= 10) who shared that they balance school with family and caregiving responsibilities. Notably,
while these responsibilities and roles pose challenges, they were never portrayed by the
testimonialistas as a burden or obligation but rather as an act of love and loyalty to family.
Additionally, while many displayed familial commitments, it is essential to point out, as Valerie
voiced, “Not all students come from the same background. Some don’t have that family
connection; they don’t come from a nuclear family.” Financial responsibilities were the third-
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most prevalent theme, with 75% (n = 9) of the testimonialistas mentioning the need to work and
having an impact on their part-time enrollment.
Challenges with transportation introduced an additional layer of responsibility and stress
that the testimonialistas encounter. What was also discovered from the findings is that while
public transportation helps to avoid traffic and carpooling challenges, it also comes with other
challenges, including safety concerns and the need to walk long distances despite weather
conditions. In reference to mental illness and mental health, it is important to note that while not
all shared the specifics on how it has affected their academics, Kassie disclosed that she was
dealing with her financial aid being revoked for the third time because of her inadequate
academic standing which has been affected by personal mental health challenges. In addition,
others mentioned being enrolled part-time to maintain good academic standing. While Valerie
shared that one of her reasons for attending part-time was “because I had dropped out so early in
middle school and I had spent years not going through the educational system. I felt unprepared
and also kind of scared that if I were to go full-time, I would fail instantly.” Lastly, there were
indirect mentions of being associated with the undocumented center and was not discussed due
to privacy concerns.
In conclusion, the situations the testimonialistas faced shed light on the various
challenges and experiences they encountered during college. The first theme was being first-
generation college students, which presented both motivation and difficulties due to the lack of
guidance from their immediate families. The second theme focused on the testimonialistas’
family and caregiving roles, highlighting the responsibilities of balancing academics, parenting,
and other household duties. Work responsibilities also contributed to their part-time enrollment,
with financial obligations necessitating employment. Transportation challenges and limitations
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emerged as significant factors affecting enrollment decisions, especially for those without access
to personal vehicles. Mental illness and prioritizing mental health were also prominent themes,
with many testimonialistas disclosing their struggles with anxiety, depression, and traumatic
experiences, emphasizing prioritizing well-being. In the following sections, I present the findings
related to their perception of self.
Perception of Self
Schlossberg (1981) defined self as the characteristics, personal resources, and how one
perceives themselves and the world around them. While all testimonialistas come from various
backgrounds and experiences, two themes emerged (Table 6) as they described their perception
of themselves as part-time enrolled Latina students transitioning through college. The two
themes were feeling behind in their academic goals and having great aspirations and a strong
commitment to meeting their academic goals. In the following sections, I present the findings
and the two themes related to the testimonialistas’ self-perceptions.
Self Theme 1: Feeling Behind in Meeting Their Academic Goals
The first theme that emerged under the perception of self was the sense of feeling behind
in meeting their goals. Eighty-three percent (n = 10) of the testimonialistas who shared a feeling
of othering and compared their educational progress to that of full-time students also expressed
their stress about being enrolled part-time, with a specific emphasis on the length of time it
would take them to meet their goals. Feeling behind in fulfilling their academic goals appeared to
be influenced by their age and time to completion and appeared to be stronger felt as they moved
further through or when they experienced a setback.
Glenna, who is working toward transfer, described how considering a bachelor’s degree
in aerospace engineering after completing her associate degree feels like she is competing with
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time, specifically, age. In addition, she has dropped courses due to academic and personal
challenges, which added to the pressure of time and feeling setback:
Yeah. Like, for me, it’s been unfortunate having to drop classes, and it’s easy to say, like,
oh, there is always next semester. But for me, sometimes I feel like I am facing my, I
don’t wanna say my doom, but, you know, I definitely face my age, so it’s just like, ugh.
Like, I’m still at this, and it’s been several years, and I’m still nowhere near done. So, it’s
just like, did I make a mistake starting over a new track or, and you know, it’s
uncomfortable and messy, but I allow myself for that.
Kassie described herself feeling the pressure to finish sooner, around the 4th year of her
academic journey and shared a conversation she had with her counselor when she was
experiencing stress and feeling behind in relation to meeting her academic goals:
I used to let it get to me, but my Puente counselor once told me, ‘cause I told them, I
think around that time I was gonna go into my 4th year at [RCC], and, like, I told them
like, I’m stressing out, like I’m taking forever. It usually takes people 2 years, and, like,
I’m going on my fourth, like, people from my graduating class, like from my high school
already, like getting their degrees. And my Puente counselor told me, and it will always
stick in my mind, um, your degrees, your diplomas will always just say your name. Like,
it will never say how long, like it took Kassie 5 years to get her degree. It took her 7
years. Like, at the end of the day, it’s just gonna say your name. And I was like con eso
me dijiste todo [with that, you told me everything]. Thank you.
Valerie shared that hearing the term 2-year college or 2-year degree makes her feel
overwhelmed, which triggers panic:
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I hear that wording, and it’s almost kind of like, it triggers this existential crisis in me,
especially as an older student who’s coming in pretty late into the game, so to speak.
And, you know, I go to these conferences, and I go to these activities, and, you know, I’m
meeting people that are far younger than I am, that are just starting out right from high
school. And the fact that I didn’t have that experience in high school and then I just kind
of jumped straight into college at a later age and hearing that wording it almost triggers
like this odd sense of panic in me because then I’m realizing, oh my God, okay, so this is
2 years, this is 3 years, this is, I’m kind of just overwhelmed by it all.
Overall, the testimonialistas had a pervasive sense of feeling behind and the pressure to
meet academic goals within a certain timeframe. Factors such as age, setbacks, and college
timeline expectations contribute to this stress and create a feeling of otherness among part-time
enrolled Latina students. In the following section, I will discuss the second theme related to the
testimonialistas’ perception of self.
Self Theme 2: Strong Aspirations and the Will to Persist
Another emerging theme related to the testimonialistas’ perception of self as a part-time
enrolled Latina student was the great aspiration to persist through their academic goals despite
their challenges and obstacles. While this was not a direct question, half of the testimonialistas
described themselves as either “stubborn” when it comes to achieving their academic goals,
never giving up, and being hardworking. Kassie shared that she has always had a drive never to
give up, which she connects to her ethnic background, and shared her admiration for the women
who are achieving their goals independently.
I think what represents me is my drive to never give up because, especially in Mexico,
there’s a lot of people that, even though they didn’t go to school there’s a lot of people
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who are entrepreneurs. And it’s pretty amazing to see women out there doing things for
themselves. And it’s like, I wanna be that representation as well but through my
academics. Like, it’s my power, times have changed, and it’s like, women can too, and I
wanna be that.
Similarly, when asked to share personal traits that have helped her persist through college
despite her struggles, Valerie described herself as stubborn when meeting her personal and
academic goals.
I can easily say, first off, my stubbornness, aside from all the struggles that I’ve faced and
all of the issues that kind of almost prevented me from going, it came down to me just
being stubborn and wanting to prove a point that I could do it and that I was going to do
it. Um, so I think the first would definitely be stubbornness. The second is my drive to
further my education because, you know, in middle school, I knew that this was what I
wanted to do. And even if I had dropped out at that point, I knew that at some point, I
really wanted to go into anthropology, and I really wanted to get that degree. And so now
that I finally started, it’s that drive that’s keeping me, and that’s keeping me going. And I
also think that, um, that it’s my resilience as well.
Luna also described herself as “stubborn” and not giving up on her academic and career
goals. When asked to provide an example of a time when she did not give up, she shared that she
applied multiple times for a CNA position she holds now at a large hospital in Los Angeles:
Um, let’s see. Oh, when, when I was still trying to apply to [a large hospital in Los
Angeles]. Actually, I didn’t give up. Even if I had to apply nine times, I still tried.
Victoria also described herself as “stubborn” and shared her will to persist:
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I’m very stubborn, so I guess that’s one thing I’ve been able to use to my advantage. I’m
resourceful. I guess life has taught me not to give up, and that’s one thing that helps me
through college, and it gets hard. I feel like I’m not getting anywhere or that it’s taking
too much time, and I just keep going ‘cause it’s what I wanna do.
In addition, most testimonialistas strongly correlated their desire to complete college with
being a role model to their family, being the change they want to see in their Latinx
communities, and wanting to see more women in male-dominated fields of interest such as
STEM and technology. Glenna and Dulce, who are both majoring in STEM, shared their
observation of STEM being male-dominated. For example, discussing some of the challenges,
Dulce mentioned:
Some of the groups, like some of the more STEM-y, or I’m trying to remember there was
one specific one, I think it was like the fishing group and the robotics group. Like, their
press kit definitely tended to be a bit more, like, male-centric. So, it’s just like, come on,
like it’s not really too inviting and, you know.
Additionally, Dulce mentioned that while she has not experienced a gender divide at
RCC, she will most likely experience it in the field of technology.
I think once I start job hunting, that’s whenever it’s gonna start. Like, I don’t know
because, like, I don’t know if there are a lot of, like, Latina women in tech. I have joined
like groups like, um, um, girls who code, and they do help like women like get into tech
and like, they, they give like resources for like anyone who is trying to, so I feel like once
I start to, like, job hunt there, I’m, I’m gonna be more like into like the, like participating
more I guess.
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Overall, the emerging theme of possessing great aspiration and the will to persist among
the testimonialistas reflected their determination to overcome challenges and achieve their
academic goals. Their description of themselves as “stubborn” and their drive to never give up
showcased their resilience and commitment. Additionally, their desire to be role models, create
change in their communities and promote women in male-dominated fields further motivated
their pursuit of education. In the following section, I will discuss other findings that emerged
related to their perception of self as they transition through an HSCCC.
Self: Other Findings
Other findings related to the perception of themselves included having a sense of
resistance and going against the odds of cultural and social expectation. For example, Glenna
described herself as “rebellious” because her academic and life journey is not on a “traditional”
path and where her family would want her to be.
I’ve turned out to be a bit of a rebellious case because I’m a returning adult student. I am
30 and a half years old right now. And I am also unmarried, and I also don’t have kids,
which, you know, is like really, really far from, like, where my family would expect me
to be. But, you know, I did always tell them I value my education, and, yeah, it’s still
taking a bit of time, especially now that I’ve done like a full 180 on what I wanna study.
From a LatCrit perspective, when considering the self, it is crucial to consider
institutional and social forces that deny access to opportunities and create barriers for minoritized
populations (Toporek & Worthington, 2014). This was evident here with Onawa as she shared
awareness of the oppressive structures impeding her academic and personal development. When
asked what identities best characterized her, she stated that she felt disadvantaged due to her
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numerous obstacles related to her cultural, ethnic, and racial identity, revealing later that she has
been in the foster care system.
Honestly, when I think about my identity, it is just disadvantaged, period. I have all the
disadvantages in the world because I’m brown. So not only my Mexican part, but it’s like
my native part too that I’m not really in touch with, but I know I have it. And you know,
it’s just disadvantaged. Disadvantage. I have everything set up for me to fail, pretty
much. So, that’s how I feel about my identity. It’s so sad. Like, even when I was reading
my American government book, and it’s like minorities, I’m like, wow, can they name it
something else? But it’s just everywhere.
In conclusion, the testimonios revealed two prominent themes related to their self-
perception. The first theme was feeling behind in meeting academic goals, influenced by age,
time to completion, and personal setbacks. The testimonialistas expressed stress, pressure, delay,
and time constraints. The second theme focuses on their aspirations and will to persist despite
challenges and obstacles. These students described themselves as stubborn, hardworking, and
driven, emphasizing their determination to achieve their academic goals and be role models in
their communities. The testimonios also shed light on campus involvement, the impact of
dropping out in earlier education on delayed postsecondary education, and resistance to going
against societal expectations. These findings pertain to the complex and multifaceted nature of
the testimonialistas’ self-perceptions and the intersecting factors that shape their educational
journeys.
Strategies
Schlossberg (1981) defined strategies as the actions, interactions, and interventions used
to navigate a transition. As students move through college, it requires balancing competing
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demands, coping with multiple stressors, facing systemic barriers, developing skills, preserving
self-esteem, and overcoming self-doubt, all while navigating academic and personal transitions.
For this study, the testimonialistas were asked about their strategies to manage their
responsibilities while navigating college. When asked specifically about the strategies they
employ to manage the various demands of college and responsibilities, two direct themes were
presented directly by the testimonialistas, including using time management skills and practicing
self-care (Table 6). The other indirect themes that were identified from the analysis were finding
the right places and times to study, visualizing their future selves as motivation, and leaning on
others for support (Table 6). In the following section, I will discuss the first theme that presents
their strategies for transitioning through college.
Strategies Theme 1: Managing Time
Six testimonialistas indicated using a calendar or planner and mentally arranging their
time to establish goals for the day or week to manage their time effectively. There was mention
of calendars, planners, and whiteboards as helpful tools for planning the upcoming day or weeks.
For example, Victoria stated that she utilizes a planner and coordinates with her mother
regarding transportation and weekly responsibilities. Maria indicated that she aims to complete
her assignments early in the week and tries to finish them all before the weekend; however, if
time does not permit, she uses the weekend to catch up. Elena, a mother of four, shared that she
routinely checks in with herself to determine whether she has completed her daily
responsibilities and goals and divides her days into three main timeframes.
I start at six o’clock in the morning, and I time myself. So, from six to 11, I have to finish
everything, mainly cleaning and cooking. And then after that, I have another timeframe,
which is from 12 to 5, where I have to feed the girls, clean again, and do all that stuff.
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And then the third time frame I have is from like 7 to 11. That’s when I try to work on
my schoolwork.
The testimonialistas employed various strategies, such as using calendars, planners, and
mentally arranging their time, to effectively manage their schedules, set goals, and prioritize
tasks, demonstrating the role of organization and time management in balancing their lives. In
the following section, I will discuss the second theme that presents the strategies they employ as
they transition through college.
Strategies Theme 2: Practicing Self-Care
The second theme that emerged as a strategy for persisting through college included
practicing self-care. When asked what strategies they employ to manage the various
responsibilities, six testimonialistas shared that they implement self-care ranging from taking
walks, participating in personal therapy, reserving “me days,” going out to the gym, hanging out
with friends, using affirmations to get through tough times, and dancing. Mia, who lives with her
grandparents, shared that she wakes up early to find some solitude and “me” time.
I get up at five or 5:30 am almost every morning. And part of the reason is that almost no
one else in the house is up at five or 5:30 am. And, so I like to have that time too, you
know, to wake up slowly. And even though I don’t have to be out of the house till seven
on Mondays and Wednesdays, and not until like nine on Tuesdays and Thursdays, I enjoy
that time because it’s just a time kind of slowed down time that I can have all to myself.
And I feel like that’s important. That helps bring balance. And I feel like when I get up
late and don’t have that time, I feel more stressed. I feel like everything feels kind of
more chaotic.
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Valerie shared that when she experiences self-doubt, she practices self-care through
affirmations to remind her that she can overcome the challenge: “The days that I’m not feeling
particularly strong in who I am or, you know, feeling capable of what I’m doing. I do
affirmations, and I remind myself I’m capable of it.” Victoria shared that admiring art and
dancing helps her destress when things get overwhelming:
Art helps me a lot. I like to surround myself with music. Not necessarily painting or
working on something, but maybe looking at art like going to parks and looking at
sculptures or even bathroom graffiti. I love art and seeing it everywhere. Also, another
thing that I like to do is dance a lot. I feel that for Latinas, always dancing helps.
Both managing time and practicing self-care were the direct responses from the
testimonialistas on the strategies they use to persist through college while managing their various
responsibilities. As the testimonialistas discussed other aspects of their college experiences and
challenges, indirect themes relating to strategies emerged. In the following section, I will discuss
the third theme that presents the strategies they employ as they transition through college.
Strategies Theme 3: Finding the Right Places and Times to Study
As the testimonialistas shared their experiences and challenges with navigating college, a
recurring theme regarding the strategies used was determining the best places to study and
timeframes. As previously mentioned, Elena, a mother, stated that the best time for her to focus
on school is late at night. Dulce, who takes most of her courses online, shared that when she is on
Zoom, her family does their best to provide a space for her to concentrate on her studies.
However, she expressed that she feels guilty asking them to pause on things that might be too
distracting or noisy. As a result, most recently, she has wanted to attend her online courses at the
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college’s library. She shared that she likes visiting the college’s library and enjoys indoor or
outdoor study options.
Recently I have been wanting to start going at least, well, I don’t know if I’d be able to,
but I’ve been wanting to take like my Zoom class somewhere outside of my home just
because I know my family creates this space for me, I can’t help but feel like I’m like I
am holding them back because my bedroom is connected to the garage and that’s where
my boyfriend and sister-in-law workout in the evening. Whenever my classes, since it’s
very interactive, I have to have my mic on, and it’s impossible in the evenings because
we have dogs and they’re working out. So, it’s pretty crazy. So, I have been wanting to
start going somewhere else. I don’t know if the library will be open.
Similarly, Jennifer shared that she enjoys visiting the college’s library to study and the
1st-year experience center because they both have computers and printer access. She also shared
that she enjoys visiting the math center because it offers tutoring and private study spaces.
Nicolasa, an online student, shared that her family is very supportive, and her adult children give
her time and space to study. She also expressed the challenges of studying from home and the
need to remove distractions when at home.
At home, I come into my room and tell my kids, “Hey, I need this time to study. Don’t
bug me unless the house is on fire.” I have to shut everything off because I can’t have a
TV on. I have to turn my phone over because if I see it blink, I’ll be like, “What’s that?”
And I’ll start scrolling, and it’s 2 hours later, and I don’t even know what time it is. So, I
have to stay focused and silent and give my all to whatever I’m reading or doing.
In addition to finding the right place to study, testimonialistas shared strategies for
finding the right time to study. For example, Luna admitted that studying at home is challenging
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and that staying up late is often the best time to study at home. However, this often interferes
with her rest and sleep time.
I hear my friends say that they’re studying in their houses. I’m not able to do that. I can
study until maybe 9:00 PM when my parents are sleeping. If they’re awake, I get
distracted ‘cause they start watching the novela or doing something. I get distracted, and
everything has to be quiet, at least for me. Or my nephews are here, and I hear them like
play running around. They come looking for me.
On the other hand, Nicolasa said that she studies during her lunch break and works on her
coursework in chunks spread out throughout the day. She also shared that many of her coworkers
have attended RCC and provide support when navigating college requirements or courses,
serving as peer support off campus.
In summary, the testimonialistas highlighted the significance of finding suitable study
locations and timeframes, whether it be utilizing the college library or creating dedicated spaces
at home. They emphasized the need to minimize distractions and seek support from family,
friends, or peers to effectively manage their academic commitments. In the following section, I
will discuss the fourth theme that presents the strategies they employ as they transition through
college.
Strategies Theme 4: Visualizing Their Future Self
Another theme that emerged from the testimonios as strategies used to persist through
college is visualizing their future selves. When asked what motivates her, Elenna stated, “It’s
gonna sound kind of funny, but I’d say the future students I’d like to work with, I always
envision myself starting like a STEM program, with an after-school program.” Like Glenna,
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Onawa shared that when school gets challenging and she feels like giving up, she visualizes
herself in a different place:
I try to visualize myself a few years from now, just in a different place. Kind of living, I
guess, more comfortably. Thinking about all the struggles I’m going through right now
and how it will benefit the future. So, I try to think about how I visualize myself a few
years from now. That helps me paint a picture of what I’d like to see myself in a few
years from now.
Valerie also shared that she visualizes the future as a strategy for overcoming her
challenges and hardships:
One of the main things, aside from going to therapy, you know, is trying the different
tools she’s taught me. Something that helps is just visualizing, you know, visualizing
what I want and realizing that I’m so close to that finish line. And that it is definitely
possible for me to get to that point.
In summary, visualizing their future selves emerged as a powerful strategy for persistence
in college. In the following section, I will discuss the fifth theme that presents the strategies they
employ as they transition through college.
Strategies Theme 5: Leaning on Others for Support
Leaning on others for support was a strategy many testimonialistas shared, including
seeing a therapist, relying on family for support, and utilizing tutoring or office hours. Dulce
lives with her boyfriend and his parents, and they help her manage her stress and get through the
busy week: “I feel like it takes a village to manage everything because my family helps manage a
lot of my stress, and then also my boyfriend.”
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Jennifer shared that some strategies she has used to overcome her academic challenges,
specifically with statistics, are visiting the instructor’s office hours, going to the math center,
attending tutoring, and leaning on peers for support:
The strategies I used to pass statistics were going to office hours or talking to people in
the class. Creating a group study, visiting the math center, and getting tutored. Whatever
it took. Like, I literally was in that math center 24/7 and just talking to a bunch of tutors,
getting people together, “Hey, like, do you guys wanna come to study with me?” I also
think peers helped because we obviously are in the same class. So, I think it helped to get
their input. So, just making like a lot of study groups did help me through any challenge.
Like Jennifer, Kassie shared her struggles with passing a math course and reached out to
her cousin for support to pass the class:
I sometimes ask my cousins, who are either currently in college or have already
graduated, for help. For math, so I’ve taken statistics. This is my fifth time taking it, and I
still can’t pass it. And one of my cousins majored in finance, so he helps me.
In conclusion, the testimonialistas shared various strategies they employed to manage
their responsibilities while navigating college, including using time management skills,
practicing self-care, finding the right places and times to study, visualizing their future selves,
and leaning on others for support. These strategies helped them persist through challenges and
strive toward their academic goals. In the following section, I will discuss other findings that
emerged related to the strategies they employ as they move through college.
Strategies: Other Findings
The findings revealed that the testimonialistas managed to coordinate their numerous
responsibilities while making time for self-care. They often sought quiet locations to study and
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support from their families. Those who participated in personal therapy reported using
techniques learned in those sessions to manage better the stresses and challenges of going to
college.
Other strategies used to get through college included learning to balance various course
subjects to ensure that the semester was manageable and doable. Balancing course subjects
included taking challenging courses such as English, math, and science separately or with a
lighter course. Other students shared that they take demanding courses in person rather than
online. Kassie and Onawa shared that there are certain courses they will only take in person. For
example, Kassie stated, “I do online classes that are more manageable, like history, and another
class I’ve done online is cinema. I try to do subjects online that I know I won’t need to address
my professor for help as much.”
In conclusion, the strategies employed by the testimonialistas in navigating the challenges
of college and managing their responsibilities were diverse. The direct themes of managing time
effectively and practicing self-care emerged as central strategies. Using tools like calendars,
planners, and whiteboards and dividing their days into specific timeframes, the testimonialistas
expressed their dedication to managing their time to balance their various responsibilities.
Additionally, self-care activities such as taking walks, therapy, reserving personal time, and
hobbies provided the testimonialistas with support and balance. Furthermore, indirect themes
such as finding the right places and times to study, visualizing their future selves, and leaning on
others for support were strategies they employed. Overall, these strategies allowed the
testimonialistas to overcome challenges, stay motivated, and maintain a sense of balance while
pursuing their educational goals. In the following section, I present the findings related to the
support systems they utilize to persist through college.
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Support Systems
Schlossberg (1981) defined support systems as family, friends, mentors, and institutional
support systems. For this study, testimonialistas were asked to identify essential support systems,
both on-campus and off-campus, including institutional agents, programs, support services, and
outside individuals who helped them transition through an HSCCC. The findings revealed four
themes on the type of support systems the testimonialistas sought and benefited the most from,
Femtors (female mentors), faculty/professors, family support, and student support services
programs. In the following section, I will discuss the first theme related to the support systems
they utilize to persist through college.
Support Theme 1: Femtors
Finding support and mentorship from other females, also known as femtors, was a
common theme among the testimonialistas’ support systems. Femtors included coworkers, peers,
teachers, and family members, including aunts, mothers, and sisters. Glenna shared that she and
her sisters motivate and encourage each other to keep achieving their goals:
Sometimes it’s hard. As I thought about giving up, I told my sisters because they’re doing
their studies for med school. And they have talked about wanting to give up. I’m like, if
you’re gonna be 40, you might as well be 40 and a doctor, like why give up?
Kassie shared that she felt most connected to her sociology instructor, who identified as
Latina and was open about social issues. Through her testimonio, she shared her appreciation of
the teacher and her relatability:
I told her, I look up to you like you are my role model because, like, I can identify with
you on so many levels, in so many, like some of her experiences that she’s had. She
would share, and I connected with her on another level, and I really, really needed that. I
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needed that role model. Last semester she told us that she was applying for her doctorate.
And I wanna be you, I wanna be in my family, in my extended family as well, I’m the
black sheep, and it’s like, I wanna prove you guys wrong. I wanna beat my odds.
Luna also shared her need for role models and mentors who can provide guidance in her
career development. While working at a coffee shop near a large hospital in Los Angeles, Luna,
an aspiring nurse, met nurses and began to ask them questions and seek out their mentorship:
I actually work at Starbucks near the hospital. And I used to see coworkers come in there,
staff members, and I basically start asking questions, I didn’t do that before, but I know
that helps. Like, asking people if they know someone else, and that’s how I end up doing
voluntary hours there.
She later mentioned that many of the nurses that she connected with were Latinas and shared her
observation of the disparities in Latinx nurses at the two large hospitals where she volunteered:
Actually, they were all Latinas. But also looking around the two hospitals, I noticed that
mostly are Asian people, and it’s just a few Latinos. And that’s really caught my attention
because it’s, like, even White people. I see White people, Asians, like Russians, but I
don’t see Latinos.
Luna’s interaction with Latina nurses at her workplace exemplified her proactive
approach to seeking guidance and mentorship to pursue her nursing career. These connections
and support systems play a role in their persistence and success in college. Similarly, Kassie
shared that she valued a female instructor whom she saw as a role model and who inspired her to
continue her education:
I remember when, like, the semester was close to an end. I told her, like, I look up to you
like you are my role model because I can identify with you on so many levels, in so many
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experiences that she would share, and I connected with her on another level, and I really,
really needed that. And, like, I needed that role model. Like, I think right now, last
semester, she was telling us that she was applying for her doctorate. I forgot which one.
And it’s like I wanna be you. In my extended family as well, I’m the black sheep, and it’s
like, I wanna prove you guys wrong. Like, I wanna beat my odds.
Kassie’s testimonio presents the desire to have femtors and faculty with whom students
can relate and connect. Overall, the testimonialistas highlighted femtors, role models, and
mentors in their support systems, finding motivation and encouragement from their sisters,
teachers, and peers who shared similar experiences and ambitions. In the following section, I will
discuss the second theme related to the support systems they utilize as they persist through
college.
Support Theme 2: Faculty/Professors
A theme in seeking social support was finding teachers that were either approachable,
helpful, or relatable. Glenna spoke highly about an instructor who was accommodating to her
learning style, easy to connect with, and even inspired her to pursue science. Dulce talked about
how many of her instructors teaching web development courses have helped her understand the
technology industry beyond the classroom. She has felt supported by instructors sharing their
experiences and stories in the industry. In addition, she likes how the instructors help prepare
students for the job industry through networking and collaborating with peers. Dulce also shared
about a French instructor who was very supportive and would cheer her and her peers on even as
they struggled to learn the language.
Her class gave me so much confidence, like, because the professor was a sweetheart, and
she just had so much energy, and she would just cheer us on no matter what. Even if we
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messed up reading in French a little bit, she would just be so supportive. So, I think that
helped a lot because, like, you just feel like, it’s fine, you did it, you did good.
Jennifer also recounted an instance where her instructor played a significant role in her
academic journey. After taking statistics multiple times, she had an instructor who really cared
about her progress and pushed her to keep going by simply checking in with her.
The stats professor really pushed me to the very last end because I wasn’t gonna pass.
Like, I, I literally had like a D, and I was like 5% away from getting a C, and I lost my
motivation. I was like, you know what? I don’t know how I’m gonna pass this. I tried,
you know, like, I did the tutoring, you know, it just wasn’t sticking to me, you know?
‘Cause I didn’t do so well on the last final. So, that’s what really brought my grade down
[because] I was at a C, and that brought my grade down. And toward the very end, he
was like, you know what? Like, you’re not gonna fail. He’s like, I will open all the
quizzes up for you, and you can retake them as many times as you want, but just please
try. Like, you’re really, so close to a C he’s like, you can pass. And I was like, all right,
you know what? I’m gonna take advantage of this. Like, he’s really pushing for me, you
know, cuz I didn’t have it in me to push myself or anyone else. But like I said, he really
did push me, and he’s the reason why I passed because he just kept emailing me, so I was
like, okay, I’m gonna do this.
To further emphasize the significance of faculty interactions, Kassie shared about an
ethnic studies instructor who had many class discussions and was very open to discussions on
politics, racial discrimination, and systems of oppression and open to all opinions and thoughts.
She shared that in this course, there were lots of students of color and shared about a time when
the course’s curriculum helped her to feel seen and validated. She shared about a time when the
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teacher focused on crimmigration, a subject used to merge two areas of law: criminal and
immigration.
So, my mom is undocumented, and she was detained at the border, and we didn’t have a
mom for like 3 months. I was 15 around that time. And there was a moment, towards the
end of class, I started crying and told her my story and realized I was impacted by
crimmigration. Like, because my mom experienced it. I didn’t even realize it; I was
impacted, too. Like, even though I didn’t see it personally, just going through that
experience, it is, it was, tough.
In conclusion, supportive and relatable instructors had a significant impact on the
testimonialistas’ educational journeys. Whether through accommodating different learning
styles, sharing industry experiences, providing encouragement, or addressing personal
experiences, these teachers played a role in fostering a sense of belonging, motivation, and
resilience among the students. In the following section, I will discuss the third theme related to
the support systems they utilize to persist through college.
Support Theme 3: Family
The third theme that emerged regarding the support systems used to persist through
college was family support. In addition to being their inspiration and motivation for attending
college, family support varied from financial support to providing apoyo. Family support
included mothers, sisters, and aunts. Glenna shared that her sisters helped her financially when
she was not receiving financial aid and struggling financially. On the other hand, Dulce shared
that while her mother is not familiar with the college process, she provides encouragement and
cheers her on:
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My mom does not understand what I’m studying. Like, she asks me all the time, she’s
like, oh, what, what are you doing again? Um, she doesn’t know what I’m doing, but she
supports me either way. She cheers me on, which gives me a lot of motivation because I
got all my hard work, my strong traits, and her working traits.
Similarly, Jennifer is the first in her household to attend college, and while her mother
may not know how to guide her through college, she supports her by encouraging her and
motivating her through the challenges and obstacles of navigating college:
My mom would see me struggle or, like, she would see me cry, and sometimes she’ll sit
by my bed and just talk to me. And, like, I really valued that because I would always tell
her the reason why I’m doing this is so she can be proud of me. And so, when she would
sit there and talk to me and tell me it’s gonna be okay, this is just a hiccup, you know,
you’ve gotten it, you’ve gotten through it before, you can do it again.
Jennifer, who is the first in her family to pursue higher education, mentioned that her
aunt, who has also experienced college, occasionally offers her assistance. However, due to her
aunt living far away, the support Jennifer receives is limited and not always available. Jennifer
acknowledged the potential benefits of having someone close by to provide immediate assistance
and resources.
My aunt did go to college. She has her bachelor’s, I believe in psychology, and she
helped me out a little bit, but she doesn’t live here. She lives in Bakersfield, so she
doesn’t really help me that much. It’s different than living with someone who knows
more about college.
In addition, Kassie shared that her family’s awareness and understanding of her
depression and their encouragement keep her moving through college:
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When I am feeling anxious, I call my sisters, like, can you talk to me? Like literally, like,
speak to me about anything, but don’t let me sit in my thoughts. And so, yeah. Or, like,
when it has happened at school, I walk around or, like, I had to, like, touch something
because I can’t sit still. I let it all out with her, even though I have my therapist. And with
my dad, he gives me words of affirmation, like words of encouragement. Even though
they are typical, the typical ponte las pilas or échale ganas [keep going]. Even though
they’re so cliche, they have an impact on me. It’s like when I feel like he even notices
when I need that little push of motivation. And his words help a lot.
Overall, family support enabled the persistence of these college students, ranging from
financial assistance to emotional encouragement. While some family members provided direct
assistance, others offered motivation and reassurance, highlighting the significance of familial
understanding and backing in navigating the challenges of higher education. In the following
section, I will discuss the fourth theme related to the support systems they utilize to persist
through college.
Support Theme 4: Student Support Services Programs
As mentioned earlier, under the findings of self-perception, those who were part of a
student support services program felt more connected to the campus environment. The fourth
theme that emerged as an essential support system was programs on campus. Glenna shared that
the disabled student services have been a great support in navigating college and providing
priority enrollment. She stated,
Through [the office of disability services], I have the ability to get priority enrollment,
which has been great, especially ‘cause the science tracks get full really quickly.
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Especially cause a lot of the younger kids use Rate My Professor, so it’s nice to have a
fighting chance to get one decent professor at a decent hour.
Furthermore, Jennifer emphasized that the 1st-year experience program played an
important role in guiding her through the initial stages of her academic journey:
I would say the 1st-year program. Cause when I first transitioned into college, I was
really new at it, and they had this program like I saw an email for first-time coming
students, and if you sign up for it, you get priority registration, you get free counselors.
And like that, they have a center dedicated for just 1st-year students. So, I really do feel
like that has helped me. Cause whenever I first started, I was really, really lost. And I
would talk to a lot of counselors there, and a lot of them really did help me. They helped
me figure out where a lot of the resources are on campus, you know, and before I
enrolled, they make you attend this little summer orientation program.
On the other hand, Kassie highlighted the advantages of the student support services she
has been involved in. However, she also expressed the difficulties she has encountered in
meeting their requirements, particularly amid the pandemic.
I’ve been in EOPS, I’ve been in the 1st-year program, and it’s a good technique where
they make you each semester do two meetings with a success coach and one with an
academic counselor. Which is good. But sometimes, like when you have a lot on your
plate, like, for me, I had to drop out of EOP because it was during the pandemic, my
mind wasn’t in school, and I completely forgot even though they would send reminders.
In conclusion, various student support services programs, such as disabled student
services, the 1st-year experience program, EOP&S, Puente, and a transfer program for Latinx
students, have emerged as central support systems on campus. For those involved, these
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programs provide priority enrollment, free counseling, dedicated centers, and access to
resources, ultimately helping students feel more connected to the campus environment and
navigate their academic journeys. In the following section, I will discuss other findings that
emerged related to the support systems they utilize to persist through an HSCCC.
Support Systems: Other Findings
Another resource on campus that emerged as a support service for students was the food
pantry on campus. Many students shared that they have used the food pantry for free snacks or to
take groceries home. Students also shared that they prefer working in groups and engaging with
peers. Dulce shared about a time when she became best friends with a peer in her class who was
also Latina. Since taking courses online, she has not seen many Latina students and wishes she
was in a community with other students like her:
It’s funny how you don’t see a lot of Latinas like in your class. I think from the whole
time I’ve been at [RCC], I’ve only had one in my class, and she was literally my best
friend, and she was the sweetest. And if I ever needed anything, she was like right there.
So, like, it was nice to have her as like in my community, and like, I wish there was more
of us.
In conclusion, the testimonialistas identified various support systems that played
important roles in their college journey. The four prominent themes that emerged were femtors,
faculty/professors, family support, and student support services programs. Femtors provided
motivation, encouragement, and relatability, fostering a sense of empowerment and inspiration.
Faculty and professors who were approachable, helpful, and relatable created a supportive
learning environment and guided students beyond the classroom. Family support, whether
through financial assistance or emotional encouragement, served as a strong foundation for the
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testimonialistas’ perseverance. Lastly, student support services programs, including disability
services and 1st-year programs, offered valuable resources and a sense of belonging on campus.
The findings were that diverse support systems facilitate students’ transition through college and
that there is a need for continued investment in mentorship, faculty engagement, family
involvement, and comprehensive student support services.
Chapter Closing
This chapter presented the findings and testimonios that are relevant to the primary
research question focused on the challenges and experiences of part-time enrolled Latina
students as they navigate through a single HSCCC. In addition, the findings for the sub-questions
provided a comprehensive view of their situations, self-perceptions, and the strategies and
support systems they utilize. In the next chapter, I discuss the findings and implications and
recommendations for policy, practice, and future research.
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Chapter Six: Discussion
This study sought to understand the challenges and experiences of Latina students
enrolled part-time at a HSCCC. By employing a qualitative research design guided by LatCrit
theory (Solórzano, 1998), this study acknowledges the unique experiences of the Latinx
community, such as language, gender, ethnicity, culture, and the effects of racial structures on
Latinx populations. This study aimed to highlight the testimonios and collective findings
gathered from the demographic questionnaire and semi-structured one-on-one interview protocol
highlighting the challenges and experiences of 12 testimonialistas. Testimonios, as opposed to
more traditional interviews or narrative inquiry, transform the private into a political stance
intended to foster greater social consciousness and change (Latina Feminist Group, 2001).
For this research, testimonios are utilized as both a method and methodology (Delgado
Bernal et al., 2012), with the intention of influencing transformative policy, practices, and future
research, that will ignite change and promote the retention and degree attainment of part-time
enrolled Latina students and ultimately other students enrolled part-time. Furthermore, the
testimonios provide a platform for those often living on the margins to amplify their voices
(Latina Feminist Group, 2001). The primary research question for this study examines the
challenges and experiences faced by part-time enrolled Latina students at an HSCCC. The
research question is accompanied by sub-questions that thoroughly analyze the testimonialistas’
situation, their self-perceptions, and the strategies and support systems they utilize while
persisting through their academic journey at an HSCCC.
In addition to LatCrit theory (Solórzano, 1998) as a theoretical framework guiding the
design of the study, Schlossberg’s transition theory and the 4 S system (Anderson et al., 2021;
Schlossberg, 1981) have influenced the formation of the sub-questions for this study. These
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theoretical perspectives aid in exploring how students transition through college and their
resources by considering four main elements: their situation, self, strategies, and support
systems. This study addressed two specific sub-questions:
How do part-time enrolled Latina students describe their situation and self-perception
at an HSCCC?
What strategies and support systems do part-time enrolled Latina students use to
persist through an HSCCC?
This chapter serves as the culmination of the research project. It begins by discussing the
findings and testimonios (presented in Chapter Five) obtained from 12 testimonialistas enrolled
part-time at a single HSCCC. Throughout the discussion, the findings are linked to the literature,
and their implications are presented. Additionally, the chapter addresses the study’s limitations
and concludes with recommendations for practical application, policy, and further research. The
chapter concludes with ending remarks, intending to foster further dialogue, initiatives, policies,
and research endeavors that can effectively improve the experiences, institutional structures, and
outcomes for part-time enrolled Latina students and other minoritized students navigating the
system on a part-time basis.
Discussion and Implications
This section will discuss the findings and analysis of the emerging themes drawn from
the testimonios. The discussion will focus on the challenges and experiences encountered by the
testimonialistas: 12 part-time enrolled Latina students at a single HSCCC. Additionally, the
discussion on the findings of the primary research question is linked to the sub-questions, which
focus on their perceived situations, self-perception, and the strategies and support systems they
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utilize to move through an HSCCC. This discussion is organized into three key themes related to
the challenges and experiences, and each is further divided into its sub-themes:
1. Lack of sense of belonging and connection to the campus environment:
lack of Latinx campus community and Latina representation
underrepresentation of post-traditional students
campus engagement restrictions
virtual and distance learning
2. Financial challenges
inadequate financial aid and support services
high cost of textbooks and college materials
3. Limited academic and student support services
the need for quality supplemental instructional support
limited access to guidance and support and campus resource awareness
The multidimensional conceptual framework for understanding servingness in HSIs, as
proposed by Garcia and colleagues (2019), serves to analyze the different elements that impact
servingness, including external forces (e.g., federal and state legislation, institutional governing
boards, statewide initiatives), structures for serving (e.g., mission and values statements and
decision-making practices), and indicators for serving that impact the experiences and outcomes
of students (e.g., validating and racialized experiences and academic and nonacademic
outcomes). Throughout the discussion, I draw a connection to the various elements that impact
servingness at HSCCCs. Following the discussion and implications of the findings, this chapter
explores the recommendations for policy, practice, and future research endeavors. In the
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following sections, I present the first theme that emerged related to the testimonialistas’
challenges and experiences.
Lack of Sense of Belonging and Connection to the Campus Environment
Strayhorn (2012) defined a sense of belonging as: “students’ perceived social support on
campus, a feeling or sensation of connectedness, the experience of mattering or feeling cared
about, accepted, respected, valued by, and important to the group (e.g., campus community) or
others on campus (e.g., faculty, peers)” (Strayhorn, 2012, p. 3). A criterion for this study was that
all participants needed to have been enrolled at the specific HSCCC for at least 1 year. As a
result, all the testimonialistas gained experiences that shaped their perceptions of belonging and
connectedness to the campus environment. Ten of the 12 (83%) testimonialistas expressed a
disconnection to the campus. Their expressions of disconnection and lack of belonging as part-
time enrolled Latina students raise concerns considering its relationship with their academic
achievement and persistence in education. Research has found that a sense of belonging plays a
critical role in the persistence and retention of students in higher education (Strayhorn, 2012) and
is often associated with student engagement, educational and institutional commitments,
classroom validation, interpersonal and academic interactions, and validating agents and mentors
(Crisp, 2010; Kuh et al., 2008; Nanez et al., 2015; Rendón, 1994).
A thorough analysis of the testimonios identified various factors contributing to their
feelings of disconnection to the campus. These factors encompassed the absence of a Latinx
campus community, including limited Latina peer representation, underrepresentation of post-
traditional students (e.g., part-time students and older students), limited opportunities for campus
engagement, and the influence of distance and online learning. In the following sections, I
discuss the findings of the need for a Latinx campus community and Latina peer representation.
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Lack of Latinx Campus Community and Latina Representation
Despite the Latinx student population being the largest racial-ethnic group at the college
(RCC; an HSCCC), accounting for almost half of the entire student population, several
testimonialistas expressed a disconnection due to their perceptions of the absence of a Latinx
community on campus, with mentions of a lack of a Latinx center or special programs. In
comparison, others mentioned a lack of representation and opportunities to connect with other
Latina students, including those enrolled part-time. In the demographic questionnaire,
participants offered their interpretations of what it signifies to identify as Latina. Several
participants characterized their racial and ethnic identities as intrinsically connected to their
strengths, lifestyle, cultural practices, and pride. These findings underscore the importance of
HSCCCs in recognizing and honoring racial, ethnic, gender, and other identities that are of
importance to their Latinx student population. In addition, HSCCCs must foster practices that
validate these identities, both inside the classroom and across the campus.
Overall, the findings of a lack of Latinx community and Latina student representation
highlight that merely having a large enrolled Latinx student population, does not make an HSI.
Therefore, HSCCCs must critically and comprehensively evaluate their structural systems. These
institutions are often rooted in dominant White normative structures, which can inadvertently
exclude and further marginalize students of color. In the following sections, I discuss the
research findings highlighting the absence of a sense of belonging influenced by post-traditional
characteristics, traits, and ways of navigating higher education.
Underrepresentation of Post-traditional Students
When examining the students’ situations and self-perceptions in higher education, many
testimonialistas reported feeling academically disadvantaged when comparing themselves to
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those following a traditional college path (e.g., completing their degree in 2 years and attending
full-time). While the sense of feeling behind was related to their degree-to-completion timeline,
these ideologies were reinforced by institutional structures and practices, further highlighting the
importance of abolishing White normative structures in higher education that impact practices
and policies and overlook, marginalize, or omit students navigating higher education in post-
traditional ways. For instance, Jennifer shared that she has made friends in her 1st-year
experience program and that these peers have already transferred to a university, leaving her
feeling alone, less motivated, and behind as she continues to navigate college beyond 2-years.
While Jennifer’s testimonio is a testament of the strong relationships she has built through the
1st-year program and her different academic path, it is also a testament to the institutional
structures of 2-year colleges that often prioritize practices, programming, and initiatives related
to moving in and moving out, with little support for those navigating college beyond 2 years,
potentially leading to feelings of othering or solitude. These findings have implications for
transforming HSCCCs structures and practices that effectively serves, supports, and retains those
who are moving through in post-traditional ways particularly those who have longer enrollment
periods due to their part-time enrollment.
Glenna called for normalizing the idea that for some students, it takes more than 2 years
to complete a degree or transfer to a university, mentioning, “There’s nothing wrong with that.
But I feel like that’s one thing that’s not getting addressed often enough where some of us feel
inadequate.” Kassie’s testimonio, a powerful account, described her struggle with accepting the
timeline for completing her program when she entered her 4th year of enrollment. During this
time, she experienced anxiety and self-criticism and sought support from her Puente counselor,
who provided support:
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And my Puente counselor told me, and it will always stick in my mind, um, your degrees,
your diplomas will always just say your name. Like, it will never say how long, like it
took Kassie 5 years to get her degree. It took her 7 years. Like, at the end of the day, it’s
just gonna say your name. And I was like con eso, me dijiste todo [with that, you told me
everything]. Thank you.
These testimonios present a call to action for HSCCCs to transform the institutional
structures and practices that create a narrative or a sense of othering for students enrolled part-
time. Beyond enrolling part-time, many testimonialistas exhibited additional characteristics
associated with “post-traditional” student characteristics and traits. Specifically, almost half of
the testimonialistas indicated they did not pursue college immediately after high school. Notably,
two participants revealed that they dropped out of grade school and obtained their high school
diplomas in their twenties. Furthermore, two testimonialistas shared their experiences juggling
parenthood alongside their educational pursuits, while eight participants reported family
caregiving responsibilities. Lastly, nine participants stressed the importance of working to
support themselves or their families financially. For example, like many testimonialistas, Valerie
shared that having to work contributed to her part-time enrollment: “Going full-time without any
financial support would not end well for me. You know, I would most likely lose my apartment,
and I’d most likely be put on the street.” Valerie noted that, for many individuals, part-time
enrollment is not a voluntary decision, but a requirement driven by their economic situation,
responsibilities, and personal circumstances.
Recommendations for improving retention of part-time enrolled students have focused on
course load and increasing units for academic success (Center for Community College Student
Engagement, 2017). This study aligns with previous literature which asserts that FTE is not a
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feasible strategy for students who must engage in part-time study due to familial, financial, work,
or caregiving obligations outside of school (Bombardieri, 2017). The findings of this study
suggest that for some students, the option of enrolling full-time is simply not an option due to
personal responsibilities and circumstances. Some of these factors encompassed having a mental
or learning disability, the need to work or having caregiving responsibilities. These findings
contribute to a deeper understanding of the various factors influencing students’ decisions to
pursue part-time enrollment in college. Rather than solely encouraging FTE, it essential that
HSCCCs develop structures that support and assist students in effectively managing their college
experience on a part-time basis.
The findings also revealed that half (50%) of the testimonialistas felt older than their
student peers or portrayed their peers as “kids” while describing them. The age range of the six
testimonialistas who expressed feeling older than their peers was wide, with the youngest being
22 and the oldest 45. The influence of these ideologies nearly prevented Onawa from pursuing a
college education. Initially, Onawa hesitated to enroll in college due to concerns about her age.
However, her perspective changed when she encountered a fellow parent at her daughter’s
school who had pursued higher education as an older adult and graduated at an older age. Onawa
emphasized the importance of representation for post-traditional students in higher education.
This representation is crucial as it not only fosters a sense of belonging among these students but
also challenges the pre-existing narratives about who can access and achieve success in higher
education. Moreover, Onawa’s testimonio underscores the role of educational institutions in
creating structures that systematically deconstruct these ideologies and narratives of who can
access higher education.
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The findings also revealed that many measured their success against “traditional” college
paths (e.g., attending college immediately after high school) and feeling academically
underprepared. For example, Valerie shared that one of her reasons for attending part-time is
“because I had dropped out so early in middle school and I had spent years not going through the
educational system. I felt unprepared and also kind of scared that if I were to go full-time, I
would fail instantly.” How the testimonialistas navigated the educational systems has
demonstrated implications for their feelings of inadequacy and doubt, consequently influencing
their sense of belonging.
Overall, these findings emphasize the significance of HSCCCs in establishing a
supportive environment for “post-traditional” students. Additionally, these institutions, which
largely enroll part-time enrolled Latina students, should consider how policies, practices, and
institutional structures support or hinder students outside the traditional student pathway. In the
following sections, I discuss the findings concerning the limited opportunities for campus
engagement and its connection to a lack of belonging.
Limited Opportunities for Campus Engagement
Several testimonialistas expressed a desire for increased involvement and connection
with the college. However, their engagement with the college was hindered due to limited access
to academic and student support services due to the college’s accessibility and busy life
schedules, ultimately impacting their sense of connection. Of the 12 testimonialistas, 10 (83%)
mentioned the challenges of managing school alongside family or caregiving responsibilities,
which often added stress. Despite these stressors, many testimonialistas did not perceive these
responsibilities as burdensome or obligatory. Instead, they appeared to be acts of love and loyalty
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to their families, reflecting the cultural value of familismo, which emphasizes loyalty and
closeness with family (Sy & Romero, 2008).
Furthermore, nine out of the 12 testimonialistas (75%) indicated that they work to afford
school and support their families. The combination of work responsibilities and caregiving roles
frequently hindered their ability to engage in events, activities, and student support services.
These opportunities for engagement were further constrained by limited operating hours, modes
of operation, such as strictly in-person or online options, and accessibility. These limitations
added to testimonialistas’ challenges in engaging with campus activities and services. For
instance, when Dulce felt disconnected from the campus environment and community, she
mentioned the restricted time frames, highlighting her limitations.
They have events and a bunch of stuff going on throughout the week. But, yeah, most of
it ends at 5:00 p.m., or it’ll be from noon to 5 or something. And there have been times
when I really wanna go, but I just can’t. Maybe if they were to incorporate more things
like through Zoom or something. Or, like, if they’re having someone speak or something,
maybe record and post on the website or something.
The findings suggest that students’ multiple responsibilities and the limited opportunities
for campus engagement have led to feelings of disconnection. These findings have important
implications for HSCCCs in providing events, activities, and academic and student support
services that accommodate the schedules of these students; This includes considering operating
hours and the mode of delivery, such as online. These findings should be considered when
developing policies and practices, considering the experiences of post-traditional students and
how HSCCCs can develop methods that cater to and enhance the needs of part-time enrolled
Latina students and other students who carry multiple responsibilities and navigate college in
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post-traditional ways. In the following section, I will discuss the findings related to
disconnection caused by distance and online learning.
Virtual and Distance Learning
The study’s results revealed that the testimonialistas’ sense of belonging, and
connectedness varied depending on their learning environment. This finding highlights the
impact of the learning environment on their feelings of belonging and connectedness.
Specifically, testimonialistas reported a stronger sense of belonging when participating in on-
campus courses compared to online classes. The online learning format lacked the connection to
the campus environment and culture provided by on-campus courses. However, it was prevalent
that many opted for online courses because it was their only viable option that offered flexibility
and balance. Those who took online courses mentioned that this learning mode enabled them to
effectively manage their busy schedules and responsibilities while contributing to improved
mental health practices. Additionally, online courses offered flexibility and addressed
transportation challenges for students who relied on public transit and did not have access to
personal vehicles. Moreover, distance education was particularly beneficial in situations like
Elena’s, who had relocated 50 miles away from the college.
Previous studies have noted the benefits of fostering students’ sense of belonging on
campus and in the classroom (Strayhorn, 2012). This study noted a need to investigate how
distance and online learning environments can foster a sense of belonging. Previous research has
predominantly concentrated on the sense of belonging in traditional classroom settings, but this
topic should also be considered in the context of remote learning. Additionally, the findings
presented contrasting viewpoints regarding students’ engagement in online learning. While
students valued the flexibility provided by online courses and relied on remote education, they
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also expressed feelings of disconnect and a longing for a sense of belonging; This raises a crucial
question: How can HSCCCs effectively sustain online learning and remote support services
while simultaneously fostering a strong sense of connection and community for students
attending college virtually? In the following sections, I present the second theme about their
challenges and experiences, including financial challenges.
Financial Challenges
Similar to the findings by Rodríguez and colleagues (2000), many testimonialistas
expressed concerns about the lack of funds and challenges with financial aid. Specifically, of the
12 testimonialistas, 10 (83%) expressed experiencing limited financial support, and nine (75%)
mentioned high college costs as a challenging factor in navigating college. Fry (2002) found that
many Latinx students attend part-time due to work commitments. Similarly, most (75%) of the
testimonialistas stated that their decision to enroll part-time was largely correlated to their
working responsibilities. The expressed financial challenges of the testimonialistas are
concerning, especially in light of a study by Rendón and colleagues (2012) which revealed a
correlation between financial security and positive academic success, underscoring the
significance of financial aid and the removal of financial barriers for students.
Moreover, in alignment with the research conducted by Gándara and Contreras (2010),
which revealed that a notable percentage of Latinx students engage in employment for 20 hours
or more weekly, out of the 12 participants, nine testimonialistas (75%) indicated the necessity of
working. Five of these nine testimonialistas worked part-time, dedicating fewer than 20 hours
per week to their jobs, while the remaining four testimonialistas worked over 20 hours per week.
Overall, many testimonialistas expressed concerns about the high costs of college expenses,
whether working full-time or part-time. In the following sections, I present the sub-themes
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related to the financial challenges: insufficient financial aid and a lack of financial aid support
services.
Insufficient Financial Aid and Financial Aid Support Services
According to most of the testimonialistas, there is a clear need for increased financial
assistance to alleviate the financial burdens associated with college expenses. This finding aligns
with previous research by Ardissone et al. (2021) and Bombardieri (2017), who discovered that
students who are not enrolled full-time or take fewer than 6 units per semester are ineligible for
many forms of financial aid, resulting in higher college costs. Similarly, the testimonialistas
expressed their concerns about failing to meet the eligibility criteria for specific financial funding
that necessitates FTE or more than 6 units to receive specific financial aid benefits.
Previous research has focused on the relationship between financial aid and academic
success (Rendón et al., 2012). However, this study’s findings shed light on the connection
between academic difficulties and their effects on financial aid. The study revealed that the
testimonialistas experiencing mental illness or having a learning disability impacted their
academic performance, affecting their eligibility for financial aid. For example, Kassie revealed
that her financial aid had been revoked on three occasions, attributing it to the impact of her
mental illness on her academic performance. She stated, “Because of my mental health issues, I
didn’t pass my classes. I stick through school, but if I withdraw from one class or don’t pass the
class, they take it away.” Other testimonialistas shared similar experiences, mentioning the need
to appeal for financial aid reinstatement due to their academic and personal difficulties. These
findings indicate the importance of establishing comprehensive support systems that integrate
financial aid and student support programs to better assist students at a higher risk of facing
academic difficulties and being ineligible for financial aid.
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Moreover, the study revealed that students faced multiple obstacles when navigating the
intricate procedures and protocols associated with the financial aid office and application
process. These difficulties led to delays, misunderstandings, and increased stress among the
students. Glenna shared her experience of relying on her family’s financial support when she
encountered difficulties completing financial forms as she moved through college. These
findings underscore the need for continuous financial assistance, with strong implications for
financial security and retention. Financial challenges were not limited to having to work or
insufficient financial aid, as these extended to expenses like textbooks, materials, and basic
needs. I discuss the high costs of textbooks and college materials in the following sections.
High Cost of Textbooks and College Materials
According to testimonialistas, required textbooks come with high price tags, ranging
from $50 to $300 per book, significantly impacting their limited financial resources. Even those
who receive campus-wide book vouchers or extra financial support from student support services
programs find that the assistance provided needs to be improved to cover their overall college
expenses. Consequently, some students need help with their academic progress due to their
inability to afford textbooks. Those who lack the financial means have to resort to alternative
methods of accessing materials, such as limited library resources or borrowing textbooks.
Ardissone et al. (2021) emphasized that part-time students often receive reduced financial
aid, which needs to consider additional expenses like textbooks and school supplies. Bombardieri
(2017) argued that part-time students might need more financial aid to cover various college
expenses, including babysitting, car payments, and internet services. This study supports the
observations made by Ardissone and colleagues (2021) and Bombardieri (2017), highlighting
that financial aid does not adequately or sufficiently cover college expenses. Moreover, it reveals
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that the costs associated with books and other required materials for college can serve as barriers
and financial burdens for part-time enrolled Latina students who often need to get all the forms
of financial aid. These findings affect federal, state, and HSI policy and practice.
These findings revealed the pervasive financial challenges Latina students enrolled part-
time encounter while moving through an HSCCC. The narratives from testimonialistas
emphasize the inadequacy of financial aid, the need for more comprehensive support services,
and the burden of high college costs. Addressing these challenges requires collaborative efforts
among educational institutions, policymakers, and stakeholders to create a higher education
system that is equitable and accessible. By offering sufficient financial aid and support services,
institutions can help alleviate the financial barriers that hinder part-time enrolled Latina students’
success and promote their academic achievement. In the following sections, I discuss the
findings concerning academic and student support services challenges.
Challenges With Academic and Student Support Services
While not a requirement for the study, all testimonialistas mentioned being the first in
their families to attend college and how this impacted their challenges throughout their college
journey. Loveland (2018) emphasized the importance of a sense of belonging for Latinx
students, many of whom are the first in their families to pursue higher education. Furthermore,
first-generation college students often need help with the college environment (Loveland, 2018).
The findings revealed that the testimonialistas frequently encountered challenges when accessing
and utilizing academic and student support services. These difficulties often revolved around
issues such as the quality of tutoring or limited operating hours for counseling support services.
The findings revealed the need for quality supplemental instructional support and improved
accessibility of guidance and support services. In the following sections, I present the sub-themes
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related to the challenges with academic and student support services, including the need for
quality supplemental instructional support.
The Need for Quality Supplemental Instructional Support
One significant finding was the need for more quality supplemental instructional support,
particularly in introductory courses such as mathematics. Half of the testimonialistas shared their
difficulties with mathematics and expressed concerns about insufficient tutoring services. Dulce,
who has struggled with mathematics, recounted her negative experience with the mathematics
tutoring center, where she felt unsupported and even encountered hostility when seeking help.
This lack of effective assistance from the tutoring center led to additional stressors and,
ultimately, withdrawal from the math course.
Two of the six testimonialistas who share their difficulties with mathematics sought
external tutoring services due to the lack of quality tutoring support on campus. For example,
Onawa, who struggles with a learning disability and anxiety, personally covered the expenses for
an external tutor to receive quality assistance for her math course. Similarly, Kassie openly
discussed her difficulties in mathematics and revealed that she was taking the same math course
for the fifth time. Consequently, she sought assistance from her cousin, who has a finance degree
and strong math skills, to support her in the course. The insufficiency of on-campus tutoring
support, particularly for students with learning and mental disabilities, intensified their
difficulties and impeded their advancement in subjects like mathematics. Furthermore, the
institution’s failure to provide effective tutoring support resulted in extra expenses for students
who had to either repeat the course or seek help from external tutoring services. The implications
of these findings suggest the importance of investing in instructional and tutoring support
services to provide students with better academic support, thereby helping them achieve
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academic success and preventing additional financial burdens. In the following sections, I
present the sub-theme related to the challenges with academic and student support services,
including limited access to college guidance and campus resources.
Limited Access to College Guidance and Campus Resources
In addition to the lack of instructional support, the testimonialistas conveyed limited
access to college advisement and student support services, with a few lacking awareness of the
campus resources and uncertainty on how to access college resources. In addition, the study
showed that testimonialistas who attended classes predominantly on campus and those who
participated in student support services programs demonstrated more familiarity with campus
resources. They also had better access to guidance and support services, such as academic
counselors. In contrast, individuals who primarily enrolled in online courses or were not
affiliated with a student support program encountered challenges in accessing guidance and
support due to their lack of familiarity with the resources available on campus.
Elena, who had been enrolled for more than a year, expressed that she had not yet had the
opportunity to meet with an academic counselor. Consequently, she relies on guidance from
friends and family with prior college experience. Similarly, Maria stated that despite being
enrolled at the college for 2 years, she only recently became aware of counseling and advisement
services when she received an email from student support services connecting her with the
advising and support resources. Maria also mentioned that she had sought assistance from the
library due to her lack of knowledge about academic counseling services. Specifically, she
utilizes the 24/7 online chat service librarians provide, promptly addressing her quick questions.
These findings highlight institutions’ proactive measures to promote student support services and
programs to students who have not yet engaged with academic advisement services or fully
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utilized college resources despite being enrolled at the college for more than a year. Furthermore,
flexible online support services, including chat features, can enhance accessibility for students
juggling multiple responsibilities.
For some testimonialistas, barriers emerged as limitations in receiving immediate support
and restrictions in accessing counseling appointments. To illustrate, Victoria, who sought
academic counseling, faced the challenge of scheduling appointments several weeks in advance;
this posed a significant challenge for her, particularly when she required immediate assistance to
complete an educational plan for financial reinstatement support. Although some testimonialistas
encountered difficulties in accessing guidance and support services, similar to the research, those
fortunate enough to be enrolled in a student support services program had a greater sense of
belonging and access to validating agents (Rendón, 2002).
This study’s findings revealed that student support programs such as Puente Project,
EOPS, and TRIO served as validating spaces for students and enhancing their sense of
belonging. These findings build on Rendón’s (2002) work, which studied Latinx students in a
community college setting and found that involvement in student support programs provided
academic and social support through validating agents such as counselors and advisors.
Similarly, this study revealed that programs designed for minoritized student populations foster a
sense of belonging and serve as inclusive environments that validate and affirm their experiences
and identities. For example, Onawa shared that her connection to the campus fluctuated and
expressed a greater sense of belonging when in community with the programs she is affiliated
with, including a program for former foster youth and EOPS.
Additionally, while the majority of the testimonialistas lacked a sense of belonging, the
two who reported a strong sense of belonging were affiliated and involved with more than one
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student support program designed to support disadvantaged students suggesting that these
programs not only serve as academic and social support but validating spaces. For example,
Kassie described talking with a Puente counselor during a challenging period in her 4th year
enrolled in college. The counselor’s words of affirmation and validation profoundly impacted
her, enabling her to embrace her educational path as a part-time student and the time it would
take to meet her academic goals. These findings show the significance of support services and
programs in creating a network of support and providing validating agents.
Conclusion of Discussion and Implications
The testimonialistas in this study exhibited a strong determination to achieve their
academic goals, drawing inspiration from their families and the desire for social and academic
advancement. Specifically, half of the testimonialistas described themselves as being “stubborn”
in pursuing academic success, attributing their perseverance, hardworking skills, or refusing to
give up. For instance, Kassie highlighted her drive and persistence and attributed it to her ethnic
and cultural background. Similarly, in her demographic questionnaire, when asked what being
Latina means, Valerie stated, “willpower, strength, perseverance,” and being of a strong line of
Latinas. For example, Glenna described herself as “rebellious” because her academic and life
journey is not on a “traditional” path and where her family would want her to be.
Nonetheless, the testimonialistas demonstrated their persistence through their perceived
strategies, such as prioritizing time management and self-care to maintain a healthy balance
between school and their personal lives. Strategies observed by the researcher included finding
suitable study environments and times, visualizing their future selves for motivation, and seeking
support from others to persist. These strategies exhibited their dedication and determination to
meet their academic goals. In addition, their support networks included mentors, faculty
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members, family, and the community in student support programs. Both their strategies and
support systems exemplified their commitment to achieving academic success.
When evaluating the study’s findings, it becomes evident that Latina students encounter
barriers intricately linked to social injustices and inequities. These issues significantly impact
their educational achievements and their perception of themselves in the higher education
system, affecting their sense of belonging and academic success. For instance, when I asked
Onawa how her identities influenced her personal and academic life, she expressed feeling
“disadvantaged, period,” due to her racial and ethnic background. She was aware of the systemic
inequities and their consequences on her educational and personal journey.
Overall, the study found several factors contributing to the feelings of disconnection
among the testimonialistas. These factors include the absence of a Latinx community, limited
representation of post-traditional students, limited opportunities for campus engagement, and the
influence of distance and online learning. The testimonios revealed that many students actively
sought connection and support from fellow Latinas, highlighting the importance of creating a
campus culture that fosters a sense of belonging for Latina students. The study also emphasized
how oppressive systems and intersectional identities impact their self-perception and educational
achievement. Support programs for students and positive interactions with faculty members were
found to promote a sense of belonging. In addition, the study uncovered negative interactions
with student-facing staff that were deemed hostile and had implications for the student’s lack of
belonging and support. Furthermore, the findings revealed that the underrepresentation of post-
traditional students and the challenges associated with online learning and busy schedules
hindered their connection and involvement with the campus.
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Upon examining the obstacles and experiences of the testimonialistas, several key
findings emerged that influenced their decision to enroll in college part-time. These findings
revealed that individuals faced several challenges related to socioeconomic inequities, such as
the difficulty of balancing work responsibilities, financial hardships, and the lack of
transportation resulting from not owning a car. Moreover, participants faced distinctive cultural
challenges, such as the need to fulfill caregiving duties while balancing their academic pursuits
and other responsibilities. A few mentioned struggles with mental or disability-related illnesses
often involve navigating through social and cultural stigmas associated with these conditions.
In conclusion, this study presents the experiences of part-time enrolled Latina students
who persevere despite the systemic barriers and obstacles they face. The findings of the study
present how institutional and external forces such as federal and state legislation can penalize
Latina students who enroll part-time through exclusive policies and practices or overall failure to
consider the needs of what has become the largest subgroup of students. Part-time students are
often ineligible or omitted from financial aid opportunities at the federal and state level due to
their part-time enrollment. As presented in the literature review, more data on the retention and
completion of part-time enrolled students is needed, presenting a gap in academic outcomes and
oversight of this student population. At the institutional level, many programs and services
nearly exclude participation by part-time enrolled students. This binary approach creates two
tiers based on student enrollment and a hierarchy between ‘traditional’ and ‘post-traditional’
students, with institutions often incentivizing those with the privilege of navigating higher
education in traditional ways. These systemic structures further marginalize those already
navigating the higher educational systems on the margins.
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Furthermore, this study reveals how higher education institutions embody White-
dominant structures that maintain traditional processes, practices, and structures. The findings of
this study, in the spirit of testimonios, aim to establish a public consciousness and praxis to
abolish White normative structures that continue to recreate exclusion for minoritized student
populations and those navigating higher education in post-traditional ways, such as part-time
enrolled Latina students. In what follows, I discuss the limitations and delimitations of the study
before presenting the recommendations for policy, practices, and future research that move
HSCCCs toward equity and justice for part-time enrolled Latina students.
Limitations
Like all research endeavors, this study has its share of limitations, which include factors
such as sample size and geographic range, the absence of comparative data, and the impact of
COVID-19. The study spotlighted 12 participants. While this number is significant for the scope
of a doctoral project, it nonetheless presents some limitations due to the small sample size.
Furthermore, the study’s geographical scope is confined to a single HSCC in California,
specifically the Los Angeles region. Although the study intentionally focused on exploring the
experiences of part-time Latina students enrolled at a specific HSCCC, it would have been
beneficial to include other institutions in the system to obtain a broader representation of
HSCCCs. The study was also limited in that it lacked a comparison group. A study comparing
part-time Latina students with other demographics, such as full-time students, part-time Latino
students, or other minoritized part-time students, can better discuss their characteristics and
challenges. Furthermore, this study did not use a comparative analysis between the findings from
the pre-COVID-19 phase and those from the post-COVID-19 era to recognize significant
impacts, differences, or similarities. Lastly, this study deliberately explored the challenges and
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experiences of part-time enrolled Latina students broadly due to the scarcity of research on this
population and topic, posing limitations to fully understanding their experiences with a particular
focus on financial, classroom, online, and student support services. In the following sections, I
will discuss the study’s significance in terms of recommendations for further research starting
with the potential contributions to policy and practice.
Recommendations
The policy recommendations for this study include changes and priorities to federal and
state legislation, policies, and initiatives targeting CCCs and HSIs. Additionally, practice
recommendations include institutional strategic planning, programming, and enhancing student
services experiences for part-time enrolled Latina students, including Latinx and pos-traditional
representation. Lastly, recommendations for future research are presented and based on the
implications and limitations of the findings. The following sections will provide a detailed
discussion of the policy, practice, and future research recommendations.
Recommendations for Policy
This study suggests policy recommendations to improve the educational experiences of
Latina students enrolled part-time at HSCCCs and other minoritized student populations enrolled
part-time. These policy recommendations include disaggregating national and state
postsecondary enrollment data to examine part-time enrollment, expanding federal financial aid
to students enrolled in fewer than 6 units, extending federal HSI grant activities to prioritize
retention for part-time enrolled students, and making part-time student retention a legislative
priority in California.
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Disaggregate National and State Data
The scarcity of data on part-time enrolled Latina students and this study’s findings
implications for policymakers. As the literature indicated, limited research examines the
completion rates and outcomes of part-time students. Part of this scarcity is due to how data is
collected and legislation such as the Student Right-to-Know and Campus Security Act of 1990
(U.S. Congress, 2020) and how data on completion and graduation rates are collected by the
NCES. Data only includes cohorts of those who enrolled full-time during their first semester.
In addition, a subset of the legislation prohibited the creation of a federal database of
personally identifiable information on individuals (U.S. Department of Education, 2010). Since
the U.S. Department of Education was prohibited from collecting individual student progress and
outcomes, all the information submitted to the IPEDS, a database widely used by scholars under
the NCES, must aggregate (group and summarize) data for each semester from each institution
(U.S. Department of Education, 2010). This legislation makes it difficult to follow individual
students’ enrollment patterns and impossible to desegregate outcome statistics based on gender,
race, ethnicity, and enrollment status. Consequently, there are no federal statistics on the
graduation rates of Latina students enrolling part-time at HSCCCs.
Given the challenges and experiences of part-time enrolled Latina students moving
through an HSCCC, policymakers must address the need to disaggregate national and state data,
such as that in IPEDS and the CCCCO’s Data Mart, to examine gender, race, and enrollment
patterns and evaluate graduation and retention rates. In addition, given the correlation between
part-time enrollment and disabilities, disaggregated data on students with disabilities can identify
whether HSCCCs are retaining and graduating part-time students and their intersectional
identities, such as disabilities. To enhance the accuracy and transparency of part-time enrollment
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in higher education, it is recommended to ensure access to disaggregated data at both the federal
and statewide levels. This access will enable researchers and practitioners to utilize extensive
datasets, enriching and expanding the limited literature on Latina students and other student
populations who enroll part-time in U.S. postsecondary education. This recommendation is
especially important for HSCCCs, as they have a higher enrollment of this student population.
Expand Federal Financial Aid
The U.S. Department of Education requires students to enroll in at least 6 units per
semester to qualify for specific federal financial aid. As mentioned in the literature, almost 80%
of students enrolled at CCCs get tuition fee exemptions and financial aid assistance (Community
College League of California, 2019). However, students enrolled in less than 6 units per semester
are ineligible for many forms of financial aid, raising the cost of college attendance (Ardissone et
al., 2021; Bombardieri, 2017). Arbona and Nora (2007) studied environmental pull factors,
which are constructs that pull students into staying in college and found that financial aid was
proven to pull and keep students into college. Mahaffy and Pantoja (2012) studied financial
barriers in Latinx college students’ experience and noted that financial aid played a central role
in persisting in higher education. More importantly, for community college students, financial
aid is a key component of retention (Bremer et al., 2013; Mendoza et al., 2009). Based on the
study’s findings and the difficulties part-time students face due to inadequate financial aid,
especially those enrolled in fewer than 6 units, it is recommended that policymakers expand
financial assistance for part-time students.
Expand Federal HSI Grant Activities
The U.S. Department of Education should prioritize retaining part-time enrolled students
and expand its federal HSI grant activities. This recommendation would apply to both Title V
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and Title III grants. As part-time students receive limited federal financial aid and struggles with
financial aid processes, the activities supported by HSI grants should be modified to focus on
reducing college costs and providing financial aid assistance in addition to financial literacy.
This can be achieved through grant activities that focus on increasing the development of zero-
cost textbooks and open educational resource opportunities for students in various course
subjects. In addition, grant activities can focus on developing institutional support services and
structures that help students with the financial aid process beyond the application, particularly
with students who need support with appealing to be reinstated for financial aid. Furthermore,
on-campus work-study opportunities can be focused on supporting students enrolled part-time
due to the need to work.
California Community Colleges Should Prioritize Part-Time Latinx Students
Given the large number of Latina students enrolling part-time and the low retention and
attainment rates of those enrolled part-time, the chancellor’s office should prioritize these
students’ attainment rates. In 2023, legislative priorities in California included reducing time to
degree, closing statewide equity gaps, improving educational outcomes, supporting
intersegmental collaboration and data sharing between community colleges, K–12, and 4-year
universities, and establishing clear pathways to transfer and career. With each legislative priority,
part-time enrollment should be considered. Furthermore, I suggest that a priority in collecting
data, increasing retention rates, and degree attainment for part-time enrolled students should be a
legislative priority.
The AB19 bill, also known as the California College Promise, provides state funding to
California community colleges to help eligible students complete their educational goals. It
allows districts to decide what is best for their students, whether to cover fees for first-time, full-
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time students or use program funding in other ways that meet the legislation’s goals. While some
colleges use the Promise funding to waive enrollment fees, others use the funds for other
purposes, such as student support services to improve student outcomes or providing grants to
assist students with childcare, transportation, books, and other expenses. College districts using
the Promise funds to waive enrollment fees are restricted to first-time, full-time college students,
excluding students enrolled part-time who can benefit from the support of enrollment fees. As
found in the study, part-time students can benefit from financial support. Despite being eligible
for federal and state financial aid, the study found that the testimonialistas had to pay out of
pocket because of the insufficient support services related to financial aid and the challenges in
understanding the process. It is recommended that policymakers incorporate eligibility for the
Promise funds for first-time students enrolled part-time. Overall, legislative initiatives should
consider the impact of policies on part-time enrolled students. The following sections present the
recommendations for institutional practices.
Recommendations for Practice
This study’s findings have important implications for how Latina students who are
enrolled part-time and face multiple off-campus responsibilities navigate college. These students
often encounter challenges that affect their experiences and outcomes. To effectively support this
student population, HSCCs should consider the structure of serving and the experiences (Garcia
et al., 2019) as they navigate both on and off-campus environments. The findings from the study
revealed that part-time enrolled Latina students might not feel a sense of belonging while in
college due to various reasons, including the lack of a Latinx community, limited opportunities
to connect with other Latina students, inadequate representation of post-traditional students, and
the difficulties posed by off-campus obligations and online learning. Therefore, it is
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recommended that HSCCs implement specific programming, initiatives, and practices that
address this population’s needs, attributes, and characteristics. In addition, it is important to
interrogate and evaluate institutional practices and structures. In the following sections, I present
recommendations for practice for effectively supporting Latina students who are enrolled part-
time, considering the challenges they face, their specific needs, and the strategies and support
systems they employ to navigate their college experience.
Build a Culture of Belonging by Utilizing Data Collection and Student Voices
Belongingness in institutional settings encompasses the sense of comfort and connection
that students establish while navigating through the different aspects of the campus environment.
When an individual feels a sense of belonging, they feel acknowledged and appreciated by the
institution and like an integral part of a larger community. The extent to which students feel they
belong has a significant impact on their academic achievement. A feeling of belonging develops
when students experience a supportive and inclusive atmosphere where they feel at ease,
accepted, valued, validated, connected, respected, and included both in the classroom and
throughout the campus (Strayhorn, 2012). This study revealed significant implications for
promoting a sense of belonging among part-time enrolled Latina students, focusing specifically
on race, ethnicity, culture, gender, enrollment status, online learning, and their distinct
characteristics, traits, and approaches to navigating college post-traditional ways. Consequently,
a recommendation for HSCCCs is to establish a culture of belonging for students using data-
driven assessments encompassing quantitative and qualitative methods.
Data-driven assessments could involve implementing open-ended questionnaires,
interviews, or study groups. By utilizing these methods, HSCCCs can gain valuable insights into
how individual campus communities can foster a stronger sense of belonging and connectedness
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among these particular student groups. Furthermore, the assessments on a sense of belonging can
focus on the various elements of serving as proposed by (Garcia et al., 2019), including
structures of serving such as student support services (e.g., counseling and advisement) and
instructional support (e.g., tutoring and supplemental instructional support) as well as the
indicators of serving, such as experiences at the institution, can be assessed to identify both
validating (e.g., mentorship and cultural validation) and racialized (e.g., discrimination and
microaggression) experiences. While outcomes and external influences can also be assessed,
based on this study’s findings, the recommendations for practice primarily focus on experiences
and internal organizational structures.
Establishing an assessment to evaluate the institutional structures that contribute to a
sense of belonging can involve analyzing the effects of student support service programs to
identify their impact on the support and retention of part-time enrolled Latina students and their
part-time counterparts. Additionally, other institutional structures can be assessed in relation to a
sense of belonging and comfort, such as tutoring, advisements and counseling, online student
support services, online learning, cultural programs, Latinx programs, and financial services.
To foster a culture of serving, HSCCCs must prioritize their understanding of the
identities of their Latinx student population. This can be achieved by effectively utilizing data
and assessments that focus on the students. Ensuring the success of part-time Latina students at
HSCCCs requires understanding and addressing the challenges they face. These students juggle
multiple responsibilities while pursuing their education, making it essential to assess their sense
of belonging in various aspects of the institution, including online environments. Moreover, it is
highly recommended to establish culturally affirming spaces that foster a strong sense of
belonging, specifically designed to cater to these students’ needs.
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Promoting a sense of belonging cannot be achieved solely through assessments. Thus, I
also recommend that HSCCCs use the student data and feedback collected to develop a strategic
plan for the diverse needs of the Latinx student population with a focus on enhancing a sense of
belonging and support throughout the campus for Latina students who enroll part-time and are
often forgotten in discussion and developments of practices. This approach can potentially
enhance retention rates and promote overall student success.
Programming for Latina Students
As previously mentioned, the study revealed several factors for the lack of belonging
among part-time enrolled Latina students, including the absence of a Latinx community, such as
programming and initiatives catering to Latinx students. In addition, some attributed their
disconnection to the campus due to limited opportunities for connecting with fellow Latina
students, including those enrolled part-time. To address these concerns and enhance the
experience for part-time enrolled Latina students and their Latinx counterparts, if an institution
does not already have one, it can be beneficial to establish a dedicated cultural center focused on
the academic success of Latinx students. While the center would serve as a place where all
Latinx students can receive academic and student support, it can also serve as a place to foster a
strong sense of community and belonging for part-time enrolled Latina students through
intentional programming focused on the ways they access college.
Programming specifically designed for Latina students enrolled part-time, whether
offered through a physical center, initiative, or program, could empower and validate this
population and enhance their positive experiences throughout their academic journeys. The
research findings indicate that students who participated in such programs or had access to a
support network experienced a stronger sense of belonging and were more likely to navigate
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institutional obstacles with the assistance of advocates, mentors, or validating agents.
Furthermore, tailored programming for Latina students and their Latinx counterparts can address
their distinctive needs and provide opportunities for them to connect with peers who share
similar backgrounds and experiences.
In addition, programming to serve part-time enrolled Latina students can create
opportunities to establish connections with Latina peers, including peer mentorship programs,
social gatherings, and community events. These support services can be organized to
accommodate both in-person and virtual participation, allowing flexibility to accommodate the
busy schedules of Latina students enrolled part-time. Additionally, recognizing the importance of
female mentors, Latinas can be paired with Latina mentors who are faculty members, staff, or
administrators. Moreover, they can connect with Latina alumni and professionals in their
academic or career fields. Latina mentors can play a vital role in validating, providing role
models, and offering support to navigate the challenges and barriers of higher education.
Ultimately, these support systems can foster confidence, support, and motivation among Latina
students who are enrolled part-time.
Develop a Moving-Through Project or Campus Initiatives
All participants had been enrolled for over a year, with some indicating enrollment for
more than 4 years. Their testimonios highlighted the significance of extending support beyond
the initial year, particularly for part-time students who require additional time to complete their
degrees and often come from families with no college experience. These students face challenges
navigating college and seeking guidance throughout their educational journey. Furthermore,
students enrolled longer due to their part-time status or circumstances can benefit from
intentional programming focused on supporting and retaining them. According to Schlossberg
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and colleagues (1998), the college experience involves navigating various challenges and
responsibilities, including balancing competing demands, managing multiple stressors, coping
with feelings of marginalization, acquiring new skills, maintaining self-esteem, and navigating
academic and personal transitions; This can be especially true for part-time enrolled Latina
students who manage multiple responsibilities such as caregiving roles and work responsibilities.
Community colleges typically offer programming that emphasizes transitioning into
college (recruitment, orientations, 1st-year programs) and transitioning out of college (transfer
and career completion). To enhance part-time students’ transition through college, p, it is advised
that HSCCCs create a strategic plan or initiative that promotes student retention and engagement
for this population. This plan should address the lack of support often experienced during the
moving through college journey. A strategic plan can include developing initiatives and practices
that intentionally maintain contact with students who have been enrolled and are moving through
to keep them engaged and connected to campus resources. Support services can include intrusive
advisement, tutoring, and holistic support services.
Furthermore, intentional support services can be crucial in identifying and assisting
students with those who have encountered academic and financial difficulties. This study
uncovered a concerning trend of part-time enrolled Latina students repeatedly taking courses
such as mathematics, with certain individuals having attempted the course as many as four times.
To prevent harm to academic standing and eligibility for financial aid, it is essential to employ
intentional and proactive advising strategies focusing on student retention. Such measures can
help identify students’ needs early, particularly for those with learning disabilities or mental
illness, thereby providing them with timely academic support.
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Dedicated Resources and Initiatives for Post-Traditional Students
Like many UC campuses, HSCCCs can establish dedicated resource centers to address
the needs of post-traditional students, whose life experiences often differ from those of
traditional students. Every UC campus provides dedicated advisors who assist non-traditional (or
what I refer to as post-traditional) students throughout the application process and help them
adjust to campus life once they are admitted. These advisors offer various valuable services,
including orientations to familiarize students with the campus environment, tutoring to enhance
their academic performance, and engaging social and cultural programs. Additionally, they
organize workshops and seminars aimed at improving students’ academic and study skills,
ensuring they have the tools to succeed in their educational journey.
By establishing a community specifically tailored to the needs of part-time enrolled and
post-traditional students, colleges can create a supportive network that improves retention rates
and enhances overall academic success and interpersonal support. In addition, these centers can
demystify the idea that most students are traditional students, particularly at HSCCCs. While a
resource center can provide a valuable support network for part-time enrolled and post-
traditional students, it is strongly recommended that institutions implement initiatives and
institutional structures dedicated to developing support for this population while thoroughly
evaluating institutional barriers.
Invest in Quality Tutoring
The findings have important implications for investing in quality supplemental
instructional support services, such as tutoring. Investing in quality tutoring and embedded
tutoring for courses with low retention rates can ensure that institutions offer students academic
guidance and assistance to overcome academic obstacles, improving their performance.
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Additionally, the study findings indicated that students were compelled to seek external tutoring
services due to the lack of adequate tutoring support on campus, consequently leading to
additional financial difficulties. Institutions can prevent such obstacles by allocating resources to
enhance the quality of tutoring services and providing comprehensive training for tutors. These
efforts can effectively alleviate the financial burden of students who turn to external tutoring for
academic support.
Tutoring services can be improved through student feedback and evaluations. In addition,
whether faculty, staff, or student tutors, training and professional development should be
provided each term, focusing on educational inequities, racial equity, cultural competency, what
it means to be an HSI and the unique student identities of the college, understanding student
outcomes and best practices, and supporting students with learning disabilities and mental illness
such as severe anxiety. To promote a welcoming campus environment, it is beneficial to extend
training or professional development opportunities to academic and student support services
personnel who often serve as front-line support for students, providing a larger cross-training
approach and a campus-wide commitment to quality support. This expanded approach can foster
a welcoming environment and a sense of belonging for the entire campus community, with
significant ramifications for retention and academic success. Furthermore, classes in which
students face the most challenges can offer extra instructional support, such as embedded tutors.
Lastly, to enhance connection with the Latinx community employing tutors from diverse
backgrounds and reflecting the student population is recommended.
Invest in Open Access and Zero-Textbook Cost
The study found that the high cost of textbooks played a significant role in students’
financial challenges. Consequently, these findings highlight a need for investment in open access
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and zero-textbook-cost courses as a potential solution to alleviate the financial burden on
students. According to the 2021–2022 Student Expenses and Resources Survey conducted by the
California Student Aid Commission (CSAC,2022), it was found that the average annual
expenditure of California college students on textbooks and materials is $938. Approximately
half of this amount is specifically allocated toward textbooks. To alleviate the financial burden of
textbooks, it is recommended that funding from the CCCCO, including HSI funds, be
strategically allocated to reduce their cost. One effective approach that certain CCCs have
already initiated involves creating and disseminating their own textbooks and course materials
and developing in-house publications, and utilizing open educational resources authored by
professors from other institutions. Additionally, providing monetary support directly to students
to purchase traditional textbooks can be implemented.
Maintain Online Education and Support Services
The study found that online and distance learning offers significant benefits, allowing
students to manage responsibilities, with some stating testimonialistas stating that it supports
self-care and a healthy lifestyle. These findings carry important implications, suggesting the need
to encourage online educational opportunities and student support services. To accommodate
part-time students, services should be delivered through multiple modalities, such as online
counseling and virtual tutoring. Doing so, HSCCCs will help these students effectively manage
their multiple commitments. Furthermore, it is important for campuses to explore the possibility
of establishing dedicated areas where students can participate in their online courses or virtual
meetings while on campus. This is particularly relevant as there are students who expressed a
desire to occasionally attend the campus despite primarily engaging in remote learning.
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Evaluate the Design and Access of Student Support Services
The study findings indicated that Latina students enrolled part-time face difficulties in
accessing student support services. There is a need for HSCCCs to address these specific
concerns. HSCCCs can evaluate how their current structures and processes contribute to the
underutilization of support services by part-time enrolled Latina students and their part-time
counterparts. Based on Lawton and Toner’s (2020) report on supporting the success of students
enrolled part-time, HSCCCs must acknowledge that anything that necessitates part-time students
to spend more time on campus or make extra trips creates obstacles for their work and family
responsibilities. To evaluate the extent to which the institution’s structures enable or hinder
support for part-time Latina students, the following recommendations are based on the
suggestions put forth by Lawton and Toner (2020).
Several strategies can be implemented to enhance the accessibility and effectiveness of
support services for part-time enrolled Latina students and their counterparts. First, HSCCCs can
ensure that these services are available when part-time students are on campus and have
additional time to spare. This can be achieved by evaluating campus schedules and adjusting to
meet these students’ needs. Additionally, managing the demand for services is important to
minimize waiting times for appointments or delays in support, as part-time students have limited
time and cannot afford lengthy delays. Based on the findings, it was found that certain students
had to wait for a few weeks before being able to meet with an academic counselor to discuss
their financial aid reinstatement. Adequate staffing and timeliness are recommended to ensure
meeting these students’ needs.
To optimize the location of services, HSCCCs should consider placing support services
in central areas of the campus that are easily accessible. If services are delivered off-campus,
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efforts should be made to make them easily reachable through public transportation, as many of
the testimonialistas expressed concerns with transportation. Furthermore, it is essential to
evaluate institutional policies and structures to ensure they effectively support part-time enrolled
students. This evaluation should consider incorporating alternative delivery methods for student
requirements, such as orientations, allowing these students to fulfill their college responsibilities
without unnecessary limitations. By adopting these approaches and continuously evaluating the
institutional structures, colleges can better support the success of their part-time enrolled Latina
students and their part-time student counterparts.
Prioritize Training on Mental Health and Learning Disabilities for Staff and Faculty
The study’s findings revealed that certain Latina students, who were enrolled part-time,
faced difficulties related to mental health and learning disabilities. These challenges arose due to
the stigmas surrounding mental illness and learning disabilities, as well as a lack of support and
awareness from faculty and staff regarding how to assist. As a result, these students’ needs were
not adequately understood or addressed in the classroom settings or in tutoring services. To
address these issues, a recommendation is to have on-campus programs or initiatives at HSCCCs
that focus on professional development or training in supporting students with mental health or
learning disabilities. These programs should aim to create a supportive campus environment that
promotes mental health education and an understanding on how to effectively assist students
with learning disabilities, including those affected by anxiety that impedes on their academic
learning. By implementing such initiatives, faculty and staff can acquire the necessary
knowledge and skills, as well as resources to refer students who are facing mental health
challenges or have a learning disability to the appropriate support services and accommodations.
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Incorporate Intrusive Advisement and Academic Counseling
Another recommendation for practice includes incorporating intrusive advisement and
academic counseling for part-time enrolled students and post-traditional students due to the
challenges they face as they move through college. As revealed in the findings, part-time
enrolled Latina students often have limited time, juggling multiple responsibilities such as work,
family, and personal commitments alongside their studies. In addition, in this study, all of the
testimonialistas were first-generation college students and expressed the struggles with
understanding the process and navigating through college. Intrusive advisement and academic
counseling for part-time enrolled and post-traditional students can provide personalized support,
ensuring that these students receive the guidance they need to navigate their academic pathways
effectively. By actively reaching out to these student populations, advisors can proactively
address their concerns, provide resources, and help them develop strategies for success. This
approach encourages a sense of belonging and support, leading to higher retention rates and
academic achievement among part-time enrolled students. The following sections present the
recommendations for future research.
Recommendations for Future Research
There is currently a scarcity of literature and qualitative research on the experiences and
challenges of part-time students, yet data has revealed low attainment and high dropout rates,
highlighting the need for comprehensive research in this area. A comparative study between full-
time and part-time students can help explore the shared and distinct challenges across various
demographics, including racial, ethnic, and gender groups, with a holistic view of student
experiences. Similarly, investigating the experiences of part-time enrolled Latina students across
different academic settings, such as online learning and in-person, can offer invaluable insight
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into whether the specific environment significantly influences these experiences. A longitudinal
research design can shed light on the changes in the experiences and challenges part-time Latina
students face as they move through an HSCCC, including an analysis of moving in, moving
through, and moving out. Tracking their experiences in the various transitional phases can
deepen our understanding of part-time enrolled students’ journey.
While qualitative data, such as personal testimonios, offer insights, integrating
quantitative data would enable statistical analysis and generalization of findings, providing a
more objective, measurable view of the student’s experiences and challenges, such as finding
correlations between financial aid and retention of part-time enrolled students. In addition,
quantitative research can provide a comparative analysis of the retention and graduation rates of
part-time enrolled students in student support programs compared to those not affiliated with a
program. On the other hand, student support programs can be evaluated to see who retains and
graduates part-time enrolled students for examination of best practices. Furthermore, exploring
each research sub-question could shed light on the complexities involved in each area. Further
research can be enriched by acknowledging the intersection of identities such as gender,
socioeconomic status, and sexual orientation and their impact on students’ experiences. Finally,
studying the educational policies at HSCCC and their impact on part-time students could unveil
potential structural challenges the student population faces. This could lead to policy reform
recommendations that better serve part-time students.
Lastly, studying the experiences of minoritized groups at HSCCCs will enhance their
academic success and help to develop more inclusive and effective educational policies. Through
the research approaches and perspectives outlined here, HSCCCs can cultivate a richer
understanding of these students’ experiences, challenges, and triumphs. Such an endeavor will
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lead to policy changes to enhance part-time enrollment experiences and improve degree
attainment rates.
Chapter Closing
This study provides valuable insights into the challenges and experiences of part-time
enrolled Latina students at an HSCCC. The testimonios shed light on the lack of sense of
belonging and connection to the campus environment, high college costs and insufficient
financial aid and support, limited access to academic and student support services, and the
impact of virtual and distance learning. The findings underscore the need for HSCCCs to create a
supportive environment to address minoritized students’ needs. The study found a need for
establishing a Latinx campus community, increasing peer representation, expanding
opportunities for campus engagement, improving financial aid and support services, and
enhancing access to quality supplemental instructional support and guidance. Furthermore, the
study found that student support programs and validating agents foster a sense of belonging and
enhance the overall college experience. Moreover, the findings emphasize the need for a critical
examination of institutional practices and structures that hinder or exclude part-time students.
Overall, these insights have important implications for policy, practice, and future research,
emphasizing a need for equitable and accessible higher education systems to support students
who navigate college in post-traditional ways.
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Appendix A: Recruitment Flier
Appendix A: Recruitment Flier
238
Appendix B: Recruitment Email
Dear Student:
My name is Desiree Zuniga, and I am a doctoral candidate at the University of Southern
California (USC), in the Educational Leadership program, under the guidance of Dr. Sheila
Bañuelos.
I am writing to invite you to participate in a USC research project I am conducting to
understand the challenges and experiences of Latina students enrolled part-time (fewer than 12
units) at a Hispanic-serving institution (HSI), California community college (CCC). More
specifically, this study will examine the students’ perceptions of themselves, their situation at an
HSCCC, including their support systems, and their strategies to persist. This study will benefit
HSCCCs by analyzing part-time Latina students’ experiences and how these institutions can
intentionally serve and support them.
Participation
Participation in this study includes the following activities, although you may opt-in or
out at any time:
● Complete a demographic and screening questionnaire about yourself (10–15
minutes), and
● Participate in a one-on-one interview to discuss your experiences, including your
challenges at an HSCCC.
Compensation
Students will receive a $50 gift card for participation after completing the demographic
and screening questionnaire and interview.
239
What Is Required to Participate?
Participants must be first-time college students, 18 years old or older, self-identify as a
Latina, have completed two consecutive semesters or one academic year or more enrolled part-
time (fewer than 12 units), and be currently enrolled. If you decide to participate in this study,
there is no cost.
Interested individuals who meet the criteria are asked to contact me and begin the
demographic and screening questionnaire.
Interviews and Confidentiality
Selected individuals will be invited to participate in an interview via Zoom. Participants
will be asked about their experiences as Latina students enrolled part-time at an HSCCC.
Furthermore, the participants will be asked to reflect on themselves and their unique situations,
their strategies, and the support systems they employ and need to persist through an HSCCC.
Each interview will last 60–90 minutes. A follow-up will be scheduled, if necessary, for short
clarification questions. Throughout this study, the identity of the participants will be protected,
and confidentiality will be maintained throughout the process.
What Is the Benefit to You?
A token of appreciation to interview participants will be provided as a $50 e-gift card.
Your participation will contribute greatly to HSI California community colleges’ understanding
of serving Latina students enrolled part-time.
What to Do Next if You Are Interested in Participating?
If you want to participate in this research study, please email me at desireez@usc.edu. I
will follow up with you to discuss the study, demographic, and screening questionnaire and
schedule an interview. If you believe you meet the criteria, please visit the site below to begin
240
the demographic and screening questionnaire:
https://usc.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_3a4UIZGyqCBN0fc
Got Questions?
If you have specific questions about this project before you decide to participate, please
contact me, Desiree Zuniga, at desireez@usc.edu or (310) 748-5963 or my faculty supervisor,
Dr. Sheila Bañuelos, at smsanche@usc.edu.
Thank you for your consideration.
Take good care,
Desiree Zuniga, MEd
Educational Leadership Program, Doctoral Candidate
Rossier School of Education: University of Southern California
241
Appendix C: Demographic and Screening Questionnaire
Hello,
My name is Desiree Zuniga, and I am a doctoral candidate at USC in the Rossier School
of Education. I invite you to participate in a research study on the experiences of part-time
enrolled Latina students at a Hispanic-serving institution (HSI) at a California community
college (CCC).
Through this study, I would like to learn more about you, your challenges, and your
experiences at your institution. More specifically, I would like to learn about yourself, your
unique situation, the strategies and support systems you employ to persist through college, and
the support services you believe are important for part-time enrolled Latina students at HSCCCs.
I understand your time is valuable, and I thank you for completing this demographic and
screening questionnaire before meeting with me.
Please note that all information is confidential, and you will remain anonymous as much
as possible. All data will be coded using your self-selected pseudonym. In addition, your
participation in this study is voluntary, and you can choose to opt out at any time. Lastly, you are
always welcome to ask questions about the research study.
Link to demographic and screening questionnaire:
https://usc.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_3a4UIZGyqCBN0fc?jfefe=new
Sincerely,
Desiree Zuniga
242
Figure C1
Demographic and Screening Questionnaire
Name & Contact Information:
1. First Name: _______________________________________________________________
2. Last Name: _______________________________________________________________
3. Email:____________________________________________________________________
4. When is your birthdate? (Please include the month and year): _____________________
Criteria
5. Do you identify as Hispanic, Chicana, or Latina?
● Yes
● No
6. What is your preferred Race/Ethnic identity? (Fill in)
_______________________________________________________________
7. If you identify as Latina, what does this identity mean to you? (Please explain)
_______________________________________________________________
8. Which of the following best describes your gender identity?
● woman
● genderqueer or gender fluid
● non-binary
● trans woman
● questioning or unsure
● other:
243
9. Are you currently enrolled at RCC?
● Yes
● No
10. Are you a first-time college student?
● Yes, this is my first time in college.
● No, I have attended another.
11. Have you enrolled exclusively part-time (less than 12 units) for two consecutive semesters or
more than a year.?
● Yes, I have enrolled part-time (less than 12 units) for two consecutive semesters or
more than a year.
● No, I have enrolled part-time (less than 12 units) for two consecutive semesters or
more than a year.
12. Which enrollment pattern best describes you (excluding intersessions):
● I enroll part-time only (Less than 12 units).
● I enroll full-time only (More than 12 units).
● I mostly enroll part-time but have enrolled full-time.
● I mostly enroll full-time but have enrolled part-time.
13. How many units did you typically enroll in each full semester (fall/spring)?
● 3 units or under
● 4–6 units
● 7–9 units
● 10–12 units
● 12 units or more
● Other_____________________
Demographics
14. What is your academic goal(s)? (Select all that apply)
● Certificate
● Associate degree
● Transfer
● Other ______________
15. Approximately how many hours per week do you work?
● I do not work
244
● less than 5 hours
● 5–10 hours
● 10–20 hours
● 20–30 hours
● 30–40 hours
● over 40 hours
Close
16. Are you interested in participating in a 60–90-minute interview?
● No
● Yes
● Maybe
This concludes the demographic and screening questionnaire. Thank you for sharing your information
about yourself. If you are interested and meet this study’s criteria, a follow-up email will be provided to you
shortly.
245
Appendix D: Invitation to Interview Post Demographic and Screening Questionnaire
Dear X,
Thank you for your interest in the research I will be conducting focused on testimonios of
part-time enrolled Latina students at an HSCCC under the supervision of Dr. Sheila Bañuelos at
the USC Rossier School of Education. Based on your completed demographic and screening
questionnaire, you meet the eligibility requirements for this research. Therefore, I invite you to
an interview. The interview should take between 60 and 90 minutes and may be scheduled at the
following link: https://calendly.com/dzuniga7/study-interviews
Should the days and times provided not work for you, I can meet you on a day/time that
is most convenient for you. Attached is an information sheet with details of the study. Thank you
so much for your time.
You are greatly appreciated.
Best regards,
Desiree Zuniga
Educational Leadership Program, Doctoral Candidate
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
246
Appendix E: Student Interview Protocol
Interviewer’s name:______________________________________________________________
Student interviewee pseudonym: ___________________________________________________
Interview date: _________________________________________________________________
Location:______________________________________________________________________
File name and location of audio record: _____________________________________________
Introduction Interviewee:
Thank you for agreeing to participate in this research interview. This study aims to learn
more about the experiences of Latinas enrolled part-time at a designated Hispanic-serving
institution within the California community college system. The purpose of this research is to get
a deeper understanding of the college experiences (both positive and negative) of Latinas and
how the institution can implement a culture that intentionally serves Latinas enrolled part-time.
We are also interested in learning how Latinas who are enrolled part-time navigate through
college. We strongly believe that your voice, experiences, and knowledge matter and want to
hear how you believe a community college Hispanic-serving institution can better support part-
time enrolled Latina students. Overall, this study aims to enhance the educational experiences
and trajectories of part-time enrolled Latina college students.
Reminders
This interview should last around 60–90 minutes, and you may request to stop the
interview and participate at any time. As a reminder, I will not use your real name in the
recording, in any form of communication, or when publishing this information. I will also
contact you if I have any clarification questions. Is there a self-selected pseudonym you would
like to use for this study? Would you prefer to turn off your video? You can also change your
name on your Zoom profile for this specific recording. Is it OK for me to begin recording?
247
Rapport building
Tell me a little bit about yourself. Where are you from? What are your academic goals?
What identities are important to you, and how do they play a role in your personal and academic
life?
Self, Situation, and Strategies
Who or what has influenced your decision to enroll in college?
What are contributing factors to your decision to enroll part-time?
Who or what has motivated you the most to continue to pursue your academic and/or
career goals? Please explain.
What responsibilities do you have outside of college? Probing question: Tell me what a
typical day or week looks like for you?
How do you manage your various responsibilities while attending college? What
strategies do you utilize?
If any, who or what outside of school has supported you most while navigating college?
If any, who or what at RCC has supported you most while navigating college?
Challenges and the 4 S System
What challenges have you faced while navigating through college?
What personal traits have helped you overcome your challenges while attending college?
What strategies do you utilize to overcome challenges while attending college?
If any, who or what at RCC has supported you the most while facing the challenges you
have encountered?
If any, who or what outside of school has supported you the most while facing the
challenges you have encountered?
248
What support could the institution provide to help you manage the challenges you’ve
encountered?
In what ways, if any, have some of your challenges been related to the college’s
practices, policies, and/or services? Please explain.
Campus Environment and the 4 S System
What types of services have you utilized on campus (i.e., tutoring, counseling, office
hours, workshops, etc.)? How comfortable did you feel? In what ways did you feel supported or
unsupported in this environment?
As a part-time enrolled student, have you felt marginalized or had a sense of ‘othering’ at
RCC? If yes, please explain.
Do you find utilizing campus support services or resources challenging as a part-time
student? Why or why not?
Do you feel connected to the campus environment as a part-time Latina student? Why or
why not?
As a part-time enrolled Latina student, if any, what campus services have supported you
the most in transitioning through college?
As a Latina, have you experienced racial discrimination and/or microaggressions at
RCC? If yes, please explain.
In what ways, if any, have you felt validated (accepted) at RCC inside of the classroom?
Why or why not?
In what ways, if any, have you felt validated (accepted) at RCC outside of the classroom?
Why or why not?
249
Commitment to Social Justice and Voice
In what ways, if any, do you believe RCC understands the needs of Latina students
enrolled part-time?
In what ways do you believe RCC does not understand the needs of Latina students
enrolled part-time?
What kinds of support can the institution provide to assist with the challenges you have
faced?
Is there any information you would like to include in the study regarding understanding
Latinas enrolled part-time and how institutions can better support this student population?
Closing Questions and Remarks
Do you have questions for me before we close? After reviewing the responses, it’s
possible that I may have additional questions or follow-up questions. Would you be open to
talking again? Thank you again for your time.
250
Appendix F: Information Sheet for Exempt Research
STUDY TITLE: Testimonios of Part-Time Enrolled Latina Students at an HSI California
community college
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Desiree Zuniga, M.Ed., Ed.D. Candidate
FACULTY ADVISOR: Dr. Sheila Bañuelos, Ed.D., Assistant Professor of Clinical Education
You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This document
explains information about this study. You are welcome to ask questions about anything unclear
to you.
PURPOSE
This study aims to better understand the college experiences of Latinas enrolled part-time at an
HSIs California community college (CCC). More specifically, the study will examine your
perceived challenges at an HSCCC, your perception of self and your unique situation, and the
strategies and support systems you employ to persist through college. Additionally, the study
will examine the support services you believe are important for part-time enrolled Latina
students at an HSCCC.
INVITATION TO PARTICIPATE:
You are invited as a possible participant because you have self-identified as a Latina (female),
identified as 18 or older, are a first-time college student, have been enrolled part-time (12 units
or less) for one year or more, and are currently enrolled at an HSCCC.
PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
Participation involves completing a 10–15-minute demographic and screening questionnaire and
one 60–90 minute one-on-one interview. Interviews will be conducted via Zoom and recorded
for data collection. Participants may decline to have the interview recorded and request to
discontinue participation at any time. As a token of appreciation, participants who complete the
one-on-one interview will be eligible for a $50 e-gift card.
If you decide to participate, you will be asked to complete the demographic and screening
questionnaire and schedule an appointment for the one-on-one interview. In addition, you will be
asked to provide a pseudonym that will be used for the study.
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
As a token of appreciation, participants who complete the one-on-one interview will be eligible
for a $50 e-gift card.
CONFIDENTIALITY & PROTECTION OF PARTICIPANTS
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California Institutional
Review Board (IRB) may access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
251
This study will be held via Zoom or in person and will be recorded for data collection. The audio
recording will only be used/seen by the researcher. You have the right to review/edit the
audio/video recordings or transcripts as a participant. Personal identities will be
shielded/disguised, and all materials used for this research will be discarded after 3 years from
the date of data collection for the study.
In addition to this study being confidential, it is important that participants understand that
participating in this study will not affect your relationship with the college. You have the right to
deny this opportunity and/or withdraw from the study at any time. Your protection is a priority.
INVESTIGATOR’S CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact Desiree Zuniga at desireez@usc.edu or
(310) 748-5963 and/or Dr. Sheila Bañuelos at smsanche@usc.edu.
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the University of
Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email irb@usc.edu.
252
Appendix G: Interview Questions Matrix
Research Study: Testimonios of Part-time Enrolled Latinas at an HSCCC
Principal Investigator: Desiree Zuniga, University of Southern California,
desireeZ@usc.edu
Table G1
Matrix
Semi-structured
interview questions
Alignment of
research questions
Alignment of
Schlossberg theory
and the 4 S system
Alignment of
three of the five
tenets of LatCrit
Rapport building
Tell me a little bit about
yourself:
Where are you from?
What are your academic
goals?
(Rapport building)
What identities are important
to you, and how do they
play a role in your
personal and academic
life?
(Rapport building)
Self, situation, strategies, and support
Who or what has influenced
your decision to enroll in
college?
SQ: 1 (Situation)
What are contributing factors
to your decision to enroll
part-time?
SQ: 1 (Situation)
Who or what has motivated
you the most to continue
to pursue your academic
and/or career goals? Please
explain.
SQ: 1 and 2 (Situation/Self)
253
Semi-structured
interview questions
Alignment of
research questions
Alignment of
Schlossberg theory
and the 4 S system
Alignment of
three of the five
tenets of LatCrit
What responsibilities do you
have outside of college?
Tell me what a typical day or
week looks like for you?
SQ: 1 (Situation)
How do you manage your
various responsibilities
while attending college?
What strategies do you
utilize?
SQ: 1 (Strategies)
If any, who or what outside
of school has supported
you most while navigating
college?
SQ: 2 (Support)
If any, who or what at RCC
has supported you most
while navigating college?
SQ: 1 & 2 (Support)
Challenges and the 4 S system
What challenges have you
faced while navigating
through college?
RQ: 1
(Transition and
challenges)
Commitment to
social justice
What personal traits have
helped you overcome
these challenges?
RQ: 1
SQ: 1 and 2
(Transition and
challenges)
(self and strategies)
The centrality of
experiential
knowledge
What strategies do you
utilize to overcome
challenges while attending
college?
RQ: 1
SQ: 1 and 2
(Transition and
challenges)
(self and strategies)
The centrality of
experiential
knowledge
1If any, who or what at RCC
has supported you the
most while facing the
challenges you have
encountered?
SQ: 1 and 2 (Situation and
support)
If any, who or what outside
of school has supported
you the most while facing
SQ: 1 and 2 (Situation and
support)
254
Semi-structured
interview questions
Alignment of
research questions
Alignment of
Schlossberg theory
and the 4 S system
Alignment of
three of the five
tenets of LatCrit
the challenges you have
encountered?
What support could the
institution provide to help
you manage the challenges
you’ve encountered?
SQ: 1 and 2 (Situation and
support)
In what ways, if any, have
some of your challenges
been related to the
college’s practices,
policies, and/or services?
Please explain.
RQ: 1 (Transition and
challenges)
Commitment to
social justice
Campus environment and the 4 S system
What types of services have
you utilized on campus
(i.e., tutoring, counseling,
workshops, etc.)?
How comfortable did
you feel utilizing these
services?
In what ways did you
feel supported or
unsupported in this
environment?
SQ: 2 (Strategies and
support)
The centrality of
experiential
knowledge
As a part-time enrolled
Latina student, have you
felt marginalized or a
sense of ‘othering’ at
RCC? If yes, please
explain.
SQ: 1 and 2 (Self and situation) Commitment to
social justice
Do you find utilizing campus
support services or
resources challenging as a
part-time student? Why or
why not?
SQ: 1 and 2 (Situation and
support)
Commitment to
social justice
Do you feel connected to the
campus environment as a
SQ: 1 and 2 (Self and situation)
Commitment to
social justice
255
Semi-structured
interview questions
Alignment of
research questions
Alignment of
Schlossberg theory
and the 4 S system
Alignment of
three of the five
tenets of LatCrit
part-time Latina student?
Why or why not?
As a part-time enrolled
Latina student, if any,
what campus services have
supported you the most in
transitioning through
college?
SQ: 1 and 2 (Situation and
support)
The centrality of
experiential
knowledge
As a Latina, have you
experienced racial
discrimination and/or
microaggressions at RCC?
If yes, please explain.
SQ: 1 (Situation) The
intercentricity of
race and racism
In what ways, if any, have
you felt validated
(accepted) at RCC inside
of the classroom? Why or
why not?
SQ: 1 and 2 (Self and support) The centrality of
experiential
knowledge
In what ways, if any, have
you felt validated
(accepted) at RCC outside
of the classroom? Why or
why not?
SQ: 1 and 2 (Self and support) The centrality of
experiential
knowledge
Commitment to social justice & voice
In what ways, if any, do you
believe RCC understands
the needs of Latina
students enrolled part-
time?
SQ: 1 and 2 (Self, situation, and
support)
The centrality of
experiential
knowledge
In what ways do you believe
RCC does not understand
the needs of Latina
students enrolled part-
time?
SQ: 1 and 2 (Self and support) The centrality of
experiential
knowledge
What kinds of support can
the institution provide to
SQ: 2 (Support)
The centrality of
256
Semi-structured
interview questions
Alignment of
research questions
Alignment of
Schlossberg theory
and the 4 S system
Alignment of
three of the five
tenets of LatCrit
assist with the challenges
you have faced?
experiential
knowledge
Is there any information you
would like to include in
the study regarding
understanding Latinas
enrolled part-time and how
institutions can better
support this student
population?
The centrality of
experiential
knowledge
Closing questions and remarks
Do you have questions for
me before we close? After
reviewing the responses,
it’s possible that I may
have additional questions
or follow-up questions.
Would you be open to
talking again?
Thank you again for your
time.
Abstract (if available)
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Zuniga, Desiree
(author)
Core Title
Testimonios of part-time enrolled Latina students: the challenges and experiences at a Hispanic-serving California community college
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Educational Leadership
Degree Conferral Date
2023-08
Publication Date
07/28/2023
Defense Date
07/12/2023
Publisher
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
4 S system,academic and student support services.,financial challenges,Hispanic-serving community college,Latino critical race theory,OAI-PMH Harvest,part-time enrolled Latina students,qualitative research,sense of belonging,testimonies,transition theory
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Bañuelos, Sheila (
committee chair
), Garcia, Gina (
committee member
), Ocampo, Atheneus (
committee member
), Trinidad, Adrián (
committee member
)
Creator Email
desireez@usc.edu,zunigadesiree@gmail.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113291709
Unique identifier
UC113291709
Identifier
etd-ZunigaDesi-12163.pdf (filename)
Legacy Identifier
etd-ZunigaDesi-12163
Document Type
Dissertation
Rights
Zuniga, Desiree
Internet Media Type
application/pdf
Type
texts
Source
20230731-usctheses-batch-1076
(batch),
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
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Tags
4 S system
academic and student support services.
financial challenges
Hispanic-serving community college
Latino critical race theory
part-time enrolled Latina students
qualitative research
sense of belonging
transition theory