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How contemporary worship musicians learn: a study of church musicking

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How contemporary worship musicians learn: a study of church musicking

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How Contemporary Worship Musicians Learn: A Study of Church Musicking

by

Marco Antonio Garcia-Mejia

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC THORNTON SCHOOL OF MUSIC
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA

In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree

DOCTOR OF MUSICAL ARTS
MUSIC TEACHING AND LEARNING

August 2023

Copyright 2023 Marco A. Garcia-Mejia

ii

Dedication

This dissertation is dedicated to my mother, Veronica.

Mamá, gracias por todos los sacrificios que hiciste por mí y mi futuro.
Con orgullo siempre serás mi madre querida.

iii

Acknowledgements

I want to give a special thank you to the following individuals who made completing this
dissertation possible.

Dr. Webster, thank you for being an incredible “task master” and helping me to carefully edit all
my work. It has been an honor to work with you these past seven years; you are a wonderful
mentor and, indeed, a great scholar in the field of music teaching and learning. I hope your
second attempt at retirement sticks and goes well!

Dr. Ilari, USC Thornton School of Music and the MTAL department are lucky to have someone
of your caliber, expertise, and character. Thank you for putting up with me in all our seminars
and MTAL classes. You are blessed with the gift of patience and understanding.

Dr. Coppola and Dr. Mattio, thank you for serving on my dissertation committee and providing
fantastic feedback that solidified my study.

To all the USC Thornton School of Music professors, especially those who served on my
comprehensive exam committee - Larry Livingston, Dr. Strimple, and Rod Gilfry, thank you!
Your guidance in all my DMA fields was top notch, it was a pleasure working with each of you
and I gained so much from your wealth of knowledge in conducting, church music, and voice.

To my high school band director, Dr. Barbara Kelley, you inspired me to pursue music in college
and you taught me the value commitment and perseverance. Thank you for instilling in me a love
for music and education. Go Rebels!

To my church family at St. Matthew Lutheran Church, thank you for supporting me this past
year as I worked on finishing my DMA. Your patience, love, and, most important, your prayers
were felt as I wrote every word.

To Gwen and Randy Frederick, thank you so much for allowing me to use your amazing cabin in
Truckee. Retreating and spending many days in the snow with my dog and computer was a huge
blessing. Your generosity, words of encouragement, and friendship this past year have been
wonderful.

To Bill and Sandy Warne, thank you for opening your home to me all those years, especially
during COVID. I will cherish our many conversations and times we shared together.

To my friends and family, thank you for listening to me talk and complain about my dissertation
and doctoral work these past seven years. I hope to not bore you anymore with conversations
about musicking, musical agency, and other topics you care nothing about.

Lastly, I would like to thank my Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ, who has given me the strength to
persevere through many challenging endeavors, including the DMA. You made a way where
there was no way!

iv

Table of Contents

Dedication ..................................................................................................................................... ii
Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................... iii
List of Tables ............................................................................................................................... vii
Abstract ....................................................................................................................................... viii

Chapter 1: Introduction .................................................................................................................. 1
Historical Context ............................................................................................................ 3
Current Time and Evangelical Christianity ..................................................................... 4
Need for the Study of Music Practice in Christian Churches .......................................... 5
Historical Shift ....................................................................................................... 5
Praise Bands and Music Teaching and Learning ................................................... 7
Inspiration for this Topic and the Path Toward Replication ........................................... 9
Researcher Perspective .................................................................................................. 10
Purpose, Research Questions, and Methods Used ......................................................... 12
Guiding Epistemology: Social Constructivism ............................................................. 14
Operational Definition of Terms ................................................................................... 15
Delimitations ................................................................................................................. 18
Chapter Overview .......................................................................................................... 18

Chapter 2: Review of Literature .................................................................................................. 20
The Spectrum of Formal, Non-Formal, and Informal Learning .................................... 20
Description .......................................................................................................... 20
Related Music Literature for Non-Formal and Informal Learning Contexts ..... 24
Literature in Settings that Have Not Used Music Futures .................................. 27
Non-Formal Learning and Informal Implications for Present Study ................. 36
Musicking ...................................................................................................................... 37
Description .......................................................................................................... 37
Related Music Literature for Musicking ............................................................ 41
Implications of Musicking for the Present Study ............................................... 49
Musical Agency ............................................................................................................. 50
Description .......................................................................................................... 50
Individual Dimension ......................................................................................... 51
Collective Dimension ......................................................................................... 52
Related Literature for Musical Agency .............................................................. 54
Implications of Musical Agency for the Present Study ...................................... 66
Detail Review of Benjamins (2019) Study: Focus on Replication ................................ 67

Chapter 3: Methodology .............................................................................................................. 72
Case Study Design Overview ........................................................................................ 73
Site Selection and Sampling Process ............................................................................. 75
Data Collection and Description of Datasets ................................................................. 79
Purposeful Sampling Instrument Dataset ............................................................ 80
Semi-Structured Interview Datasets with Guided Protocols ............................... 81
Guided Protocols for Performance Musicians .............................................. 82
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Guided Protocols for Music Directors ...................................................... 84
Rehearsal and Performance Observation Dataset ................................................. 85
Church Sites, Participant Profiles, and Privacy ............................................................ 86
English Church and Participants ........................................................................... 88
Ukrainian Church and Participants ....................................................................... 93
Spanish Church and Participants .......................................................................... 98
Trustworthiness of Data .............................................................................................. 104
Procedures for Data Analysis ..................................................................................... 106
Limitations .................................................................................................................. 107
Summary ..................................................................................................................... 108

Chapter 4: Findings and Emergent Conceptual Themes ........................................................... 109
Chapter Organization .................................................................................................. 109
Purpose and Research Questions ................................................................................ 109
Results of Trustworthiness Procedures ....................................................................... 111
Summary Table of Participants .................................................................................. 113
Data Findings .............................................................................................................. 114
Research Question No. 1: Acquisition and Development of Musical Skills ...... 114
Learners Selection of Music ............................................................... 117
Copying Recordings by Ear ................................................................ 120
Self-Directed and Peer Learning ........................................................ 122
‘Whole’ & ‘Real-World’ Pieces of Music .......................................... 124
Learning Through Listening, Performing, and Improvising .............. 127
Importance for Emergent Conceptual Themes ................................... 128
Research Question No. 2: Distinguishing Practices of Praise Bands ................. 129
Church Worship Services as Social-Cultural Event ........................... 129
CWM as a Participatory Gestural Process .......................................... 131
Inclusive Community ......................................................................... 135
Importance for Emergent Conceptual Themes ................................... 137
Research Question No. 3: Individual and Collective Musical Agency .............. 137
Individual Dimension of Agency ....................................................... 137
Using Music for Self-Regulation ......................................... 138
Using Music for Matters of Being ....................................... 140
Collective Dimension of Agency ....................................................... 143
Exploring and Affirming Collective Identity ...................... 144
Establishing a Basis for Collaborative Musical Action ....... 147
Importance for Emergent Conceptual Themes ................................... 149
Research Question No. 4: Music Directors and Their Role as Facilitators ....... 150
Rehearsal Approach ............................................................................ 151
Music Selection .................................................................................. 155
Participant Recruitment ...................................................................... 159
Importance for Emergent Conceptual Themes ................................... 161
Research Question No. 5: Difference Between the Church Sites ...................... 161
Role of Social Economics ................................................................... 162
Participant’s Ages ............................................................................... 165

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Research Question No. 6: Other Sociological Issues that Arose in the Data ... 168
Parental Influence ............................................................................... 168
Disappointment with Early Formal Training ...................................... 171
Ageism in CWM ................................................................................. 174
Emergent Conceptual Themes ........................................................................ 176
Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 177

Chapter 5: Discussion & Conclusions ....................................................................................... 179
Introduction & Chapter Organization ......................................................................... 179
Summary of Findings ................................................................................................. 180
Emergent Main Themes, Thematic Differences, Other Sociological Issues .............. 181
Emergent Conceptual Themes ........................................................................ 182
Immersion in CWM .......................................................................... 182
Musical Agency in CWM ................................................................. 185
Collective Agency .................................................................... 185
Individual Agency ................................................................... 188
Praise Bands Non-Formal Learning Context .................................... 191
Variety of Music Backgrounds .................................................. 193
Command of Music Notation and Other Music Literacy .......... 193
Recruitment of Personnel to Meet Musical Needs .................... 194
Thematic Differences Between Church Sites ................................................. 195
Socioeconomic Differences in Church Sites ...................................... 196
Age Differences Between Praise Band Members ............................... 199
Other Sociological Issues ............................................................................... 202
Disappointment with Formal Lessons ................................................ 202
Ageism in CWM ................................................................................. 204
Replicated Findings from Benjamins Study ............................................................... 206
Recommendations for Future Research and Practice ................................................. 208
Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 211

References ................................................................................................................................. 214
Appendix A ................................................................................................................................ 228
Appendix B ................................................................................................................................ 229
Appendix C ................................................................................................................................ 232
Appendix D ................................................................................................................................ 234
Appendix E ................................................................................................................................ 235

vii

List of Tables

Table 3.1: Description of Church Sites and Study Participants………………………………...87
Table 4.1: Description of Church Sites and Study Participants……………………………….113

viii

Abstract

This study replicates and greatly extends a study by Lauran Benjamins (2019) on the
musicking experiences of praise band musicians. The work reported herein is a multiple case
study that examined the musicking experiences of Contemporary Worship Music (CWM) in
three diverse church settings (white-evangelical, Ukrainian Baptist, and Spanish-speaking
Hispanic). It examined praise band musicians’ musicking practices to determine: (1) how they
acquired and developed their skills within praise bands (popular music ensemble that performs
CWM), (2) how they perceived individual musical agency in conjunction and contrast to
“corporate (collective) worship” as expected in church music. It also examined the role of
church music directors (MDs) and how they perceive their position as facilitators of musicking
experiences. The data collected from the semi-structured interviews and observations with the
participants (n=12) were analyzed through three theoretical lenses that included Green’s (2008)
principles of informal learning, Small’s (1998) philosophy of musicking as relational activity,
and Karlsen’s (2011) socially inspired understanding of musical agency. Data analysis revealed
several conceptual themes: deep immersion in CWM, musical agency in CWM, and praise bands
as non-formal learning context. A comparison of the three church sites found more similarities
than differences; however, two differences were found to be: significant economic disparity
between church sites and ensemble dynamics affected by variance in participants’ ages. Lastly,
the study found two sociological issues that were not expected: participants’ disappointment
with early formal lessons and ageism in the CWM context.
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Chapter 1: Introduction
“To worship is to experience reality, to touch life. It is to know, to feel, to experience the
resurrected Christ in the midst of the gathered community. It is a breaking into the Shekinah of
God, or better yet, being invaded by the Shekinah of God.” – Richard J. Foster

The “Shekinah of God” is the literal dwelling of God’s presence within the physical. This
term, found in the Hebrew Bible, was used to describe the ‘presence’ of God as he dwelt in
places like the burning bush and the cloud that resided on Mount Sinai. According to Richard J.
Foster (2018) participating in worship is “to know, to feel, and to experience” God among a
group of people or a community (p. 23). As a church worship leader, I have had the amazing
opportunity to lead worship and usher a community of Christian believers to experience God,
where his glory and presence or “shekinah,” is felt.
Over the years as a professional music director and conductor, I have directed some
beautiful performances with brilliant musicians and captive audiences. I have experienced: (1)
the direction of the vibrant opening number to the musical Ragtime sung by a 50-voice theater
ensemble, (2) the epic grandeur of conducting a 75-piece orchestra as they played Mahler’s
Symphony No. 1, (3) the sensibility and passion of performing Barber’s Adagio for Strings, (4)
the bombastic sound of 200 performers singing and playing the opening to Orff’s Carmina
Burana, and (5) the simplicity and beauty of singing Copland’s Old American Songs. For me,
none of those experiences quite compare to the activity of leading people through music in
worship to God. As a classically-trained music performer, professional conductor, and music
education scholar, I have wondered why has this been so and what meaning does this have for
contemporary music teaching and learning pedagogy?
Leading contemporary worship in an evangelical church is something that I have been
doing since I was 15 years old. My first experience leading worship was in a “church plant”
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(newly formed church) that met in an auto shop garage in downtown San Bernardino, an inland
suburb of the greater Los Angeles area. This church had between 25 and 30 congregants, and my
praise band consisted of myself and three amateur church musicians (a cajon player, keyboardist,
and a female vocalist). Since then, my worship-leading experiences have grown in performance
complexity and caliber. My experiences have ranged from leading teams of multiple
instrumentalists and vocalists while using click tracks and stems (studio recorded tracks) to much
larger performances that have used highly decorated stages and sets, a full complement of
audio/visual effects, and, perhaps more importantly, hundreds to thousands of congregants
singing at the top of their lungs.
Regardless of the complexity of the performance and caliber of the musician, when
leading worship there is an ecstatic feeling difficult to explain. The phenomenon brings one into
a mental and spiritual “state of flow,” perhaps best explained by Csikszentmihalyi: “There’s this
focus that, once it becomes intense, leads to a sense of ecstasy, a sense of clarity: you know
exactly what you want to do from one moment to the other; you get immediate feedback”
(Csikszentmihalyi, 2004, p. 7).
Using music to worship God in contemporary styles that mirror vernacular/secular music
of the present time has not always been the norm, even within Christian churches. Throughout
history, humans have gathered to form shared cultural practices to reflect their collective
learning. The tension and interplay between competence and experience within any social
construct might be thought of as what Wenger (2000) called “learning in action”
(p.227). Learning in action provides individuals with transformational experiences that engage
them as participants, allowing them to construct an image of themselves within that context and
aligning them as active members within a community of practice (p. 229).
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For centuries, organized religions such as those associated with Christianity have
provided individuals with opportunities to share their cultural practices. Furthermore, “collective
learning” in the church between clergy and laypeople has taken place for many years within the
capacity of scriptural interpretation, liturgical practices, catechisms, and music (Benz &
Lindberg, n.d). Although the inquiry of collective learning in these contexts is intriguing,
especially considering Christian churches as a “community of practice,” this inquiry will most
notably focus on the role of popular-based music in more recent times.
Historical Contexts
The roots of music within churches are not strange to anyone who understands music
history. Moreover, it would be difficult to find a narrative on the evolution of music practice and
pedagogy that does not include church settings. First and foremost, church environments have
provided music historians with some of the first artifacts of music notation that could be studied,
analyzed, and replicated (Taruskin & Gibbs, 2010). In addition, Christian churches have served a
vital “social context” for collective learning in music as composers, performers, and music
students shared experiences to develop their musical competencies.
The early history of music teaching and learning in America was rooted in the singing
schools of the early 1700s. These institutions were started by John Tuffs, a protestant minister,
who believed people could learn to "sing by rule." This early form of music education made
possible by Tuff's efforts and aided by his famous book, Introduction to the Singing of Psalm
Tunes (1954), gave way to the "golden age of church singing" in the New England colonies
(Keene, 2009). The colonial singing schools met in places outside of school and church,
providing churches with an "ever-increasing supply of singers" that were well-versed in voice
production (p. 20). Simultaneously, the juxtaposition between the church and the singing schools
4

could not easily be separated because both played an important part role in the social fabric of
the New England communities.
Current Time and Evangelical Christianity
In the 21st century, religious institutions such as Christian churches have not lost their
significance as communities of practice. Giddens et al. (2003) asserted that, from a sociological
perspective, "religion continues to be one of the most important institutions in society” (p. 529).
As social contexts, churches house beliefs at the core of human behavior, allowing people to
understand their perceived existential purpose (Durkheim, 1947). The evangelical Christian
church has become one of the social contexts in which individuals have found community and
existential justification.
“Evangelical Christianity” is a complex term with myriad definitions and connotations
within the American and worldwide Christian church movement. It refers to a transnational,
interdenominational, religious group comprising 300 to 500 million Christians worldwide and 60
to 100 million in the United States (Eskridge, 2012). Nevertheless, the term is not understood or
recognized by all Christians worldwide in the same way. For example, in Latin America,
“evangelical” is synonymous with “Protestant Christian,” and in Europe, it means the “free
church” or a non-state-supported Protestant congregation (Ingalls, 2018). However, in places like
South Korea, although most of their Christian churches have been influenced by evangelical
practices, they typically label themselves “Protestant” (p. 12).
Moreover, within the U.S. context, “evangelical” carries complex theological and
political connotations that tend to shift depending on the national conversation or sentiment.
Christian blogger, Jonathan Merritt, noted that: to the pollster, “evangelical” is a sociological
term; to the pastor, it is a denominational or doctrinal term; and to the politician, it is a synonym
5

for white Christian Republican” (2015). For the present sociological research, the Christian
church in America will be considered the “evangelical church” because of its discursive network
of embodied Christian practices, especially within the activity of ‘worship’ (Bergunder, 2007;
Meyer, 2009).
Need for the Study of Music Practices in Christian Churches
In the United States, survey results have suggested that self-identified evangelical
Christians comprise around 26% of the overall population, making them a significant populace to
observe and analyze (Cox & Jones, 2017). Therefore, since much of music history has roots
within the church as noted above, and the Christian church in America is a legitimate context of
inquiry for something like collective music learning, music education literature should have
more inquiries into music learning that happens therein. However, this is not the
case. Benjamins (2019) noted that music teaching literature has "largely overlooked religious
institutions as current and societal contexts of music teaching and learning for individuals of all
ages" (p. 418). The question remains, why is that the case?
Historical Shift
One answer may be found in the historic shift of music education in America to the
secular realm of public education and community music programs. Like many other facets of
American society in the 19th century, music education was also influenced by the industrial
revolution (Power-Hutala, 2008). As American cities grew and people moved from rural areas to
industrial centers extending the upper and middle class, so did the demand for a higher level of
American culture and education (p. 98). American beliefs went through an evolutionary period
when scientists like Charles Darwin (1809-1882) proposed his theory of evolution found in his
book The Origin of Species. Sociological matters like “education” and “class struggle” began to
6

be addressed and viewed through the lens of Social Darwinism, an application of Darwin’s
biological theory to societies, through the notions of competition and “survival of the fittest.”
While ‘Social Darwinism’ is not directly linked to Charles Darwin himself, individuals like
philosopher Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), and philanthropist Andrew Carnegie (1835-1919)
used social Darwinism to endorse a “laissez-faire” system that supported corporation autonomy
against the interference of government influence and regulation (p. 98).
Moreover, this philosophical concept was applied to public schools in the form of
academic freedom and affected the influence of the local church and government. “Educational
freedom” was the new philosophical underpinning that permeated through the public school
system, and with that came music education and its public support. In 1838, Lowell Mason
(1792-1872), an American music director and banker, introduced music education as a curricular
subject to the Boston school committee (Mark, 1989, p. 3). Music teaching and learning as we
know it today continued to evolve and school music education became more of a public venture
supported mainly through public funds. As a social context for music learning, the church
became less and less central.
Interestingly, a case can be made that music learning and music making in many
Christian churches have transitioned from the psalm-singing of colonial times to the
contemporary worship bands of the 21st century. The history of Contemporary Worship Music
(CWM), the global Christian congregational song repertory based on popular music styles, spans
from the early 1960s, and it remains a sub-genre of Contemporary Christian Music.
CWM presented a radical nature and departure from traditional forms of congregational
singing and corporate worship; this rattled evangelical Christianity across denominations in
North America and the world. The contentious issues of “traditional” versus “contemporary”
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brought upon by CWM came to a critical climax during the “worship wars” of the 1900s (Ruth,
2017). During this time, church leadership, as well as lay people, argued fiercely with one
another, having bitter disagreements over church service instrumentation (guitar and drums vs.
organ and choir) and song repertoire (hymns vs. praise choruses) (p. 3). The worship-war
conflict took on many forms; psychological, social, cultural, and even political.
On a psychological level, some believed that “if evangelicals did not believe that music
had the power to move people— to affect their character, their emotions, and behaviors —then
music could not be dangerous, but neither would it be able to inspire or transform” (Nekola,
2009, pp. 2-3). On a sociological level, others like Dueck (2017) believed that congregational
music-making provides “an experiential, embodied practice, feelingful way of encountering the
world” (p. 3). Lastly, on a cultural and political level, some have suggested that the neologism
‘worship wars’ dealt with the “culture wars” of Christian life and expression versus secularism in
a non-religious society (Peters, 1994).
In this context, CWM has continued to grow in popularity and influence across
denominations among Christian churches throughout North America and the world. CWM is no
longer novel, and congregations continue to use its song repertory performed by praise bands
within its many worship practices.
Praise Bands and Music Teaching and Learning
Popular music ensembles like praise bands have become staple performing groups in
most evangelical churches, providing contemporary worship music in their services. Praise
bands consist of vocal and instrumental ensembles, including pop vocals, drums, keyboards,
acoustic and electric guitars, electric bass, and other types of synthesized tracks (Ingalls, 2018).
Moreover, praise bands are used to lead worship music in church services based on popular
8

music genres like “pop-rock” and other “gospel-influenced" styles. Ingalls (2018) noted that
contemporary worship music (CWM) continues to be the recognized "global Christian
congregational song repertory modeled on mainstream Western popular music styles" (p. 5).
Furthermore, congruent to other popular music ensembles, praise bands also experience
collective music learning as they work with their peers to prepare for weekly church services (or
performances).
Given this context, it seems appropriate and vitally important to know more about popular
music ensembles like “praise bands” in many evangelical churches and how music learning
happens in these contexts. Research directed toward understanding the culture and pedagogy of
CWM seems especially relevant for popular music education. Since the study of popular music
education and community music endeavors are emerging as an important topic of inquiries
among many music education scholars in the United States and abroad (Powell et al., 2015), a
study of this sort can be an essential contribution to the literature.
Perhaps of most importance, there is an ongoing evolution of scholarship and practice in
popular music education that recognizes a plethora of social contexts outside of schools,
universities, and conservatories (Smith et al., 2017). While the establishment of popular music
education is a consorted effort by many music educators since the "Tanglewood Declaration" of
1968, it was not until the turn of the twentieth century that legitimate strides could be seen in its
established scholarship within the field (p. 5). For the past two decades, as will be noted in
Chapter 2 of this present study, Green's (2008) research on popular musicians' informal learning
practices has been a staple in the literature when referencing popular musicians' learning
pedagogy. In her inquiry, she identified five learning principles: “(1) learner's selection of music
for themselves; (2) skill acquisition happens when the learner copies by ear instead of notation;
9

(3) collective music learning happens within peers and groups; (4) learners start with “real-
world” pieces of music; and (5) the learning process has a "deep integration of listening,
performing, improvising, and composing" (p. 10). These principles have been implemented in
various music education contexts throughout the world in studies about popular music learning.
The present study is meant to extend and deepen our understanding of popular music and its role
in music teaching and learning within the context of praise bands and church musicking.
Inspiration for this Topic and the Path Toward Replication
This study is a replication and expansion of an exploratory research project that Laura
Benjamins conducted in 2019, which is explained in detail in Chapter 2. In her work, Benjamins
examined contemporary Christian musicians' musicking practices in two different churches in
London, Ontario. Her preliminary findings enthralled me. I determined that more research was
needed to address some of the implications she had suggested for music education practice
through informal learning. I contacted Benjamins and asked if I might learn more from her.
During the COVID shutdown of 2020-21, we conferred using several Zoom meetings to discuss
her research. She graciously explained many of her findings in detail and discussed my ideas to
replicate further and expand the research she had begun. Considering the qualitative
methodological approach that Benjamins used to conduct her research, we knew that the
methodological "replication" would be a challenge. Nevertheless, we both agreed that replication
and expansion on this topic would help solidify some initial findings.
Some replication and extension are essential in qualitative research because studies that
use qualitative methods to conduct research often fail to meet a point of “saturation,” thus
"impacting the quality of research conducted" (Fusch & Ness, 2015, p. 1408). It was reasoned
that replication of any research, especially qualitative findings, can improve collected saturation,
10

improving the overall rigor offered by the authors’ study (Guest et al., 2006). Often, qualitative
research uses interviews as a primary source for data collection, and saturation occurs when "the
researcher begins to hear the same comments again and again" (Grady, 1998, p. 26).
While there are different categories of replication such as exact/direct, methodological,
and conceptual (Dennis & Valacich, 2001), the following replication and expansion study was a
"conceptual replication" of the original research conducted by Benjamins in 2019. With the
author's permission, I used three of the same overarching questions she asked in replicating her
study, as well as the addition of three additional questions to expand the study within different
contexts. Moreover, I added a third theoretical lens, musical agency, to expand her original
framework and address one of the new overarching questions proposed in this study. Lastly, the
present case study examined the context of contemporary worship music by engaging with three
culturally diverse church sites: white-evangelical, Ukrainian-Baptist, and Spanish-speaking. As
will be explained in more detail in Chapter 3, for each site, three participants and their music
directors were selected for in-depth interviews that gave details in answering the questions.
Researcher Perspective and Positionality
As an insider in the contemporary worship music community, I had the advantage of
insight into the complex dynamics of church musicking, its participants, and the overall
contemporary worship music culture. My exposure to contemporary worship music began from a
very young age. I grew up attending a Spanish-speaking Hispanic evangelical church from the
time I was six years old. Before I had any formal music training in school (4th grade), I
remember playing various percussion instruments with our adult worship leader in our children's
Sunday school class. Even as I began classical music training on clarinet and voice later in high
school and college, I continued to develop my skills in pop-rhythm guitar and vocals within
11

church music. Being part of an ethnic Christian church that predominantly worshiped in Spanish,
I have gained an insider's perspective as a bilingual person leading worship in his first language
while studying formal music education in English in middle school, high school, and then later,
college.
Contemporary worship music (CWM) was a dominant part of my undergraduate
experience. I attended California Baptist University, a private Christian university with a
comprehensive music program that taught classical and contemporary worship music—the latter
found in most Christian churches throughout America. After graduation, my first teaching
experience was at a private Christian school. I taught band and general music and prepared
students to perform in an internationally televised church service called the “Hour of Power.”
Alongside teaching music full-time, I also served as a part-time Worship Director, where I led
traditional and contemporary worship music in medium to large churches. After teaching music
in elementary, middle school, and high school for eleven years, I decided to focus my music
career as a church music director and university professor.
Considering my insider perspective within this musicking context of this overall topic,
my role as a researcher comes with an array of biases that I needed to neutralize and disclose
throughout the research process (Peshkin, 1988, 1994). This "emic" viewpoint required that I be
conscious of certain objectivities that could arise regarding the participants and their context.
Therefore, it was necessary during this study to maintain a level of distance between myself and
the participants for effective investigation (Bresler, 2013). Because I am currently a worship
director working with volunteers who play contemporary worship music, I had to refrain during
data collection from expressing my personal beliefs and sentiments on how contemporary
worship musicians develop and should acquire their skills, as well as how music directors ought
12

to provide musical agency to their worship music participants. Despite this background as an
informed “other,” I attempted to present the findings in this research project as thoroughly and
rigorously as possible without predetermined biases.
Purpose, Research Questions, and Methods Used
This qualitative study used three conceptual frameworks to examine adult musicians'
learning in contemporary Christian praise bands. These frameworks will be explained in greater
detail in Chapter 2 but are noted here for understanding the purpose and research questions.
These were: (1) Green's (2008) informal learning principles, (2) Small's (1998) philosophy of
musicking as an active relational musical activity, and (3) Karlsen’s (2011) socially inspired
understanding of musical agency. The purpose of this study was similar to that of Benjamins’
(2019) study in which she examined the musicking practices of contemporary Christian
musicians in two churches in London, Ontario. She “sought to examine the musicking practices
occurring in the contemporary worship music (CWM) context and how these lead contemporary
Christian musicians to acquire and develop their musical skills.” (p.417). Of additional interest
in the present study was how participants perceived their “individual musical agency” in
conjunction with and in contrast to “corporate worship” expected in church music. Participants
were selected from three diverse church sites: a white/evangelical church, a Ukrainian Baptist
church, and Spanish-Speaking Hispanic church.
The inquiry was based on six overarching questions that were similar to those of Benjamins
but were augmented by the study of musical agency and the inclusion of music directors:
1. How do contemporary Christian musicians acquire and develop their musical skills
within praise bands?
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2. Are there distinguishing “practices” of praise band’s musicking that differ from other
popular musicking contexts? If so, does this impact how they learn?
3. How do Christian musicians perceive their individual and collective “musical agency” in
conjunction with the goal of corporate worship and individual musical expression in
church music?
4. How do Contemporary Christian music directors perceive their role as facilitators of
musicking experiences that help develop musical skills and foster musical agency?
5. What are the differences and similarities between the different church sites and their
participants regarding the development of their musical skills and how they perceive their
collective musical agency within their church musicking experiences?
6. What other sociological issues does the inquiry of this contemporary music education
context raise?
Methods used to answer these questions will be detailed in Chapter 3. This qualitative study
examined the musicking practices of adult contemporary Christian musicians and followed a
similar methodological approach as the inquiry performed by Benjamins (2019). This
investigation used a case study as a methodological approach to "investigate the phenomenon in
depth within its real-world context" (Yin, 2014, p. 15). Furthermore, it included multiple
participants from different church sites who provided a description of their experiences within
the various contexts. Each church musician including the respective music directors was treated
as a single case or “unit of analysis” to define the phenomenon. The participants were selected
through a combination of purposeful sampling (Patton, 2015) and convenience sampling
(Creswell, 2015; Merriam & Tisdell, 2026) to meet the case's criteria.

14

Guiding Epistemology: Social Constructivism
To present the experiences and perceptions of the research participants, this work was
conducted under a “social constructivist” epistemology. Constructivism is a sociological theory
of knowledge that examines how individuals develop their knowledge and understanding of the
world; it is not necessarily a theory about teaching practice (Webster, 2011). This specific
epistemology holds that “knowledge for each individual is viewed as a construction based on the
individual’s experiences, and since each person is likely to have experiences that vary from those
of another… each individual’s knowledge construction is different” (Egbert & Sanden, 2014, p.
21). Moreover, the sub-category of “social constructivism,” which is the specific epistemology
that guides this research, shares four practices and beliefs (Burr, 2015).
1. A critical stance towards knowledge is usually taken for granted, which believes that
conventional knowledge is not objective or based on unbiased observations of the world.
2. Knowledge exists in a historical and cultural context, which means that all understanding
is historically and culturally relative.
3. Knowledge is sustained by social processes, which means that it is constructed through
the interactions of individuals.
4. Knowledge and social action go together, which means that someone's knowledge is tied
in with their actions and what they are passionate about. (p. 11)
The informants in this present study possessed different understandings of their musical worlds,
particularly their musical skills and how those skills improved and contributed to their musicking
experiences in contemporary worship music. The knowledge they expressed came with various
biased assumptions about music learning that naturally exist within the conventional knowledge
of any subject in the field of education. Moreover, since each individual case study existed
15

within a diverse culture within contemporary worship music (white evangelical, Ukrainian
Baptist, Spanish-speaking Hispanic) and represented varying ages of adults (19-63 years of age).
Their understanding of Contemporary Worship Music (CWM) was contextually tied to their
cultural influences and the historical timeline of their musical journey. Lastly, their shared
experiences within their church musicking context varied because their perceptions were social
processes constructed through their interactions with other people in their respective church
congregations, influencing their passions for music-making differently within their respective
contexts.
Operational Definition of Terms
Contemporary Worship Music (CWM) - Defined as a “global Christian congregational
song repertory modeled on mainstream western popular music styles” (Ingalls, 2018). This style
of music overlaps but remains within its own category from a related genre, Contemporary
Christian Music (CCM), which is religious presentational music intended to be performed by a
solo artist and bands (example instrumentation: guitars, drums, keyboards, bass, vocals, and
other synthesized sounds) for a listening audience rather than for congregational singing (p.6).
The term “contemporary” implies its opposition to the “traditional” hymn repertory, which
dominated Protestant congregational singing in North America since the times of the early
colonies (p. 6).
Ethnicity or “Ethnic Group” - A group of collected individuals with specific cognitive
and attitudinal categories to identify themselves and maintain a collective sense of peoplehood
(Kanchan, 2012). Shibutani and Kian Kwan (1976) proposed the definition that ethnicity is “a
group of people who conceive themselves as being of a kind and united by emotional bonds and
16

concerned with the preservation of their kind… generally, they speak the same language, and
they share a common cultural heritage” (p. 97).
Ethnic Christian Church - A church rooted in the Protestant religion that seeks to
express and attract Christians within a specific ethnicity. Mono-ethnic churches in America form
from different races and ethnic groups to provide worship experiences that minister to people
within their own culture and language.
Evangelical Church – Is a church consisting of individuals who identify as Christians
and their respective communities that seek to bring people the “gospel” or good news of Jesus
Christ to find salvation. Evangelical churches believe the Bible or “God’s Word” to set a very
high standard (inerrant or without fault) and actively seek to convert individuals to Protestantism.
Informal Music Learning Practices/Methods – (IMPL) Informal learning is considered
one of the most organic ways of attaining knowledge or learning a skill. The key to informal
learning is a learner’s immersion within the community or practice. In music education, the
informal transmission of learning can occur in a myriad of ways. Some characteristics of IMPL
are musicians choose the music they want to learn; they copy music by listening; learning takes
place in groups; learning occurs haphazardly starting with ‘real world’ pieces; there is an
integration of listening, performing, improvising, and composing with an emphasis on creativity
(Green 2006).
Musical Agency – Deals with an individual's "capacity for action in relation to music or
in a music-related setting" (Karlsen, 2010, p. 110). The categories of actions by individuals can
be viewed within two spheres: the individual dimension of agency, which involves an
individual's room for action, and the collective dimension of agency, the social experiences and
17

musical and musical negotiations that individuals make and encounter within differently social
contexts.
Musicking – Is the present participle of the verb to music. According to Christopher
Small (1998), “to music is to take part in any capacity in a musical performance” by listening or
performing, or composing, including dancing (p. 9). More importantly, musicking as a relational
activity investigates the connections and a meaning-making tool formed between music-making
individuals, performers, and their audiences, and performers and the space in which they
perform.
Musical Skills – Refers to the ability to listen, perform, produce, and communicate ideas
and motions by playing musical instruments or singing. This includes “having a musical ear,
listening and understanding, appreciation of music, musical creativity, evaluation skills, technical
skills, composing and improvising, reading music, and knowledge about music” (Hallman, 2006)
Popular Music Education (PME) – Is the systematic pedagogy of teaching popular
styles of music within formal and informal music education contexts. Music genres associated
with this type of music pedagogy are rock/pop/jazz/electronic/folk but are not necessarily
exclusive to a specific genre. This systematic way of teaching musical skills usually embraces
elements of formal learning and informal learning.
Popular Music verses Contemporary Music – Popular music in this study refers to
popular music genres that are non-classical, however, the genre may not necessarily be the most
current or “contemporary.” Contemporary music when applied the term CWM is the most
current and update repertory within the genre umbrella of popular Christian music.
Praise Band - A music ensemble in an evangelical Christian church that leads various
types of Contemporary Worship Music for congregational singing. Band instrumentation can
18

vary, but praise bands typically follow rock-band instrumentation of drums, electric bass, electric
guitar, acoustic guitar, keyboards, and vocals.
Social Constructivism - a specific epistemology in which “knowledge for each individual
is viewed as a construction based on the individual’s experiences, and since each person is likely
to have experiences that vary from those of another… each individual’s knowledge construction
is different” (Egbert & Sanden, 2014, p. 21).
Delimitations
The findings for this study relate to the church sites selected for inquiry, data collection
tools, and the selections of individuals based on interpersonal connections within each of the
church sites. While several candidates from each church site filled out an original online survey
for purposeful sampling, only three were selected from each meeting criteria explained in
Chapter 3. Only one music director from each church site was interviewed (the individual in
charge of the entire worship ministry) and did not include volunteer leaders who helped or acted
as substitutes. The church site selections were limited to the state of California; two were in
Southern California, and one was in Northern California.
Chapter Overview
Chapter 1 included background information about the research context and the need for
the study. Importance of the study was explained as well as the historical contexts. Inspiration
for choice of topic was stated and the pathway to replication made clear as was the researcher’s
perspective. Purpose and research questions were listed, and a brief overview of the
methodology noted. A guiding epistemology was explained as were operational definitions and
a dissertation chapter overview.
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Chapter 2 includes a comprehensive review of the literature on studies related to the
theoretical lenses of informal learning practices, musicking, and musical agency. The literature
review also contains relevant studies occurring in K-12 settings, higher education, adult
education, and unique environments outside formal education including a detailed accounting of
the targeted replicated study by Benjamins (2019).
Chapter 3 describes the multiple case study's qualitative methodology and research
design. The chapter presents a detailed explanation of the research procedures and how the data
were collected and analyzed. It also introduces the nine participants and the three music directors
for each church site. Church sites are explained.
Chapter 4 displays the research findings and emergent themes. The research questions
are addressed in four phases. Phases 1 presents the findings of questions no. 1-3; phase 2
presents the findings of questions no. 4 which addresses the perceptions of the music directors;
phase 3 addresses question no. 5, which address the findings regarding the difference between
the three church sites; and phase 4 presents findings for other sociological issues that arose from
this research.
The chapter addresses the summative emergent conceptual themes that are identified
based on the findings from the first four research questions. Findings about the differences
between the church sites and other sociological issues that arose in the data are summarized in
relation to the final two research questions.
Chapter 5 presents the implications for research and practice based on the findings and
emergent themes. Links are made between the research in Benjamins (2019) and other relevant
works. The chapter ends with some hopes for the future of music teaching and learning based on
the findings.
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Chapter 2: Review of Literature
In this chapter, I review published work related to the conceptual lenses of
formal/informal learning contexts, musicking, and musical agency. Each section of the chapter
begins with an explanation of a conceptual lens, followed by a selected review of published
research studies and other important writings deemed appropriate that have special meaning for
music teaching and learning. Each subsection ends with a summary of the implications for the
present study. Throughout, attention is given to the settings of the published work: K-12 school
settings; college and adult school settings; and outside of school settings. The chapter ends with a
detailed accounting of the targeted replication study: Benjamins (2019).
The Spectrum of Formal, Non-Formal, and Informal Learning
Description
One way to define learning is by the learner's context (Veblen, 2012, p. 244). In music
teaching and learning, more formal contexts can be places like K-12 schools, universities,
conservatoires, and music studios; more informal contexts that may be less structured can be
garages, people's homes, or even community music centers. Formal and informal music contexts
and the learning that happens therein can be characterized as polarized constructs (Finnegan,
1989). Whether music learning happens intentionally due to a systematized curriculum or not,
the learner becomes aware that they have learned something after the fact (Schugurensky, 2000)
and the acquiring of musical skills and knowledge appears to be a synergy of conscious and
unconscious activities (Green, 2002).
For the sake of clarity and inclusiveness in this inquiry, I endorse the characterization of
the various contexts of music learning transmission made by Veblen (2012) and others into an
expanded, three categorial grouping: formal, non-formal, and informal learning. Non-formal and
21

informal contexts are of main interest in the present study. However, in order to better explain
non-formal and informal context, an explanation of the spectrum that consists of all three
learning will be presented here.
Formal music instruction is deliberate and found in learning institutions where the teacher
guides the majority of learning aspects (Veblen, 2012). In this type of learning, the instruction is
typically "institutionalized, graded, and hierarchical,” and the curriculum used is not altered or
acclimated when new participants are welcomed to the learning (p. 247). Furthermore, the
teacher is in charge of most aspects of instruction, and skills and concepts are presented from
basic to complex. Teachers determine the majority of instructional materials, the pace of
learning, and the type of environment in which students learn. Lastly, formal learning is highly
affected by the instructor's skill set, and much of the learning transmission depends on their
qualifications (p.247). Examples of formal music instruction are music classes found in K-12
schools, private music lessons or schools, conservatories, auditioned ensembles that are director-
led, and highly structured music camps.
Non-formal learning practices are similar to formal practices, but they are less structured
and typically occur outside of educational institutions (Veblen, 2012, p. 248). This learning
approach is commonly sought after by adults who desire to continue their musical learning and
engage in a community of practice that provides musical-social engagements. According to
Campbell and Burnaby (2001), these musical engagements are sometimes called “self-directed”
or “participatory education.” One of the critical indicators of non-formal learning practices that
differs from formal learning is that the instruction may change and adapt when new participants
are introduced to the musicking community. Adults engage in this type of learning because they
enjoy a sense of structure in a musicking activity with the added flexibility of informal modes of
22

participation and learning. As Mak (n.d.) noted, “the focus here is more on learning by doing
than learning from books or instructions… performativity (utility) will be a major criterion in
legitimating knowledge, which is experimental, practical, and pragmatic” (p. 5). Examples of
non-formal learning contexts are community orchestras, certain bands or other instrumental
ensembles, community and church choirs, and church praise bands such as the those that are the
focus for the current study.
In contrast, informal learning practices have emerged more recently and are being
investigated more intently by music education scholars and implemented by practitioners. It is a
pedagogical approach that appears in much of the recent literature that focuses on popular music.
The key to informal learning is the learner’s immersion in the musical world or musical
community of practice. Mans (2009) maintained that this type of socialization in music occurs
when the student enculturates themselves in all aspects of the music world, “the musical sound
structures of the culture— the rhythms, tonal patterns, combinations, preferred timbres, and
performance modes” (p. 84). Schugurensky (2000, p. 6) noted that it is not without varying
degrees of self-direction, intentionality, and personal awareness. Moreover, informal learning is
often not sequenced beforehand by an instructor; it is taken on as a "self-chosen and voluntary
learning" activity (Folkstead, 2006, p. 138). The individual that is “self-taught” has learned
informally through observation, imitation, and a variety of rote learning methods.
Furthermore, musical enculturation happens within a family or home cohort, at church, or
in a workplace environment— and sometimes, it is within these formal settings that the informal
transmission of musical knowledge occurs. While the informal transmission of learning occurs
“unsystematically, accidentally, and unpurposefully” through incidental exposure to musical
environments, (Schugurensky, 2000; Mans, 2009; and Cohen et al., 2002) wrote that "informal
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learning" is one of the most organic ways of attaining musical knowledge and skill. Outside of
the western world, "much of the world's music is not explicitly taught; just as many concepts,
skills, and facts that humans know are not the result of formal instruction," but that of informal
encounters (Veblen, 2012, p. 250).
While all three learning contexts help explain how music learning may occur, they are
not mutually exclusive. Educators often make arguments for which type of learning works best
for any person at any given time of their musical lives. Folkstead (2006) and Green (2009)
suggested that learning occurs on a continuum between two poles – formal and informal (p. 21).
That continuum is the expression of the constant interaction and interplay between formal and
informal learning methods that consider the learner's situation, learning style, ownership, and
intentionality. Wright (2016) maintained that real-life learning situations "can be seen as sliders
on a control pane, such as an audio mixer" that are moved between the formal and informal
learning continuums (p. 3).
There is a growing interest among music teaching and learning scholars for the study of
the effectiveness of informal learning methods, particularly raising music students' enthusiasm
and motivation to study the relevant musical skills that reproduce the music they enjoy in their
daily lives. Green’s work (2002, 2008) continues to be a prominent force regarding the
fundamental principles on how popular musicians learn which include: learner’s selection of
music; copying recordings by ear rather than from notation; peer and or self-directed learning,
beginning with ‘whole’ and ‘real-world’ pieces of music; and combining listening, performing,
improvising and composing throughout the learning process (2008, p. 10). The following
literature is representative of studies about informal learning and popular music in K-12 schools
and institutions, adult learning and other non-formal contexts, and adult music activism.
24

Related Music Literature for Non-Formal and Informal Learning Contexts
Abril and Gault (2016). Teaching methods used within informal learning contexts
continue to be tested in various formal settings, with K-12 schools being a primary context. Abril
and Gault (2016) launched a qualitative study introducing an informal music pedagogy in two
Ontario, Canada schools, one elementary and one secondary. In this dual/comparative case study,
researchers worked together with music teachers to plan and implement informal pedagogy in a
series of 40-minute music lessons that involved 74 students in grades 7 and 8. Students were
introduced to all the instruments weeks before the lessons started (drums kits, keyboards, guitars,
and electric basses). The instructors used a carousel approach that involved rotating student
groups within a series of musical activities (p. 216). At the end of the lessons, both music
teachers and students were interviewed individually and in small groups.
While the informal teaching method was designed with some structure, the authors
believed that it provided enough of a bridging process between formal and informal methods to
be useful for analysis. This bridge was an essential step for the elementary students who were
used to a very formal Kodály-based music curriculum.
In their qualitative findings, the authors observed that securing quality instruments and
equipment was a motivating factor in getting the students excited about learning music.
However, proper space for informal learning was a challenge, as most music classrooms are
designed for large-ensemble instruction. Therefore, learning facilitators must be creative about
using the space and dividing student groups while still supervising them (p. 230). Short 40-
minute lessons were long enough to provide the students with adequate learning time; however,
many of the student groups decided to return on their own to practice, especially as performances
drew near. Lastly, the authors concluded that teachers must find ways to interact with their
25

students in a "non-directive, non-confrontational way, to become co-learners alongside them" (p.
232). In informal learning, the teacher does not “disappear” (Allsup 2008; Clemens, 2008);
instead, they assume more critical roles (Green, 2008).
Hallam, Creech, and McQueen (2018). In this mixed-method study, students’
perceptions of informal learning were examined in six secondary schools in the United Kingdom.
The Musical Futures curriculum was the focus. This curriculum emerged from Green's work
(2001, 2008) on how popular musicians learn through informal means. After the pilot program
was launched between 2004 and 2006, Musical Futures was added to the National Curriculum in
the UK and established as a non-formal music teaching method that used group-based activities
to perform, listen, compose, and improvise (Hallam, Creech, & McQueen, 2018, p. 214). The
program was designed "to address the challenges of engaging students' interest in school music"
(p. 214).
Student questionnaires and group interviews were used to recruit 671 participants for a
study that inquired about their perceptions of the Musical Futures and its informal music
teaching. The students were recruited from six secondary schools that implemented the music
curriculum in various ways. The findings were organized in three groupings: (1) concentration
and focus, (2) learning and attainment, and (3) teamwork and peer-learning.
In terms of concentration and focus, 44% of the students felt that they concentrated more
in informal music lessons than they did in other lessons; however, most (71%) felt that the in-
formal music lesson went by faster (p. 218). Regarding music learning and content attainment,
72% of students felt that the informal music lessons developed their overall musicianship, with
half of them stating that their listening skills had improved. However, the students that played
more than one instrument reported the most significant statistical difference in music learning
26

and content attainment. Lastly, for teamwork and peer learning, most students (84%) believed
that informal music lessons allowed them to work better with others (p. 220). Many of those
students (59%) helped others in their instruction and felt that in some cases, they were better at
teaching their peers because their teachers lacked expertise in individual musical styles. Hallam
and colleagues noted that Musical Futures has shown positive musical learning outcomes in
secondary schools in the UK (Hallam et al., 2016).
Crawford (2017). Using a constructivist framework that drew on Elliott’s praxial
philosophy of music education, Crawford conducted a comparative curriculum analysis to
determine if Musical Futures met the curriculum requirements set by the formal music approach
provided by the Victorian Curriculum F-10 in Australian schools (p. 39). The curriculum
comparison was made using the Victorian Curriculum aims of school years 7-10 that developed
students' "confidence to be creative, innovative, thoughtful, skillful, and informed musicians…"
(VCAA, 2016b). Crawford concluded that Musical Futures should not be used in isolation to
teach music because it did not meet all the Victoria Curriculum requirements and the Australian
music curriculum framework (p. 41). Furthermore, Musical Futures did not provide the proper
scaffolding necessary for students to develop diverse musical skills and knowledge at the
secondary level. In conclusion, use of a pragmatic and informal approach to teaching music
based solely on students' interest in popular culture was not recommended when trying to
develop balanced and holistic learners. Instead, Crawford argued that educators should find a
balance of informal and formal approaches to teaching music if their students are to meet the
curriculum framework employed by the Victorian Music Curriculum (p. 41).
Butler et al. (2020). In another Canadian study in which the subjects used Musical
Futures, Butler and colleagues investigated elementary students' perception and practices in
27

popular music education in terms of sensitivities to gender. The researchers conducted a small-
scale study in a Catholic elementary school in Southern Ontario, Canada. The goal of the work
was to observe and interview three different mixed classes of 7th and 8th graders to examine the
gender “inequalities” that have been previously noted by scholars concerning popular music
(Abramo, 2010; Bjorck, Clawson, 1999; Green 2002; Armstrong, 2001). The study’s overarching
research questions dealt with both the students' and teachers' perceptions concerning popular
music pedagogy and the overall popular musicking culture. After conducting focus group
interviews and taking field notes, the authors concluded that their hypothesis, that gender
disparities were not as marked within this music learning context, was valid. They concluded that
"perceptions concerning popular music learning identified in earlier studies were either not found
or were much less clearly evident" (p. 13). The authors reasoned that most of the students were
born after 2000 and were less aware of gender stereotypes. They were still relatively young and
were not as developmentally mature as other students within the comparative literature (p. 13).
Literature in Settings that Have Not Used Music Futures
Informal music learning practices (IMLP) have been of interest to a number of music
education advocates in the United States. However, according to a some writers (Abramo &
Austin, 2014; Hess, 2013; Kastner, 2012), IMLP has not made significant inroads into secondary
music programs in the United States for a variety of reasons, including: (1) teachers’ more
negative views on popular music, (2) the uncertainty of how to integrate IMPL, (3) limited
resources and professional development, and (4) institutional constraints that prohibit a broad
implementation.
Nevertheless, some secondary music teachers have attempted to integrate popular music
education and informal learning practices. Many studies have focused on teachers’ pragmatic
28

approaches to IMLP implementation, but none on how these practices have affected the change
from their traditional methods (Abramo, 2011; Butler, 2009; Buzza, 2009; Gardner, 2008).
Giddings (2018, 2019). On a conceptual level that has pragmatically observed informal
music pedagogy in the formal music classroom, Giddings reported work on teaching popular
music through rock ensembles. His pedagogical experience was grounded on substantial teaching
experience as a K-6 music educator in Prince Edward Island, Canada, where he taught rock-
groups, choirs, classroom music, guitar, and other general music entities. He is also a strong
advocate of the Musical Futures curriculum as an informal method of teaching music to provide
more robust student engagement in learning. He noted that many teachers are wary of informal
learning practices because “control does have to be forfeited” by the teachers as they become
facilitators, rather than instructors (2019, p. 34). Giddens also reinforced past research in the
field (Green, 2002) that classical and jazz musicians rely too much on notation and theory, while
rock musicians are more focused on the “feel” of the music and what sounds “good.” He argued
that if music educators are to promote life-long music learning, students need opportunities to
develop the informal music skills of popular musicians. While informal teaching methods are
challenging and daunting for some music educators, he believed that they are possible and
attainable in the classroom, even in settings where traditional ensembles are the norm.
Vasil (2019). In a study conducted in the United States, Vasil sought to investigate
teachers' change processes by studying the development of “scope, locus, and content” (p. 229).
The purpose of this study was to examine teachers’ practices and perspectives on their
integration of popular music and IMLP in their secondary music classrooms (p. 302). Four
teachers participated in this multiple case study through semi-structured interviews, school site
visits, and observations. The researcher's main objective was to understand how the teachers
29

enacted change. Four major research questions were asked: (1) why did teachers enact change in
their curriculum, 2) how did they enact change, (3) what conditions enabled them to enact
change, and (4) what challenges did they encounter that slowed the change process.
With regard to the “scope of change,” the teachers enacted change within their
classrooms by changing the curricula of the classes they took over when they began teaching at
their new school (p. 302). The teachers’ “internal locus for change” was derived from their
perceptions that the old music curriculum lacked student engagement. Therefore, their conviction
on this matter led them to change the curriculum and integrate popular music and IMLP (p. 303).
Lastly, the “content of change” occurred in a variety of ways between the different teachers.
IMPL encouraged composition collaboration between the teacher and the students, as well as
between the students. According to all four teachers, the key to the “content of change” was that
IMLP was student-directed and so most of the decisions—including repertoire, instruments
played, and the people they worked with—were all made by students (p. 304).
Ng (2020). Researchers in Singapore have also considered the study of informal learning
practices that facilitate popular music learning. Based on teacher surveys, Ng concluded that
music teachers in Singapore have “never engaged their students in popular music practices” and
have no conviction for adopting any type of informal learning pedagogies (p. 60). Because of
this, Ng launched two case studies funded by the Office of Education Research of the Singapore
Institute of Education to explore the implementation of popular music programs. The research
project aimed to provide a “thick description” (Geertz, 1973) about this phenomenon to provide
music teachers with an insightful understanding of popular music instructional benefits. The
author found that both case studies provided an array of intersections between formal, non-
formal, and informal pedagogies of learning that extended even beyond the music classroom (p.
30

68). Furthermore, she agreed with other authors that learning contexts and their respective
pedagogies (formal, non-formal, and informal) are not mutually exclusive; they are interwoven
together to complement each other within the learning continuum; and that each learning
pedagogy served specific purposes within the popular music program, as each served to address
a specific learning situation. (p. 68)
Jaffurs (2004). Most of the extant literature described in this review has involved
research inquiries in formal settings such a K-12 classrooms and other formal learning spaces.
However, informal learning continues to be observed and analyzed in less formal and non-
institutionalized settings. Jaffurs conducted an ethnographical work that observed student-led,
garage band informal learning practices. Ethnographers generally reflect on their personal
socialization and enculturation of any phenomenon or activity; their work is grounded in related
literature to gain a “new understanding” or add to the existing body of knowledge (Szego, 2002,
p. 708). Working from an ethnographic perspective, Jaffurs (2004) used the "versus basis theory"
(Mosston & Ashworth, 1985) to examine teaching practices of informal music education versus
formal music education. Jaffurs observed a rock band comprised of five students—three of
whom were either current or former students of the researcher. The group consisted of two girls
and three boys. The researcher observed two rehearsals for approximately two hours each and
conducted parental interviews with each family involved. In her work, Jaffurs found that the
transmission of musical skills happened in a collaborative effort between all the students (p.
194). Furthermore, their rehearsals created a “social-constructivist” setting where their collective
experience created new musical meanings (Dewey, 1994).
Several themes emerged from the triangulation of all data from the Jaffurs work: formal
music instruction, informal music instruction, musicianship, equipment, relationships, and forms
31

of improvisation or “doodling” (Jaffurs, 2004, p. 196). Concerning formal music instruction, the
rock band students used theoretical and analytical terminology that they had learned in formal
music classes such as band or choir. Other informal learning themes that were observed dealt
with students' comments about their environment or method of transmitting knowledge (p. 196).
Further themes encountered in this inquiry were peer learning and peer critique; however, those
themes were only minor revelations purely based on body language to accompany their other
democratic group actions (p. 197). In the end, Jaffurs reflected on her own classroom
environment and the lessons that she learned from the study that helped to broaden and diversify
her outlook on the informal and formal learning dichotomies. She noted:
I don’t want to be in the way of anyone’s enjoyment of music… More and more
educators are widening their vistas; they are not just ‘allowing’ rock music in their music
classes, but they are learning from the successes in this culture… How are popular
musicians successful? For that matter, how are many cultures successful in the
transmission of music? The learning is incidental yet meaningful. Members transmit
learning easily, the whole context is fun, the students want to be identified as musicians
in the culture, and membership is ageless. (p. 199).
Karlsen (2010). Informal learning studies have also been conducted in higher education
settings. Karlsen examined BoomTown, a two-year higher education music curriculum for rock
musicians at a school of music in a Swedish university. The program was grounded on Green's
research (2002, 2008), along with the pedagogical philosophies of Anna-Karin Gullberg (2002)
and KG Johansson (2002 & 2004)—two Swedish scholars who investigated playing by ear and
rock musicians' socialization. The study presented by Karlsen (2010) served to "problematize"
the BoomTown pedagogy and focus on the self-claimed “informality and authenticity” (p. 36).
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Sexton (2009) argued that informal approaches in formal music settings like school should be
questioned in terms of authenticity. To this notion, Karlsen found that the BoomTown classroom
environment lay somewhere in the middle of the formal and informal continuum (p. 44). Lastly,
Karlsen concluded that, at higher education and compulsory levels, music education should be
concerned with creating meaningful learning environments that provide authenticity in learning
to create long-lasting connections to develop musical identities (p. 44).
Mok (2018). Mok conducted a study (2018) in a higher education setting where informal
learning effectiveness was measured for year-one undergraduate music majors. This study took
place in a required aural musicianship course at a university in Hong Kong. The researcher used
both quantitative and qualitative measures to study the effectiveness and preference of each
teaching method —formal, which was called “written tasks,” and informal, “listen and copy” (p.
383). The formal approach used the musicianship philosophy of “sound before symbols” and
emphasized musical context in each of the two-part lessons, “aural awareness” and “performance
practice” (p. 384). The informal approach allowed students to select a song or piece of music
they liked and then perform it with either their voice/instrument without notation or any type of
improvisation. The data showed that music majors studying at the university level found both the
informal and formal methods of teaching aural skills to be effective; however, double the number
of students preferred the informal method over the formal one (p. 390). In conclusion, the author
noted that both learning approaches have their strengths and weaknesses when developing
students’ aural skills, complementing rather than replacing one another (p. 390).
Mok (2020). In a subsequent study, Mok (2020) investigated informal learning strategies
with amateur adult choristers of different musical backgrounds. She argued conceptually that
adult choristers have to “survive” on self-directed learning strategies. Unlike adult community
33

band members, many singers do not have the musical literacy to learn and perform choral
concert repertoire (p. 421). She argued that informal learning strategies proposed for most music
education contexts do not address the area of lifelong learning in adults as confirmed by others
(Folkstead 2006; Green 2002, 2005; Hallan, Creet and McQueen 2018; O’Neil 2014; Wright
2014).
As background, Mok noted that, Schugurensky (2000) proposed three informal learning
forms that are often observed in adult learners: self-directed, incidental, and socialization.
According to Shugurensky, “self-directed” learning in adults was intentional and conscious, and
it typically did not involve a teacher, instructor, or facilitator (Mok, 2020, p. 422). Moreover,
“incidental” learning happened unintentionally, and the learner did not realize they had learned
something or acquired a skill until after the fact. Lastly, “socialization” was the individual’s
personal “internalization of values, attitudes, behavior, and skills” within their daily lives (p.
422).
In this qualitative study, Mok (2020) investigated adult choristers’ informal practices in
an amateur choir in Hong Kong. This ensemble primarily sang choral concert standards from the
western church music canon, and they performed annually in a concert hall (p. 423). All
members were local Chinese choristers, and for many of them, it was their first time singing
western choral repertoire. Mok conducted 15 individual semi-structured interviews to gather data
concerning these adults’ self-directed informal learning strategies. From the dataset that was
collected, the author was able to identify four main categories of strategies used by the adult
choristers: use of aural strategies, notation, a keyboard, and technology (p. 424). When using
“aural strategies,” the participants said that they listened and followed others that sang their part
(soprano, alto, tenor, bass) as well as listening to recordings of the concert piece while singing
34

their individual parts. Most adult choristers (14 out of 15) knew how to read western notation,
and at times, they would write out the solfege notes or other notated guides to help them sing
correct intervals and rhythms (p. 425). A majority of the participants (12 out of 15) said they
used a keyboard to help them learn their choral repertoire and check the accuracy of their
individual parts. Lastly, non-instrumentalists who did not play the keyboard used music notation
software such as Finale to input their parts’ notes to learn the music.
Schmidt-Jones (2017). An argument sometimes raised against formal education is that it
is not always connects to the learner’s innate interest, aligning with what Dewey (1938) called
“real-world experiences.” For example, pedagogical practices like teaching music theory do not
usually follow constructivist principles that allow students to make internal connections between
formal concepts and their musical goals and understandings (Page-Shipp & van Niekerk, 2014).
However, the informal learnings in a music class designed to appeal to student interest may lack
measurable conceptual learning objectives. Regarding self-motivated adult learning, Schmidt-
Jones (2017) conducted an exploratory inquiry to investigate the substantive difficulties that
adults encounter when trying to independently seek out music-making and other music learning
objectives (p. 621). This inquiry used a participatory action research (PAR) approach “which is
often linked in practice with inquiry-based learning,” and a methodology used to properly engage
with the participants’ perspectives concerning the learning difficulties they would encounter
during their online music experiences (p. 621). Participants varied in age, geographical location,
musical goals, prior music education, and experience to give this exploratory inquiry some
breadth and depth to its findings (p. 623).
The study used online music tutoring tools to help participants attain their desired formal
musicking goals. Some of those activities included learning to play guitar, composing music on a
35

digital audio workstation, instrument improvisation, reading music notation, transposing, and
improving sight-reading. The findings showed that adult learners did not struggle in finding
conceptual information that was needed to obtain musical knowledge towards their goals.
However, they grappled with how that information motivated their musical practices (p. 628).
Furthermore, Schmidt-Jones noted that “traditional music instruction did not appear to have
created connections between formal concepts and desired practices” (p. 628) and was seen as a
barrier. She concluded that, if adult learners are to achieve their musical goals through self-
motivated learning, informal approaches to music learning must be present. Informal learning
approaches should be more open-ended, with real-world music-making experiences that allow
adult learners to make pragmatic and meaningful connections in their musicking ventures.
Lastly, formal music concepts must apply and be transferable to popular music context and other
standard musicking practices.
Hess (2020). The final study reviewed in this section is a qualitative work that
investigated the perceptions of 20 activist musicians who were interviewed concerning their
activist-musician identity and the creation of meaning of their musicking activities. The “activist
musician” term was used to describe participants as a group, as they identified both as a
musician and an individual who was involved in some kind of social activism, which often
focused on identity politics (Hess, 2020, p. 442). Hess sought to shed insight on the following
questions: (1) how do activist musicians view the role of their music, (2) how do they consider
and account for their identities in their work, (3) what do they believe are the implications of
their work for music education, and (4) what are their own experiences in music (p. 443). Like
many of the research studies in this literature review, the author cited the information collected
36

by Green (2002), who also explored activist musicians’ experiences who identified as mostly
self-taught.
The general findings from the Hess study were all under the banner of "balancing
informal and formal learning" (p. 445). While many activist musicians felt they benefited from
the "figuring things out" approach to music learning, they also felt that some degree of structure
and formal schooling in music would have been beneficial. Many of their "balance" comments
were related to their skills and understanding of music notation and compositional theory. Some
participants had negative experiences with music theory in the school context and felt they
wanted to "engage in active musicking that went beyond basic theoretical elements of music" (p.
447). However, half of the activist musicians who had not received formal theoretical music
education felt the need to stress the importance of having it (p. 448). In general, participants felt
that the balance between theory skills and practice-based music education should be scaffolded
from formalized and structured learning to a "freer" pedagogy that embraces musicking that
branches out into meaningful musical connections.
Non-Formal Learning and Informal Learning Implications for Present Study
This section of literature informs us that both instructors and students believe that
informal teaching should be met with certain levels of structure to bridge the informal and formal
continuum that organically exists in most music learning contexts. Moreover, an informal music
pedagogy like Musical Futures is helpful in teaching popular music styles in various settings;
however, it must be used in collaboration with the proper scaffolding lessons to develop diverse
musical skills that help meet music content standards and music-making objectives. The
literature also showed that instructors need to provide the proper equipment (i.e., instruments,
gear, etc.) and rehearsal/performance space to meet the needs of their music ensembles. While
37

many studies demonstrate that ßlearners prefer informal learning methods, instructors often need
more pedagogical skills to implement a curriculum that teaches diverse music styles like popular
music. Nevertheless, informal learning pedagogy highly promotes the transmission of musical
skills between learners in a collaborative and democratic manner and therefore must be fostered
by instructors and practitioners.
Implications from these findings shed light on the current study in seeking how
contemporary worship music contexts might bring structure and may bridge the gap of informal
and learning practices. How do adult musicians within praise bands prepare and learn their music
for rehearsals and performance: self-directed, incidental, and through socialization? How do
church music directors find ways to scaffold the teaching of musical skills and seek to provide
adequate equipment and rehearsal/performance space for the praise bands?
Musicking
Description
Christopher Small (1999) noted, "I have found it hard to make myself believe that so
universal and so concrete a human activity as music should require such complicated and
abstract explanations" (p. 10). Nevertheless, abstract explanations on the essence of music and its
importance in individuals’ lives are expressed in thousands of pages written by many prominent
scholars (e.g. Alperson, 1987; 1987; Dicky 1980; Elliott, 1995; Green 2008; Reimer, 1970).
Small (1998) believed that music persists in all humans, and that everyone is capable of the
gestural process that is music-making. Furthermore, he strongly felt that music is not an "object"
or a "thing," but rather is something that people do. Small argued that while some scholars
(musicologists and music theorists) treat music as a living thing "with powers of growth and
38

development and action," others treat music as something just equated with the masterworks that
stand as the "pride and glory of the Western tradition" (p. 10).
Small (1977) wrote, "the concern for a product, as usual, means that little attention is
given to the process, and we find that the training of students becomes ever more arduous as
scales, exercises, and solfege dominate the life of the young virtuoso to the point that it is a
miracle that any love of music survives at all." (p. 193). Furthermore, he felt that music as, "a
universal and concrete human activity," does not require complicated and philosophical
explanations (Small, 1999, p. 10). In Musicking (2018), his philosophical treatise on the subject,
he attempted to answer two main questions: "What is the function of music in human life?" and
"What is the meaning of music?"
When it comes to the first question, Small believed that “music” persists in all humans
who are capable of being musical. Furthermore, he felt that music is a “gestural process” that
humans can develop, much like speech (Small, 1999). Individuals need to be exposed to a wide
variety of active and engaging musical activities to develop the gestural process that is “to
music.” Music should be viewed as a vital function in all individuals' lives, and humans should
not only engage with the activity passively, but also actively through listening and performing.
Furthermore, the gestural process that is “to music” creates a web of all kinds of complex
relationships that can be observed, but not always explained. Small agreed with Elliott (1995)
that music is something that people do; it is not just an “object” or a “thing.” However, Elliott
focused on the praxialism of music that emphasizes people's critical and insightful engagements
with music. Both Elliott and Small shared similar views regarding the reflective and creative
practice of music-making. Therefore, when answering the second question, "What is the meaning
of music?” Small (1998) argued that most scholars who write about the meaning of music do not
39

focus on the action (praxis) of music or musical event, but instead focus on the meaning of a
musical “work.”
Small concluded that music's meaning and function in human life lay in performing and
listening. The social meanings derived from a musical activity are essential to understanding its
vital function (p. 8). The word that Small coined to encompass his philosophy of performing and
listening is “musicking,” a term he first used in an earlier book, Music for the Common Tongue
(Small, 1987). Small states that “musicking” is the verb “to music” in its present participle
(Small, 1998, p 9). He elaborated on this definition by stating that "to music is to take part, in
any capacity in a musical performance whether by performing, by rehearsing or practicing, by
providing material for performance (composing), or by dancing" (p. 9). Small felt that musicking
created a “social-cultural” event where participants relate to musical sounds, each other, and
even their physical environment (p. 183-84). Furthermore, musicking is not limited to the
musical participants performing and the audience who is actively listening; it includes all people
who have a hand in making the social-cultural event happen. Lastly, Small believed that since
“musicking” is ritualistic, it brings about a series of complex relationships that can be
encompassed in three groups: "the relationships to the physical setting; the relationships between
the performers, listeners, and all the people working the musicking event; and the relationships
between the musical sounds" (p. 13).
Related Music Literature for Musicking
Many scholars have used the philosophical construct of “musicking” in various contexts
and disciplines to explain music's activity as a social-cultural event that affects an array of
learning environments, individual health and wellness, and even religious life and institutions.
Authors continue to use musicking to explain the micro or behavioral effects of music and the
40

macro or social-cultural ones. Conceptually, Loaiza (2006) presented an updated approach of
“musicking” to redefine and explain its complex properties that can be used and applied in new
empirical inquiries. According to the author:
1. Musicking is a genre of (social) relational practice and needs to be defined in the
domain of social life.
2. Musicking pertains to ontogeny (of developmental systems) and as such, it is a
process of individuation.
3. Musicking comprises multi-temporal, multi-layered, mutually constrained
processes—the global in brought to bear on local phenomena and both global and
local co-realize. (p. 417).
Musicking prescriptions have not always been accepted by educators and scholars who
examine formal settings like classrooms and schools. Some authors, like the ones presented in
this section, have used Small’s (2008) writings as points of departure to argue against his
prescription that music education should be taken out of schools. Other scholars believe that
music education at the secondary level has lacked creative instruction and does not put the
students’ musical interest first (Lamont et al., 2003, p. 229).
In another conceptual article, Juntunen et al., 2014 argued that musicking in schools can
be used as an advocacy tool to justify specific music education changes that could be employed
to establish reasoning for the importance of “offering music as an obligatory subject in
comprehensive education” (p. 25). Therefore, they maintained that, for educators to provide
meaningful and student-centered music education experiences, teachers need to envision new
and imaginative spaces where students can use their musical skills and knowledge (p. 252).
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These “imaginary spaces” are areas that could exist in the students' minds but are unknown to
them and unexplored; therefore, they might struggle to envision them (p. 254).
Furthermore, the worlds or “spaces” that the students could imagine are beyond the
physical and social—some of them are spiritual, felt, or expressed through music, poetry, and art
(Jorgensen, 2008, p. 235). Juntunen et al. (2014) understood that imaginary spaces for musical
engagement are not something easily conceived by most music educators. Most music lessons
are tied to the enforced structural demands of musicking spaces, teaching curriculum, teaching
resources, and other constraints (p. 262). In conclusion, the authors asserted that teachers have to
implement critical pedagogy, a philosophy that applies concepts from ‘critical theory, to the
musicking in their classrooms to create transformative spaces and promote musical and
intellectual development. The literature presented in the following section examined both the
micro and macro effects of music.
Odentaal et al., (2014) noted that literature regarding education and musicking typically
incorporated two areas of scrutiny: (1) the practical and pragmatic micro effects of musicking in
the music curriculum, and (2) the general social macro effects musicking can have on student
learning environments. They believed that the ongoing dilemma in music education contexts is
whether music teachers should focus on “music as an object of instruction or the student as a
subject of learning” (p.163). To address this problem, Odentaal et al. recommend a ‘pedagogical
shift’ from the musical goals as practices (praxis) that produce specific musical goals or
“listenables,” to the encountered possibilities from a musical event. Because the outcomes and
consequences of a musicking event cannot be determined beforehand, teachers often struggle
with an inability to anticipate good musical outcomes (p. 165). The authors challenged current
music education goals that emphasize the “production and reception of a musical aesthetic
42

'listenable,’” and suggested that focus should be on the musicking event that is student-centered
and context-driven (p. 169).
VanWeelden et al. (2019). From an empirical perspective, VanWeelden and colleagues
considered student-centered learning activities that can be implemented in secondary general
music classes to provide students with meaningful and memorable musicking experiences. The
authors reviewed music curriculum between elementary general music classes all the way to
college music appreciation, and noted that most secondary music classes (band, orchestra, and
choir), struggled with their curriculum identity. Most secondary music curricula were either
trying to be an accelerated version of elementary music or a deaccelerated version of a college
music appreciation course (p. 13). Therefore, their work proposed a variety of age-appropriate,
student-centered activities that would engage students in meaningful musicking. When it came to
music listening, the authors suggested that teachers choose their listening examples to ensure
meaningful, culturally-driven connections. These listening examples should be paired with other
activities when listening to music (p. 14). The authors recommended that musical games should
be age-appropriate and should fit the technology that is available within the classroom.
Moreover, instrument playing should be considered instead of singing. Percussion-type
instruments might be preferred within this educational setting as they provide the quickest, low-
cost option for the students to play as individuals or groups (p. 15). Based on other findings, it
was reasoned that music composition as a musicking activity may be the most holistic learning
activity that students can do in this context because it includes invention, performance, music
listening, and other aesthetic considerations (Bolden, 2009; Kennedy, 2004). Lastly, dancing and
movement could be incorporated in the musicking activities; however, the authors argued that
43

educators should be careful because students may feel uncomfortable having to physically move
their bodies in front of peers (p. 18).
Lebler (2012). Lebler studied an undergraduate popular music course that implemented
a variety of music-making technologies as pedagogical aids to enhance student musicking. This
course, along with the Bachelor of Popular Music’s primary learning outcomes, was designed for
students who were preparing themselves for professional engagement in the popular music
industry (p. 206). Lebler believed that the key to these learning outcomes was “professional
engagement” because it focuses on student-centered curriculum and context-driven experiences
when it comes to musicking. The author noted that the technology used in this curriculum
offered the students an opportunity to engage in complex assessment processes in a context that
matched their learning expectations (p. 210). Furthermore, the technological tools allowed the
instructor to focus more on quality feedback instead of just process management, which
benefited the students’ ability to grow in their popular musicking ventures constructively.
Hess (2014). In considering the topic of “critical pedagogy,” Hess (2014) studied the
practices of four elementary teachers in Toronto, Canada who challenged the dominant paradigm
of music education. Using a multiple-case study approach to gather data on the practices and
philosophies of these four music educators, Hess collected an array of semi-structured
interviews and observations. Her qualitative data was analyzed and viewed through a tri-faceted
theoretical lens of anti-colonialism, anti-racism, and anti-racist feminism toward
counterhegemonic goals. In Canada, the author noted that ensemble music was conducted using
the typically dominant, director-led model (p. 230). Moreover, music choice usually favored
replicating music created by somebody else, leaving few opportunities for music creation and the
aural transmission of musical skills (p. 230). The four participants interviewed sought to
44

challenge these established standards in their music classrooms by employing a critical pedagogy
approach in their music teaching. Four major themes emerged. Teachers: (1) centered the student
in all aspects of the music learning environment, (2) purposely implemented diverse music
studies that went outside of traditional western classical music, (3) emphasized “context” to all
musicking experiences, and (4) actively subverted hegemonic paradigms (p. 240). Hess
concluded that music educators should embrace a radical form of musicking through a critical
pedagogy perspective that challenged the dominant music learning models in music institutions.
Ruud (2013). An exploratory study by Ruud (2013) examined the effects of daily
musicking by six individuals and how it was used to improve health and well-being. The author
coined the term “cultural immunogens” after psychology work that used the “behavioral
immunogens” term to define behavior that positively influenced health (Matarazzo, 1984). Ruud
chose this term because he felt there was “a lack of concern for the arts and culture in the field of
health psychology" (p. 2). He believed that individuals use an array of musicking experiences as
forms of self-help to better their health and overall well-being. To further investigate this, Ruud
presented the narratives of six individuals and the musicking ventures they pursued. Using
qualitative interview data, the author identified six conditions or assumptions that could be made
about the effect musicking could have on the health and wellness of an individual (p. 7). First,
the participants had a pragmatic concept of music: to them, music was not just an “aesthetic
object,” but something that was intertwined in their everyday lives (p. 7). Second, music was
seen as a social and emotional resource. For some, musicking in a choir enhanced their overall
emotional happiness and provided a new network of people in which to create new friendships
(p. 8). Third, music acted as a supportive self-object, something that the participants were able to
trust and interact with that gave them the strength to work through some of their personal
45

challenges (p. 9). Fourth, musicking occurred in a particular place and was a special ritual.
Fifth, the musical competency achieved through musicking endeavors powerfully effected
individuals' cognitive health. Lastly, the participants used music and musicking experiences to
affect their overall health and locus of control by helping them move past painful life episodes or
circumstances (p. 10).
Tuastad and Stige (2018). Individuals in prison do not have many loci of control in
their daily lives. Ex-inmates may have little hope of having full autonomy and control over their
daily lives post-incarceration. Tuastad and Stige (2018) studied the Norwegian crime
rehabilitation program, “Music in Custody and Liberty,” which gave musicking opportunities to
ex-inmates through a rock band called Me and THE BAND. This qualitative study gathered
information on the participatory action research program that investigated the effects musicking
had on three ex-inmates and their music therapist (p. 27). One of the authors followed the
members for ten years and took an active role as a participant of the rock band playing the bass.
The rehabilitation program consisted of three phases: the first phase involved the band activities
when the participants were in prison; the second phase took place at a community center where
the released inmates rehearsed and performed; and the third phase examined the self-initiated
music activities the ex-inmates employed as hobbies. Musicking as a rehabilitation tool was one
of the different methods the Norwegian Correctional Services used to change inmates' criminal
behavior; the other two were based on goals relating to religion/spirituality and
cognitive/behavioral therapy.
The authors identified four defining qualities of musicking that were fashioned into
participants’ lives: agency, structure, meaning, and community. First, participants discovered
that the rock band gave them a community in which they could be themselves while working
46

together with others. In addition, they found agency (see the third lens under “Musical Agency)
through performing songs that told stories of their own experiences and struggles (p. 30).
Participants’ interviews showed that they felt an “existential and spiritual dimension emerged
from being part of the band and engaging in musicking,” (p. 31), a feeling that gave them new
meaning and a way out of criminal behavior and prison life. One of the pragmatic qualities of
musicking with the rock band was that it gave the participants structure to help them organize
their time, something that was lacking before the musical activity. Lastly, one of Me and THE
BAND’s most critical objectives was the opportunity for participants to form community and
discover acceptance. The authors concluded that the rehabilitation program met its purpose
through a “collaborative process” that was facilitated by the therapist who treated participants
equally, mutually, and as active participants (p. 36).
Boyce-Tillman (2014). Using existentialism and spirituality as a point of departure, the
next section of literature deals with musicking within the context of spirituality and religion.
Boyce-Tillman (2014) argued that the “history of spirituality could be seen as varied attempts to
fill the hole left by religion” (p. 17). In this conceptual essay, much of her writing was devoted to
explaining how the relationship of spirituality to the well-being of individuals has historically
been marginalized by dogmatic religious groups. This has led to a “fixed and less experiential set
of creeds and dogmas that have excluded various groups of people from religious citadels” (p.
28). However, she noted that singing together has typically provided community at various levels
within these religious contexts. In conclusion, the author asserted that a process-based model of
musicking, in which spirituality is concerned with the process rather than the product, would
provide a more diverse spiritual experience inclusive of all people (p. 28).
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Boonzair & deVilliers (2019). Related to the previous article that emphasized
spirituality outside of religion, Boonzair & deVilliers (2019) studied the musicking practices of
the Moravian church that subscribed to the community motto “in essentials unity, in non-
essentials liberty, in all things charity” (Robinson, 2014, p. 14). The Moravian church believes
community to be at the heart of biblical theology (Kunhiyop, 2012, p. 9), and that musical ability
is meant to be used to worship Christ and is for the community’s good, not that of the individual
(Reed Knouse, 2008, p. 19). These tenets are so crucial to the Moravian church that their
theology is knit together with music making. In the Moravian communities, children grow up
receiving musical training by singing hymns to express the church’s religious beliefs (Boonzair
and deVilliers, 2019, p. 4). The authors noted that for individuals in the Moravian church,
musicking through hymn singing is an essential part of their religious language and the most
expressive way of forming a community.
Ingalls (2018). “Community” appears to be at the heart of much religious musicking.
Furthermore, participatory music-making may enhance a person’s sense of community because it
is a “strong force for social bonding” (Turino, 2009, p. 29). For evangelical Christians,
participatory music making is a central activity within their religious gatherings. Ingalls (2018)
wrote a comprehensive text based on her ethnographical study of the musicking that occurs in
evangelical churches across North America and the world. She began her account of this
phenomenon by describing the evolution in the music of evangelical Protestantism from
liturgical hymns and anthems to a new musical pop-rock style repertory called “contemporary
worship music” (CWM). Ingalls wrote that CWM “engages worshipers in a variety of
performance spaces that were once distinct, bridging public and private devotional practices,
connecting online and offline communities, and bringing competing personal, institutional, and
48

commercial interest into the same domains” (p. 1). The religious activity that was once
“congregational singing” has become a comprehensive musicking endeavor that is multifaceted
in spiritual scope and consumeristic magnitude.
Throughout her book, Ingalls maked a particular case for how contemporary worship
music has changed the way evangelicals participate in their religious musicking experiences. She
maintained that CWM is meaningful and useful as a music-making practice because it “spills
over the bounds of church services” (p. 2) and into evangelicals’ public ritual exercises and
everyday devotional life. Based on her extensive research, Ingalls noted that CWM has changed
Protestant music-making from a static artistic object of art to an engaging activity that is
multifaceted. Further, she wrote that multi-purposed activity can be observed in many musicking
ventures and evangelical worship contexts: congregational singing in church services; CWM
recording artists and concerts; public venues within the community; use of audiovisual
technology and virtual media; and national and global music stages that cross over into secular
music genres (pp. 2-5).
Porter (2014, 2016, 2017, 2020). As explored in Boonzair & deVilliers and Ingalls,
one of the benefits of religious musicking is “community.” However, the social bond that gives
individuals a sense of community does not happen without meaningful relationships. Those
complex relationships come into existence through a web of interactions during the musicking
experience (Small, 1998, p. 16). In a series of studies, Porter (2014, 2016, 2017, 2020) has
extensively explored the complex relationships created through the intersection of sound, music,
and religion. In his most recent work, Ecologies of Resonance in Christian Musicking, Porter
uses “Christian musicking” as an ecological canvas, a concept coined by Clark et al. (2013), to
explore the “multi-directional and multi-dimensional complexes of relationships” that surround
49

Christian music-making (Porter, 2020, p. 7). Porter uses the sociological framework of
“resonance,” a word used to “evoke an aspiration for a self-world relationship in which the world
in whatever sense, answers back” (2020, p. 6) to investigate the relationships humans seek
through the music of worship and its musicking function. He believed that, while “resonance” is
embedded in the sonic properties of music, it also carries the ability to describe the personal,
social, and spiritual realities that exist in the soundings of musical activity (p. 7). Through his
analytical work, he provided an ecological understanding of the complex interactions between
worshipers, worship spaces, music leaders, instruments, sound, and multi-media systems, and the
divine and spiritual (p. 8).
Implications of Musicking for the Present Study
This section of literature under the second conceptual lens embraces the philosophy of
musicking, “the genre of relational practice,” and the instructor’s shift from only the musical
“products” as the object of training to the inclusion of “student” experience as an object of
learning. Most studies that use musicking as philosophical underpinning investigate two things:
(1) the practical and pragmatic effects within music curriculum and (2) the social macro effects
on learning environments. Moreover, most musicking literature focuses on “musical events” and
the musical processes those events provide the individual participating in the relational activity.
This approach seeks to ensure that individuals partake in meaningful musicking experiences with
the hope of attaining “culturally-driven” meaningful connections.
Musicking experiences and events may be effective in delivering meaningful associations
in people as they transcend human connection and, at times, possibly provide spiritual
connections and encounters. Furthermore, musicking experiences may be effective in creating
connections and may affect learners’ overall health and wellness. In some cases, musicking
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experiences may also endow individuals with a stronger sense of agency, structure, and meaning
in their lives, helping to form newfound relationships.
The conceptual and empirical literature surrounding musicking as a conceptual lens is
meaningful for the findings sought in this study. While the conversations with all the participants
covered the presentational and participation “product” of CWM, the questions surrounding this
research were designed to inquire about the “relational practice” that occurs when participating
in a church praise band playing music in a church service. Also, through the participants’
narratives, I sought to understand the musical processes that occurred during praise band
rehearsals and worship-leading (performing) experiences. Lastly, this research aimed to
investigate the meaningful associations created in CWM participation and the type of community
that forms between the participants (musicians), their audience (congregants), their worship
space (church building/facility), the social-culture event (church service), and God (their deity).
Musical Agency
Description
Music education research has traditionally placed emphasis on musical outcomes and less
so on the experiential conditions of students participating in music learning activities. Karlsen
(2011) noted that if researchers and educators prioritized students’ learning processes over the
byproducts of their music education, they would be more likely to identify the creative learning
environments that lead to a life-long interest in music activities (p. 108). For some time now,
musical agency within the scope of music education has relied on a variety of definitions and
connotations (Giddens, 1984; Elliott, 1995; Godlovitch, 1998; Reimer, 2003). Nevertheless, most
authors who have written on the topic may agree that, in one way or another, musical agency
51

deals with an individual’s “capacity for action in relation to music or in a music-related setting”
(Karlsen, 2010, p. 110).
Drawing on the literature about musical agency, Karlsen (2010) presented a
sociologically-inspired understanding of musical agency as a theoretical lens which could be
used for ethnographically inspired music education research. Karlsen categorized the practices
and actions of individuals into two spheres: the individual dimension of agency, which relates to
an individual’s room for action; and the collective dimension of agency, which relates to the
social experiences and musical negotiations that individuals make and experience within
different social contexts. The following selected review of literature helps to explain the
differences between these dimensions and present an explanation of the subcategories of each
dimension that, in turn, provides a platform for the present study.
Individual Dimension. DeNora (2000) believed that music plays an essential role in how
individuals position themselves in the world. How this is actualized is key to investigating
individuals’ musical actions and practices within their musicking experiences (p. 5). Karlsen
(2010) noted that musical agency literature has identified six types of “musical actions” that can
be found within the individual dimension of musical use/action: (1) self-regulation, (2) shaping
self-identity, (3) self-protection, (4) medium for thinking, (5) matters of ‘being,’ and (6)
development of music-related skills (p. 111).
Individuals who engage with music for self-regulation use music as a tool to regulate and
adjust different aspects of their psychological and physical self (Karlsen ,p. 112). These
regulations come in the forms of various practices by people who use music for emotional work,
memory work, and regulating bodily comportment (p. 112). Musical agency within self-identity
takes place when individuals use music to arrive at various subject positions, confirm current
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identity, or even use it as a device for shaping future identity and action. Individuals may use
music to block out other sounds as a means of self-protection. In a noisy world with the constant
competition of sonic space, people listen to music via earphones to create a less chaotic world
and find focus and some sonic solace (p. 113). Using music as a medium for thinking is the
“cognition, perception, and reflection of that which is musically specific” (Karlsen, p. 113).
To support this, Green (2008) wrote about the “inter-sonic” meanings of music that help
individuals define the means through which they perform different thinking operations.
Individuals may use music for matters of being through the employment of musical activities to
increase their awareness sensitivity, fulfill spiritual needs, or improve their ontological security
(Karlsen, p. 114). Music therapy is a medium that explores the effects on the “being” of an
individual, which can be employed either through self-direction or through someone else’s
prescription. Lastly, the most studied area of “musical activity” within music education is the
development of music-related skills that are achieved through playing an instrument or singing
of popular music (p. 114).
Collective Dimension. Drawing on Small’s (1998) work, Karlsen also examined the
other dimension of musical agency, the collective dimension, which maintains that the primary
meaning of music is not found on the individual level, but on the social level (p. 8). The
following section will briefly explain the five categories that Karlsen (2010) has determined
relevant to musical agency's collective dimension.
Karlsen first noted that individuals use music to regulate and structure social encounters
(p. 115). Research about this category of collective agency has suggested that people use music
to create social orders, organize social events, and "set the tone" for specific social experiences
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(Batt-Rawden & DeNora, 2005, p. 291). Moreover, individuals negotiate the power of music
over specific social experiences of events.
Second, people use music for coordinating bodily action. This tenet is similar to using
music to regulate bodily comportment; however, this happens on the collective level like when a
military unit uses chants to march or synchronized working out like in an aerobics class (Karlsen,
p. 115). The third category is using music to affirm and explore collective identity. For example,
musical performances like concerts and music festivals draw individuals of similar musical tastes
and preferences to a 'cultural event' that affirms their collective identity. This phenomenon is
achieved when people use music and musicking experiences to reinforce community and
collective identities (p. 116).
Fourth, people will often use music within the collective dimension to explore and know
the world. For this, Karlsen specifically drew on the work of Small (1998), who reminded us that
people use music to engage and interact with the world socially and to create meaningful
relationships through means of those interactions (p. 50). Lastly as the fifth category, similar to
the development of musical skills, participation in musicking activities like playing in a group or
singing with others establishes collaborative musical action. This is perhaps the most obvious
category within the collective dimension of musical agency. This collective musical action can
be achieved through collaborative composition, musical play, improvisation, or music production
(p. 116).
Through the individual and collective dimensions of musical agency, researchers can
provide a point of departure for an informed ethnographical lens regarding music education
research. Karlsen (2010) believed that the subcategories of each dimension, which give deeper
insight when analyzing data, provide the researcher with the ability to look closely at something
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like musical agency and give further insight into the phenomenon. This includes the
transformation for individuals and social groups; the establishment of individual and collective
identity; people's access to music learning experiences; and how music engagement empowers
people (p. 117).
Related Literature for Musical Agency
The impact of musical agency on individuals continues to be examined from a variety of
perspectives and within different contexts and age groups. While not exhaustive, the following
review of literature presents a number of representative studies from the past ten years on the
topic of musical agency in educational contexts, community music projects, and in the lives of
students in tertiary education and adults in community settings.
Muhonen (2016). Muhonen investigated the experiences of elementary students in their
collaborative creation lessons called “song-crafting.” The author sought to address the claim that
schools continue to fail in providing their music students with creative music-making
opportunities (Paynter, 2000; Winters 2012). As a primary teacher in Finland, Muhonen worked
as a general classroom and music teacher who studied her own implementation of song-crafting
practice. Song-crafting is a voluntary participation experience that allows students to work in
collaboration with each other or their teacher to compose their own song or piece of music
(Muhonen, 2016, p. 265). Muhonen acted as a teacher, facilitator, and occasional co-creator with
the students. The author sought to discover the meanings (if any) that students found in their
experiences in primary school with song-crafting. Semi-structured structured interviews were
used with 41 of her previous students who had participated in the song-crafting activities. The
interviews were held three to four years after the students had their song-crafting experiences to
allow the students to mature in their way of reflection and meaning-making (p. 267). From their
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narrative recollections, the students’ experience varied: some responded enthusiastically about
their song-crafting experiences, while others expressed that the creative activity was not all that
memorable or meaningful (p. 268). Nevertheless, through qualitative analysis, the author
concluded that song crafting provided meanings related to general agency, creative agency,
musical participation within their peers, and their ability to document and share their music
products or 'oeuvres.' (p. 263).
Kondo (2020). Another teacher-researcher who investigated the learning experiences of
young students, Kondo examined how music learners worked and how they impacted each other
through musical communication and scaffolding (p. 296). Using an overall social constructivist
lens to investigate how students create "meaning in the world" through verbal and non-verbal
communication, the author applied her research to the learning that took place in her piano
studio. Kondo purposely sampled two groups of students that participated in piano classroom
located in the music department of an American university. One group included four children,
ages five or six, and the second group included four girls that were five years old. Keeping in
mind the issues of communication and scaffolding, the author collected a wealth of qualitative
data using field notes, video recordings, and reflective summaries of the learning experiences.
Analysis of the data resulted in four themes that dealt with the students’ learning processes,
giving insight into musical communication's nature and the transformation that occurs during the
scaffolding process (p. 298).
The first emergent theme from Kondo’s research was a power shift. Through the process
of becoming more competent and independent, the young students began to take ownership of
their own musical experiences. This was made possible through the supportive environment
created by the teacher as she transferred responsibility to the students, giving them more agency
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and musical autonomy. The teacher became a music facilitator who directed less through speech
and lecture and more through non-verbal scaffolding techniques (p. 299). Non-verbal
communication techniques can include actions like facial expression, gazing, hand and arm
gestures, positions in physical space, various movements of the body, a variety of paralinguistic
vocal behaviors (p. 294). The second theme that emerged was shared musical understanding that
took place in the student's non-verbal world. All students involved in the musicking activities
began to learn from each other through movement and musical gesture, allowing them to
negotiate their musical selves and of their self in music (Hargreaves et al., 2002). The next
emergent theme was the students' internalization of music learning processes, which dealt with
their ability to communicate their conceptual understanding of their musicking practices that
began to form their overall musical identity (Kondo, 2019, p. 301). Lastly, the author found that,
through collaborative performing and musicking, the young learners began to see themselves as
musicians who take the initiative and determine their musical learnings and performing, thus
creating learning agency within their musical endeavors.
Karlsen (2014). In an ethnographic study investigating Nordic music teachers, Karlsen
sought to understand how the teachers viewed and understood their multicultural music students'
musical agency. The researcher collected data from three lower secondary schools (ages 13-16,
or grades 6-9) that provided music education in Finland, Sweden, and Norway (p. 422). Karlsen
conducted six teacher interviews, observed 24 music lessons, and conducted 19 group and
individual interviews with 30 students (p. 425). The teachers, who were considered the “key
informants,” varied in age spanning from early 30s to 50s. Moreover, their accounts revealed
their intentional understanding of musical agency within their music instruction and some of its
deliberate product as seen displayed by their immigrant students. First and foremost, the
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teacher’s instruction sought to develop their musical skills and knowledge, and through that
knowledge, help them establish a collaboration of musical action (p. 427).
Five themes related to musical agency were discovered through the interview material
conducted by the researcher. The first theme found was using music for shaping, exploring, and
affirming identity. Teachers working with multicultural students explained how they used music
making to create a place of belonging, or a place where “no one was allowed to be different or
stick out” (p. 428). While each immigrant group appeared to have a preference for popular music
genre and aligned most with hip-hop, rock, or gangster rap, the teachers found R&B to be the
common denominator across all boarders. Furthermore, teachers embraced the student’s
preference in musical style and genres because it provided different ways of “being in the world”
and their own way of expressing and affirming their identity (p. 428). The second theme found
was regulating the self through developing music-related skills. Teachers working in immigrant-
dense schools, whose students find themselves in tough social conditions due to social
challenges, sought to create breathing space for their students. This consisted of a “free zone”
where students did not have to worry about the demands of the families, schools, or peers, and
can just concentrate on developing their musical skills through hard disciplined, and work on the
musical styles they liked and enjoyed (p. 429).
The third theme found was expanding social repertoire and understanding through
music-making. Teachers felt that music lessons provided the students with more social situations
than other subjects like math or English, particularly to better train and expand their social
interactions within their new culture or social platforms (p. 430). The fourth theme found was
joint music-making as creating cohesion and learning the rules of cooperation. Some teachers
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found that music-making created a bridge across cultural boundaries and through this endeavor,
their students became generally quite acceptant of diversity (p. 430).
The last theme found was displaying musical knowledge as affirming identity and
competence. Students were assigned to learn and present their knowledge on a particular music
culture, hopefully of their respective homelands, in order for them to affirm their musical
knowledge and identity to their peers (p. 431).
Themes of musical agency as viewed within a sociological framework demonstrated that
the students’ music-education experiences helped to shape identity and self-regulation,
encourage the expansion of social understanding, create cohesion, and affirm their competence
(p. 422). In conclusion, Karlsen came to understand the themes of musical agency found in this
study as being in relation to the theories of pluralism and democracy: if teachers intentionally
seek to provide musicking experiences that allow for individual and collective agency,
immigrant students may be able to better adapt and ultimately thrive in pluralistic environments
(p. 433).
Sutela et al. (2021). Sutela and colleagues collected data in a music classroom of special
needs students with various neuropsychiatric symptoms. Using Dalcroze's music and movement
ideas to develop different competencies and skills, the authors conducted their research as a year-
long study observing the lessons and activities in a special needs, lower secondary level school.
The research took place in northern Finland and focused on eight boys and five girls ages 15 to
16 for a full academic school year. The students came from two different classrooms and were
placed in diverse learning groups. Along with the students, the two teachers and their teaching
assistants participated in all lessons and activities and were significant participants in the inquiry
(p. 197). The activities consisted of "quick reaction and follow exercises, singing with
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movement, body percussion exercises, dancing, movement improvisation, and relaxation
exercises” (p. 195).
Considering the population, in this case special needs students, there were individual
behavioral challenges with each participant, many of which had to be handled in a different
individual way. All student participants were active in their music teaching experiments but were
easily disappointed and frustrated if they ever faced any difficulties and would interrupt the flow
musical activities (Sutela et al. p. 200). Nevertheless, the students learned to calm themselves
down through the music-and-movement exercises, which enabled them to concentrate and better
interact with their peers. The authors noted that the experimental music activities had a positive
and constructive affect in turning individual behavioral obstacles that alienated the students into
collective musical action. Another theme that was observed was that students who had created a
private space of their own and showed no signs of including others, eventually showed signs of
reaching out to others toward the end of the teaching experiment (p. 204).
Lastly, the music lessons showed that students’ agency went from collective resistance,
where they only participated in things that their peers wanted to do collectively, to eventually
displaying their individual capacity to act and interact with others, despite their participation. (p.
205). Overall, similar to the findings in other studies dealing with agency within musicking
experiences, students showed improvement in personal decision-making, interaction with others,
expression of emotion and initiative, and being recognized by others as musicians (p. 206).
Laes (2015.) A demographic that is often not studied in music education inquiry is the
ever-growing population of senior citizens. With the population of 80-year-olds quadrupling
globally by the year 2050 (WHO, 2012), more empirical studies need to be conducted in music
teaching and learning to understand better how to serve these older learners. Laes used
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qualitative methods to investigate the narrative accounts of six retired, 70-year-old women in the
Resonnari Music School in Helsinki, Finland (p. 54). This music school promotes music
education for retired people. The six women who were part of the school and the focus of this
study enrolled in the music school rock band with no previous formal music background. The
musical repertoire they learned consisted of classic rock’n’roll pieces from the 1960s-80s. They
played instruments/sang in roles typically found rock band - vocals, keyboard, drums, electric
guitar, and bass (p. 54).
The goal of this inquiry was to examine the experiences of the six ladies to discover the
kinds of individual and shared meanings gained from their participation in the rock band (p. 56).
Data were collected through various narrative techniques used in qualitative research with the
intent of pinpointing the meaning certain life events had on individuals. Laes interviewed the six
participants twice in a group setting and then held one separate interview for each of them. The
author was familiar with the participants since she had attended and worked at the music school.
This made for comfortable and open conversation during the interviews (p. 57). From the
collected narrative data, Laes discovered three themes that dealt with the participants' increasing
empowerment and the construction of musical agency (p. 57).
The first theme was the participants found meanings learning in a rock band context.
This was observed in how the senior rock-band participants considered themselves learners
rather than musicians, and their participation was more than hobby, it was ‘serious leisure’ (p.
58). Moreover, collective learning was seen as enjoyable because it overcame the difficulties in
learning as they acquired musical skills along with other band members. One participant stated,
“it helps when we all are equally bad players so no one needs of be ashamed in front of the
teacher” (p. 58). The second theme was the meanings assigned to playing rock music. While the
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musical repertoire was mostly selected by the teachers for pedagogical and learner’s connection
to the music (60s-70s rock ‘n’ roll), they were asked for a wish list of songs they would be
interested in learning and playing (p. 59). Participants had mixed feelings about the repertoire
they played, some connected with it in a nostalgic way, while others stated that they had never
heard the songs. Nonetheless, they all assigned a meaning to playing rock ‘n’ roll music because
it was not ‘some depressing old people’s music’ (p. 59).
The last theme observed from the participants’ narrative was the meaning assigned to
performing publicly in a rock band. While three of the participants had experience performing
publicly with choirs, they felt that performing in a rock band involved more effort as they had to
show mastery of their instrument and be comfortable on stage performing a solo or singing a lead
to a song (p. 60). All emergent themes related to empowerment and musical agency in this study
were assigned to the narrative meanings found in their musicking experiences playing in a rock-
band context, the rock music repertoire, and the public performances in which they participated
(p. 58).
Hogle (2018). A teacher-researcher in a midwestern American city conducted a
hermeneutic phenomenological study on the music learning processes of multiage learners (ages
6-16) within a constructivist choral learning environment. As the founder and teacher of a
nonprofit children’s choir ensemble, Hogle purposely sought to create a multiage ensemble that
varied in cultural backgrounds drawn from two diverse socioeconomic areas. For her research,
she video-recorded each of the choir’s rehearsals and performances. Hogle used hermeneutic
phenomenological analysis of verbal, nonverbal, and musical interactions to understand the
participants’ lived experiences by identifying emergent themes and the essence of the
phenomena (p. 9). Her observations sought to examine the effects of the social constructivist
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environment she implemented to provide insight into the collaborative learning process and how
it endorsed the learner’s construction of musical understanding and agency.
Hogle observed individual musical agency contagiously “going viral” in the musical
experiences of the choral students as they socially mediated musical agency for their peers (p.
10). She observed that musical agency was “heightened through nonverbal communication of
gesture, steady eye contact, a short gaze with another, or a positive emotional response to
learning experiences” (p. 10). For example, a shy six-year-old chorister imitated the teacher as he
observed others imitating and doing the same. Hogle observed that the chorister’s musical
agency was expressed through the gesture of the embodied musical sound, which showed a
shared understanding of what they were doing and the musical objectives she was trying to teach
(p. 11).
Hogle also observed the role of emotion in musical agency as choristers expressed that
both positive and negative emotions critically influence musical agency within the choral
ensemble. For example, during an improvisation solo singing lesson, another 6-year-old student
was putting her head down and covering her face with her arms; she was invited to sing along
with the teacher but was not participating until another student joined the teacher and smiled at
the shy student. They eventually all sang their name and improvised together. Several sessions
later, when asked who wanted to sing the solo part next week, that same student volunteered.
Hogle observed that positive shared emotions in music sessions played a critical part in the
musical agency of individuals and noted, “What a delightful display of agency, risk-taking,
vulnerability, and hope” (p. 12). While music performance anxiety is natural and affects many
students, teachers must be aware of this and help their students through this significant
psychological issue (p. 12). In conclusion, Hogle found that learners (choristers) became a
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“community of learned helpfulness” as the students became “teacher-helpers” and “learner-
helpers” in an agentive musical way in sharing their performance goals with the choral ensemble
(p. 7).
Isabyrie (2021). Another phenomenological qualitative study sought to increase insight
into the nature and meaning of the lived experience of the almost extinct musical tradition of the
Basoga people from Uganda. Rooted in a constructivist, postmodern paradigm, Isabyrie aimed to
understand: (1) the essence of the bigwala—the ceremonial music and dance of the Busoga
people in Uganda, and (2) the learning process(es) as they experienced this music learning
tradition through community and enculturation as Basoga youth (p. 243). The author wanted to
understand the substance of the meaning they derived from those youth experiences. Isabyrie
collected videos, audio recordings, photographs, and committee report from 12 sites (3 schools
and 9 community settings) that reflected instances of teaching and learning from the Basoga
musical community. Participants for this qualitative study included children, non-schooling
youths, and adult community members of all ages (p. 243). All the data were transcribed and
analyzed through the “working back and forth” iterative process suggested by Butler-Kisber
(2010).
The findings of this study suggested that the Bosaga community passed on their
indigenous learning processes through intergenerational communal interaction. This learning
process encouraged adults and children to participate socially in all their cultural engagements
(p. 244). These activities involved people of all ages in interactive, real-life, problem-solving
experiences of bigwala making, playing, dancing, and farming the gourds that are made into
musical instruments (trumpets) (p. 244). Children often observed adults participating in making
and playing bigwala, waiting for the adults to get tired and take a break, and then would imitate
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and engage in the activity. Isabyrie noted that bigwala’s “social interactions were both verbal
and nonverbal… various forms of leadership emerged among participants, leadership that was
contextual, non-threatening, and participatory…” (p. 246). Isabyrie observed that
as bigwala music was transferred from one generation to another, the Basoga people saw the
music as part of their cultural identity and master musicians had the responsibility to pass on
their musical tradition to their children and youth. In conclusion, Isabyrie felt that the macro
themes that derived from the qualitative research were part of three more significant issues
central to the learning of bigwala: (1) the roles of learner identity, (2) learner passion for their
cultural music, and (3) learner’s agency within the learning processes (p. 248).
Tucker (2023). Tucker conducted an instrumental case study with four participants in
order to investigate band teacher agency in a high-stakes performance environment. The four
teachers selected for this qualitative study were considered ‘experienced’ band teachers and were
drawn from a large metropolitan area in the U.S. The author collected interview transcripts,
observation field notes, band program documents, email correspondences with participants, and
studied band and school websites, (p. 389). The research questions centered on the past, present,
and future (projective) relationships and experiences that affected band teacher agency in high-
stakes performance environments. Tucker wanted to know how high-stakes performance
practices shaped music teaching and learning in school bands.
Tucker’s themes were reflected as “categories” because he considered the findings
deductive and inductive (p. 393). She found that the teachers’ agency was directed by three
different categories, agency as (1) directed by shared values, (2) guided by invisible norms,
and (3) dictated by power sources in the forms of state organizations and clinicians (p. 393).
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Regarding shared values, the teachers’ most salient values were the music (product) itself
and their students’ personal development and competition. This was observed through the words
and actions of the teachers, as these reoccurring musical concepts and goals constantly guided
their decision-making. For example, one teacher-participant shared how watching her students
grow to “enjoy music making” was something that brought her much pride (p. 393).
The second category dealt with the invisible norms adhered to by the music teachers:
“homogenous beginner classes, auditioned band hierarchies, mandatory rehearsal time outside of
the school day, extensive preparation for high-stakes performances, private lessons, and
individual performance assessments” (p. 396). The author labeled them as ‘invisible’ norms
because these standard practices for success in high-stakes performances seemed to be unofficial
codified policies embedded in the heart of all the band programs.
The third category that guided teacher agency was the ‘power’ projected by the state
music education institutions that provided concrete goals, cultural beliefs, discourses, and
relationships with colleagues that guided the students’ musical evaluations (p. 399). Tucker
observed that from December to early May, as the teachers prepared for high-stakes
performances, the state institutions’ musical goals and objectives drove a large portion of their
band curriculum.
In conclusion, Tucker determined that although scholars continue to call for music
teachers to enact change in local classrooms through teacher agency (Allsup, 2012; Kratus, 2007;
Williams, 2011), band programs like the ones investigated in this study showed that teachers do
not exercise agency in opening their programs beyond high-stakes performance preparation (p.
401).

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Implications of Musical Agency for the Present Study
This third theoretical lens of musical agency helps in the understanding of personal
meaning and empowerment. Studies reviewed here shed light on individual and collective forms
of musical agency. Within individual forms of agency, researchers sought to understand
individuals’ perceived room for action to make decisions about their musical experiences. These
individual forms of agency happen when agentic power shifts from teacher to students (Kondo,
2019), or when collective resistance in a constructivist music lesson turns into individual
participation (Sutela et al., 2021). Other forms of individual musical actions in these studies
showed how individuals had the ability to self-regulate themselves to form and shape their
identities as music learners or performers (Laes, 2015; Karlsen, 2014; Hogle, 2018).
While all of these studies present the individual pursuits and development of musical
skills, not all studies consider it as a form of agency because a majority of the work examines
formal and non-formal learning contexts where that is the expectation and objective and not
dependent on personal or collective agency. Similarly, when studying collective forms of agency,
researchers sought to examine social interactions and musical negotiations in which individuals
partook within their musicking contexts. Moreover, collective forms of agency observed in these
studies upheld that enculturation explores and affirms a collective identity (Isabyrie, 2021; Laes,
2015). Another category of collective agency is the attainment of shared musical understanding
that turns into collaborative musical action—something that was observed across all studies.
The studies presented in this review included various populations and demographics:
young children, elementary students, students with special needs, multicultural students, and
senior citizens. In general, musical agency appeared in all the populations— helping individuals
shape their identity, self-regulate themselves in various musicking and non-musicking situations,
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and establish new-found beliefs of being considered musicians among their peers. All the studies
concluded with some sentiment that encouraged music teachers, instructors, or directors to
provide experiences that motivate and promotes elements of individual and collective musical
agency.
The themes that can be derived from this literature are imperative to the overarching
research questions asked in the present study. Themes included, ‘using music’ for self-
regulation, for matters of being, for exploring and affirming collective identity, and establishing
a basis for collaborative musical action.
It is important to note that this theoretical lens was added as an extension to the original
research by Benjamins (2019). It is a primary focus of research questions 3 and 4 that deal with
the participants’ perceptions of musical agency. Implications from the studies reviewed in this
section help ground and identify musical agency within the context of CWM praise bands and
the three church sites.
Detailed Review of Benjamins (2019): Focus on Replication
This review of literature ends with a detailed account of the 2019 study by
Benjamins which inspired the present study. “Learning Through Praise” was a qualitative study
conducted by Benjamins (2019) that sought to examine how a selected group of Contemporary
Worship Musicians (CWM) learned and acquired their musical skills within praise bands. She
used a dual theoretical framework comprising of Small’s (1998) interpretation of musicking as an
active and relational activity and Green’s (2008) framework of informal music learning.
Benjamins surveyed ten participants from two similar churches (size, denomination,
demographic) in Ontario, Canada, and from those candidates, she selected five for in-depth
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interviews. Her research was based on the following overarching questions (Benjamins, 2019, p.
419):
1. How do contemporary Christian musicians acquire and develop their musical skills
within praise bands?
2. Are there distinctive features of contemporary Christian musicking practices that
differentiate them as a group from other popular musicking contexts? If so, do they
impact their learning?
3. What other sociological issues might the examination of this contemporary music
education context raise?
Over three months, Benjamins conducted her investigation into the church musicking
experiences of the chosen participants. Data collection and analysis were performed according to
Yin’s (2014) data collection guidelines, and the coding process incorporated elements of
grounded theory’s ‘coding canon’ (Saldana, 2016).
In her findings, Benjamins discovered some similarities to Green’s (2008) principles and
some differences. Many of the church musicians “learned music by copying recordings by ear
rather than from notation” (Benjamins, 2019, p. 423). However, unlike Green’s (2008)
observations, in which musicians in a classroom setting would listen to the song together and
figure out their musical parts during rehearsal, praise band musicians would learn their parts by
copying recordings individually before they gathered to practice (Benjamins, 2019, p. 424).
However, church musicians rehearsed a song in its entirety “whole” before the music director
offered any suggestions or corrections to the music. That is similar to Green’s discovery that
musicians haphazardly assimilated and learned music starting with “whole” and “real-world”
pieces of music (Green, 2008, p. 10). In praise band contexts, Benjamins discovered that music
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directors sometimes took on a formal role where clear directions on what to do musically were
given. Other times, the music director took on a peer leadership role, where dialogue between the
members happened, and they provided insight into the music (p. 425). Both of these observations
place praise bands as part of “non-formal learning spaces” where ensemble members help to
control group interactions (Veblen, 2012). Lastly, under prescriptions of a non-formal learning
environment, Benjamins (2019) noted that “there was a focus on participant ownership of
learning.” (p. 425)
Furthermore, Benjamins noted that praise bands offered community-focused interactions
and positively invited all musicians seeking to participate into the CWM culture (p. 425). In
terms of her research question number 2, Benjamins found that community was an integral part
of church praise bands (p. 425), and the themes highly valued by popular musicians of “co-
cooperation, sensitivity to others, and commitment” were expressed by the CWM musicians
similar to what was reported by Green, 2008, p. 9. There was also a unique sense of engagement
that occurred between praise band musicians when they were playing CWM. Many of them felt
that praise band experiences provided them with a strong musical connection with their peers,
the people they were playing for (congregants), and of course, the connection and engagement to
the “supernatural works” of God (p. 426).
Another key finding in the Benjamins study was the concept of individual agency versus
corporate unity in church music and worship. Participants generally felt that leading worship
corporately as a group was more critical than individual musical expression as musicians.
Furthermore, Benjamins discovered some issues that praise band musicians dealt with in terms of
inclusivity within the context. Some participants felt there was a problem in CWM in that
excellent musical skill or even technical proficiency is not perceived as a requirement to
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participate in this type of music (p. 428). Moreover, some participants felt they were not musical
or technically qualified to be worship leaders, citing “classical music” qualifications they thought
they lacked.
As stated earlier, the Benjamins’ research in CWM and church musicking led to myriad
implications for further inquiry. Those implications led to the inspiration for replication and
extension conducted in the present study. An in-depth explanation of the methodology of this
present study will be explained in Chapter 3, however; below is a concise list of some of the
replications and expansions.
A. In terms of replication, the present study:
1. Used multiple-case study that examined how CWM musicians acquire and
develop their musical skills within praise bands.
2. Investigated the distinguishing practices of praise bands that differ from
other popular musicking contexts.
3. Sought to find other sociological issues that arose from this investigation.
4. Used elements of grounded theory’s coding canon for data analysis.
B. In terms of extension, the present study:
1. Used 12 participants selected from three diverse mono-ethnic churches
(white-evangelical, Ukrainian Baptist, Spanish-speaking non-
denominational) for in-depth interviews— 4 from each church site.
2. Included Worship/Music directors as key participants in each of three
church sites.
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3. Added three additional research questions: (a) special emphasis on the
topic of musical agency (question 3), (b) the role of music directors as
facilitators (question 4), and (c) comparison of the diverse church sites.
4. Added a third conceptual lens (musical agency) to address in more depth
the issue of perceived musical agency by the musicians and the music
director.

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Chapter 3: Methodology

The methodology for this dissertation was a replication and extension of the published
article by Laura Benjamins (2019) entitled “Learning Through Praise: How Christian Worship
Band Musicians Learn” (summarized in Chapter 2). Qualitative research seeks to make sense of
and interpret a phenomenon in “terms and meanings people bring to them” (Denzin & Lincoln,
1994, p. 2). The data collected in qualitative research often consists of transcribed interviews,
observations, and the reviewing relevant artifacts and field-note documents from the site and
participants (Creswell, 2015). This was the reality of the present study.
Benjamins’ original work specifically used an exploratory case study design to conduct
her research in accordance with Yin’s (2014) description of a case study, “an empirical inquiry
that investigates a contemporary phenomenon (the case) in depth and its real-world context” (p.
16). Case study research can also present single and multiple cases within a specific
phenomenon and seek to answer the questions of ‘how’ or ‘why’ (Yin, 2003). The original study
by Benjamins focused on church musicians from two churches of similar make-up and
demographic in Ontario, Canada. Those participants presented a “single case or ‘single unit’ of
analysis—a bounded system— that defined the case” (2019, p. 422). A case study’s most
authoritative, defining characteristic is “delimiting the object or study, or ‘case’” (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2015, p. 38).
The present study was designed to build on and extend Benjamins (2019); three
qualitatively different church settings were represented, and the number of subject participants
expanded to include four subjects from three churches. This allowed for more explorations of
both single individual cases, and bounded case methodology as explained below.
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The following chapter is an explanation of the methodology of this inquiry. It begins with
an overview of the case study design, which recalls the research questions established in Chapter
1 and explains how ‘narrative inquiry’ from the interviews will be used alongside case study to
tell the participants’ stories as they provide insight into their CWM musicking experience. Then,
the church site selection process is explained to describe how I came about selecting the three
mono-ethnic Christian churches (white-evangelical, Ukrainian-Baptist, Spanish-speaking
Hispanic). Following the site-selection process, I explain how I used a purposeful sampling
survey to determine the participants for in-depth interviews from each church site. After
selecting the participants, I rationalized the guided protocols for the semi-structured interviews
and observations with all 12 participants and the three church sites. Lastly, I provide a profile on
each church site to explain the context, and I give short biographies for each participant to shed
light on who they are and how they came to be CWM musicians. The chapter ends with sections
on trustworthiness, an explanation of procedures for data analysis, and consideration of
limitations.
Case Study Design Overview
For this multiple case study, I sought to investigate the musicking experiences of twelve
contemporary worship musicians from three diverse churches (white evangelical; Ukrainian
Baptist; Spanish-speaking Hispanic) in an in-depth manner within the specific church site and
context of the subjects. Each subject was viewed as a unique “case.” As noted in Chapter 1, the
six overarching research questions were:
1. How do contemporary Christian musicians acquire and develop their musical skills
within praise bands?
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2. Are there distinguishing “practices” of praise band’s musicking that differ from other
popular musicking contexts? If so, does this impact how they learn?
3. How do Christian musicians perceive their individual and “collective musical agency” in
conjunction with the goal of corporate unity and musical expression in church worship?
4. How do contemporary Christian music directors perceive their role as facilitators of
musicking experiences that help develop musical skills and foster musical agency?
5. What are the differences and similarities between the different church sites and their
participants regarding the development of their musical skills and how they perceive their
collective musical agency within their church musicking experiences?
6. What other sociological issues does the inquiry of this contemporary music education
context raise?
The inquiry used a ‘case study’ methodology to answer the “how, what, and why” in the
context of the first four overarching research questions to gain insight into the church musicking
experiences of the participants. However, as observed in other case studies (Sonday et al., 2020),
case methodology alone does not always answer “who” the individuals are as each engage in
contemporary worship music and what types of meanings they derive from their experiences.
Since this particular qualitative research design investigated the lived experiences of adults
participating in CWM in three different churches, it has expanded its existing methodology of
just ‘case study’ and added a ‘narrative inquiry’ analytical approach to organize and interpret the
data to include the interactions between participants and their church contexts. Emergent
conceptual themes were identified from the findings. To add further nuance to the findings of
the present study, results from research questions five and six were sought that focused on
church site differences and sociological issues.
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Moreover, narrative inquiry was used in this methodology to tell the stories of how the
participants experience their church-musicking world within their involvement in praise bands
for their particular church setting; narratives from experiences were used synergistically as the
phenomenon and the method to gain deep insight into each case because, in each setting,
“humans are storytelling organisms who, individually and socially, lead storied lives” (Clandinin
& Connelly, 1988, p. 2). The overall methodology for this study can be summarized in this
way:
1. Each of the twelve participants were studied as a single case. Individual participants were
analyzed as individual cases.
2. Each church site, the interviews, and observations of the selected three performing
participants, and the interview with their music director constituted a ‘bounded case’
3. Finally, each or the three church sites were also compared to each other as another kind
of bounded case.
Site Selection and Sampling Process
Before the collection of any type of data, each research subject received a consent form
provided by the primary investigator. This consent form was approved by an IRB (Internal
Review Board), and it was in adherence to the human-subject study standards of the Office for
the Protection of Research Subjects of the University of Southern California (see Appendix A).
All participants had to agree to participate in the entire research study from beginning to end,
which included a one-on-one interview, rehearsal observation, and an interview with the
respective music director. The participants were also notified that they would receive a US $50
Visa gift card as a token of appreciation for their time and effort with the entire inquiry. The data
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collection process took a period of three months, beginning in November of 2022 and ending in
January 2023.
The church music participants who took part in this study were selected through
purposeful sampling (Patton, 2015). This process replicates the procedure used in the original
study by Benjamins (2019); however, the criteria were more prescribed and specific to address
the questions posed in this inquiry. For example, each of the nine musician participants, three
from each church site, were selected because they met the sampling criteria that offered the most
insight into the phenomenon from what is considered information-rich cases (Patton, 2015, p.
53). It is important to note, that while the musician participants were selected through the
purposeful sampling survey, the music director (as a participant) was not. The inclusion criteria
for musician participant selected were:
1. Age: must be at least 18 years old (consenting adult)
2. History of participation: active participation in singing or playing in their church worship
band (at least once per month) and participated in popular music ensembles outside of
church music.
3. Amateur status: an amateur/volunteer musician who did not receive compensation for
musical services or participation in the praise band.
4. Genre of performance: musical genre of music performed must be clearly Contemporary
Worship Music (CWM).
5. Church demographic: each church was identified as a mono-ethnic “evangelical”
congregation as expressed by their demographic and personal identification.
In order to select these information-rich participants, I first had to choose the church sites
that would agree to participate in the entire research process to create a bounded case for each
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location. Considering that I was an insider within the CWM community as noted in Chapter 1, I
assumed the church-site selection would be simple; however, it proved to be more difficult than
expected. I began my research by compiling a list of churches that had thriving praise band
programs with multiple teams and volunteers in the greater Sacramento area of northern
California. I began by determining that I would select one diverse church from three mono-
ethnic categories (white-evangelical, black gospel, and other mono-ethnic churches). I felt I
needed to find at least several churches from each ethnic category to create a decent pool of
churches from which I might draw. After conducting online searches and receiving specific
recommendations from local church musician peers, I compiled a comprehensive list of church
sites that I would contact.
All music directors were contacted via an email that explained the entire research study,
an attachment containing the IRB consent form, and links to the purposeful sampling survey (see
Appendix B). The number of resultant responses agreeing to personal meetings from this initial
contact was very discouraging. I quickly discovered that I had to be an “insider” and be
personally known by somebody in the worship team or leadership circle to proceed.
Furthermore, the replies I received were mostly from white-evangelical churches and little to
none from the black gospel or other mono-ethnic churches (Slavic, Hispanic/Spanish-speaking,
Korean). After contacting six different white evangelical churches, eight different black gospel
churches, and six other mono-ethnic churches, all within the greater Sacramento, California area,
I finally made progress in scheduling three one-on-one conversations with music directors. The
personal discussions with those music directors went well, and from the information they shared,
it became clear that their respective churches met the study inclusion criteria and that their
musicians would likely respond to the purposeful sampling survey. From those three meetings in
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the Sacramento area, only one church was secured, the Ukrainian church. It became clear that
participants were unwilling to participate in one-on-one interviews with strangers, despite the
encouragement from their music directors—people they know and trust.
After failing to find two more adequate church sites in the Sacramento area, I needed to
expand the geographic area to include regions in Southern California, where I had spent over 14
years as a professional music director in various churches and educational organizations. I
concluded that I needed to become even more of an “insider” with each church site and have a
personal rapport with the music directors and participants. The recruitment of remaining
churches and their respective musicians was accomplished, however the hope of securing a black
gospel church was not successful.
The final church selection was as follows: Church site no.1 (white evangelical church)
had six possible candidates for participation (5 males, 1 female); church site no. 2 (Ukrainian
Baptist church) had five candidates (3 males and 2 females); and church site no. 3 (Spanish-
speaking Hispanic church) had five candidates (1 male and 4 females). After finding an adequate
number of candidates from each church site and receiving full permission from their music
director to conduct research, I finalized the church sites for this qualitative inquiry.
The search for adequate participants evolved to a combination of purposeful sampling,
candidates that met the criteria and were found to be information-rich participants from the initial
survey; and convenience sampling, including participants from churches that I had personal
connections with and were able to visit and convince them in person to participate in my research
(Creswell, 2015; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
While a combination of purposeful and convenience sampling was the method used to
finalize the three diverse church sites, I purposefully selected three participants from a pool of
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candidates that filled out the initial survey (Appendix B). Participants were selected from the
pool of candidates noted above that filled out the initial survey that provided their demographics,
experiences learning music, and involvement in a contemporary worship praise band. I sought a
balance of candidates based on gender, musical experience in and outside of the CWM context,
and age.
Data Collection and Description of Datasets
As stated earlier, multiple case studies are characterized by the compilation of different
data types to support emerging themes in the investigated cases (Stake, 2006; Phillips, 2008).
Furthermore, case study research should consider the following (Yin, 2017, p. 15):
1. The researcher should cope with the fact that there are more variables of interest than
data points.
2. Theoretical propositions are developed prior to research to guide all aspects of case
inquiry.
3. The research relies on a myriad of sources for evidence, and data needs to be converged
in a triangulation fashion.
For the multiple case study in discussion, I selected participants from each church site and
replicated the research procedures across participants and churches for consistency (literal
replication), and at the same time to provide the opportunity for contrasting results to emerge
(theoretical replication) (p. 54). Furthermore, to collect as many data points as possible about
the participants and their experiences within praise bands, I conducted the following forms of
data collection over the course of three months (November 2022 to January 2023), they were
also conducted in the order given:
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1. Purposeful sampling questionnaire (Appendix B) remotely via Qualtrics software or in-
person intake.
2. One-on-one semi-structured interviews with each performing musician participants (n =
9), performed either in person or remotely using Zoom videotelephony
software (https://zoom.us/) following a guided protocol (see Appendix C).
3. In-person rehearsal observation at the church site.
4. One-on-one semi-structured interviews with the music director (n = 3) of each church
site that followed a guided protocol (see Appendix D)
Each form of data collecting technique was helpful to relate to a specific objective for this
multiple case study, and to address the research questions. The procedures adhered to
recommended sources of evidence for case study research as suggested by Yin (2017, p. 113).
The purposeful-sampling questionnaire given to the different participants at the three
church sites (via Qualtrics survey software and in-person) was used to gain rich information to
answer the research questions. The one-on-one semi-structured interviews with the participants
and the music directors offered the primary source of data in narrative format to address the
replicate and extend overarching questions. Lastly, the in-person and online direct observations
helped to shed light on the actions of the participants in real-time and within their church context
and corroborate their verbal narrative again as suggested by Yin (2017, p. 113). This all resulted
in a collection of multiple datasets as explained in the next section.
Purposeful Sampling Instrument Dataset
The purposeful sampling survey was given as either an online instrument (Qualtrics) or
in-person survey (Appendix B); it was a data collecting tool taken directly from the original
study by Benjamins (2019). This initial inquiry included 38 questions that were divided into
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three sections: (1) Music and Learning & CWM: General Information (2) Music and Learning;
Your Praise Band & Music Learning (3) Music and Learning & CWM: Working Together as a
Praise Band. The questions were a mixture of multiple-choice, fill-in-the-blank, and short
answers. This data collecting tool was designed with research questions nos. 1, 3, & 6 in mind,
and the questions were guided by the conceptual frameworks of ‘informal learning practices’ and
‘musicking’ as a relational activity. While Benjamins (2019) did not specifically use this survey
as a purposeful sampling tool, after reviewing it I determined its usage without any changes to
purposefully select participants would who work best for this current study. Also, since I knew
that I would be adding to the other questionnaire protocols for the expansion part of the study, I
felt it was important to keep at least one data gathering tool intact. All surveys, including the
purposeful sampling survey (Appendix B) were used with Benjamin’s permission.
The purposeful sampling selection process provided this study with three female and six
male musician participants; three of whom identified as singers (vocalists), and the other six
considered themselves instrumentalists (keyboard, piano, drums, bass, and guitar). As stated
earlier, the purposeful considerations for participant selection included: their willingness to
participate in the entire research study, their unique background in musical training before
participating in praise bands, and their involvement in other forms of popular music ensembles
outside of church music, among other factors such as age and gender.
Semi-Structured Interview Datasets with Guided Protocols
Interviewing is one of the most essential methods for collecting qualitative data in case
studies (Yin, 2017, p. 117). Moreover, interviews help to inquire about the “how” and “why” of
critical events in the lives of individuals explained through the narrative of the guided
conversations. Among other concerns, the researcher has two major jobs when conducting
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interviews: (1) to follow the line of inquiry as reflected by the case study protocol, and (2) to
verbalize questions in an unbiased manner that serves the needs of the research (p. 117). While
there are often three major types of interviews, highly structured, semi-structured,
and unstructured/informal (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), the one-on-one interviews used in this
study were semi-structured and followed a guided protocol that was replicated for every
participant (see Appendix C).
The goal of the guided protocol was to obtain standardized information from every
participant in order to address the overarching research questions while also asking open-ended
questions to provide a personal narrative that illustrated fresh insights and emerging themes
regarding the phenomenon. Furthermore, open-ended questions provided a narrative account of
the human experience on each topic and theme. This guided protocol helped to offer insight not
only regarding the “how, what, and why” of the research questions, but also answered the “who”
which allowed participants to have a voice as research subjects.
Guided Protocols for Performance Musicians. There were two guided protocols for the
semi-structured interviews in this study: one for the performance musicians and the other for the
music director of each church. The protocol for the musicians had the following open-ended
items:
1. Please provide a description of your praise band and your role within it.
2. Please describe your musical background and how that relates to your participation in a
praise band today.
3. How do you typically learn new music in your praise band practices?
4. Have any musical skills developed or changed for you throughout your participation in a
praise band?
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5. Is there anything specific about being part of a worship context that affects your musical
experience?
After each of these items, there were also “detail-oriented probing questions” that helped
guide the interview further to ensure that all themes under the research questions were addressed.
All probing questions can be viewed in Appendix C. However, participants were allowed to
answer the questions and share their stories in whatever way they felt was appropriate. Many
times, the participants would answer the detailed-probing questions on their own and therefore
were not asked again. Other times, they would share stories that were somewhat related to the
open-ended questions, and I would have to ask the detail-oriented questions to get us back on
track and move us forward to address all the topics in question. This guided protocol was
designed to address topics in all six overarching questions and was grounded on the three
conceptual lenses.
All twelve participants (9 performance musicians, and 3 music directors) had the option
to be interviewed in person or online via Zoom. When it came to the musicians’ semi-structured
interviews, six interviews were conducted in person, and three were conducted online. The
interviews were very focused and typically lasted between 45 minutes and 1.5 hours, depending
on the participants’ comfortability and interest with the topic and questions.
In-person participants met with me on their own time and at a location where they felt
most comfortable. All interviews were recorded on mobile devices using a voice memo
application or via the Zoom recording feature if the interview was conducted online. For the in-
person interviews, the utilization of two devices ensured that there was a backup device. The
voice recordings were then transcribed verbatim using Descript (https://www.descript.com), an
application that translates audio to written text. I went through each transcription and reviewed
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for accuracy and to interpret and correct any conversational idiosyncrasies that might have been
difficult to translate by the application. I wrote field notes as part of these interviews and noted
as much information as I felt I needed to have a documentation source for later review. These
field notes became part of the dataset for semi-structured interviews.
Guided Protocols for Music Directors. Interviewing the church music directors of each
praise band was an extended procedure explicitly designed for this study. Similarly, semi-
structured interviews were conducted with each music director from each church site. These
interviews lasted between 45 minutes to 1.5 hours. Their audio was also recorded on a voice
memo app or over the Zoom recording if conducted online. The interviews followed a semi-
structured protocol that allowed for natural conversation and personal narrative; however, I also
used a pre-designed guided protocol intended to address the overarching research questions,
especially research question no. 4. The questions asked in these interviews of the music directors
are noted below:
1. What is the size and denomination of your church?
2. What is your role and job description at the church?
3. How long have you been in this position as music director/worship pastor?
4. How many volunteer musicians do you rotate in your worship bands? Do you have any
paid professionals that play with your worship bands? Tell me about your contemporary
worship ministry at your church.
5. What instruments do you play when leading, or do you just sing? What is your formal
educational background? How did you start learning music?
6. How do you recruit musicians and volunteers? Do you conduct an audition or have an
interview process?
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7. What kind of tools do you provide for your musicians to prepare songs for rehearsal and
lead on Sundays?
8. Do you write your own worship songs? If so, how do you collaborate with your
musicians to create musical parts?
9. If you are covering worship songs, how do you select your music? How much do you
expect your musicians to learn their parts? (i.e., fully written sheet music, learning by ear
from recording, instructional videos, etc.)
10. How much improvisation do you allow to take place outside of the original recorded
song?
11. How do you foster community in your worship band?
12. What are the types of things that you do to help musicians grow musically?
13. How do you think your musicians perceive their individual agency as musicians in
relation to the vision of corporate worship in church music?
Rehearsal and Performance Observation Dataset
Two different non-participant observations were made in this study, one for rehearsals
and one for performances (i.e., worship leading). Direct observations are important when
collecting data in case studies because most case study phenomena occur within a real-world
setting that can be observed firsthand (Yin, 2017). Furthermore, observations provided additional
information to the case study findings adding new dimensions of understanding while facilitating
context to the participants’ experience. Like interviews, observations can also range within the
spectrum of ‘formality’ – from very formal and structured to casual (p. 121).
Observation of rehearsals in each church site included the three participants and their
music director. All rehearsals for each church were observed in person, while the performance
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observations were made over the online streaming of their church digital service. All rehearsal
participants, even those not part of the research study, were aware that I would be in attendance
and consented to participate in the research observation. As in the interviews, I followed a semi-
structured observation guide that included pre-designed questions for me to answer in my field
notes while observing the rehearsals (see Appendix E). All field notes were documented on a
computer using Microsoft Word. The observation protocol had questions and observation
suggestions that helped to corroborate and triangulate the information provided by participants in
their one-on-one interviews.
I did not use any type of pre-designed protocol for the performance observations; the
purpose was mostly to view the performance of what they had rehearsed the week prior.
Typically, the observation of the performance (live worship leading) was scheduled the
following Sunday and were considered casual and non-structured with no field notes taken. The
purpose of the performance observation was largely to verify that the praise band performances
happened and had a successful result.
Church Sites, Participant Profiles, and Privacy
This section of the chapter describes the profile of each church site by providing pertinent
information about the church demographics, worship attendance, and the music ministry that
exists in each congregation. Also provided after each church profile, is a biographical sketch of
the worship director explaining his or her educational background and role within their
respective worship ministry. Lastly, each of the three musician participants from each church is
introduced to provide insight as to who they were and their past participation history in
contemporary worship music.
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The three church sites were selected based on their members’ willingness to participate
with three church musicians for this multiple case study. As mentioned earlier, the churches
selected had to be an ‘evangelical church’ that used contemporary worship music (CWM) as at
least one of their musical genres for congregational worship and their church musicians had to
have had a volunteer status (i.e., receive no monetary compensation for their musical services).
Lastly, the extension dimension of this research included the desire to present three diverse
church sites. To protect the identities of each church organization and their congregations, they
will be referred to as the English Church, Ukrainian Church, and Spanish Church.
1
In the same
manner, pseudonyms were used throughout the dissertation to mask participant identity as a
measure of privacy. Table 3.1 provides an overview of the church sites and study participants.
Table 3.1
Description of Church Sites and Study Participants

Church Site Pseudonym Male/ Age Musical Private
Female Instrument Lessons
English Church Music D. Male 26 Guitars/Vocals Yes
Michael Male 62 Keyboard/Piano Yes
James Male 42 Vocals Yes
Thomas Male 22 Bass/Acoustic Guitar No

Ukrainian Church Music D. Male 27 Guitar/Vocals No
Dimitri Male 21 Keyboard Yes
Nadiya Female 22 Keyboard/Vocals Yes
Petro Male 19 Drums Yes

Spanish Church Music D. Male 63 Vocals Yes
Maria Female 46 Singer Yes
Carlos Male 49 Drums No
Lidia Female 63 Singer Yes

1
The words English, Ukrainian, and Spanish are used as pseudonyms for each church site to simplify expression
throughout the entire document, they are not used as descriptors of race, culture, or geographic location.
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English Church and Participants
The English Church is a predominantly white evangelical institution in a suburban area of
Southern California. The United States census considers this affluent region an extension of the
Los Angeles metropolitan area. Because the two other church sites in this case study are mono-
ethnic evangelical churches that worship primarily in the Ukrainian and Spanish languages,
"English" is a simple identifier that expresses its mono-ethnicity as a Caucasian protestant
church that worships in English. The members (congregants) that attend this church are
considered upper middle class—a socio-economic status that largely mirrors the geographical
area.
The English Church site has a comprehensive music department that leads worship music
in two styles: traditional choir-led and contemporary worship music (CWM). Based on church
records, this church site has an average attendance of 750+ people per Sunday that is divided
between three different services, two traditional and one contemporary, in which CWM occurs.
The breakdown of how many people attend each service is unknown, but the contemporary
service has an average attendance of 250 congregants per week. Moreover, the contemporary
worship service operates with its in-person pastor, worship leader, musicians, and physical
worship space (an auditorium instead of a sanctuary, but within the same set of buildings).
The English church’s contemporary worship ministry music department consists of a
music director, an AVL Director (Audio, Visual, and Lights), two paid professional musicians,
and 22-25 non-paid musician volunteers. While the music and AVL directors lead almost every
Sunday, the musician volunteers play on a rotation basis, playing anywhere between 2-3 times
per month. The rotation of volunteer musicians is based on their availability, willingness to play
every month, and the instrumentation needs of the praise band based on the specific music set.
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The two hired professional musicians are the electric guitar player, who acts as the tracks
operator during the live services running click and stem tracks from a laptop computer, and the
drummer who substitutes as needed to relieve volunteers when unavailable. The praise band for
the English church consists of vocalists (a combination of male and female), drums, keyboards,
electric guitar, acoustic guitar, electric bass, violin, and a computer that provides stem tracks.
The following section presents the profiles of the music director and the three
performance musician participants from the English church. For the purpose of this research,
their short biographies are formed from the information they provided on the purposeful
sampling survey and the narrative taken from the one-on-one interview. As noted earlier, each
participant was given a pseudonym to protect identity. Each participant scheduled interviews on
their timeline and desired location and all personal conversations for this church site were
recorded as explained above.
Music Director. The Music Director (MD) of the English church is a 26-year-old, multi-
instrumentalist who plays rhythm guitar, pop piano, and classical violin. The MD started playing
the violin at four years old and continued with formal musical training until he obtained his
Bachelor of Music degree in vocal performance. The MD started learning violin at the Suzuki
School of Music in Tennessee and was playing in orchestra ensembles by the age of six. His love
for working with other musicians also started very young; by age 11, he was already teaching
violin and had begun his own music studio. He was first introduced to CWM when he moved to
California during his junior year in high school and attended a private Christian school. During
high school, he learned how to improvise on the violin when his music teacher put him in the
jazz ensemble; this opened a world of musical genres outside his classical training. Since then,
this MD finished a Master of Music in music technology and has worked as a church music
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director for almost five years. At the English church, the MD is in charge of all aspects of the
contemporary worship ministry which includes recruiting and scheduling musicians for weekly
church services, selecting CWM for congregational worship, running rehearsals with praise
bands, setting up audio/visual equipment, and teaching a middle school praise band that is part of
the church’s private school.
Michael. Michael is a 62-year-old piano player who considers himself one of the senior
veteran members of the praise band. On Wednesday, December 28, 2022, Michael and I met
outside a coffee shop near the church where he plays worship two to three Sundays per month.
Michael started playing the piano when he was in second grade, shortly after his mother bought a
piano from a door-to-door piano salesman. Like many other children who play musical
instruments, Michael and his sister started taking piano lessons from their mother. Shortly after
they were introduced to the instrument, they started formal lessons with a local piano teacher.
Their first teacher was short-lived, and they quickly moved on to another teacher who was a
respected composer and had better rapport and recommendations from other parents in the
community. Michael continued playing the piano under formal instruction until the ninth grade at
which time he stopped and joined the school marching band to play drums. It was not until the
eleventh grade that he started to play the electric piano with his school's jazz band. Michael
continued playing piano and keyboards in various ensembles until adulthood when he continued
playing with several rock cover bands that performed in nightclubs and parties.
While Michael has been playing piano and keyboard for over 50 years, he has only played
contemporary worship music with praise bands for 11 years. He began playing worship music
shortly after he joined the English church, a decision he and his family made after persistent
invitations from his sister-in-law. However, before attending the English church, Michael had
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not been a regular church attender. To date, he continues to be a regular musician with the praise
band in the English church. He expressed how much he loves his tenure there and looks forward
to many more years of performing in the praise band.
James. James is a 42-year-old father of three who brought his two youngest children to
the one-on-one interview outside a coffee shop near his house. I met with this vocalist (tenor) on
Thursday, December 29, 2022, for about an hour to discuss his musical story and experiences
singing in the praise band. James is not only a singer in the praise band, but he also considers
himself an entertainer who DJs at parties and creates musical and video context for his social
media. James remembers singing in front of people at church as young as three years old, and
due to his mother's encouragement, he felt comfortable performing in front of anyone who would
sit, watch, and listen. While his mother encouraged his singing through a heavy dose of Neil
Diamond's repertoire, his father encouraged him to play musical instruments like the electric
guitar. However, due to a lack of interest, James' guitar playing was short-lived, and he only
enjoyed playing musical instruments once he started playing the saxophone in the seventh grade.
James took saxophone lessons with a private instructor for two years until high school and
continued playing into adulthood. While in school, he played the alto and tenor saxophone in the
school bands and at church; later as an adult, he played primarily at church for special services or
anywhere they would have him play. James stopped playing saxophone shortly after the birth of
his first son because he was "strapped for cash" and had to sell it out of financial necessity.
However, James has never stopped singing since he started as a young child. He even took voice
lessons at the age of 19 but quit after a few lessons because he felt his teacher was trying to teach
him classical/opera techniques, a vocal style and music genre he did not like or enjoy.
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James has been singing with the praise band in the English church for about seven years
and considers himself one of the veteran vocalists. He participates on Sundays about twice a
month; however, due to his work schedule, he is not available for mid-week rehearsals, so he is
limited on the times he can participate. James is quite grateful to be part of the praise band and
be in a music ensemble to consistently perform and continue the development of his musical
skills.
Thomas. Thomas is a 22-year-old real estate agent who plays the bass and acoustic
guitar in the praise band. He is the youngest of the three participants; however, he has been part
of the contemporary worship team at this church since high school and has been leading worship
with praise bands for almost ten years. Thomas and I met outside of a coffee shop on
Wednesday, December 28, 2020. After a few verbal interactions, I was impressed on how well-
spoken and mature he was, an individual who conducts himself with poise and confidence.
Thomas’ music journey began because he had a crush on a girl who played piano and ukulele. In
order to get her attention and have an excuse to spend time with her, he decided to teach himself
how to play the guitar so they could jam together. Thomas eventually took traditional guitar
lessons at a local pawn shop; however, that only lasted for about three months because he wanted
to avoid the instructor's approach. Thomas said he was not a fan of his guitar teacher because he
only taught certain songs. Thomas felt the need to learn actual guitar fundamentals that could
apply to the music he wanted to learn. After that, he went on YouTube and taught himself what
he wanted to learn; that is how he developed his guitar and, later bass skills. Thomas went to a
private Christian high school where he participated in an auditioned praise band class that
oversaw putting together weekly worship sets for the school chapels. In this class, he also
developed his musical skills on the bass and guitar.
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While younger than the other two participants, Thomas is a strong musician with years of
experience playing in contemporary worship ensembles. He is a contributor to the music rotation
at the English church and told me that he participates about twice a month, depending on his
availability and work schedule. While he has played acoustic guitar on the praise team, he
primarily plays the bass at this point in his tenure. Due to his Christian educational background
and avid church attendance, Thomas has focused most of his musical experience playing
contemporary worship music. However, he thoroughly enjoyed jamming to classic rock and
heavy metal at home.
Ukrainian Church and Participants
The second church site investigated was a thriving and growing Ukrainian church in the
greater Sacramento, California area. The Sacramento region is home to one of the largest Slavic
populations in the United States, many of whom have immigrated from Ukraine. According to
Ruslan Gurzhiy, chief editor of Slavic Sacramento, there are over 100 Russian and Ukrainian
churches in the northern California metro area (Kim, 2022). Gurzhiy’s research dating from
1917, notes that people from Russian, Belarus, and Ukraine, began immigrating to Sacramento in
search of a better life as religious and war refugees, taking the Slavic immigrant population to
over 100,000 in 2022 (para. 6). Gurzhiy suggested that churches and religion helped to grow the
Slavic population in the region. The Ukrainian church presented in this research is part of that
history.
A bustling church community with people of all ages, the Ukrainian Church has activities
planned for its members all week long. The calendar on their website shows social gatherings for
immigrants, English as a Second Language classes, choir rehearsals throughout the week for
(children’s, men’s, and adult’s choirs), prayer meetings, leadership meetings, children and youth
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programming, financial planning classes, and of course Sunday morning church services. Based
on the conversation I had with their Worship Director, the Ukrainian church has around 300
visitors per Sunday, divided into two services (morning and evening). However, he told me that
they have active church membership of around 230+. The Ukrainian church’s music department
is comprehensive and booming with many of its church members participating in a variety of
worship-leading ensembles. Based on my conversations with the research participants from this
site, playing musical instruments and music involvement is an integral part of their culture and it
is embedded in the early education of all individuals.
The worship ministry has two diverse styles of worship, traditional (hymns sung by
choirs and accompanied by piano) and contemporary worship (CWM songs led by a praise
band). Their traditional choir program consists of three ensembles: senior adult choir, men’s
choir (traditionally sings for Ukrainian funerals), and children’s choir. To accompany their
choirs, they use a piano player, however, they also have a symphony orchestra that accompanies
the choirs for special church celebrations like Christmas and Easter. The contemporary worship
music department is a little smaller than the traditional music departments likely because CWM
is new to evangelical Ukrainian churches. As noted earlier, while CWM has become the
dominant worship style of most white evangelical churches in North American, it is still new to
many evangelical ethnic churches. Nevertheless, the praise band in this Ukrainian Church is a
complete ensemble boasting eight members with an instrumentation of drums, piano, synth
keyboard, electric lead-guitar, acoustic guitar, bass, and three vocalists: one male, and two
females.
Music Director. The Music Director (MD) for the Ukrainian church CWM ensemble is a
27-year-old male who plays guitar and sings lead vocals. The MD, who identifies as the ‘worship
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leader’ for the Ukrainian church, has been in the leadership role for over three years; however, he
has participated in praise bands at churches since the age of 17. The MD was born in Ukraine
and started formal lesson on the piano at the age of five, he continued playing and taking lessons
until he was a sophomore in high school. He recalls that piano and playing classical music using
traditional notation was not “his thing.” He enjoys learning chords to songs and playing by ear.
Sometime during high school, the MD picked up the acoustic guitar and stopped playing the
piano. He felt there was convenience to the guitar and playing music by ear that the piano did not
offer. This MD for the Ukrainian church is the leader of the praise band, oversees finalizing
CWM for the worship services, leads praise band rehearsals, and works with the audio/visual
team to set up sound equipment and execute worship services.
Dimitri. Dimitri is a 21-year-old pianist who has been active in the praise band for over
two years. He is a multi-instrument musician who plays the violin and the acoustic guitar. He
met with me for his one-on-one interview at his church’s café on Friday, November 18, 2023;
after the café had closed for the day. Dimitri’s early encounter with CWM was playing the
acoustic guitar and singing with the praise band in high school. Dimitri told me that his musical
inclination came from his family, mostly from his mother’s side; his grandparents, aunts and
uncles, and mother all play musical instruments or sung. Dimitri’s first instrument was the violin,
and like some of the other participants, his first music lessons came from his mother. His mother
started teaching him the violin and his brother the cello around the same time. Dimitri eventually
moved on to a new teacher, a college friend of his mother who was a talented violinist and part
of the Slavic community in their neighborhood. He continued with violin lessons for most of his
early childhood, playing serious solo classical repertoire for recitals. Two to three years into
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violin lessons, when Dimitri was around twelve years old, he began to learn piano from the
mother of one of his friends from church.
The piano spoke to Dimitri differently than the violin. Although his piano lessons used
traditional notation, he was learning non-classical repertoire that connected with him more
deeply. His piano playing exposed him to a wider variety of music: classical, popular, ethnic, and
Christian worship songs. Moreover, as Dimitri’s love for the piano grew, he played it more
independently, not merely out of obligation to keep up with lessons or the demands of his
teachers for competitions and recitals. His love for the piano and his admiration for worship
music led him to play with the praise band at his Ukrainian Church. Dimitri is currently an active
member of his church, not only as a consistent member of the praise band but also works with
the youth program. His brother, who plays the electric guitar, is also an active member of the
praise band and they enjoy performing CWM together for their church.
Nadiya. Nadiya is a 21-year-old nursing student. Originally a singer with the praise
band, she mostly plays keyboards and synths for the past three years. On a Friday evening on
November 18, 2022, Nadiya and I met a local coffee shop close to the church. Like her
Ukrainian counterparts, her music education journey began at home, learning to sing from her
mother—a choir director. She remembers singing at church with her sister from a very early
age—performing songs her mother would teach them. Furthermore, Nadiya remembers
participating in the children’s choirs her mother directed for most of her elementary school years.
At 10 years old, she began taking piano lessons, and during that time, she and her sister
moved from one piano teacher to another. It was only when their third piano teacher—a rigorous
traditional teacher—that she began learning how to play well. Nadiya noted that taking piano
lessons was because of her mother’s persistence and constant pressure; her mother’s desire was
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for them to be good at the piano. Nadiya continued with lessons casually for several years;
however, her sister took it more seriously and is a local state university piano performance
major.
While Nadiya’s early piano playing was traditional classical music that was based purely
on sequential piano method books, as she got older, she was exposed to playing other
styles/genres of music. Since her involvement with the Ukrainian community and her
involvement in church and religion, Christian worship music has been become relatable to
Nadiya and her friends. This attraction led her to continue playing the piano. She evolved from a
classical piano player to a keyboard player that spent her time exploring synth patches and other
keyboard technology. While the Ukrainian Church has many piano players, not many of them
have delved into playing keyboards that provide a modern studio synth sound that is popular
with CWM. For the past three years, Nadiya has contributed her keyboard skills to the Ukrainian
Church praise band, and this has turned into a musical activity that she thoroughly enjoys.
Petro. A young and enthusiastic drummer from the Ukrainian Church praise band, Petro is
a 19-year-old tile and flooring setter who met with me on Saturday, November 19, 2022, at a
brunch restaurant in the city of the church site. While Petro looks younger than he actually is, he
is a confident individual who speaks with conviction and clarity about his experiences as a
drummer in a CWM praise band. Drums (drum-set) were not Petro's first instrument; as an
elementary student, he began playing the violin after hearing a violinist come to his church to
give a violin concert. During that performance, he was captivated by the instrument's sound and
decided to begin lessons. Like the other Ukrainian participants, his family is very musical and
heavily involved in music making, so starting the violin was easily encouraged and fostered.
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His cousins played bowed string instruments and his aunt led a string orchestra—an
ensemble in which he participated for over five years. However, Petro remembers not liking the
violin much because he would get incredibly nervous playing in front of people, so much so that
his hands would shake profusely and sweat. He started using chalk to dry them up. He recalls
that for the first couple of years, he wanted to quit, but his parents insisted that he continue and
remain taking lessons and playing in his aunt's orchestra.
Petro's violin playing continued until high school when he started drums in his church's
praise band at the age of 16. Petro was approached by the praise band leader of his church who
asked if he could learn the drums to play with the band because their regular drummer had quit
unexpectedly. Petro had been interested in learning the drums for some time and figured this was
his time to do so. Before his first drum lesson, Petro had already been looking up drum grooves
to learn on YouTube from some of his favorite contemporary worship songs. In his early months
of playing the drums, Petro told me that he would practice five to six hours a day and wanted to
be the best drummer for his church's praise band. Since then, Petro has remained a dynamic
drummer and active member of the Ukrainian Church's praise band.
Spanish-Speaking Church and Participants
Boasting over 50 million people and counting, the Hispanic population in the U.S.
continues to grow, and so does the Spanish-language evangelical church. While most of the
boom in mono-ethnic Spanish-speaking churches grew out of Latin-American immigrants from
the ’80s and ’90s, most of the growth happening today is from second and third-generation
individuals (Kaleem, 2017). The Spanish-speaking church continues to be one of the most
significant segments of U.S. Christianity. The third church site in this study, the Spanish church,
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is part of this growing community of Hispanic churches in America that seeks to provide
evangelical Christian worship experiences to Spanish-speaking people.
The Spanish church in this inquiry is an active and growing community of evangelical
Christians that provides worship in their language while offering English-speaking programming
to their children and youth. Located in an inland suburb of Los Angeles, the Spanish church has
around 140 guests that attend their weekly Sunday afternoon service that begins at 2 p.m.
Traditional morning worship services are not an option for them because they share their church
facility with an English-speaking congregation that was there before their church started.
Nevertheless, the Spanish church has full access to the facility, and while they are tenants in the
building, they enjoy all the benefits the church campus offers. The Spanish church also has mid-
week services on Wednesday evening, what they call a Bible-Study and prayer service. Once
per month on a Friday evening, they have prayer vigils with food and fellowship. The church is
also very active throughout the year with outreach community events and even abroad as they go
on short-term missionary trips to parts of Mexico and Latin America.
The contemporary worship ministry that is part of this congregation is growing and
thriving. Like the other church sites, the praise band in the Spanish church has a full complement
of instrumentation that includes drums, keyboards, acoustic and electric guitars, bass, and vocals
(male and female). One of the unique things about this CWM ministry is that the Spanish church
has decided to invest in a professional music instructor that offers free instrument and voice
lessons to church members seeking to learn and be part of the praise team. This music education
venture makes the praise band a training ground for young musicians seeking to develop their
instrument and vocals skills while participating in CWM. Young apprentices or even adult
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beginners are always part of praise band rehearsals, even though they might need more time to
be ready to play in front of the congregation.
The following section presents the profiles of the music director and the three musicians
of the Spanish church. For this research, their short biographies are formed from the information
they provided on the purposeful sampling that was taken in person with all three participants.
Two, one-on-one interviews were conducted in Spanish and one in English. As a native Spanish
speaker who is also fully literate, I translated the semi-structured guide and ensured that the
transcription from their interviews provided for this research was correctly translated.
Music Director. The Music Director (MD) for the Spanish church is a 63-year-old male,
a veteran worship leader for over 15 years. While he has taken formal guitar lessons in the past,
he currently sings, and directs the praise team. All his music experience has come from singing
as a vocal tenor in church praise bands. He recalls taking voice lessons from a church worship
director many years ago, but all his musical skills and understandings come from participating in
CWM. The MD is in charge of all aspects of the worship experience at the Spanish church; he
selects songs for the praise team, sets up instruments and sound equipment, leads rehearsals, and
leads the worship on Sunday mornings.
Maria. Maria is a 46-year-old vocalist, who has been participating in the praise band for
almost four years. I had the opportunity to have a one-on-one interview with Maria online on
January 10, 2023. Our lively conversation lasted nearly an hour. Knowing that she is bilingual
(Spanish/English), I gave her the option to be interviewed in the most comfortable language, and
she chose Spanish.
Maria has been singing since she was a little girl living in Mexico with her family. Her
passion was regional Mexican music, specifically Mariachi, and Maria would carefully observe
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professional performers and would attempt to imitate all that they did. She recalled being
fascinated by music from a very early age. As early as ten years old, she would learn the lyrics to
complete songs and sing along to the 8-track tape recordings. Her journey performing as a
vocalist led her to continue singing in private parties and night clubs around the age of 15, when
she relocated to the United States. Maria loved to sing and wanted to make a career out of
singing—so much so that she started to participate in singing competitions that local clubs and
talent agencies sponsored.
Maria eventually moved on from trying to sing professionally because she married and
started a family. It was not until four years ago that Maria began to sing again due to her love for
CWM and her wonderful worship experiences which led her to the church praise band. Maria has
felt accepted as a vocalist in the Spanish church praise band and feels that she is contributing to
the wonderful musicking experiences in her church. Her son, a senior in high school who plays
the electric guitar, has joined the praise band; he began playing as a young apprentice learning
with the church music instructor. Maria continues to enjoy her tenure as a vocalist in the praise
band and cherishes every opportunity she gets to create CWM with her son as they lead others in
worship.
Carlos. Carlos, a 49-year-old drummer has a fascinating musical background. Our hour-
and-a-half-long conversation took place online on January 10, 2023. His interview was filled
with enthusiasm as he had plenty to share about his musical background and experience playing
in the praise band. Carlos has been a part of the praise band at the Spanish church for over three
years, but he has been playing drum set since he was 15 years old. Drums were not his first
instrument of choice; since he was a young kid, he wanted to learn how to play the accordion.
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Carlos’ father was part of a professional norteña band, a group that recorded their own
music, toured, and played professionally in a variety of venues in Mexico and the U.S. “Musica
Norteña” is a genre of regional Mexican music based in duple and triple meter. Their song lyrics
deal with various topics that reflect societal issues surrounding Mexican life and culture
(“Norteño Music,” 2023). The band’s instrumentation is typically drums, a diatonic accordion, a
bajo-sexto, electric bass, vocals, and sometimes saxophone. While Carlos wanted to play the
accordion, the drums were thrust upon him at the age of 15 when the drummer of his father’s
band quit unexpectedly, and his father needed someone to play. Carlos had only played a few
drum grooves in the past, but he remembers clearly his dad saying, “get your hat; you gonna go
play with us today!” Carlos’ journey playing with his dad’s norteña band began after that.
After several years, Carlos took over as the band leader and under his leadership, the
band continued to thrive and grow in popularity and album output. Carlos has written over 150
norteña songs, many of which have been recorded in several albums. He is currently working on
cataloging all his music to ensure that publishing royalties go to him and his family. Carlos
eventually built his recording studio, where he spent countless hours working on songs and
projects. Even though Carlos does not consider himself a professional musician, he has spent
most of his adult life making a living playing, touring, and recording with his norteña band.
About two years ago, Carlos felt it was time to give up leading the group and playing with them.
A myriad of personal and professional reasons led to why he decided to quit; although this
decision was difficult, he and his wife felt it was the best thing for them.
Carlos’ decision to quit his band was influenced in part by his newfound love for
participating in CWM and leading worship with a praise band. While he still does not consider
himself a professional musician, he currently works as a car detailer; he brings lots of confidence
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and experience to the praise band in the Spanish church. Carlos’ musical story is unique to the
church musicking context and his experiences as a self-taught musician shed interesting insight
into this phenomenon.
Lidia. Lidia is a 63-year-old vocalist who sings alto with the praise band. Lidia considers
herself a veteran singer who has been singing CWM with various praise bands for over 30 years.
Our one-on-one interview took place over Zoom on January 9, 2023. She remembers loving to
sing since she was seven years old, and while she would do chores around the house and sing,
her grandfather would tell her, “You’re going to be a professional singer one day!” Lidia grew
up listening to Mariachi music, which was her first love. She recalls taking voice lessons at an
old theater in East Los Angeles. It was there that she remembers being taught how to sing with
her diaphragm, proper vowel placement, and focusing on learning mariachi repertoire. At 17,
Lidia entered a singing competition and won first place.
From that endeavor, she was offered a gig to start singing every weekend at a local club
in Los Angeles. For that gig, she sang every Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, even at rodeos. The
rodeo gigs had Lidia traveling across California, from Salinas to San Jose and back to the Los
Angeles metro area. As she grew in experience and popularity, she was offered an opportunity to
travel to Mexico to record her mariachi album. During that time, Lidia asked herself if this was
what she wanted to do and be part of the Mariachi music lifestyle. At the time, Lidia already had
experienced some undesirable situations, like being offered lots of alcohol, even though she was
a minor, and different types of illegal drugs, including cocaine. After some reflection and
conversations with her family, Lidia decided that pursuing a professional career as a mariachi
singer was not something she wanted to continue.
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However, Lidia’s love for singing, and music has never changed. Her passion for singing
was renewed around 30 years old when she and her husband (also a vocalist) began attending
church together and discovered CWM. Lidia tells me that she prepares for praise band rehearsal
as much as she did when singing semi-professionally at clubs and rodeos because her biggest
fear when singing is forgetting the words (lyrics). She listens to the song she is preparing
repeatedly. Lidia enjoys being part of the praise team at the Spanish Church and looks forward to
continuing as long as she can contribute and be a productive member of the ensemble.
Trustworthiness of Data
One of the significant strengths of case study design is the ability to collect data using
various sources and methods. This is supported by the fact that this is an “in-depth study of a
phenomenon in its real-world context,” (Yin, 2018, p. 127). Investigation can occur over a period
of time and rely on multiple sources for evidence. Pursuing a critical methodological practice in
any case study is vital in developing converging lines of inquiry from data triangulation. This
desired triangulation comes from the principles of navigation, which examines the intersection of
lines from different reference points to determine the exact location of an object (Yardley, 2009).
The multiple case study presented in this inquiry used various sources of evidence in
pursuit of data triangulation to strengthen the construct validity of the research. First, a pool of
candidates was surveyed from each church site; this was the first data intake from the purposeful
sampling (see Appendix B). Second, once the participants were selected, they were a part of an
in-depth one-on-one interview where they were asked questions like the ones in the “purposeful
sampling;” however, much more open-ended to allow for their narrative to shed light on their
experiences (see Appendix C). The interviews were recorded on mobile devices using a voice
memo app, transcribed, and edited using Descript computer software. Spanish interviews were
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translated into Spanish using a Google Doc translator and edited by the researcher. After all the
one-on-one interviews were finalized, the third corroboration of data gathering happened in the
in-person observation (rehearsal). As stated earlier, a semi-structured observation guide was
followed, and notes were taken using Word (see Appendix E).
Fourth, a one-on-one semi-structured interview took place with the music director of each
church site after the observed rehearsal (see Appendix D). Like the participant interviews, they
were recorded on mobile devices and transcribed using Descript. Lastly, each praise band was
observed in live performance using streaming services on YouTube and Facebook.
Using the multiple sources of evidence that included surveys (typed or written) as
“documents,” audio transcription of interviews as “narrative compilations,” in-person
observations with typed-out guides and a research notebook as “documents,” multiple points of
triangulation to corroborate data findings were created.
Lastly, two other forms of qualitative validity were used to establish trustworthiness in
this multiple case study, member checking and “theme identification” by outside experts
(Creswell & Poth, 2018; Lichtman, 2013). For this, all twelve participants were sent a copy of
the narrative analysis found in Chapter 4 and their short bios in Chapter 3 to verify that what the
researcher discovered accurately reflected their thoughts and sentiments. Any corrections or
retractions they had were reflected in the final analysis of the data. Furthermore, two outside
individuals were sent copies of random transcripts to verify themes based on the grounded theory
established in this study. Both individuals have doctorates in music education (DMA & Ph.D.)
and are considered expert insiders within this topic as active church attenders with experience
leading and participating in CWM. Their theme analysis including any disconfirming evidence,
that is “information that presents a perspective that is contrary to the one indicated by the
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established evidence,” (Creswell & Clark, 2018, p. 212), is addressed in Chapter 4. Results of
member checking and responses from outside readers are reported in Chapter 4.
Procedures for Data Analysis
The qualitative data collected from the surveys, one-on-one interviews, and rehearsal
observations were separately coded, categorized, and relevant sections conceptualized for
emergent themes (Saldaña, 2021) to help answer research questions numbers 1-4,. As stated
earlier, the surveys (Appendix B) that were administered through Qualtrics or in-person were
reviewed and analyzed to select participants for further study and to get a general understanding
of the type of performance musicians I was going to be interviewing and observing. During this
survey analysis and the participant selection process, which lasted about three months, I noted
any noteworthy things that stood out from their answers in order to ask or get clarification during
their one-on-one interviews that were scheduled later. The data for the one-on-one semi-
structured interviews (Appendix C & D) were collected through an audio-recording application
Voice Memos on an iPad and iPhone for two months (December 2022 and January 2023). The
average interview was 45 minutes, and over 10 hours of audio data were collected and
transcribed, which amounted to over 160 pages. The listening, transcribing, and translating
occurred between February and March of 2023 using a transcribing application called, Descript.
All transcriptions were initially edited and fixed by me listening at a 0.75x to 0.50x speed and
were later verified and edited by a third-party translator fluent in Spanish and English. In-person
semi-structured rehearsal observations occurred in each church location between December 2022
and January 2023. Data for these observations were collected in a Word document using the
semi-guided protocol (Appendix C) on a MacBook-Pro laptop computer.
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The coding process in qualitative analysis is a cyclical procedure that examines the same
data sets multiple times to determine the possible answers to the research questions (Saldaña,
2016). Data from the interview transcripts went through three separate viewing cycles utilizing
Lichtman’s (2013) generic approach to coding, and the data were analyzed into codes,
categories, and concepts. Generic coding methods attributed to the first and second cycles
included ‘initial coding’ and ‘in vivo’ coding, which provided “basic but focused filters for
reviewing the corpus and they build on a foundation for future coding cycles” (2013, p. 97). In
this study, ‘initial coding’ was used in the first viewing cycle to allow the researcher to be open
to all possible directions that the data may have taken, breaking “down qualitative data into
discrete parts” (p. 115). Moreover, ‘in vivo’ coding was used in the second viewing to
encapsulate the personal voice of each participant to understand better the meaning of their
experiences participating in CWM with praise bands. The third viewing cycle was used to alter
codes from the first two cycles and then synthesize those codes in categories that became
findings, and conceptual emergent themes (research questions numbers 1-4, and evidence for
differences in church sites, and sociological issues (research questions numbers 5-6). All data
sets in this multiple case study went through a series of three viewing cycles that included
coding, categorizing, and conceptualizing in order to understand and interpret the findings,
which will be presented in Chapter 4.
Limitations
A few limitations can be noted in this study. The most significant limitation was the
difficulty in locating adequate church sites with enough subjects to participate in the research
process. This was explained in detail in the “site selection process” of this chapter. Another
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limitation was getting enough research candidates from each selected church site to fill out the
purposeful sampling survey to provide more options for research participants. Another limitation
was my ability to watch each praise band lead worship during an in-person live service;
performance observations were done with online streaming. Because I am a worship director at a
church, I am limited to the number of Sundays that I can take off from worship leading at church.
The last limitation was my Spanish-speaking abilities. While I consider myself fully bilingual in
speech and writing, I struggled some to express myself as a researcher during the Spanish
interviews and observation interactions.
Summary
This chapter offered a detailed explanation of the multiple case study. The qualitative
nature of this study allowed for the interpretation of the phenomenon based on the data collected
from the participants. Participants were selected from three diverse church sites (English,
Ukrainian, and Spanish) through a process that combined purposeful sampling and convenient
sampling techniques. There were nine music performance participants (three from each church)
whose narrative from direct and open-ended questions provided insight into the six overarching
questions. This was supplemented by data from three music directors (one from each church
setting). Various sources of evidence were used when collecting data that, included documents
from surveys, notes from structured observation guides, and narrative compilations from in-
person interviews. Information about trustworthiness, approach to data analysis, and summary
of limitations were included. Results of the study are offered in Chapter 4.

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Chapter 4: Findings and Emergent Conceptual Themes
Chapter Organization
This chapter presents a review of the results of the data collected from the sampling
questionnaire, individual semi-structured interviews, and guided rehearsal observations. The
chapter begins with a review of the purpose of this replication study and the re-stating of the six
overarching research questions. Next, results of the trustworthiness of data procedures, including
(a) consultation with authorities to verify coded themes and (b) the accuracy of data via member
checking, are described. After that, the chapter includes a restatement of Table 3.1 from Chapter
3 that briefly summarizes the 12 participants presented it detail in Chapter 3 (nine musician
participants and three music directors). This is done to help the reader more easily compare
participant responses as they relate to the different results found for each research question.
The main body of the chapter presents findings organized by research question. This is
followed by a summary of the important emergent conceptual themes connected to the first four
research questions guided by the lenses of formal/informal learning, musicking, and musical
agency described in detail in Chapter 2. There are eleven emergent conceptual themes, and they
are organized in three categories. This leads to the final Chapter 5 that deals with the results as
they are connected to the related literature and the recommendations for further research and
practice.
Purpose and Research Questions
As mentioned in Chapters 1 and 3, the purpose of this qualitative inquiry was to
investigate the music making experiences of 12 participants (n=9 performance musicians, n=3
music directors) from three culturally diverse church settings: English, Ukrainian, and Spanish.
Each research participant was viewed as a unique “bounded case;” however, data were also
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analyzed and presented in terms of the respective church which aides church-site comparison
(addressing research Question No. 5).
The first four research questions were guided by the three lenses described in Chapter 2:
the fundamental principles of informal popular music learning practices (Green, 2008);
“musicking” as a relational activity (Small, 1998); and “musical agency” found in the individual
and collective actions of musicians (Karlsen, 2019). Also addressed were church site
comparisons and other sociological issues as prompted by research questions 5 and 6. The
overarching questions that guided this multiple case study were:
1. How do contemporary Christian musicians acquire and develop their musical skills
within praise bands?
2. Are there distinguishing “practices” of praise band’s musicking that differ from other
popular musicking contexts? If so, does this impact their learning?
3. How do Christian musicians perceive their individual and collective “musical agency” in
conjunction with the goal of corporate worship and individual musical expression in
church music?
4. How do contemporary Christian music directors perceive their role as facilitators of
musicking experiences that help develop musical skills and foster musical agency?
5. What are the differences and similarities between the different church sites and their
participants regarding the development of their musical skills and how they perceive their
collective musical agency within their church musicking experiences?
6. What other sociological issues does the inquiry of this contemporary music education
context raise?

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Results of Trustworthiness Procedures
Aside from the triangulation of data sets to increase study validity (initial survey, semi-
structured interviews, non-participant observation), two other forms of qualitative validity were
used to establish trustworthiness in this multiple case study: member checking and “theme
identification” by outside experts. For the member checking, as stated in Chapter 3, all twelve
participants were sent relevant portions of Chapters 3 and 4 to review and provide feedback to
the researcher to ensure they felt their narrative and statements were correctly represented. A few
of the participants replied that they did not need to read the transcripts and noted: “I don’t need
to read it, I trust you…” However, most read the chapters and felt that I represented them and
their church very well and were at times impressed with how “smart” their answers sounded; at
other times participants expressed embarrassment on how poorly their words seemed to sound.
None of the participants asked me to make any edits to their interviews. Some expressed
pleasure in how organic and real the responses were and how proud they were to contribute to
the findings section of the dissertation.
As for “theme identification” by the two outside experts, a variety of responses and
shared ideas from each reader emerged. For this exercise, each expert received a copy of
Chapters 1 and 2 in order for them to get familiar with the study which included the rationale,
research questions, explanation of theoretical lenses, and the review of literature. They also
received an edited copy of one of the semi-structed interviews (1 performance participant and 1
music director), and they were tasked with coding the transcript and return for me to review and
analyze. The transcripts were selected at random, and the outside experts had no idea who the
participants were and to what church site they belonged.
Reader no. 1, a professor at a large state university in Indiana, reviewed the interview
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transcript from the semi-structured interview with one of the music directors. Most of her
thoughts on the findings related to the forms of individual and collective musical agency. Things
to note from her comments were that provision-based leadership of the music directors provided
informal learning opportunities for praise band members. Also, she noted that forms of
individual agency seem necessary for collective forms of agency to occur which, in turn,
impacted the CWM community beyond the actual practice of leading music in church services.
Those comments offered support as macro concepts within the findings of musical agency under
Questions No. 3 and 4 of this study. One major observation made by this reader corroborated the
finding regarding the importance of early formal learning experiences and their impact on
informal learning experiences. This will be noted under the findings for research Question No. 1.
Reader no. 2, a high school choir director with a doctorate in music education,
commented on a transcript from the semi-structured interview with one of the performance
participants. His thoughts on some of the findings corroborated observations made in this study,
especially on how praise band musicians acquired and developed their musical skills. He also
noted that, even though participants were forced to practice early on mostly through classical
methods, that enforcement influenced and impacted how the learners acquired their skills as
informal learners in praise bands. Another comment by this reader that contributed to a emergent
conceptual theme was that participation and learning in praise bands tended to happen
haphazardly. He noted that participants seem to learn by messing around and playing with their
instrument using their formal acoustic-instrument background in a popular music ensemble when
asked to play and learn electronic instruments. Other findings observed by this reader included
individual and collective forms of agency as participants regulated their participation in praise
band based on their perceived skill set and expectations set by their leader and other band
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members. I concluded that both member checks and outside expert feedback supported and
validated the results presented in this study.
Summary Table of Participants
For the convenience of the reader, Table 3.1 from Chapter 3 is reprinted below as Table
4.1. This table offers a summary of the biographies of the 12 participants from each church site
who were interviewed in this study. As mentioned earlier, all participants were given
pseudonyms to ensure their privacy, as explained to them on the IRB participant consent form.
Also, each music director is referred to as the English MD, Ukrainian MD, and Spanish MD. For
the purpose of this study, pertinent information on each participant is noted in the table: gender
identification, current age, the musical instrument used when participating in CWM, and
previous engagement in private music lessons.
Table 4.1
Description of Church Sites and Study Participants

Church Site Pseudonym Male/ Age Musical Private
Female Instrument Lessons
English Church Music D. Male 26 Guitars/Vocals Yes
Michael Male 62 Keyboard/Piano Yes
James Male 42 Vocals Yes
Thomas Male 22 Bass/Acoustic Guitar No

Ukrainian Church Music D. Male 27 Guitar/Vocals No
Dimitri Male 21 Keyboard Yes
Nadiya Female 22 Keyboard/Vocals Yes
Petro Male 19 Drums Yes

Spanish Church Music D. Male 63 Vocals Yes
Maria Female 46 Singer Yes
Carlos Male 49 Drums No
Lidia Female 63 Singer Yes

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Data Findings
In reading the data findings in the sections below, organized by research questions, the
reader is encouraged to review Table 4.1 and the supportive appendices that contain information
about the data gathering instruments. As is the practice in qualitative research, selected text from
each participant will be sited and placed in italics to support findings. Material will be drawn
directly from interviews or from observation notes.
At the end of each section for questions No. 1-4, a note will be made about possible
findings that might lead to the convergent conceptual themes identified in bold print and then
summarized at the end of the chapter. The findings for questions no. 5 & 6 will not be treated the
same way. Question no. 5 will address some of the finding comparing the three church sites and
question no. 6 will address any other sociological findings came about from this research.
Critical findings from all questions together with the emergent conceptual themes will be treaded
in detail in Chapter 5, especially in terms of the research cited in Chapter 2 and as implications
for research and practice.
Research Question No. 1: Acquisition and Development of Musical Skills
The following section summarizes the findings on how CWM musicians in this study
acquired and developed their musical skills within praise bands. It seemed appropriate for the
participants’ findings from the one-on-one interviews and non-participant observations to be
organized using Green’s (2008) five fundamental practices of informal learning and analyzed to
determine the similarities and/or differences within this specific context. This is done in similar
fashion to how Benjamins (2019) presented her data findings.
There are a number of ways that popular music performers and, by extension,
contemporary Christian musicians such as those studied here go about acquiring their musical
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skills and there are many reasons why this is so. Some of those reasons include: (1) a lack of
formal systemization involved in popular music learning, (2) the variety of acquisition of skills
between popular music sub-genres, (3) the many different social and cultural contexts that exist
within popular music, and (4) the transference of skills differs between person to person (Green,
2008, p. 5). Nevertheless, generalizable features of informal learning practices can be found
among popular musicians (p. 5). Much of popular music research continues to refer to Green’s
(2008) five fundamental principles of informal learning: (1) learners select music for themselves;
(2) copying recording by ears; (3) learning takes place through self-direction or peer-direction;
(4) learners begin with ‘whole,’ ‘real-world’ pieces of music; and (5) learners combine a deep
integration of listening, performing, improvising, and composing (p. 10).
When analyzing the data collected through the purposeful questionnaire of participants in
this study, the one-on-one interviews, and the rehearsal observations, I discovered that Green’s
fundamental principles of informal learning express themselves at various levels within the
participants’ contributing to praise bands and serve as a means to organize the presentation of
findings for this research question. Even though praise band musicians’ learning seems to be
connected in one way or another to the principles of informal learning, it is essential to note that
data analysis showed the constant interplay between formal and informal learning methods
(Wright, 2016). Participants’ narratives recalled past formal learning experiences that helped
their development of musical skills for this current popular music endeavor.
One phenomenon that often occurs within church musicians who participate in praise
bands is their deep ‘enculturation’ or immersion in the music and musical practices of
Contemporary Worship Music (CWM). This was evident in the data from this study. Many of
the participants grew up attending church or private Christian schools where they fully immersed
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themselves in all aspects of CWM, including through leisure listening, congregational singing
during worship services, and learning to perform musically as they participated in praise bands.
Green (2008) noted that “immersion in the music and musical practices of one’s environment is a
fundamental factor that is common in all aspects of music learning” (p. 5). For example,
participants from the Ukrainian church recalled having early childhood music experiences at
church, which eventually led them to participate in praise bands.

Well, my mom she was a choir director… So, like even with my sister and me, she would
sing song with us, and she would kind of like teach us certain songs and we’d perform
them at our church. (Nadiya, Ukrainian church)

So, I started playing the violin a long time ago because this one guy came into our church
and he was just popping off on the violin, and I’m just like, that’s so cool… And then
once I started drums, I fell in love with is. (Petro, Ukrainian church)

While deep immersion can begin early, all participants felt that CWM is a big part of
their current daily lives. Aside from actively participating in their church praise bands leading
CWM, many participants are active church attenders who sing CWM in their church services,
attend CWM concerts, and listen to it during their leisure time. Their narrative of how important
CWM is in their lives affirmed Ingalls’s (2018) notion that CWM “engages worshipers in a
variety of performance spaces that were once distinct, bridging public and private devotional
practices, connecting online and offline communities, and bringing competing personal,
institutional, and commercial interest into the same domain” (p. 1).
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Learner’s Selection of Music. As stated earlier, while Green’s (2008) principles of
informal learning are manifested in some way in the CWM context, the expression levels vary.
When it comes to the leaner’s selection of music, this too falls in the range of full spectrum
individual input to no input at all. However, a case can be made that since all performance
musicians volunteer to rehearse and perform CWM, they selected the music genre they wanted to
perform. This idea is in contrast with some of the narratives from participants’ early formal-
instruction experiences, where many were forced to play music in the lessons they did not enjoy.

Piano lessons for me, I wasn’t learning what I wanted to learn at the time…I was playing
classical music and pop tunes like a “Bridge Over Trouble Waters.” That’s not what I
wanted to play, I wanted to learn how to play rock and roll and gospel type music.
(Michael, English church)

And I didn’t like that it was like one guy was very operatic, and he wanted to take my
voice and make it more…. and I’m like, but that’s not my voice, I’m not an operatic
singer, I’m more of a pop style. I didn’t want to feel forced to change who I was, so I
stopped taking lessons. (James, English Church)

So, I started the violin and turns out I really did not like it, but my mom forced me to stay
there and be part of the children’s orchestra. (Petro, Ukrainian church)

But I think it was just because our mom forced us to go into the piano… she wanted us to
learn piano, but I think it was just because the desire wasn’t there at first. Well, the first
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two teachers I wanna say classical, most of the time arpeggios, and like a lot of classical
music. (Nadiya, Ukrainian church)

While the case can be made that all participants selected to play CWM as a genre within
their praise bands experience, there was a mixed sentiment regarding their personal contribution
to selecting specific and new songs. Some participants felt that song selection was made entirely
by their church’s music director or even pastoral leadership. When asked how much input one
had in the selection of new tunes, here is what some stated:

At this point in time, none! It’s done by the worship hierarchy. They are running the
show. (Michael, English church).

I think it is between the Music Director and the pastors… I think the pastors have a good
hand in that. The Senior pastor has always been very outspoken. Like if you have a set
with lots of ballads, he doesn’t like that… He wants rock and roll! (James, English
church)

So, it kinda comes from our leader… He will kinda of show us certain music or certain
songs that he’s listened to and that he thinks that we are able to kind incorporate in our
band. (Nadiya, Ukrainian church)

On the other hand, some participants felt that their input or the input of other band members
when it comes to song selection, was always welcomed.
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Well, I go to YouTube and listen to new worship songs… And there’s one that I love
those words, and I would like to sing that to the Lord…It’s always been, if you have a
song that really want to do, please bring it... We all have that understanding under every
leader that I worked with. (Lidia, Spanish church)

Regularly, the music director is always open to receive songs that we would like to lead
as singers… we are always able to suggest, as long as it the lyrics are focused on singing
to God. (Maria, Spanish church)

However, in some instances, participants felt that music selection was conducted in a democratic
manner between all the band members. This idea also contributed to collective forms of musical
agency where decisions were made and regulated within social encounters. This observation will
be explained later when dealing with individual and collective forms of agency.

Most of the time he [MD] suggests songs, and we all kinda look into it, you know… the
lyrics of the song, the sounds of the song… I want to say that the electric guitar and the
main piano player give more of an input, and that’s very helpful. (Nadiya, Ukrainian
church)

We also throw in suggestions… So, if we think there’s a good song, we’ll throw them into
the group chat. (Petro, Ukrainian church)

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Usually if he [MD] finds a song), or if we find a song, we instantly just right away text
and say, we want to try this song… (Dimitri, Ukrainian church)

The narrative above provided insight into how much input praise band participants felt
they had when selected the music/songs they played in church services. While some participants
felt that there was always an “open door” to bringing in song suggestions, others felt that it was
always dictated by their MD or church leadership. Nevertheless, playing CWM as a music genre
was seen as individual choice and informal musical-skills development occurred through the
endeavor.
Copying Recordings by Ear. Even though more than half of the participants had
formal music training on at least one of the instruments they play, and they could read traditional
music notation, most learned music by copying recordings by ear. Vocalists, in particular, only
cared about lyrics sheets, and they often listen to a song “on repeat” until they have mastered it.

I never took classes, so my way of learning songs is by hearing them… I remember
buying a karaoke and you could listen and record yourself over and over… I never took
classes with a teacher; I just did everything by ear. (Maria, Spanish church)

I just listen to the music again and it’s just finding what I’m trying to connect with the
song… I do most of my work just by listening… I’ll listen to the song five or six times
before I even attempt to sing along with it… cuz once I’ve listened to it that many times,
I’ve figured out what I need to do and how I need to do it… And then it’s just . . .I start
emulating what they are doing… (James, English church)
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Furthermore, while most instrumentalists used chord charts or even lead sheets provided by their
respective music directors, they all implement high levels of listening to learn new music;
listening, and by “ear,” appeared to be how most prefer to learn CWM.

I’ll just play the song while I’m driving to work, while I’m at work, you know… and when
I’m going home. Any time that I can listen to the song, I get the song down identically just
by listening to it… I remember where all the drum parts are, I can copy note by note just
by listening through the song, and then when we come to practice there are no mistakes.
(Petro, Ukrainian church)

I did not want to learn higher end of piano… this is my thing; I play by ear. Well, like I
can hear a song and I can just play it for you. I understood that I have some kind of gift
where I can hear a song and I can play and I can finesse with the chords… (MD,
Ukrainian church)

Usually, I can pinpoint with my ears just on, based on the hearing, what the melody is
supposed to be… (Dimitri, Ukrainian church)

Even though skill acquisition in praise bands involved copying recordings by ear, there
was a slight difference between Green’s observations as opposed to some of the participants’
experiences in this study. For example, in the classroom context where Green conducted her
research, students would listen to the songs’ recordings together to figure out the ‘vocal line.’ In
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praise bands, however, most participants learned the songs by listening to the recordings and
learning the songs individually before they came together to practice as a group. Observations in
rehearsals confirmed this as performance participants and music directors would remind each
other to, “remember how it goes in the recording?”

OBSERVATION NOTE: Thursday, January 26, 2023 – 7:30 p.m.
No recordings were used during the rehearsal; however, they were encouraged to listen
to songs that are recorded by the original or cover artists. There was a discussion about
whether they had listened to the recording before rehearsal.

Self-Directed and Peer Learning. Following the principles of informal learning
proposed by Green (2008), data analysis showed that praise band participants acquired and
developed their musical skills alone and alongside their peers. All participants interviewed
expressed various levels of self-motivation or self-direction in learning and developing their
musical skills to be better participants while engaged with CWM and their praise bands.

CWM, … it has driven me to be a better player because, you know, you got 300 people
that are going to hear it, who are worshipping, and you want to do your best for God… It
has influenced me as far as practicing being better prepared, really studying notational
value, and being able to play in different keys that are presented. (Michael, English
church)

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And, like one time I couldn’t get the harmony, so I had to go over it like 80 times the
same little part where I was messing up… but we didn’t mind, I didn’t mind. (Lidia,
Spanish church)

So, there’s so many different sounds and different functions of the keyboard that I have to
explore and learn… (Nadiya, Ukrainian church)

With the piano and the violin, it was parent-based, parents wanted us to do it… It was
what they wanted, their songs, but with the praise band, I kinda joined willingly, and it’s
not really note-based… (Dimitrio, Ukrainian church)

Moreover, observations of rehearsals showed some levels of peer-directed learning, where
“conscious and unconscious acquisition of skills and knowledge took place through listening,
watching, imitating, and talking” (Green, 2016, p. 10).

OBSERVATION NOTE: Thursday, January 26, 2023 – 7:30 p.m.
The more skilled electric guitar player went to the bass player and explained some things
to him on one of the songs they were learning that he is confused with. The interaction
was very insightful, and the bass player took the advice well… Moreover, the MD helped
the bass player by demonstrating the bass part on the chorus on his acoustic guitar.
During this interaction all the musicians stood still and quietly listened as the bass player
and went over it several times as he practiced slower out of context the chorus of the
song. The band then began the chorus to go over what the bass player had learn and it
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appeared that he was able to get it eventually and his skill set on the song improved as he
was able to get it. (English Church)

OBSERVATION NOTE: Friday, January 27, 2023 – 6:00 p.m.
The musicians appear to be very patient with the song as they worked through the ballad,
the girl acoustic guitar leader is calling out chords as she strummed and fake sings
through the song and helping the other rhythm players. There was confusion during the
latter part of the rehearsal on the key to the song. There was discussion about whether
the guitar player (electric) got the correct key. The keyboardist went on to demonstrate a
lead part to the e. guitarist—maybe he was struggling with it, or maybe they played it at
the same time. (Spanish church)

While music directors had some input and suggestions when the praise bands were
rehearsing music, my sense as an observer and as an experienced praise band musician was that
such interactions were not perceived as a student-teaching relationship that might exist in formal
music learning contexts. Instead, music directors seemed to act as ‘peers,’ giving input and
suggestions about the music. Peer learning in all praise band rehearsals often happened, and
conscious and unconscious social interactions among participants seemed to lead to the
acquisition and development of musical skills.
‘Whole’ and ‘Real-World’ Pieces of Music. Unlike formal learning practices in which
learners frequently follow a scaffolded progression from simple to complex in order to achieve
musical skills and learning objectives prescribed by an instructor, informal learning “begins with
‘real-world’ pieces of music” (Green, 2008, p. 10). Within the context of praise bands observed
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in this study, this was most often the case. Narrative accounts from the interviews made clear
that CWM musicians begin learning music haphazardly and holistically by starting with the
recordings of professional CWM artists.

Well, I listen to the music over and over again… So, any song that I have on Spotify, I
just listen to, and I know where every beat is and how everything is supposed to sound.
(Petro, Ukrainian church)

I open up Planning Center (real-time church planning software and database) and there
it is… you know, and it’s like, now I gotta listen to it and figure it out… so to prepare, the
music director gives you all the sheet music, lyrics and the MP3’s so that we can listen to
it, and all of that… (James, English church)

They send me the name of the song, and then I look for it on YouTube, and I practice by
listening to it… listening to it while I’m at work, during the day while working… When I
don’t understand the rhythm too much, I look for the “drum cover” where they tell you
how to cover it (play it) from the original song. (Carlos, Spanish church)

Many CWM musicians shared that their initial experiences with their praise band came
from a ‘need’ their church had. Even though many participants were already skilled in their
instrument, they had to acquire different skill sets specific to this popular music style in a
haphazard and idiosyncratic manner. For example, two of the participants from the Spanish
church, the drummer who was previously involved in a professional Norteña band and the
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vocalist who sang professional mariachi, had similar accounts about being “thrown into” CWM
out of need.

The church we were attending used a small drum machine. I thought that the music had
no flavor, and I knew they lacked a drummer… After church one day, the pastor said that
he needed to talk with me, and he told me that he wanted me to play with the praise team,
and I said ok… (Carlos, Spanish church)

So, I went to church and there was hardly anyone there, a small Spanish ministry… So,
there were two girls and a guitar player, which was the pastor singing… and I thought,
oh that is so awesome. And so, they heard me singing and said, why don’t you join us!
And that is how I started, and that was the beginning of something beautiful. (Lidia,
Spanish church)

In some instances, learning a skill on a new instrument to participate in a praise band was
thrust upon the participants by the church’s music director or leadership.

I played the bass guitar… and I only did it for a short period of time while they could get
somebody who was better than I. (Lidia, Spanish church)

So, in the beginning (praise band experience) the MD just called me out after the first
practice that I had just listened to, I haven’t been to my first drum lesson yet, and the MD
brings out a list of eight songs. And he goes, we are playing these in two weeks… The
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drummer they had flaked and so everything fell on me. And so, in two weeks, there’s a
youth night event and I have eight songs to learn, and they weren’t very simple… (Carlos,
Spanish church)

Because even with my MD, he was like, hey do you know how play the bass… and I was
like, NO. But ok, I’ll learn to play the bass. And yea, from there I learn how to play the
bass. (Thomas, English church)

Learning Through Listening, Performing, and Improvising. The last fundamental
principle of informal learning is that learners in popular music settings are usually involved in a
“deep integration of listening, performing, improvising, and composing… with an emphasis on
personal creativity” (Green, 2008, p. 10). While this principle seemed all-encompassing because
all musicians develop skills as they play listen, and perform together, praise band members must
constantly be flexible and open to change. Based on the observations and interviews, it appeared
that CWM musicians adapted to different worship environments (rehearsal space vs.
performance space); dealt with the rotation of different musicians’ week to week; changed song
keys based on who was singing the song; and changed song forms as they saw a need based on
the desired congregational worship outcome. Moreover, praise band musicians seemed to adjust
their contributions to a specific song as needed. While it seemed clear that the goal of most
CWM was to replicate the song as prescribed by a specific recording, the skill set of musicians in
every praise band varied, and sometimes adjustments needed to be made to the song as the music
came together. Moreover, they were, alternatively, playing different things to present the same
song differently. The following narrative from the one-on-one interview expresses this.
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It's different with drums… it’s a lot easier. You can play note for note from the drummer
(on the recording), or you can throw in your totally different beat in there… You can mix
it around. So, if I really want it, I can play the same song with totally different beat and it
sounds just as good… (Petro, Ukrainian church)

I will figure something out… Typically, like I when I lead worship, I play bass most of the
time, and whenever it comes to that, I can feel that. Different rhythms come out instead of
the ones that are on the page… They might sound better in my ears and if I get told to do
it differently, I’ll do it differently or try something else. (Thomas, English church)

Whereas there were many observations concerning the acquisition and development of
musical skills within the context of praise bands, the ones presented in this section were in
accordance with the informal learning principles proposed by Green (2008). Other learning
principles found in the participants' narratives or rehearsal observations will be presented in later
sections as they will be attributed to the lens of musicking and musical agency.
Importance for Emerging Conceptual Themes. The principles of informal learning as
discovered through the analysis of the data from the participants’ interviews and observations
raise several conceptual categories that will be of ongoing discussion throughout this study: a
deep immersion in CWM as cultural practice; the importance of early formal learning
experiences/lessons; self-directed learning motivated by the desire to worship and serve God;
praise band participation occurring haphazardly; and praise band participation requiring
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flexibility and adaptability. These findings are important in the consideration of conceptual
themes and will be considered further under the other research questions and in Chapter 5.
Research Question No. 2: Distinguishing Practices of Band’s Musicking
Contemporary Worship Music (CWM), as presented and performed by praise bands in
many Christian churches worldwide, is a musicking experience that embodies a myriad of
practices unique to the setting. When analyzing the data found in the diverse church sites in this
study, three practices distinct to praise band musicking were found: church worship services as a
social-cultural event; CWM as a participatory gestural process; and inclusive community within
praise bands.
Church Worship Services as a Social-Cultural Event. On the surface, many popular
music concerts can be considered social-cultural events where people gather to enjoy music
presented by a specific artist or artist. Specific music genres present certain cultural qualities that
individuals can use to identify or set themselves apart within a section of society. However, just
because a person attends a concert of a specific popular artist or band does not mean that they
identify entirely with the socio-culture attributes that the artist/band or people in attendance
represent. If we adhere to the notion that socio-cultural events impact the “norms, values, and
beliefs of individuals that guide and rationalize their cognition of themselves and their society”
(Burge & Vanclay, 1996, p. 59), then most popular music concerts may not be strictly social-
cultural events. Just because lyrical content and musical style are representatives of specific
tenets and values of a segment of society, it does not necessarily follow that music participants
and their audience adhere to its descriptive and prescriptive ideas.
However, this distinction may be different when observing the musicking practices
presented by praise bands in CWM. Data from this research showed that in the Christian church
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services observed and from the words of participants, the context and platform of praise band
musicking, were seen as social-cultural events in every sense of the term. CWM was a
musicking practice and an intensely meaningful social-cultural event (Christian church worship
service) in which they all participated. The public and private actions of church musicking by
praise band musicians affected how they, as Christians, “live, work, play, relate to one another,
organize to meet their needs,” and generally cope as members of Christian society (Burge &
Vanclay, 1996, p. 59). As evidence of this, participants made pointed comparisons between their
experiences participating in other popular music contexts to the experiences of playing CWM in
church services. For example, Carlos shared why he stopped playing and composing Norteña
music.

Since the Lord reached me, I was not able to continue writing (Norteña) music, God
opened my eyes and see other things… Now, that I’m different, I don’t feel good writing
those kinds of lyrics, like if I was trying to disguise something. (Carlos, Spanish church)

Another performing musician, Maria, explained that singing in past popular music contexts was
not fulfilling because it was merely to “win a contest” and it was always tied into some kind of
monetary compensation.

For me, singing in the past for people (clubs and bars) was merely to win a contest,
based on who had the best voice… it always included money. However, now singing for
God, is something more spiritual, something that fills my heart and I know that it pleases
God... (Maria, Spanish church)
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Moreover, Lidia explained how participating in CWM and singing worship music in church
services was unique and beautiful, a practice that affected even her lifestyle.

Because now it’s different… because before, it was for people, people who are drinking
and that environment, and over here at church is something spiritual, something unique
and beautiful… it became part of me, through it I offered God my life and my lifestyle.
(Lidia, Spanish church)

The narratives of praise band members described their church musicking ‘practices’ to be
different than other popular musicking contexts. Those experiences, which usually take place in
the social-cultural event, the church service, were considered spiritual, beautiful, unique, surreal,
and highly rewarding. Furthermore, these musicking practices affected all aspects of their lives
and in turn affected those who are in attendance, the church congregation. This distinguishing
musicking practice of praise bands suggested that CWM was meaningful and effective because it
“spills over the bounds of church services (social-cultural event), thoroughly pervading
evangelical public ritual and practices of everyday life” (Ingalls, 2018, p. 2). Furthermore, the
notion that CWM was a ‘socio-cultural event’ also relates to the possible convergent main theme
presented under research question No. 1, in that participants in this musicking endeavor were
deeply immersed in every aspect of the CWM cultural practice.
CWM as a Participatory Gestural Process. Musicking is the verb “to music” in the
present participle (Small, 1998, p. 9). This philosophical concept focuses on the relational
activity of any musical performance, whether by listening, rehearsing, or providing material for
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performance. In addition, a theory of musicking attempts to explain the activity of music-
making and its function in human life. Within its philosophical underpinnings, musicking
suggests that everyone is born musical and uses musical activities as a gestural communication
process (Small, 1998, p. 13). Music does not merely reside in music objects like compositions
(songs) and performances; it resides in the musicking practices of individuals, and the
relationships created during those experiences. However, forming any relationship requires
communication. Small argued further that a musical performance is not just “a one-way system
of communication, running from composer to individual listener through the medium of the
performer” (p. 6). Instead, musicking is a flowchart of communication from the composer to the
performer, the performer to the audience, and then the audience back to the performer and
composer.
Although many praise bands’ musicking practices relate to other popular musicking
contexts, the idea of music performed as a gestural communication process to God or the
‘supernatural’ is quite different. The following section describes some of the findings in this
study that fall under this distinguishing practice found in the musicking experiences of praise
band musicians.
While praise band participants described their musicking experiences with other praise
band members as pleasant and enjoyable, some spoke of instances where they led the
congregation (church members) in singing, which was meant to communicate praise and worship
to God.

So, we went to this camp in Oregon, with like 300 youth, it was in the forest… I
remember playing there... Especially when there were some songs where we kinda had
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acapella singing moments, no instruments to help, it’s just full voices - synchronizing,
harmonizing... It feels like, at least to me, the most real and vulnerable state when you
are singing as one congregation, regardless of where you are coming from, we’re all
praising the Lord. (Dimitri, Ukrainian church)

Others talked about the connection they made while leading worship—a connection to people
(congregation) and to God to whom they are singing.

And the thing is, is that you are able to feel it, and I can feel a connection with God while
I’m leading worship and help provide rhythm for other people… I feel it too, just like
from the inside. I don’t know how to explain appropriately, but it’s like warmth that I’m
providing that to people and to God as well. (Thomas, English church)

Another participant explained how the emphasis of singing and leading worship is to serve God
in spirit and in truth.

For me, the focus of participating in praise bands is to worship (lead music to God).
Everything we should do in this setting should be with the right heart towards Him (God).
I could sing in a lot of different places, but in worship we should direct our hearts to Him
whom we sing to. (Maria, Spanish church)

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When it comes to the practice of performing CWM in praise band, this participant talked about
how church musicking is not for entertainment, but congregation participation in worship to
God.

We are not performing necessarily for the congregation… this is a performance for God,
we’re worshipping God… In our worship setting, you are not trying to entertain the
congregation…You are trying to get them involved, it’s all to bring the people to engage,
you want them to participate in worship. (James, English church)

When praise bands perform or “lead” CWM in churches, data from this study suggested
that participants use music as a kind of "gestural process” to communicate the lyrics from the
stage to the audience (congregation). Then, the congregation joins in the musicking and
communicates those lyrics in worship to God. Furthermore, with this gestural communication
process, people feel connected in heart and mind with God because praise band musicking is not
meant to entertain but to engage and bring people into a worship experience with God. As
described by some of the accounts above, this communal church musicking experience with the
‘supernatural world’ is found to be most real and vulnerable. This triadic flow of communication
that happens in church musicking through praise bands was best described by one of the
participants in the English church:

I’m trying to figure out how sing… sing in a way that I’m connecting with them
(congregation/audience), so they can connect with God. So, there’s a triangle… God
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gives me the inspiration to reach out, to connect to the congregation… and that allows
the congregation to connect to God. (James, English church)

Inclusive Community. A possible criticism that some might have concerning popular
music ensembles in comparison to the more traditional music ensembles of choir, band, and
orchestra, is that popular ensembles can be more exclusive because their limited instrumentation
does not allow for a lot of performance participants. While that criticism may have some merit,
not all popular music contexts are the same and therefore some can be seen as more inclusive
than others. One of the distinguishing characteristics of praise bands evident in this study was
that they there appear to be an inclusive musicking community when it comes to engaging in
new participants. This may be because praise bands lead music in churches every week, in some
instances twice a week. The music directors spoke of how they have worked with new
performance musicians and brought them in as new praise band members, specifically young
musicians that are still learning and growing in the instrument(s).

Recruitment of new musicians happens through word of mouth, almost like community
outreach… For example, there has been a pair of high school singers that are both really
strong. I also got news that one of our teachers had a daughter, and I had to reach out
multiple times. When can we get this person started in leading worship? It’s like taking a
risk, you don’t know always how its gonna play out… they might need a little bit more
time, maybe they will be ready to go. But it’s kinda your opportunity to help them grow
and utilize them in one way or another in worship. (MD, English church)

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For example, the teacher (church music teacher) will tell me if the person is ready to play
the bass, and we can include them when we want to. However, sometimes, they don’t
know the songs too well and still lack in ability, so we get them playing by coming into
rehearsals on Fridays. Once I feel they are ready, we ask them to come lead on Sundays.
(MD, Spanish church)

Findings show that the musicking interactions between band members were positive and
enjoyable and many felt that this popular music ensemble was like an inclusive family.

We have a really nice group (praise band), a combination of adults and youth and we get
along really well. We have the liberty to give each other advice and no one takes it
personal. (Maria, Spanish church)

I’m very thankful for my brothers and sisters that are part of the praise team, because
they are patient with me… I’m always running late after work trying to get to rehearsals,
and they are not bothered by it. It’s only been a few years that I’ve been studying worship
music, and it is something that is very special. (Carlos, Spanish church)

I feel a strong connection, you know… we’ve been through the musical trenches together.
It’s almost like a musical family. You know, like when I play with James, it’s just like we
have grown so much together. (Michael, English church)

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Importance for Emerging Conceptual Themes. Praise band participation and the
leading of CWM in church services may be a unique musicking endeavor with many distinct
practices that set it aside from other popular music ensembles. Narrative from the interviews as
well as the non-participant observations offered some insight for this phenomenon and provided
three findings that are important for identifying emergent conceptual themes that can be
synthesized for all three church sites across all participants. First, the data findings showed that
CWM as presented by praise bands in church services is seen as an intensely meaningful socio-
cultural event, which impacts the norms, values, and beliefs of the individuals who participate in
this church musicking. This finding can also be tied to the ‘immersive culture’ that CWM praise
band participants experience in church musicking practice. Second, narrative and observational
accounts also showed how participants use CWM as a participatory gestural process which is
used to communicate “worshipful lyrics” with other praise band members, the audience they are
performing for and leading (congregation), and lastly communicating to God or the supernatural.
The last emergent finding is that the praise band, as popular music ensemble, is an inclusive
community, because CWM is presented every Sunday and the demand for musicians and singers
is high.
Research Question No. 3: Individual and Collective Musical Agency
Individual Dimension of Agency. ‘Agency’ deals with an individual’s “room for action”
and to what extent specific mechanisms of society subdue those actions or a person can freely
decide to be an ‘actor’ within them (Karlsen, 2011, p. 110). Moreover, musical agency deals
explicitly with the practices and actions taken by individuals in music-related settings to
negotiate different dimensions of individual and collective forms of action, both of which are
explored in this research question. As noted in Chapter 3, Karlsen (2011) believed that there are
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six types of musical actions found within the individual dimension of musical agency: using
music for self-regulation, the shaping of self-identity, self-protection, medium of thinking,
matters of being and developing music-related skills (p. 111). While most dimensions of
individual agency were found to be perceived at various levels by the participants in this study,
two of the dimensions were found to be the most prevalent: music used for self-
regulation and matters of being. However, while the dimension of ‘developing music-related
skills’ is evident in this study’s findings, it will not be covered under this research question as it
was addressed within the findings of research question No.1 that dealt with the acquisition and
development of musical skills. The following section describes the results under self-
regulation and matters of being.
Using Music for Self-Regulation. The overarching notion that individuals use music
and music-making for self-regulation encompasses three interrelated practices: using music for
emotional work, memory work, and bodily comportment Karlsen (2011), (p. 112). According to
the narratives of the performance participants, playing and singing with praise bands helped them
to constitute a positive and fulfilling emotional state, which aligns with the self-
regulation practice of using music for emotional work. Furthermore, considering that all
participants volunteered their time participating in their church praise band, many recalled that
playing or singing makes them “feel good” and brings great emotional satisfaction. For example,
this participant described the difference in feelings when playing with his Norteña band (his
brother’s band) and the praise band at church.

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When I’m playing at the church… I feel good. When I’m playing with my brother’s band,
I like it because I like to play drums, but there isn’t that joy that I experience at church…
(Carlos, Spanish church)

Another participant describes the pleasant satisfaction of playing drums with the praise band,
even when he is super busy and participation in rehearsals takes away time from him and his
fiancée.
I feel good after we play, you know… I sacrifice my time. So, I feel fulfilled ‘cause I
mean, I dedicate all this time during the weeks when we go to practices and all this. It
feels good to play a song in church where other people hear it and sing along… (Petro,
Ukrainian church)

All three participants from the English church had something to say when it came to the
emotional experience that led them to some kind of bodily comportment when playing CWM
with a praise band. This is part of inter-related practice of individuals using CWM for self-
regulation.

You know, like I’ll cry in the middle of a song… I don’t care… This is an emotional
connection, you don’t always find that in normal stuff, but in contemporary worship song,
there’s always something for me to find. (James, English church)

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It was when we did the song, “Lead Me to the Cross.” The very first time I heard that, it
was like an epiphany. It was like a calling, like it was meant to be. It was like I was being
held… (Michael, English church)

I’m able to feel it too, is just like from the inside, it’s like warmth that I’m providing that
to people and God. If I ever mess up, it is because I close my eyes and I sing along while
I’m playing (CWM). (Thomas, English church)

Using Music for Matters of Being. Considering the topic of church musicking
experiences, specifically, those in praise bands leading CWM, using music for matters of
being was a resounding point made from by all the participants in this study. According to
Karlsen (2011), “using music for ‘matters of being’ concerns, for instance, employing music to
sharpen one’s awareness, increase sensibility, enhance imagination, fulfill spiritual needs, and
arrive at states of ontological security” (p. 114). This dimension of musical agency is most
relevant within the topic of praise bands because this self-directed music endeavor allows people
to use their musical skills in a way that realizes part of their existential purpose. However,
because this musicking undertaking deals with ontological matters that are “spiritual” in nature,
it was difficult for participants to describe how it impacted their agency; instead, they talked
about their “connection” to God through their worship leading. Nonetheless, the narrative from
their experiences shed light on how leading CWM was a fulfilling musical experience that gave
them purpose in ways other popular musicking contexts did not. The following participants
shared how CWM and praise band involvement gave them a higher purpose or “calling” in their
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lives, all relating to using music for matters of being. Moreover, many felt this purpose was
granted because of “who” they were singing or performing to, their God.

My heart needs to be ok… because I have to be aware of who I am offering this worship
to, that is to God… It’s such an honor and I want to do my best. (Lidia, Spanish church)

I desire to learn more, and get better… Also, knowing God more and we will come learn
and understand that God is the only one worthy of our praise and worship. (Carlos,
Spanish church)

It’s more than just pretty voices singing, it is worshiping God in spirit and in truth… That
is what fills my heart, knowing that it’s not about pleasing the people who are present
when we lead worship, it is knowing that my singing is pleasing God… knowing that I
worship Him in spirit and in truth. (Maria, Spanish church)

In a similar way, another participant described this connection with God through CWM and
praise band participation as he compared worship leading at church versus his experiences
playing music for individuals at a party.

I feel no connection with any of the in-person audiences, cuz at the end of the day,
worship is only meant for one audience member (God)… I feel no connection to the
human individuals at church, but I do feel a connection with the individuals when I play
at a party… (Thomas, English church)
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Another participant described how playing CWM in a praise band provided him with ontological
security because it made him aware of his position and role in the universe.

It was surreal… I’ve never felt closer to God. There were a couple of times when I was
surfing and I’m in the ocean and a pot of pilot whales comes by and I’m looking at the
cliffs in San Onofre… I’m looking up in the blue sky and you can just feel your position in
the universe, in the world… That was nothing like after I was done playing in church for
the first time, it was mesmerizing, it was out of body… (Michael, English church)

Many sentiments relating to using music for “matters of being” were found across many
interview narratives. Much of those ideas dealt with the connection they felt with God when
playing or singing CWM, a spiritual connection that fulfilled an ontological purpose with the
God they worshipped. Furthermore, this spiritual fulfillment happened because they were
humbled to have the opportunity to volunteer, or what they called “serve” by playing or singing
music with their praise band at church. Most of the performance musicians felt that their
involvement in the praise band was part of their service to God. This calling was therefore
heartfelt and meaningful, fulfilling role of the spiritual needs, which affected their existential
purpose as musicians and worshipers.

I am part of a bigger thing, and it’s setting aside personal “ego” to serve… And so, to
play music as a humble servant of God. (Michael, English church)

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Basically, God touched my heart, when He opened my eyes, I started to understand the
true meaning of why I’m playing and the importance of music, I always knew it was for
the Lord… at the core of it, it was service to the Lord (God). (Dimitri, Ukrainian church)

Before playing with the praise band, it was what you call “performances,” but now it is
something more spiritual... I want to serve; I want to do something for God… And
therefore, for me, they way that I serve God is by playing and participating with the
praise team at church. (Carlos, Spanish church)

Collective Dimension of Agency. While there is no contradiction that music and music-
making are essential in forming meaningful connections in the lives of individuals, Small (1998)
argued that its significance on the “collective level” might be more important because the
principal meanings of music “are not individual at all, but social” (p.8). The collective dimension
of “musical use” and “musical action” was explored within this inquiry as the narrative accounts
and rehearsal observations of the participants are analyzed within their praise band experiences
leading CWM. Similar to the individual dimensions of agency, which explored five sub-
categories of musical agency, the collective dimension of agency also observes findings under
the five areas of collective agency as described by Karlsen (2011), using music for regulating
and structuring social encounters, for coordinating bodily action, for affirming and exploring
collective identity, for the purpose of “knowing the world,” and for establishing a basis for
collaborative musical action (p. 115). Furthermore, like the previous section, all five sub-
categories of collective identity were found at various levels among the participants and their
church musicking experiences; however, only two of those categories were found in data
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saturation within the narratives and observations of the music participants: exploring and
affirming collective identity and establishing a basis for collaborative musical action.
Exploring and Affirming Collective Identity. One of the most prevalent findings in the
church musicking experiences of praise band musicians was how leading CWM in praise bands
affirmed their collective identity as Christians who seek to lead music that worships God and
leads others into that experience. Church services that present CWM through praise bands
explore this collective identity similar to Small’s (1998) discussion of musical participation in
terms of rituals:
Are used both as an act of confirmation of unity (this is who we are), as an act of
exploration (to try to see who we think we are), and as an act of celebration (to rejoice in
the knowledge of an identity not only possessed but also shared with others (Small, 1998,
p. 95).
Many of the participants expressed how important it was for them to select and lead
CWM that was theological accurate and expressed their beliefs as Christians, specifically those
that aligned with their respective denomination and specific church. This finding was typically
expressed when the participants were asked about their involvement in selecting new CWM for
their praise bands. In some instances, the participants’ narrative described how, through the
democratic process of choosing new songs, they needed to collectively agree that the music
chosen, regardless of who introduced it, was written in theologically correct form and in
adherence with their beliefs. Two participants in the Spanish church expressed this dimension of
collective identity in their interviews.

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Yes, we are able to present a new worship song to the team, something we want to look at
and practice… However, there is one condition, there are some worship songs that are
not written correctly theologically, speaking… So, we have to be careful with that.
(Carlos, Spanish church)

Regularly, the music director is open to receive new songs that we could lead, as long as
the lyrics are accordingly, because we are singing to God. We are singing to Jesus, so we
are sable to submit our songs, but he (MD) checks them along with the pastor. If the
lyrics are correct, then we are allowed to practice and try out the song. (Maria, Spanish
church)

In the same manner, the participants from the Ukrainian church expressed how the
worship music they selected and agreed upon as a praise band had to affirm their collective
beliefs about it lyrical content. CWM for the Ukrainian church must be songs whose lyrics align
with words or passages found in the Bible, especially songs that proclaim the gospel.

We have a rule of thumb, to have gospel centered music… the lyrics are usually from
scripture (the Bible), speaking truth… We usually stay away from more “feeling based”
or own experience Christian music… The music our band and our congregation like and
approves, it’s usually more gospel centered, straight to the core of it. (Dimitri, Ukrainian
church)

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I think most of the time, we talk a lot about the lyrics of the song. And understanding
theologically, what is right and what is wrong… There are songs out there (Christian
music) that they are more about the feeling, and it leads to emotion, we want to be
careful with the lyrics of certain songs because we are leading the church. (Nadiya,
Ukrainian church)

This participant talked about how, if they really liked a song but it did not match their collective
identity, they might change the lyrics to better express and affirm what they believed in
theologically.

We all go over the lyrics to make sure they are correct… For example, there was a song,
“Death was Arrested…” Death wasn’t arrested because arrested isn’t final. So, we
changed (lyrics) to “death was defeated.” (Petro, Ukrainian church).

This notion of affirming collective identity in the Ukrainian church was affirmed by the MD of
that church when talking about the democratic process of selecting for new CWM songs for the
praise band.

I respect their opinions and we all talk about it to see if we like the song first and
foremost… If the song has spiritual meaning to it, is it backed up by scripture (Bible).
Because it could be a great song, but it’s not Biblical at all… Some (CWM songs) are
great musically, but they don’t have a lot of scripture in them or it’s the wrong scripture.
(MD, Ukrainian church)
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To encompass how CWM participation in praise bands affirm the collective identity of
individuals, a participant from the English church described how the band is on stage leading
songs, but they are a mouthpiece to the collective microphone of all participants joining in their
music.

You are all worship leaders, even the audiences, they aren’t always aware of it, but they
are… You are all leading worship together, you might have more of a stance because you
are on stage, but at the end of the day you are all worshipping, one being, one individual
(God). You might be the mouthpiece (praise band), but you have all the people speaking
into the microphone. (Thomas, English church)

Establishing a Basis for Collaborative Musical Action. The entire phenomenon of
Christian musicking through praise bands involves complex musical actions with collectively
agreed-upon musical goals, many of which may have strong connections to the findings noted
within the categories of individual and collective dimensions of agency. However, one of the
most significant agentic findings in this inquiry was collaborative musical action, something that
occurs in the praise bands’ musicking through the playing and singing CWM in church services.
These coordinated efforts occur in the praise band environment because there is a
collective understanding on what has occurred in past church music and worship—much of
which was not presented by this kind of popular music ensemble. CWM as presented by praise
bands may well partake in a socio-cultural musicking event, the church worship service, which
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provides contemporary participatory music that meets the collective worshipping goals of their
churches.
With that in mind, how is musical agency perceived by the performance participants in
conjunction with the goal of corporate worship and individual musical expression in church
music? The answer may be tied into the individual and collective forms of agency, both of which
were noted above. However, any aspect of individual musical expression may also be connected
to the collective goal of corporate worship experiences. Performance participants felt that it was
not as much about ‘them’ and “their’ musical expression that was important when playing or
singing in a praise band. It was more about the bigger picture or the collective whole—leading
music that was engaging to the congregation (church attenders), singable, participatory, and in
turn, worshipful to their deity, God. Even when comparing their non-church popular musicking
experiences, several expressed that it was not about what they wanted to do musically, it was
about the goal of playing music to serve God through worship leading.

So, when it finally came time not to be in a rock band and move to church music, it was
an easy transition for me… Cause I felt like I was leaving behind, ego. A lot of these guys
(secular rock band peers), it was all about them... I am part of a bigger thing now, and
it’s setting aside personal ego to serve. And so, to play music as a humble servant of God.
(Michael, English church)

I mean, there are times when you want people to get more involved (speaking about
singing at the OC Fair), and you want them to clap along and sing along and stuff… and
that’s great, but you are there to give them a good time and to be heard. You have to
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understand that there is more ego involved… and that’s the huge difference between a
secular setting and in a contemporary worship setting. You know there is a performance
aspect to it (leading CWM), but you are performing for God. You are not trying to
entertain the congregation; you are trying to get them involved. (James, English church)

Another participant explained how he is not always concerned with his skills and how
well he plays with the praise band because he is playing for an audience of one, God. So, while
his goal is to engage those listening so they can corporately participate in worship, he believed
that his musical expression and participation was not of most importance and therefore
secondary.

At the end of the day, you are only worshipping (playing CWM) for one person… Your
audience member is only one (God). And everybody else kind of doesn’t really matter.
The only thing is to incentivize them to want to worship the “one” audience member as
well. I’m not too concerned about what other people are thinking of my music abilities
during worship. (Thomas, English church)

In general, the goal of corporate worship or the collective experience of playing CWM with
praise bands, superseded any type of individualistic goal of musical expression or individual
agency. This notion affirms Small’s (1998) convictions that primary meanings in music and
music making are not individual but social (p. 8).
Importance for Emerging Conceptual Themes. As stated earlier, individual and
collective forms of 'musical agency' were observed in the findings of this study when
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investigating the musicking practices of praise band participants performing and leading CWM.
Two areas of individual agency that were seen as the most prevalent were participants using
CWM for self-regulation, including emotional work and bodily comportment, and using CWM
for matters of being, which provided participants with existential purpose and some levels of
ontological security. Studying the collective forms of agency as they unfolded in the findings, it
seemed clear that two areas were identifiable, using CWM to affirm the collective identity of the
praise band participants through lyrical content that demonstrates their theological convictions;
and establishing a basis for collaborative musical action, which meant that church musicking
was not concerned about the individual musical expression, but about engagement and audience
participation.
Question No. 4: Music Directors and Their Role as Facilitators
For this question, I investigated how CWM music directors (MD) perceived their role as
facilitators of musicking experiences that help to develop musical skills and foster musical
agency. To find answers to this question, several sources of data were analyzed and considered:
rehearsal observations, one-on-one interviews with each church music director, and corroborated
narrative from the performance participant interviews.
Before explaining some of the findings to this question, it is essential to note that only one
of the three music directors was a paid employee of the church; the other two were ‘volunteer’
music directors. The music director for the English church was the only person in the praise
bands on the church staff and could be considered a professional musician based on his musical
training and background. The other two music directors (Ukrainian and Spanish church) did not
call themselves music directors; they held the title of ‘Worship Leader.’ While this may be
considered a minor detail, it will be noted throughout the findings in this section and later in
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research question No. 5 when the differences between the three church sites are considered.
Summarized here are findings about rehearsal approach, introduction of new music/song, and
participant recruitment.
Rehearsal Approach. The music directors (worship leaders) from the Spanish and
Ukrainian churches had similar personalities and leadership styles. Rehearsals in these settings
appeared to be relaxed and relatively carefree. For example, before the praise band started
playing, there was much personal conversation between praise band members about either the
music they were going to play or just general discussions catching up with each other for the
week. Rehearsals for both churches started 15-20 minutes after their stated call time, and the
music rehearsal typically began with a prayer. The MD asked if anyone wanted to pray, and a
performance participant who volunteered led the prayer.
Rehearsals for the Spanish and the Ukrainian church lasted about two hours, and there
existed a collaborative spirit regarding how the rehearsal was run. In the Spanish church, the
music director spoke very little and seldom corrected things, especially when it came to
addressing the instrumentalist. In that rehearsal, the instrumentalists typically corrected each
other and addressed musical questions to fellow band members. It was not clear if there was a
general reluctance for the MD in the Spanish church to correct instrumentalist, given that he was
a vocalist with little to no instrumental training.

OBSERVATION NOTE: Friday, January 27, 2023 – 6:00 p.m.
He (MD) is a humble person who does not seem to take charge of the rehearsal, there is
a female (acoustic players/vocalist) that does though. The band musicians keep on asking
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each other if they would like to do the song again, they seem to be conflicted on whether
to run it again. Some say, “I still need to practice…” (Spanish church)

This similar style of rehearsing was also observed in the Ukrainian church; the MD said
very little and corrected other musicians minimally. However, the MD in the Ukrainian church
did address more musical things than the director from the Spanish church, especially towards
the instrumentalist. It appeared that the MDs for the Spanish and Ukrainian churches took more
of a facilitator role when it came to rehearsals; very little was dictated. However, when it came to
song form and overall order of church service, the MDs from all three churches were the ones
who directed the musicians and gave specific answers to their questions on musical transitions.
While the musicianship level of all the praise band members was different in both the Ukrainian
and Spanish churches, both rehearsals environments seemed like a safe place for performance
musicians to develop their skills by getting help from each other to contribute to the musicking
experience.
On the other hand, the MD in the English church took much more of a formal, “music
director” role and less of a facilitator when it came to the praise band rehearsal. There were
levels of formality in the English church that were not observed in the Spanish and Ukrainian
church. They started their rehearsal right on time with a prayer directed by the MD, and the
rehearsal appeared to be very structured and organized with a carefully executed rehearsal plan
after he conducted a sound check for every instrumentalist and vocalist. The following
observation describes what I witnessed in the English church rehearsal.

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OBSERVATION NOTE: Thursday, January 26, 2023 – 7:00 p.m.
The practice began with prayer, the church context doesn’t seem to affect much of what is
going in on in terms of the rehearsal. In general, everyone is aware of where they are,
they are respectful and cordial and nothing is awkward. The Music Director has a clear
understanding of where the service is going including elements outside of the actual
songs, and most of his instruction is to guide that. Some of the musicians (keyboardist)
asked to play a section again, he said, “can we go over that super cool chord, that’s
something new.” As they were working through parts, they said they would figure it out
by Sunday. The worship director said that he was going to do “some homework” to learn
to play a jazz chord they were struggling to get that was outside of the pop chord
progression. The musicians seem to ask a lot about what is happening in the service…
Some of the things they are working through are the chord transitions. There is a free
form when they are working through things, musicians are free to ask to do things again
starting at specific sections that they might be struggling with. The music director is
changing chord progressions, and he is calling out chord numbers… As he is doing that,
the bass player asked if the Music Director can explain that and “go through that
again.” MD has a lot of responsibilities when it comes to the form of the song and most
of the rehearsal is spent with him instructing cuts and things, they will do different as the
song differs from every time it is performed.

While there was a clear sense of musical direction given by the MD of the English
church, plenty of collaboration still took place between all the praise band musicians. Even
though the level of performance musicianship seemed higher for the English church than for the
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other two, the praise band musicians in this church still had a range of musical skills, and the
rehearsal appeared to be a place where they also develop their skills to better contribute to their
church musicking experience. This collaborative learning environment was observed to an extent
in the rehearsal as noted below.

OBSERVATION NOTE: Thursday, January 26, 2023 – 7:00 p.m.
The MD encouraged the players to listen to each other and learn how build on rhythmic
motion, from static to more rhythmic drive. The music director said, “listen to my guitar,
if I start pressing, follow me….” Because the drummer was not in attendance, at a
specific point in the rehearsal he went to the drum set and recorded something
specifically that he wanted the drummer to do on Sunday. He recorded the example on
his iPhone and he send it to him so he has it ready for Sunday morning rehearsal before
worship. MD often asks to change chords of the song if he wants something different than
what is written. MD ask the players, “want to try that one more time?” the musicians
respond… “hold on, hold on...”

The more skilled e. guitar player goes to the bass player and explains some things to him
about one of the songs they are learning... The interaction seemed very insightful, and the
bass player took the advice well... The MD helped the bass player by demonstrating the
bass part on the chorus on his acoustic guitar. During this interaction all the musicians
stood still and quiet and listened as the bass player went over it several times as he
practiced slower and out of context the chorus of the song. The band then began the
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chorus to go over what the bass player had learned. It appeared that he was able to get
it eventually and his skill in performing the song improved.

Overall, the rehearsals in all three churches appeared to have elements of collaboration as
the music directors attempted to facilitate a safe space for learning and musical skill
development. While levels of formality and style of musical direction were different between the
“worship leaders” (MDs of the Spanish and Ukrainian church) and the Music Director in the
English church, a spirit of musical learning and skill development between all performance
participants was observed.
Music Selection. When selecting worship music, all three directors (English, Ukrainian,
and Spanish church) were primarily responsible for what the praise bands rehearsed and played.
During interviews, all the performance participants echoed this notion when asked who selected
the music for worship leading. However, there were differences in the amount of input the
participants felt they had in selecting and introducing new songs.
When it came to the Spanish and Ukrainian churches, participants felt that the MDs
created an “open-door” policy for the recommendation of new CWM songs for worship leading,
even though the MD had the final say on what they ended up playing. This notion was stated by
the MDs of both churches and corroborated by the narrative of the performing musicians. This is
what the MDs of the Spanish and Ukrainian churches said concerning the introduction of new
CWM songs for worship leading.

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It’s definitely an open comprehension…. Like opened to everybody. I respect their
opinions and we all talk about it (new music) we see if like the song first. And we always
talk about the song to see if it fits our band. (MD, Ukrainian church)

I pray before I select music before the church services every week. And my goal is that
God helps me select the music, it’s not for me, it’s for God. However, there are many
times that they (performance participants) suggest music, and I always welcome that.
Sometimes their selections are positive, and they work, other times, they don’t. (MD,
Spanish church)

Here is what some of the performance participants had to say when it came to the selection of
new music.

So, it comes from our leader at times… He will kinda show us certain music or certain
songs that he has listened to and think that we are able to kind of incorporate in our
band. But there is input that comes in from the electric guitar player and the piano
player. (Nadiya, Ukrainian church)

Our band leader, he’s the one who proposes the songs… He’s more driven, I guess,
because he is our leader. But he brings up songs and we kinda give input on it if we like
it, or maybe someone suggests a different version of it. (Dimitri, Ukrainian church)

Sometimes we throw in our own songs… (Petro, Ukrainian church)
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Regularly, he (MD) is always open to receive new songs that we would like to lead, just
as long as the lyrics are according with singing to God. (Maria, Spanish church)

Our leader usually selects all the music we learn, however, if we able to and have a
suggestion we can rehearse it at least and try it out. (Carlos, Spanish church)

While there was an openness to the introduction of new songs in the Spanish and
Ukrainian churches, that did not seem to be the case in the English church. When talking with
the music director about this topic, he explained that there is a formula and process that he goes
through when selecting and finding new music for the praise band at his church; little of that
approach involved the performance musicians that he directed. In addition, his music selection
process involved other members in leadership that were above the MD’s authority at the English
church. The formula created to implement new songs in the worship were influenced by a
number of related factors that are above his control. Some of the performance musicians spoke of
this in their interviews, specifically when asked about their input in the selection of music for
worship sets.

No, He selects it all (MD)…. It’s all done by the worship hierarchy (MD, Pastors, and
other ministry leaders). They are running the show. (Michael, English church)

I think the MD and the pastors all work together in selection of the music. The senior
pastor has been very outspoken. Like if you put together a set with lots of ballads, he
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doesn’t like that. He wants rock and roll, he wants to be able to clap and move… (James,
English church)

Although the performance musicians in the English church felt that they had little say in
the introduction of new music, they did feel that the MD created a space for musical creativity to
develop musical skills. When asked about the voice they feel they had when it came to putting
the music together, they were more positive in their responses:

You want to change certain things (in the music), you can just do it. If there are different
rhythms that come out (playing bass) instead of the ones that are written they might
sound better to my ears, and if I get told to do it differently, I’ll do it different, or try
something else. (Thomas, English church)

The MD lets the band kinda do their own thing… But still making sure we are staying on
target with the goal of that particular song. To make sure we are trying to capture a
particular theme. (James, English church)

The introduction of new music in the praise bands varied from church to church.
Interview and observational data suggested that the music directors set the tone for how much
input participants were allowed to give. The music directors for the Spanish and the Ukrainian
church had much more of a “open policy” when it came to the suggestions of new songs from
their performance participants, as long as the song confirmed their churches theological
convictions and church’s identity. However, the performance participants from English did not
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share the same sentiment, feeling that song selections were primarily dictated by the music
director and/or other church leadership. Nevertheless, participants in the English church did
express how they are able to give creative musical input as long as it fit with what they were
doing collectively.
Participant Recruitment. One of the many things with which music directors are tasked
is the recruiting of new praise band members. This task can be very challenging because
preparing a praise band to lead worship music in church services is a weekly task, and Sunday
morning worship comes very quickly. From time to time, established and vetted performance
musicians that are part of the regular rotation of praise bands must welcome in new members that
might be more or less skilled than themselves. MDs must navigate this dynamic and facilitate a
welcoming environment for learning and to developing musical skills.
This responsibility expressed itself differently in each church site. For example, the
Ukrainian church MD said that new musician volunteers are sought when a need arose or there
was a hole in the praise band.

Usually, we do what we can with what we have available. For example, we had an
audition when we lost one of our singers and she left to a different church, so we actually
had a singing audition. (MD, Ukrainian church)

The Ukrainian music director also explained how he helped a 17-year-old high school student
who wanted to join the band and play the bass.

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So, for the 17-year-old, the bass player, I went to his house a few times to help him, help
him playing... Cause I used to play the bass too. I sent him different patches, different
tutorials, and training things. I always say (to new volunteers), I’ll give you everything
you need to succeed, but you have to put in the work and learn your stuff. (MD,
Ukrainian church)

The MD for the English church explained how recruiting new musicians to participate in
the praise band can be a gamble that sometimes works out, and other times does not. The English
church does not have any audition process, and much of the recruiting of new praise band
members is word of mouth.

It’s kinda taking that risk, you know… you don’t know how it’s gonna play out. Maybe
they need a little more time, maybe they’ll be ready to go (musical preparation). That’s
kind of your opportunity to either help them grow or utilize them in a certain way. (MD,
English church)

The MD for the Spanish church shared a fascinating program in place in his church to
help praise band members and new recruits to develop music skills through playing or singing
CWM. The Spanish church has engaged a hired professional music teacher proficient in several
popular music-style instruments. This music teacher provides instruction once a week to
developing musicians or those who might want to learn a musical instrument for the first time.
Because the MD for the Spanish church is a volunteer and does not play any instruments, he
relies on this professional music teacher to help him develop musicians for the praise band. Their
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system of recruiting new praise band members typically starts with the music teacher who listen
to them and assesses their readiness to be part of the praise team that leads on Sundays.

The teacher comes to our church every Monday, and the church pays him… He is also in
charge of changing the keys to the songs, and helps me with what I need musically… He
comes and helps the electric guitar player a lot, and often practices with the
instrumentalists. The teacher will often tell me when the person is ready to play. Then, we
invite the person to come and rehearse on Fridays until I feel they are ready to play on
Sundays. (MD, Spanish church)

Importance for Emerging Conceptual Themes. Based on these findings, it appears
that the CWM music directors from the three churches understood their role as facilitators of
musicking experiences that help develop musical skills. While each church had a different
method of musical skill development and how new performance musicians were recruited and
implemented in their respective praise bands, all MDs understood that their worship ministry
needed to be a welcoming environment that trains and develops current and future performance
musicians. Regarding musical agency, all three praise bands had a democratic atmosphere of
musical input and involvement. However, this form of collective agency is regulated based on
the church site and its basis in historical affordances therein, church philosophy or worship and
hierarchy, dynamics of the praise band musicians, and individual musical skills.
Research Question No. 5: Differences Between the Church Sites
One of the unique things about this multiple case research study was the diverse church
populations under investigation. The objective was to examine CWM with praise bands in
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evangelical churches with three diverse populations. While there were many similarities, many
of which have been noted throughout this chapter, some differences are worth noting in
answering this research question.
Role of Socioeconomics. As noted in this last section for research question No. 4, one of
the three churches’ most significant differences was each congregation’s socioeconomic setting.
Based on the conversations with the music directors, an historical analysis of each church, and
each geographical location, socioeconomic disparities are clearly present. The English church
was the most affluent of the three, located in a relatively high socioeconomic area compared to
the other churches as measured by a median household income (MHI) of $100,485 (Census
Bureau, 2021). The Ukrainian church was in the middle in terms of socioeconomics with an MHI
of $68,457 (Census Bureau, 2021), and serves a large population of refugees from Ukraine. The
Spanish church was the least affluent and located in a lower socioeconomic area with an MHI of
$55,372 (Census Bureau, 2021); it also serves a population of first- and second-generation Latin-
American immigrants. (See Chapter 3 for a more complete profile of each church site).
Data from the interviews with the music directors revealed that the socioeconomic status
of each church reflected the professional status and music education background of their music
directors. As noted, the English church was the only church site with a full-time paid
professional music director. The MD from the English church has a very extensive musical
background as a violinist, vocalist, and professional music director.

I play guitar and violin, and at times keyboard. My undergraduate degree is in music
performance, the emphasis is voice, and also violin. My master’s degree is in music
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technology. So, my combined music training gives me a well-rounded grounding to be
able to operate in my career. (MD, English church)

In addition, the English church also employs paid professional musicians that perform with their
volunteer performance musician colleagues.

So out of our whole group (praise band), we have two paid professionals, one electric
guitarist and one drummer. The electric guitarist, he has a talk back mic on stage and
kind of facilitates processes like queuing triggers on Ableton (stem track music software)
and performs cuts as needed in rehearsal and performance. (MD, English church)

In contrast, the Ukrainian and Spanish churches have volunteer music directors who
considered themselves “Worship Leaders.” While the MD for the Ukrainian church had more
formal musical training than the MD for the Spanish church, he also considers himself an
amateur musician. In fact, both rose to the position of Worship Leaders somewhat “haphazardly”
as the need for a music director of their church praise band came about.

As a ‘worship leader,’ I’ve been serving in this capacity for over 15 years… It used to
this one guy for a very long, and he was very good, but he left… Then, another guy who
was very capable took over the position, but he was a cop and worked nights, so he
wasn’t able to do it for long… And all that was left was me, so I’ve been doing it since
then. (MD, Spanish church)

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So, I’ve been doing for the last three years, that is being the ‘worship leader.’ I was
playing in different worship bands and all. But in our church, people grow up and
change ministries, and then there was a need for a new worship leader in the worship
band. So, the Lord put it in my heart and our people agreed, and that’s when I became
the head of the band. (MD, Ukrainian church)

Also, based on the information provided by the music directors and the conversations I had with
the performance participants, all praise band members in the Ukrainian and Spanish churches are
volunteers. The only expenditure made for music personnel is the Spanish church as explained
above in the section on recruitment. A professional music teacher is retained to train incoming
praise band members or those seeking to learn how to play a popular instrument.
Socioeconomics effects the instrument and sound equipment each church uses and has
readily available for praise band use. For example, I observed that the English church uses an
entire in-ear digital monitor system (Avioms) with studio stem tracks controlled by their
professional electric guitar player. They also do not have to share their equipment with other
groups or people who might use their facility. The Ukrainian church has a digital in-ear monitor
system, but it does not use studio stem tracks and their musical equipment is borrowed from the
traditional worship ministry division within the church that has a traditional choir. The Spanish
church uses a much older monolog sound system than the other church settings and uses wedge
speaker monitors. The Spanish church also cannot not keep its music equipment set up because it
was a rented worship space; everything they use has to be set up every week by the volunteer
music director (Worship Leader). The socioeconomic differences among the three churches have
their effect on the quality and availability of instruments and sound equipment.
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Lastly, church facilities in which praise band perform are all very different based on the
information provided by the music directors. The English church has a remodeled and retrofitted
theater dedicated to the contemporary worship service. This church campus also consists of a
separate German architecture Lutheran Sanctuary, a large school campus of over 750 elementary
and middle school students, and a large playground with sports fields and courts. The Ukrainian
church is a much smaller church campus than the English church and while the facility belongs
to the Ukrainian church, most of the facility, including the praise band rehearsal space, is a
shared space. The Spanish church does not own its own church facility and their worship space
for church services is a rented shared space from an older English-speaking congregation.
Participants’ Age. The second difference is the age variance between church sites. The
Ukrainian church has the youngest average age at 22.25 years old, while the English church is 38
years old, and the Spanish church is 55.25 years old. It is important to note that age data only
includes the participants for the study; each praise band from each church had other members
whose age is unknown to these findings. However, based on conversations with the music
directors, the Ukrainian church appears to have a much younger demographic in their praise
band overall than the other two churches. This age difference can affect a myriad of things
regarding the development of musical skills, performance experience, and how individual and
collective forms of agency are regulated between all performance musicians within each
musicking environment.
The age difference was noted when the participants were asked to talk about the
community environment of the praise band inside and outside of rehearsals and church services.
The Ukrainian church, which had members that were much younger and of a closer age
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demographic, had the most to say about the community that was formed outside of praise band
participation.
We sometimes all go out and just go bowling together to build a strong bond. (Nadiya,
Ukrainian church)

We have a ‘late jar.’ If someone’s late, they throw five bucks in the jar. And after a while
it builds up and so we all go out for meal after rehearsal or what not like to Chipotle…
We’re all friends since childhood in the church, and now we are all playing in the same
band. (Petro, Ukrainian church)

The second youngest age demographic, the English church, where the performance
participants ages varied the most (22 to 62), had less to say about the community built outside of
praise band activities. For example, the youngest participant in the English church felt like the
community aspect of the band is good, but he was not too sure.

I’m pretty sure it is a good one. I wouldn’t know cause I’m frankly too busy. Also, it’s
more volunteer based and so I go to things when I am able to. I get invites to parties and
other things with the other band members, which is great, but even then, it conflicts with
my current schedule, so I don’t go. (Thomas, English church)

Nevertheless, the oldest performance participant of the English church felt that regardless of age
differences, praise band feels like a family.

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I feel a strong connection. And I think with any musician that you play with there is a
strong connection. You have been through the musical trenches together. It’s almost like
your family to a certain extent, your musical family. We have grown so much together.
(Michael, English church)

In the Spanish church, where the performance participants were of an average age of 55
years old, there was a sense that the age differences and how those dynamics worked between
the “young” and “old” participants. It is important to note that, while the average age of the
participants was the oldest out of the three church sites, the praise band in the Spanish church
had several minors or “youths” as they called themselves.

We have a very nice praise band… Half of us are adults, and the other half are youths.
However, we get along very well. We have the liberty to give each other advice and no
one takes anything personal. The older members receive feedback from the younger
members, and vice versa, and no one gets upset or hurt. (Maria, Spanish church)

Findings for research question No. 5 showed that, although there were many similarities
in terms of informal music learning, musicking practices, and environments of musical agency,
certain characteristics of each setting were different and may be of importance to the overall
scheme of things. From a socioeconomic perspective, differences were noted on the manner in
which participants were paid or not, the level of supportive musical equipment provided, and the
nature of the physical facilities. The ages of participants also varied both between churches as a
collective and within the praise band participants.
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Research Question No. 6: Other Sociological Issues that Arose in the Data
Parental Influence. A resounding finding that came out of the narratives of the
participants was that their familial influences in music learning, specifically when asked how and
why they started playing a musical instrument, had a profound effect on praise band
membership. Across all three church sites, the participants explained how their parents, or
another family member, first introduced them or encouraged them to learn to play an instrument
or sing. Some of them noted that their first teacher was a parent. This finding was very
prominent in the Ukrainian church as all the participants, including the music director,
remembered being influenced directly by a parent or a family member. Music instruction was an
important part of their upbringing and cultural heritage. However, this was tempered by some of
the participants who felt at times that continued formal music instruction was forced upon them.

So, I started the violin, and turns out I really did not like it, but my mom forced me to stay
in lessons… for over five years. (Petro, Ukrainian church)

My family, my mom’s side they are very musical... Both of my grandparents and my aunts
and some uncles, sing or play something… My mom plays the violin, and she wanted me
and my brother to play. The violin was my first instrument until I got the hang of it, then I
moved unto the piano. My mom first taught me. (Dimitri, Ukrainian church)

I think my mom forced us to go into piano, she wanted us to learn piano… So, we kind
tried to learn, but I think it was just because that desire wasn’t there at first. (Nadiya,
Ukrainian church)
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I started playing music in Ukraine when I was five years old… It was piano. Then we
moved to America, and I continued on a keyboard, and I hated it. The keyboard sucked,
and them my mom bought a piano, and we started taking lessons again when I was like
eight. (MD, Ukrainian church)

This matter of parental and familial influence in music learning was also expressed by two of the
participants in the Spanish church. The drummer, Carlos, talked about how his dad told him to
get his cowboy hat because he was going to sub-in and play for the drummer that just left his
Norteña band.

My dad was a musician and played in a professional Norteña band in Mexico. I had only
ever played the drum-set three times… And one day, he told me to get my cowboy hat
cause I was going to replace the drummer in his band that had just quit. So that was it, I
started working as drummer in my dad’s band. (Carlos, Spanish church)

Another participant in the Spanish church talked about the enculturation into Mexican regional
music like mariachi and Norteña from her mom and grandparents.

I remember doing chores at the house and just singing and hearing my grandpa say,
“she’s gonna be a professional singer.” It was mariachi and norteña, and basically that
is the music that my grandparents and my mom would listen to. (Lidia, Spanish church)

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Two of the participants from the English church talked about their mothers, and the influence
they had on them to start playing an instrument and singing.

My mother grew up in a small town in Northern California, she grew up as a Methodist
(protestant denomination). She also played the piano in church as little girl and led
worship in this small town. Piano started for me in second grade. My mom started me on
piano lessons along with my sister and we went to a house in Cypress (teacher’s house),
we would take turns, sometimes she’d go first and then I’d go. (Michael, English church)

My mom had me singing for family and friends at church and at home a lot… My mom is
more musically inclined than my biological dad. She would drag me on stage at age four,
mostly doing Neil Diamond, and I just stayed there… It was like that became my second
home (the stage). I tried doing guitar, I actually enjoyed doing guitar, my dad did
acoustic… But then he just pulled us out of it, and we went unto doing other stuff. It
wasn’t until my mom got behind me doing saxophone that as an instrument, I really
excelled there. (James, English church)

Music enculturation typically begins at the home, and since parents are the most
influential people in the lives of children it is no surprise that learning to play an instrument was
fostered and encouraged by the participants’ parents. A saturated theme in the narratives of the
praise band participants affirms research in music psychology that “parental encouragement of
various kinds is one of the most crucial factors in the formation of classical musician” (Green,
2002, p. 24). While the praise band musicians typically did not play classical style music in their
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CWM setting, their early encounters with formal music instruction typically in classical training
may have played an important role in their eventual CWM involvement. This is something that
will be noted in the following section that deals with disappointment with early formal training
and the motivation to move to other musical expressions and media.
Disappointment with Early Formal Training. Another important and related issue to
the finding about early music experience was the participants’ disappointment with their formal
classical instruction on their primary instrument. While some of the instrumentalists in the praise
band continued to play the same instrument on which they first took lessons, others chose to play
another instrument. For example, all the participants in the Ukrainian church began taking formal
classical lessons either on the piano or violin. However, all of them too have chosen to either
play another musical instrument or have abandoned classical training altogether and just play
CWM as a popular music genre. For example, the drummer in the Ukrainian band started
classical lessons on the violin which he did not like, however, he was forced to continue for over
five years. It was not until he started playing drums that he found a new love for playing musical
instruments.

So, I started playing the violin and it turns out I did not like it, but my mom forced me to
stay there. And then once I started drums I fell in love with it. (Petro, Ukrainian church)

I was like about 10 years old when we first went to our piano teacher, but I wanna say we
never fully learned. She was my aunt… It wasn’t until our third piano teacher that we
genuinely learned, the left hand and the right hand. I think it was just that our mom
forced us, we tried to learn but I think it was just because that desire wasn’t there at first.
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With the first two teachers, I want to say it was more classical base. (Nadiya, Ukrainian
church)

The piano player of the Ukrainian church started playing the violin and took classical lessons for
over seven years. At the same time, he began classical piano lessons, but that was short lived
because he was not a fan of the musical style being taught and wanted to play in a popular music
style.

I do remember because I didn’t really like it. I was with her (first teacher) it was classical
music. My mom really wanted me to learn, but it was mostly classical. I just wasn’t into it
because I wanted more, something more “poppy” something more emotional… I don’t
know, like a tune that gets stuck in your head. My teacher was like on the visual, like
reading and keeping your eyes on the notes rather than… that just wasn’t my thing.
(Dimitri, Ukrainian church)

Moreover, the MD of the Ukrainian church had a similar experience with his piano lessons. He
did not want to play classical music reading note by note but wanted to play by ear. He
eventually moved on to playing pop piano and since then has picked up the acoustic guitar and
bass.

I started taking piano lessons like around 8 years old, and I took them till about 16 or
17… I did not want to learn the higher end of piano, this is my thing, I play by ear… I
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hear a song and I can just play it for you. I understood chord progressions and I stopped
taking lessons and I learned to play piano by ear. (MD, Ukrainian church)

The last example regarding disappointment with classical lessons came from the English church,
Michael, the piano player.

The piano lessons for me, I wasn’t learning what I wanted to learn at the time… I was
playing classical music and pop tunes like “Bridge Over Troubled Waters.” I wanted to
learn how to play rock and roll and gospel type of music. (Michael, English church)

While there was much disappointment by many of the participants with their early music
instruction because it focused on classical music in a formal and quite structured way, several of
the participants noted that this experience played a positive role in their current music skills and
achievements. For example, two of the participants (drummer and keyboard player) from the
Ukrainian church gave credit to their formal training even though they were disappointed with
their early lessons.

I give huge credit to playing the violin, those five years… It all falls down on the violin,
trying to use all four limbs separately as compared to with two on the violin, it was tough
to get them down, but learning the violin really helped… (Petro, Ukrainian church)

I think I’m honestly very blessed that my mom took me to piano lessons, because I was
able to you know, play, and read simple chords, and play pretty much just play the piano
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anywhere with a group of friends getting together and what not… (Nadiya, Ukrainian
church)

Ageism in CWM. Churches in general have not been excluded from struggling with the
same “isms” with which the rest of society has struggled. Unfortunately, the church “frequently
falls woefully behind in overcoming some of those that are most divisive, and whose resolution
seems the most challenging” (Clark, 2022, para. 4). In many ways, churches have made progress
against racism, feminism, and other societal “isms” that divide their members and may not be
consistent with the teachings of the Bible. One such concern was identified in this study related
to ageism.
Half of the participants in this study were under 30 years of age, and the other half
varied from 42 to 63 years old. Like most things that identify as “contemporary,” CWM has had
a history in the Christian evangelical church for over 50 years, so something that was considered
contemporary in the 80s and 90s is not regarded as modern or ‘contemporary’ now. This includes
instrumentation, musical style, and the individuals who lead and participate in it. Ageism in
CWM was felt by some participants, not always in a negative way, but in a more nuanced
understanding that there is an expiration date to their musical contributions in praise bands. For
example, Michael in the English church had an encounter where his senior pastor who told him
about those that are at the “end of the service.”

The pastor made a couple of comments the other day before our Sunday service… He
made this comment about the young guy is at the beginning of his service and then other
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guys like this old man in the back, now he’s at the end of his service.” (Michael, English
church)

While the comment by the senior pastor was made partly in jest, the memory had an
imprint on Michael’s thinking and his musical contributions to his church’s praise band. Based
on his narrative, Michael had nothing but positive experiences leading CWM at his church, but
the idea that he was getting too old for this style of worship leading was clearly at the back of his
mind. Another comment made by a participant from the English church was meaningful. A 42-
year-old vocalist expressed how he was typically paired with newer and younger people because
he was a “veteran” praise band member. This was not seen as a negative by James but was a
reality about how to improve the skills of younger vocalist and something of which he was
aware.
I have noticed that the MD puts me with new people a lot… Since, in terms of vocalist,
I’m kind of the senior member. I think he likes having me there to kind of help people and
get them into it, and all of that. (James, English church)

While both participants did not complain or were discouraged not to participate in CWM,
‘ageism’ in this worship context is something that is worth exploring in further research and will
be presented as an implication for practice in Chapter 5.
The matter of parental influence and its role on developing musicianship leading to
participation in praise band performance was a significant finding. This was related to a
noticeable disappointment in early music instruction and the movement by participants away
from early music patterns of engagement to other forms more suited to popular music settings.
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This was tempered by some recognition of the importance of the early music training in the work
of popular music, praise band musicianship. Ageism was an interesting and perhaps unexpected
finding that might merit further study as scholarship on CWM matures.
Emergent Conceptual Themes
Eleven emergent conceptual themes were identified based on careful consideration of
findings. They are organized in three categories:
Immersion in CWM
1. Engagement in CWM as a praise band participant is an intensely meaning social-cultural
experience.
2. Early engagement in formal learning experiences with the encouragement of
parents/guardians is important for CWM participation but may eventually lead to
disappointment with formal practices in favor of personal exploration of popular music
instruction and learning.
3. CWM engages musicians in a variety of listening and performance spaces that bridges the
public and private practices of praise band participants.
Musical Agency in CWM
4. CWM is marked by self-directed learning and is motivated by the desire to worship and serve
God and to lead others in the discovery of personal faith.
5. CWM musicians experience self-regulation as a part of discovery of their existential purpose
and their collective identity through musical action.
6. CWM is a triadic gestural form of communication between the performance participants, the
audience (church congregation), and the God (supernatural/deity).
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7. CWM is a musical “artifact” or product that is used to confirm the collective identity of Praise
Band participants.
Praise Bands as a Non-Formal Learning Context
8. Church music directors (MDs) are tasked with navigating the spectrum of learning
experiences in praise bands.
9. Settings form CWM differs widely in terms of socioeconomic status of community, physical
facilities/equipment, director leadership styles, levels of formality, music choices, and age
of participants.
10. CWM participation can occur haphazardly and may require certain levels of flexibility and
adaptability.
11. Praise bands are an ‘inclusive’ musicking community that accommodates an influx of new
participants due to the performance demands of weekly church services.
Conclusion
This chapter presented findings as revealed in the transcript analysis from narrative
accounts that derived from the one-on-one interviews and the observation analysis of three
rehearsals from each church site. Considering research questions Nos. 1-4, eleven emergent
conceptual themes were identified and summarized from the three separate viewing cycles
conducted by the coding analysis under each research topic as viewed through the conceptual
lens. Emergent themes were organized under three macro categories: Immersion in CWM,
Musical Agency in CWM, and Praise Bands as Non-Formal Learning Context.
This chapter also summarized important findings related to research questions 5-6.
Findings for question No. 5, which sought to investigate the differences between church sites,
revealed (1) important socioeconomic differences of all three churches and (2) age differences
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between praise band members that might affect the musicking community. For research question
No.6 Lastly, important findings related to sociological issues were (1) praise band participants’
disappointment with formal lessons and (2) the modern Christian churches’ problem with Ageism
in CWM.

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Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusions
Introduction and Chapter Organization
This dissertation sought to investigate the church musicking experiences of CWM
musicians in three diverse church settings. It was designed to help determine how performance
participants in CWM acquired and developed their musical skills within the popular music
ensemble of praise bands. Moreover, the study’s research questions sought to investigate
participants’ musicking practices within this learning context and how they perceived their
overall musical agency. It also focused on how the selected contemporary Christian music
directors perceived their role as facilitators and helped to develop musical skills and foster
musical agency. The three church sites formed the basis of this study and of interest were how
these sites differed in their settings and how their participants compared in terms of their musical
skills and collective musical agency. Finally, other sociological issues were considered as part of
the data analysis.
In this chapter, a summary of findings for this inquiry concerning the church musicking
experiences of praise band members are provided and this is followed by the identification of (1)
emergent conceptual themes, (2) thematic differences between settings, and (3) sociological
issues that were identified considering the findings as a whole. A section on how this study’s
findings compare to those found in Benjamin’s (2019) study is also included. Extensive linkages
are made to the related literature which helps to set into place recommendations for future
research and practice which ends the chapter along with some concluding thoughts.

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Summary of Findings
In Chapter 4, the findings from the data analysis were organized sequentially by research
question and selected portions of text drawn from the interviews and rehearsal observations were
used as evidence for answers to each question grounded by the three theoretical lenses. For
question No. 1, data showed that all of Greens’ (2008) principles of informal learning expressed
themselves at various levels within the context of praise bands’ learning and performing of
Contemporary Worship Music (CWM) from all three churches. As is customary in most informal
learning environments, praise band musicians were found to be deeply immersed in all aspects of
CWM. For question No. 2, which inquired about distinguishing practices of praise bands’
musicking as compared to other popular musicking contexts, data revealed that praise bands
performed their music for church services as socio-cultural events. Praise band musicians used
their participation as a triadic form of the gestural process; and praise bands and were found to
be inclusive communities that were constantly welcoming in new performance musicians. For
question No. 3, which used ‘musical agency’ as a theoretical lens to investigate individual and
collective forms of musicking, data revealed that participants used CWM for individual musical
actions that helped in self-regulation and matters of being. Also, CWM was used by praise band
participants to establish their collective identity as Christians, and their musical actions were
context-dependent based on the agreed-upon goals of each church’s praise band.
Data from question No .4, which related to how music directors (MDs and sometimes
called Worship Leaders) perceived their roles as facilitators of musicking experiences,
demonstrated that they must navigate all aspects of the church musicking experience varied by
context. For example, MDs needed to adjust the rehearsal approach based on the skill set of the
musicians and their expertise within the medium of popular music making. In addition, they
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oversaw the selection of new music with the input of other church leaders, the band’s skill set,
and the participants’ desires. Lastly, MDs provided an inclusive musicking environment that
welcomed new participants and adapted according to the needs and demands of their respective
churches.
For question No. 5, which sought to compare the different church sites, data showed
similarities in the core aspects of informal music learning, musicking, and agency. However, two
major differences were found in terms of: (1) the role of socioeconomic profiles of each church
and (2) significant variances in participants' ages and its effect on the community of each praise
band.
Lastly, question No. 6 sought to investigate any other sociological factors that were
discovered in the data about musicking practices of praise bands. Two factors emerged:
(1) participants' disappointment with early formal lessons that did not include a variety of music,
and (2) the wide ranges in age of participants and how this was viewed by participants how this
might be considered as an indication of ‘ageism’ in praise bands and the CWM movement as a
whole.
Emergent Conceptual Themes, Thematic Differences, and Other Sociological Issues
The eleven emergent conceptual themes derived from the first four research questions
were identified at end of Chapter 4 and are considered in detail here in the concluding chapter
with linkages made to previous research. They are grounded under three macro categories: (1)
participants’ deep immersion in CWM, (2) participants perceived collective and individual
musical agency in CWM, and (3) praise bands as and their inclusive non-formal learning
context.
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In addition to these conceptual themes, the data from remaining research questions
revealed some thematic differences between all three church sites which will be addressed in this
chapter. While more similarities than differences were found particularly in consideration of
conceptual themes, two thematic differences are featured in this summary: (1) the economic
disparity between church sites and (2) the ensemble dynamics affected by age differences within
praise bands.
Lastly, two sociological issues that arose in the findings and had a strong impact on
implications for future research will be featured, (1) disappointment with early formal
lessons, and (2) ageism in CWM. Throughout all of these summaries, connections with past
literature as presented in Chapter 2, as well as findings from the replication study by Benjamins
(2019) are considered.
Emergent Conceptual Themes
Immersion in CWM. In adherence to the notion that the key to informal learning is the
learner’s deep immersion in the musical world or musical community of practice (Mans, 2009),
the data suggested that praise band musicians’ learning keenly occurred in this manner. All
participants involved in playing and leading with praise bands were enculturated in all aspects of
the CWM’s musical world, and their engagement was perceived as an intensely social-cultural
experience.
Based on this data, many praise band musicians were influenced by their parents since
childhood by attending church in being involved in many aspects of CWM. Evangelical
churches, legitimate contexts for music learning (Benjamins, 2019), provided sociocultural
events or ‘worship services’ that impacted individuals’ norms, values, and beliefs (Burge &
Vanclay, 1996; Odentaal et al., 2014). This deep enculturation of CWM in the lives of praise
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band musicians impacted how they perceived their musical skill development and overall
sentiment towards their church musicking experiences. Participants’ recollections of early music
learning experiences attributed to their parent’s influence and desire for participants to learn to
play and sing CWM. However, engagement in formal learning experiences, often based on
classical western musical style, were often not seen as congruent with their expectations to learn
CWM. This led to disappointment with their formal instruction and to participants’ exploration
of often self-directed popular music instruction. Praise band musicians seemed to be deeply
immersed in the musical world of CWM from an early age by listening to it at home and in the
car while driving and by active participation during church services and even in their Christian
schools’ education. This type of ‘incidental’ learning through “socialization” has been observed
in other studies and contexts that have investigated self-directed music learning and making
(Mok, 2020; Boonzair & deVillers, 2019).
While data showed that parental influence played a role in the foundation that led to
immersion in CWM experiences, adult praise band participants ‘self-chose’ to participate and
dedicate time praise band ensembles and to this musicking endeavor. Self-chosen or voluntary
learning (Folkstead, 2006) is another essential informal learning principle observed in this
immersive musicking endeavor, and something that has been keenly observed in other studies
that investigated the self-participatory musicking endeavors of adults (Rudd, 2013; Schmidth-
Jones, 2017; Tuastad & Stige 2018). Data analysis from this study showed that, even though
performance musicians do not always “select” the specific CWM songs they want to learn and
play with their respective praise bands, they self-chose to participate in this popular music
ensemble and therefore chose to perform CWM as a genre. Though CWM as a music genre
represents a variety of Christian sub-genres and song styles that often contrast with traditional
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church hymnal singing, it continues to be a prominent force in the Christian singing repertory in
North America and the world (Ingalls, 2018).
Furthermore, praise band musicians’ immersion in the musical world of CWM means
that they begin learning with ‘whole’ and ‘real-world’ pieces of music. That is because CWM
engages musicians in a variety of performance and listening spaces, bridging the public and
private practices of many praise band musicians (Ingalls, 2018, p.1). Moreover, Christian
communities worldwide sing versions or translations of the CWM repertory made readily
accessible through the Christian music commercial recording industry, which makes over 700
million dollars a year in total sales (Crabtree, 2021). As observed in data revealed in this study,
praise band musicians began learning CWM through the repeated listening of worship songs
produced by Christian artists and churches worldwide. This immersive enculturation allowed
praise band musicians to realize music by ‘copying recordings by ear” long before they even
look at any type of sheet music (Green, 2008, p. 10). Furthermore, narrative and observational
data from this research showed that praise band musicians’ immersive nature in the world of
CWM may mean that they combine a deep integration of listening (as discussed in this section),
performing weekly in church services (the socio-cultural event), improvising through the
translation and adaptation of CWM songs provided by professional recordings (CWM’s
recording industry), and the composing of new worship songs for future music-recording and
congregational singing. All of this was noted in the data collected in this study.
Lastly, the self-chosen or self-directed activity of CWM in praise bands can occur
haphazardly for various reasons. This emergent theme will be discussed further in a subsequent
section. As individuals become deeply immersed in the culture of CWM because of their active
participation in their church communities, involvement in praise bands is often motivated by a
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deep feeling of personal need. The performance participants’ narratives expressed how they
sometimes ended up joining their church’s praise band because there was a need for a musician.
Sometimes, praise band musicians used their previous musical training and experience from
different contexts, like other popular music ensembles and even classical ensembles, to
contribute musically to performing CWM for their church communities. Other times, praise band
musicians used their musical skills and learned to play a new popular musical instrument because
there was a need in their church musicking context. Nevertheless, a deep inculturation in the
world of CWM and their church communities brought about the motivation to take the self-
directed endeavor of praise band participation.
Musical Agency in CWM. Various levels of individual and collective musical agency
were found in the immersive culture of CWM and praise band participation as noted in this data.
CWM— when considered to be a musical “product” presented by praise bands in church services
for performance, engagement, and participation—is an essential ‘musical artifact’ providing
individuals with meaningful emotional, physical, and spiritual connections. However, the data in
this study demonstrated that in CWM’s church musicking experiences, the meanings are on the
‘collective level’ and seen as more critical, corroborating Small’s (1998) idea that the principal
meanings of music are “not individual at all, but social” (p. 8). That may be because the goal of
collective music-making and participation is at the heart of CWM and this mode of
congregational singing and worship is something that was also thematically emphasized by the
research conducted by Benjamins (2019). Therefore, the dimension of musical agency in CWM
praise bands seems to begin at the collective level.
Collective Agency. Acknowledging Smalls’ (1999) musings that humans are all capable
of being musical and that music is a gestural process that all humans can develop like speech,
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data in this study showed that participants used CWM as way to communicate. As presented in
the findings, CWM is used as a triadic gestural process of communication between performance
musicians, their church audience (congregations), and God. Collective identity through the
lyrical content of CWM songs is communicated by praise band members to each other as they
play (perform); they in turn develop a desire to communicate that identity and engage their
audience (church congregations) in congregational singing; and lastly, they communicate that
identity to God (their deity). Consequently, this form of communication allows for the formation
of relationships between all the people involved in the praise bands musicking, including God.
This theme is corroborated by the findings of Benjamins (2019) who felt that the focus of CWM
is “on the three-part relationships created in a musical performance, both among the sounds
initiated by the musicians and among the individuals taking part, and also with their
understanding of God (p. 429).
This collective, gestural process places CWM music or the “created object” as secondary
to the relational practice of praise bands’ musicking. The concept that CWM as “product” is
secondary to the relational process of praise bands’ musicking is also seen in past research
within different contexts (Rudd 2013; Boyce-Tillman 2014) where process-based model of
musicking is preferred over the aesthetic object or ‘product.’ Moreover, data from this study
showed that praise band musicians, while concerned with their musical contributions to the
created musical “product” of CWM, their primary agreed-upon goal was to engage in
participatory or corporate worship experiences.
Collective-agreed-upon goals by praise band musicians also related to the exploration
and affirmation of their collective identity (Karlsen, 2014; Kondo, 2020). CWM, as performed
by praise bands in church services, “articulates the values of a specific social group,” (Small,
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1998, p. 133) as is the case in this study for those who claim to be part of the Christian faith.
However, even though many modern Christian churches have adopted CWM as their
congregational song repertory, many Christian denominations have different theological stances
and/or place emphasis on different parts of their faith and practice. The interviews from this
research showed how important it was for praise band musicians from each church site to learn
and perform CWM that is an accordance with the tenets of their faith and their church’s
theological stances.
The lyrical content in the “musical artifact” of CWM is as essential, if not more than song
style, and not all lyrics in songs are considered theologically rich. Interestingly, CWM has come
under scrutiny by Christian theologians because the lyrical content in some songs made famous
by professional Christian artists contain weak theology and do not represent the specific
teachings of particular churches and their denominations (Jones & Webster, 2009). However,
lyrics are essential to CWM, especially when it is presented for congregational singing and
worship by praise bands. Studies in other contexts (Karlsen, 2014; Laes 2015, Isabyrie, 2021)
have shown that individuals use specific music and their articulated features to affirm their
collective identities within their social group or environment.
When we consider that the goal of CWM—as presented by praise bands in church
services—is to provide participatory, corporate musicking experiences, collective forms of
musical agency are seen as more critical. However, that is not to say that individual conditions of
musical agency within church musicking are not meaningful and impact performance musicians’
lives. Two types of ‘musical-use’ or ‘musical-action’ (DeNoral, 2000, p. 5) are found in CWM
as learned and performed by praise band musicians, using music for self-regulation, and using
music for matters of being.
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Individual Agency. It appears that praise band musicians use CWM and their
participation in praise bands as a tool for self-regulation or for “regulating, adjusting, enhancing,
and bringing together different aspects of the psychological and physiological self” (Karlsen,
2011, p. 112). Data from this study showed that praise band musicians use CWM for the practice
of emotional work and bodily comportment. When it comes to using music for emotional work,
praise band musicians found that CWM and praise band participation brought them to a positive
and fulfilling emotional state, something that for them other popular musicking contexts did not
always provide. Throughout the participants’ narrative, words like “joy, happiness, satisfaction,
and fulfillment” are used to describe their emotional state while participating in church
musicking. While other studies in different musicking contexts have shown that music
participation brings about positive emotional states (DeNora, 2000; Laes, 2015; Hogle, 2018),
research within the context of CWM in praise bands provides further evidence of this type of
individual form of musical agency. Moreover, individual happiness as a psychological state of
well-being from the praise band participants’ musicking experiences goes back Aristotle’s
concept of ‘eudemonia’ which notes that, “wellbeing is not so much an outcome or end state as it
is a process of fulfilling or realizing one’s daimon or true nature—that is, of fulfilling one’s
virtuous potentials and living as one was inherently intended to live” (Deci & Ryan, 2006, p. 2).
Another interrelated practice of using music for self-regulation is participants’ use of
CWM for bodily comportment. CWM participants seemed to have meaningful connections with
the music they are learning and playing through praise bands that affect their bodily
comportment, bringing them to tears, making them feel held, or creating a warm feeling of
security. The practice of CWM appears to affirm Karlsen’s (2011) notion that individuals use
music to regulate bodily comportment by “shifting energy levels, achieving embodied security,
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and letting the music get ‘into the body’” for a variety of purposes (p. 112), which in this context
includes emotional connections to other musicians, congregants, and God. For example, some
participants felt so much emotion when leading CWM in church services that they are brought to
tears of both joy and sadness. Furthermore, others felt so moved and emotionally affected by
playing CWM, almost like a state of flow, that they get lost in the music because they closed
their eyes and forget what they were doing (Csikszentmihalyi, 2004). Lastly, praise band
musicians participated in CWM because they found solace and emotional comfort, or
‘ontological security,’ something that will be presented in the next section that examines using
music for ‘matters of being.’
One of the unique aspects of this study was the spiritual nature and aspect of experiences.
Following on from the last topic noted above, which dealt with the practice of self-regulation,
the other interrelated practice of individual musical agency in this study was using
music for matters of being. This concept, which is often seen in the field of music therapy,
related to how individuals used music making or listening to evoke awareness, sensations, and
feelings that could fulfill a variety of psychological needs or, in this case, spiritual being
(Goldberg, 1995). Self-initiated or self-directed participation in CWM with praise bands is seen
by participants as a “special calling” or “service” to their respective church and God, and it is
motivated by their desire to worship and serve God and lead others in their discovery of personal
faith. Performance musicians expressed how playing or singing with their church praise bands
gave them an “existential purpose” that other popular musicking ventures did not. However,
existential purpose and the spiritual dimension of musicking in the lives of individuals have been
observed within other popular music contexts as well (Tuastad & Stige, 2018; Boyce-Tillman,
2014). Data from this study showed that popular musicians who participate in CWM have a
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desire to be “humble” and make the church musicking performance not about themselves or their
“ego” but about the collective whole that brings about a deep existential purpose and may lead
others into a similar spiritual path.
Praise band musicians’ narrative expressed that they perceived their musical talents as
“gifts” from God, and when they use them to play CWM for church services, they are giving
back to their church (cultural community) as a form of gratitude. Furthermore, participants felt
that this higher purpose was granted to them because they believed it pleased and served their
calling as musicians who play for God. This type of individual agency allowed praise band
musicians to regulate their levels of self-motivation which in turn spoke to how they develop
their musical skills. Furthermore, it also allowed them to receive instruction and guidance or
“peer-learning” (Green, 2008) from fellow praise band members and not perceive it as criticism
or judgement, but as input for the better of the ensemble and the collective whole. Individual
forms of musical agency that affect the learning of their peers in studies have been observed in
other musicking contexts (Hogle, 218). Furthermore, data showed that the spiritual connections
that praise band musicians experienced when leading CWM in their church services gave them a
sense of ontological security and a better understanding of the ‘self’ within the whole or the
collective musicking activity (Giddens, 1984). This sense of psychological stability with spiritual
underpinnings is in response to “the need to experience oneself as a whole, continuous person in
time —as being rather than constantly changing— in order to realize a sense of agency” (Mitzen,
2006, p. 342). In general, data from this study showed that praise band musicians experienced
high levels of collective agency as they used their church musicking experiences to discover
matters of being.
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Praise Bands Non-Formal Learning Contexts. While this study’s data analysis
involved a considerable amount of time examining how Green’s (2008) principles of informal
learning displayed themselves at various levels in the musicking experiences of praise band
musicians leading CWM, one of the categories identified that played a role in a series of
emergent themes was the “non-formal learning environment” that existed within praise bands’
musicking. As presented in Chapter 2, non-formal learning practices and contexts are like those
of formal (Veblen, 2012); however, they occur outside of educational institutions, in this case, in
churches that support CWM. Past research has confirmed that musically saturated environments
are fostered in rich social settings like churches, classical concert series, and festivals (Gardner,
2004; Karlsen, 2007; Snell, 2005). Data from this study showed that praise band musicking
experiences are sought after by adult participants who desire to continue their musical learning
and engage in the religious community of practice in which they are immersed. These self-
directed music learning experiences are systematic and deliberate, where the focus is on learning
by doing or “performative utility,” where the attaining of knowledge is “experimental, practical,
and pragmatic” (Mak, n.d., p. 5). However, praise band learning experiences are less regulated
than those in formal educational settings like private lessons and/or an adult music school or
program (Veblen, 2012, p. 248).
Studies that have researched popular music programs have shown that different learning
pedagogies, like formal, non-formal, and informal are usually “interwoven together” to
complement each other; they are not mutually exclusive (Ng, 2020; Hess, 2020). Music leaders
in praise bands are entrusted with a myriad of things within this non-formal learning setting and
are tasked with navigating the spectrum of the transmission of learning (formal, non-formal, and
informal). Observational data from this study revealed that leaders in praise bands are tasked
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with facilitating various pedagogy environments that are “systematic and deliberate” but are not
overly regulated and structured. In addition, the data provided evidence that adults who take on a
“self-directed” learning endeavor like leading CWM with praise bands are looking for
experiences with some structure and clear objectives but have certain levels of informality and
leisure. As noted above, church musicians profiled in this study often sought music experiences
that were spirituality meaningful and caried a participatory religious objective (leading others
into worship with God). The participant interviews demonstrated that praise band musicians lead
busy lives and do not want to waste their time in unorganized musical ventures with little
direction. While the performance musicians in praise bands studied here enjoyed levels of
agentic responsibility and input (music selection and creative musical input), they also seemed to
want certain levels of regulation and guided direction that propelled them towards meaningful
church musicking experiences. This level of hybridity is important as music directors and other
music learning facilitators prepare to lead popular music contexts like praise bands.
Data analysis in this study demonstrated that leaders in praise band environments
facilitated these non-formal learning experiences that are organized and structured but had
informality and agentic participation levels. Facilitating in this context produced “power
shifting,” as demonstrated in past research (Kondo, 2019), where praise band musicians took
ownership of learning experiences provided by the supportive environment from their church’s
music director. Therefore, it might be generalized that navigating this power shift dynamic is an
“artful dance” for MDs and something challenging and dependent on various things in each
respective church context. The following section presents three musical factors that directors
must navigate and facilitate within the non-formal context of praise bands: variety of music
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backgrounds, command of music notation and other music literacy skills, and recruitment of
personnel to meet music need.
Variety of Music Backgrounds. First, data from this research showed that adult
musicians in praise bands have various musical abilities, experiences, and training. Narrative
information from the interviews expressed that some participants joined their church praise
bands with well-developed musical skills on their primary instrument (usually attained through
formal learning experiences). In contrast, others are beginners with little to no proficiency on
their instrument and/or ensemble music experience. However, there were some instances where
some musicians who were proficient in a specific instrument that was not needed in their
respective praise band chose to learn a new instrument because there was a need in their band’s
instrumentation. Participants’ perception of having the “proper qualifications” to be a praise
band member is something that was presented by Benjamins (2019), describing her participants
as having a lack of musical or technical qualifications; they had to contribute to the ensemble (p.
429) adequately. She asserted that “musical skills” as perceived by praise musicians were
typically socially constructed by their understanding of western classical music standards, and
this “imperializing” (Wright, 2018, p. 220) assumption of musical qualifications was of utmost
concern. Data suggested that music directors working in popular music contexts like praise bands
must regulate the amount of formal input and instruction they give within their respective church
context because some adult musicians seek to be instructed and provided with the tools to
improve their musical skills and others wanted to contribute musically with their already
developed and refined musical skills.
Command of Music Notation and Other Music Literacy Skills. Second, something that
is often considered as part of musical skills is the ability to read traditional music notation (often
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called “levels of music literacy”). Data from this study, in corroboration with the findings by
Benjamins (2019), showed that praise band musicians come with various music reading abilities.
While data in this study showed that many of the participants learned to participate in praise
bands by “copying recordings by ear” (Green, 2008), some performance musicians (especially
instrumentalists such as keyboard players) enjoyed using charts with traditional music notation
such as lead sheets or piano vocal scores. Veblen (2012) noted that “adult learners often employ
several learning modes using a range of oral, notation, conserving, and experiential approaches,”
all of which are observed in this research (p. 249). Moreover, findings from this study showed
that MDs in praise bands are responsible for preparing and providing a myriad of charts for every
type of music literacy within their ensembles, including lead sheets, piano-vocal scores, chord
charts, number charts, or just lyrics sheets (primarily for vocalists). Music literacy as a form of
“musical language” is also perceived as a form of musical qualification that affects the non-
formal learning experience of praise bands and is context-dependent and must be navigated and
facilitated by praise band MDs.
Recruitment of Personnel to Meet Musical Needs. Lastly, non-formal learning contexts
like praise bands that contribute to CWM music experiences must constantly accommodate an
influx of new participants (Veblen, 2012). Church services—the sociocultural event that
provides the context for the CWM—are typically held every Sunday. However, some large
churches (often referred to as “mega-churches”) have weekend services (Saturday and Sunday)
and may even including mid-week services. The narrative from the interviews with the churches’
music directors described the task of recruiting and maintaining a wealth of praise band
musicians to rotate from week to create a healthy rotation of performance musicians. Data
analysis from this study showed that this is another dynamic that MDs must facilitate and
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regulate. MDs must ensure that their praise bands are inclusive and welcoming ensembles
because the need for performance musicians is heavy, and the rotation of performance musicians
occurs often. Data from this study, indicated that this was a major issue. The influx of new
performance musicians mean that praise bands must be adaptive and flexible in terms of varying
skills, instrumentation, and ensemble dynamics. MDs are responsible for facilitating these
adaptive and flexible musicking experiences because the praise band roster can change weekly,
affecting song choices and tonal keys chosen. In general, as a non-formal learning context, the
praise band ensemble is a complex setting with a spectrum of musicking practices facilitated by
the church’s MD and made possible through the experiential participation of its musician
volunteers. As stated earlier, the acquisition and development of CWM musical skills are
propagated by performance musicians “doing” and actively “participating” in this self-directed
musical endeavor (Mak, n.d., p. 5).
Thematic Differences Between Church Sites
One of the extensions to this study beyond the Benjamins research was the inquiry into
diverse church populations of mono-ethnic variance, which included a predominantly white
protestant church, a Ukrainian Baptist church, and a Spanish-speaking Hispanic church. As
mentioned in Chapter 3, the churches selected for this study were based on their expressed
diverse populations and their thriving music programs that presented CWM with praise bands.
Analysis comparing the church sites showed more similarities than differences because themes in
the research questions dealt with macro subjects viewed through three conceptual lenses that
were minimally affected by variance in ethnicity and culture. The emergent themes found across
all participant’s narratives within the three church sites expressed how unifying CWM is across
ethnicities and languages; this might be an implication for future research. Participants from all
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three church sites shared one collective goal, praise band participation was about ‘corporate
musicking’ to engage congregations in participatory worship of God. Furthermore, as mentioned
in the presentation about collective agency, praise band musicians from all three churches sought
to affirm their collective identity as Christians who desire to use their musical skills with praise
bands to worship God.
However, two clear differences between the three church sites did present themselves in a
manner that prompted wonderment about possible implications for praise band study in future
research. These two differences were church site socioeconomic disparity and age differences in
the participants across church site praise bands.
Socioeconomic Differences Between Churches Sites. After analyzing the data collected
in this study for larger conceptual themes, little was noted concerning the socioeconomics of
each church and how that affected their praise bands and the participant’s church musicking,
informal music making, and musical agency. However, when taking a bird’s eye view of all three
churches by examining the history of their respective ministries, the support given to praise band
ensembles, the location of each church geographically, and observing the technical differences
between the praise bands, there were some socioeconomic disparities worth noting.
First, the only church with a professional music director with substantial musical and
pedagogical training was the MD for the English church. Based on the interviews with the three
music directors, it appeared that the English church was the only one with the financial means to
hire a full-time music director to oversee the worship ministry and lead the praise band. As
mentioned in Chapter 4, the MDs for the Spanish and Ukrainian churches did not consider
themselves music directors; they just called themselves “worship leaders” who volunteered their
time to lead the church’s praise band which may have led to the label difference. As found in the
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initial study by Benjamins (2019), volunteer worship leaders do not always feel adequately
trained or musically “accomplished” to address technical concerns that might arise within the
praise bands musicking (p. 429). This may also be why the MD for the English church gave
more guided musical direction during praise band rehearsals and generally encouraged a more
structured environment.
Furthermore, the English church site in this study was the only one that hired professional
performance musicians as performing participants. The MD for the English church expressed
how, because of instrumentation/personnel need, they have a hybrid model of praise band
musicians: church members who volunteer to play together with hired professionals that fill in
the gaps on bass, electric guitar, and drums. The Ukrainian and Spanish churches only had
volunteer instrumentalists and singers at every position. The narrative interviews from both
“worship leaders” in the Ukrainian and Spanish churches expressed how their rise to leadership
came about somewhat ‘haphazardly’ because there was need in their churches. Regardless of
their volunteer or hired status, each music leader for all three churches took their position very
seriously and seemed to enjoy their responsibility to lead their church’s praise band.
However, some dimensions of this topic may have consequence for the non-formal
environment of praise bands that might emerge in more extensive study of other church sites in
future research. First, MDs with more extensive formal collegiate or professional training may
have the pedagogical background that is more apt to address musical matters in an ensemble
environment such as these praise band cultures. Adequate musical training for music directors
that facilitate learning experiences in popular musicking contexts like this these has been
discussed in past research (Giddings, 2018 & 2019; Hallam, Creech et al., 2018; Ng, 2020). If
this research such as the present study is designed to make a case that praise bands performing
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CWM are a non-formal context where performance musicians can acquire and develop musical
skills, then MDs with adequate musical training are more likely to help a struggling volunteer
trying to learn and/or provide a satisfactory musical environment for a volunteer trained
musician to contribute to the church musicking. Furthermore, hiring professional musicians to
play with ‘amateur’ volunteers in praise bands may increase the musical skill level of the popular
music ensemble. Developing performance musicians are more likely to grow and learn from
seasoned professional players, which in turn will affect their overall musicking experience within
the praise band environment. The ability to hire more professionally educated music personnel,
may be a factor worth noting when it comes to developing volunteer musicians, recruiting, and
retaining new participants in praise bands, and raising the technical and musical levels of the
praise ensembles. Limited access to trained music directors in popular music and access to
rehearsal facilities and equipment has been the topic of discussion in other musicking contexts
(Helton & Paetz, 2021; Elpus, 2017 & 2020); however, little is known within the contexts of
praise bands who perform CWM in churches.
As least one past study has tied participants’ motivation levels to musicking ventures,
which depend on securing quality instruments and equipment for music learning and proper
learning spaces (Abril & Gault, 2016). Data from the interviews and observations of the different
church sites in the present research demonstrated a clear disparity regarding facility and
equipment access. For example, the Spanish church did not own their facility; they rented a
worship space from an older English-speaking congregation. This observation created some
challenges that their music director expressed. Renting a worship space for the Spanish church
meant they had to set up and tear down their equipment every time they rehearsed and performed
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(at least three times per week). This situation is challenging, especially for older praise band
members who need to move heavier equipment, like drums, large keyboards, and amplifiers.
The Ukrainian church owned its facility, but since it is small, the praise band had to share
its rehearsal and performance (church service) facility with other ministries typical for a thriving
and growing church. However, their access to musical equipment from week to week was made
easier since they could leave their gear set in place.
The English church had the most well-equipped facility as well as the musical equipment
readily available to them that was solely dedicated to the praise band and CWM. Their musical
equipment was pre-set and stayed in place all week long. (Chapter 4 describes other advanced
equipment assets for the English church such as entire in-ear digital monitor system (Avioms)
with studio stem tracks controlled by their professional electric guitar player. Chapter 4 also
detailed the physical arrangement of each church and offered data on the clear differences
between the communities that each church serves.)
While the observations of socioeconomic differences between the three church sites may
seem somewhat trivial or beside the point of addressing more profound matters, economics can
influence the church-musicking experiences of praise band musicians in several ways. As noted
above, this overall topic is a strong candidate for additional study.
Age Difference Between Praise Band Members. A second sociocultural difference
between the three church sites observed in this study that was not related to finances or physical
facilities, was the question of age differences between the praise band members. As explained in
Chapter 3, participants for this study were selected based on the purposeful sampling criteria that
considered performance medium, gender, musical experiences outside of CWM, and age.
However, as explained in that chapter, even though all the criteria were considered, some
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limitations arose from the purposeful sampling. Many empirical studies in music learning usually
focus on a specific age demographic or desired age group because informal and formal learning
contexts typically target a specific audience. Moreover, in the extensive review of literature
presented in Chapter 2, studies were divided by formal education contexts in elementary through
secondary grades (Abril & Gault, 2016; Crawford, 2017; Butler et al., 2020; Hogle, 2018),
college students learning in institutions of higher learning (Karlsen, 2010; Mok, 2018 & 2020;
Lebler, 2012), professional adults and activists (Schmidt-Jones, 2017; Hess, 2020), and even
senior adult contexts (Laes, 2015). However, only a few studies identified participants in non-
formal learning contexts with such a wide age gap as the present study investigating the
musicking experiences of praise band members. The praise band participants in this research
within each church site varied in age greatly which necessitates some consideration.
Working from older to younger ages, the Spanish church had the oldest age demographic
of participants, with an average age being 55 years old; the English church was second with an
average age of 38; and the Ukrainian church had the youngest average age of 22 years old. Age
variance in learning contexts like the one presented in this study can present challenges that the
music directors and the performance participants must navigate. First, musical ability is not
always tied to age. While older praise band participants might have more musicking experiences
than younger members, it only sometimes means they are the more proficient or musically
skilled in their instrument or voice. Certain levels of formal training have shown to be beneficial
in non-formal learning contexts like the one presented in the present study and addressed by
related research (Mok, 2018 & 2019; Schmidt-Jones, 2017; Hess, 2020). For example, the
Ukrainian church participants were much younger than the Spanish church; however, they all
had several years of formal training on their instruments. Some of the older participants from the
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English church felt they had “veteran” member status in their praise band and therefore took
leadership roles in mentoring younger participants.
Music directors in praise bands in charge of facilitating learning experiences to develop
and grow participants’ musical skills must ensure the ‘peer-learning’ dynamic occurs in a
healthy, amicable way and work within their respective contexts. ‘Peer learning’ as a
fundamental principle of informal learning (Green, 2008) that occurs in non-formal contexts like
praise bands can be a factor in the age variance of the participants. Data in this study
demonstrated that praise band music directors must circumnavigate this learning mode as they
encourage skilled participants to mentor musicians who are still developing regardless of age.
That means that sometimes younger participants who might be more skilled help older
participants that are just developing or learning. This idea affects participants’ collective forms
of agency when using musicking situations to regulate and structure social encounters with
others (Karlsen, 2011, p. 115). In the same vein, younger, less experienced participants need to
be open to learning from older musicians with more ensemble experience or might be more
proficient and skilled on their instruments or voice. Peer learning within multiage learners has
been observed in other constructivist contexts (Hogle, 2018), and research has shown its positive
“contagious” effects on the learning agency of participants.
Lastly, age variance in praise bands can influence the community outside of learning and
performing CWM. Age demographic, especially if the age gap is generational, can affect how
relationships are formed between certain praise band members. Of the three churches
investigated in this inquiry, the Ukrainian church participants had more to say about their
community outside of praise band. They appeared to have more in common because their ages
were closer together (an average of 22). Therefore, they talked more about the activities they
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held outside of the praise band such as going bowling together or getting a meal after rehearsal.
The Spanish church participants, who were also close in age and of the same generation, also
spoke a good deal about their church community activities outside of praise band rehearsals and
performances. The English church participants, whose age variance spanned three generations,
had the least to say regarding the community activities outside the praise band. While this
observation of the difference between the three church sites carries some implications for further
investigation, it is essential to note that all participants had positive things to say about other
praise band members. Many spoke about the beautiful “fellowship” that occurred within their
music ensemble and how their experiences with their peers, regardless of age, were positive and
enjoyable. In the next section, the topic of ageism will be addressed which is an extension of the
question of age demographics,
Other Sociological Issues
Disappointment with Formal Lessons. Nine out of the twelve participants in this study
claimed to have taken formal lessons with a professional instructor at some point in their lives.
As presented in the evidence found in the narrative of the participants in Chapter 4, most of the
participants that took formal lessons as children recall having negative experiences for a variety
of reasons. First, many praise band participants were forced to take private lesson on the
instrument their parents wanted them to learn. For example, all participants in the Ukrainian
church took formal lessons as children. While many of them expressed how they initially wanted
to learn instrument their parents suggested (piano and violin) and were forced to remain in lesson
for many years even though they did not want to continue. Second, the participants expressed
how they did not like the way they were taught by their first teachers, which was typically formal
technique instruction based on method books that stressed certain technical matters and often
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used contrived music or older folk tune literature. Very little room was given for music
experiences outside of formal performance instruction such as composition, improvisation, and
creative listening. For example, the MD for the Ukrainian church chose to play the acoustic
guitar because he liked learning music by ear, a skillset he discovered he had after five years of
taking formal piano lessons and forced to play by reading notation. One participant from the
Ukrainian church felt he found the “love of playing music” again when he picked up the drums
after years of taking formal violin lessons. Third, many participants were obligated by their
teachers and parents to perform in recitals and classical music competitions even though they did
not wish to. Participants from the Ukrainian church noted the anxiety and pressure they felt by
their teachers and parents as they prepared for months to perform in adjudicated competitions.
And fourth, many of the participants expressed how their private teachers taught them musical
genres they did not enjoy. Several of the praise band musicians described how they disliked their
lessons because they were not playing music (genre) they wanted to learn, like rock and roll,
pop, gospel, or film scores. For example, one vocalist from the English church felt that his voice
teacher was trying to change his voice by making it more classical. That discouraged him from
continue to participate in voice lessons because he did not want to be an opera singer.
While there was evidence of disappointment with formal lessons for the several reasons
mentioned above, some of the participants felt that their popular musical skills were enhanced
and more easily developed because of their early formal learning experiences. Some expressed
how the learning challenges with formal lessons on highly technical instruments like violin and
piano helped them learn other instruments like pop drums, keyboards, and acoustic guitar.
Negative experiences and disappointment with formal lessons were mostly attributed to the
participants’ early experiences usually as children. Findings from this research informs music
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teaching and learning that music instructors working with children need to be cognitive of the
challenges that students perceive and encounter when taking lessons.
Past research has shown that music instructors must be able to implement a balanced
curriculum that develops a variety of diverse musical skills and objectives (Crawford, 2017;
Butleer et al., 2020). Nevertheless, disappointment with formal instruction in the lives of praise
band musicians should be noted as an implication for future research, particularly when paired
with the finding that participants credited their parents for engaging them in music study early in
their lives.
Ageism in CWM. The Christian church, especially within the discursive practice of
CWM used for congregational singing, is not immune to the “isms” that plague modern society
(Clark, 2022, para. 2). While the American Christian church has made progress against such
issues as racism, feminism, elitism, there continue to be societal challenges that come about in
contemporary societies. One such concern is ‘ageism’ within CWM and praise band. The World
Health Organization defines ageism as the stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination towards
people based on age (WHO, n.d., par 1). Ageism exists in all facets of society, and research
shows its prevalence within the secular music industry (Chand, 2020); therefore, it is no surprise
that it also exists in the CWM context. People may experience ageism when they perceive
themselves as too old or too young to do something. In the case of the present study, some
participants expressed that they were considered “veterans” mentoring the young or were “old
guys at the end of their music service.” Comments like this from the participants’ interviews in
this research study shed a little light on this topic that requires further study.
The conversation of “being too old” to play and lead CWM in modern churches has
continued among church music directors, worship leaders, and Christian theologians for the last
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several decades (Hicks, 2014; Clark, 2022; Manner, n.d.). According to Christian blogger, Loren
Hicks (2014), the “glamourization of youth culture” has affected everything from marketing to
entertainment and even local churches. He emphasized that “obsession with youth culture has
affected the ministry of worship as well,” (para. 3).
Ageism in CWM appears to exist among praise musicians, worship directors/worship
leaders. As modern churches seek to stay relevant and attract more youth and families to their
church services, like the three churches presented in this study, they tend to fall into the trap of
youth culture and ‘age out’ praise band participants and even music directors out of their
vocational ministries.
Contemporary worship music such as the global-Christian congregational song repertory
(Ingalls, 2018), is constantly changing and adapting to new forms and styles much like that of
other popular secular genres. Hicks (2014) noted that this form of ageism is “lamentable” and
that cultures’ obsession with youth and being ‘hip’ has invaded the heart of the church in a
negative way (para. 6). This obsession with youth culture is not supported by teachings from the
Bible. The Bible is filled with verses that celebrate and admire the elderly (e.g. Job 12:12,
Proverbs 7:6-8, and 1 Timothy 5:1-2.) However, Christian churches seem to ignore this idea and
perhaps need to be reflective on how they move forward dealing with this issue.
The negative and positive effects of aging and musicking experiences have been observed
in other contexts (Heiner et al., 2018; Lindblac & de Boise, 2020). Nevertheless, as noted in
Chapter 4, while ageism in CWM is a minor theme discovered in this research based on some of
the narratives provided by the participants, none of the older participants felt overly discouraged
or considered quitting their praise bands. Future research is warranted regarding this topic.

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Replicated Findings from Benjamin’s Study
As mentioned in Chapter 3, this inquiry was, in part, a replication and extension of work
by Benjamins (2019). While there were clear sections of the present study that were replicated,
such as the use of all three of her overarching research questions (questions nos. 1, 2, & 6) and
two of the same theoretical frameworks (informal learning practices and musicking), there were
many aspects of the topic that were either extended or newly added.
First, the present study added a third theoretical lens, musical agency (Karlsen, 2011), to
embrace a new research question concerning participants’ individual and collective musical
agency within their participation in praise bands. Second, Benjamins’ study examined two
churches of similar demographics and design, and this study sought to investigate three diverse
church settings (white-evangelical, Ukrainian Baptist, and Spanish-speaking Hispanic churches).
Third, this study interviewed music directors with the intent of addressing their role as
facilitators of learning experiences within praise bands. Fourth, this study compared the three
diverse church sites to study participants’ experiences. The following section will explain the
similarities between the findings in both studies and discuss some of the aspects that were found
to be different.
The findings in this study corroborated Benjamins’ (2019) findings related to Green’s
(2008) informal learning principles. Benjamins focused on: (1) praise band musicians’
preference for learning music by copying recordings by ear rather than notation (p. 423), (2)
musical skill and knowledge attainment happening somewhat haphazardly, beginning with “real
world” pieces of music (p. 424), and (3) informal learning involved a deep integration of
listening performing, improvising, and composing (p. 424). These were all supported in the
present research.
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Benjamins found that praise band members did not always have a say in the selection of
music they learned and played. Observations from the current study found that, even though
praise band musicians did not always have a say in the specific songs they played, their choice to
play CWM as a musical genre was in conjunction with Green’s principles of “learner’s selection
of music” (Green, 2008, p. 10). The conceptual theme related to these findings was the praise
band’s participants’ deep immersion in the world of CWM (Mans, 2009).
Another finding of Benjamins (2019) that was corroborated by this research was that the
praise band environments were inclusive communities and that participants had a “clear sense of
connection, inclusivity, and sensitivity towards others” (p. 425). This finding in the current study
was noted under the ‘non-formal learning context’ facilitated by the church’s music directors to
welcome an influx of new praise band participants. Benjamins presented this finding under the
unique musicking features of praise bands. Inclusivity in praise bands was found to be of
significant importance in both studies.
Both studies also found that praise band musicians viewed individual agency as
secondary and not as important as the collective forms of agency. Benjamins noted that
“participants indicated that it was more important for them to lead worship corporately as a
group than to express themselves individually as musicians” (2019, p. 427). This topic in the
present study focused on how collective forms of agency were viewed as more critical of the
musicking experiences of the praise band musicians than those on the individual level.
Furthermore, both studies agreed that a feature of CWM, as learned and performed by the praise
bands, formed around the triadic communication and relationships between praise band
participants, the praise band and the congregation, and the congregation and God. Benjamins
referred to this as a “three-part relationship” (p. 429) created in the performance or musicking
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experience with a secondary focus or the artifact or “art object itself,” adhering to the ideas of
musicking presented by Small (1998, p. 183).
Lastly, Benjamins (2019) found two findings not featured in the current study. The first
dealt with excellence, elitism, and hierarchy in praise bands as participants regulated between
their perceived skills and what was expected of their praise band participation and contribution
(p. 428). The second dealt with participants’ alienation and exclusion due to feelings that they
lacked proper qualifications to participate in praise bands (p. 429). Neither of these emerged as
significant findings in the present study, but future research might consider this further.
Recommendations for Future Research and Practice
The literature review revealed no other formal study that investigated the learning
experiences of individuals participating in church music, specifically praise bands, other than the
replicated study by Benjamins (2019). This current work largely corroborated her findings and
restated that music teaching and learning needs to consider the Christian church as a practical
and significant context for informal musicking practices. Clearly there is a need for more
systematic work on this topic. Considering the themes that were identified in both studies, there
are several implications for current music education practice as well as for considerations for
future research.
Popular music education researchers need to consider non-formal sites like modern
churches with praise bands as rich sites for music teaching and learning research. Church
musicking experiences, like the ones provided by praise bands, need to be considered as part of
community music programs that offer popular music skills for people of all ages.
Furthermore, music directors entrusted to facilitate non-formal learning environments
like ‘praise bands’ need to be aware of their participants’ many learning dynamics and needs that
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must be managed, regulated, and fostered. Music directors must ensure that participants’
perception of “musical skills” implied by western classical musical standards do not make them
feel inadequate or unqualified for popular music participation.
Music education teaching must inculcate in future music teachers and directors that the
musicking experience does not only include a polished performed musical product but also many
other performative processes, especially within popular music ensembles. This notion is
corroborated by the research in the context of praise bands showing participants’ collective
forms of musical agency over individual forms. Undergraduate programs that educate future
music directors for churches need to evaluate their curriculum to ensure that their pedagogy
properly prepares students to work with popular musicians and classically trained musicians that
decide to function in a popular music ensemble.
Music teachers that give formal performance instruction to young students need to
understand the importance of providing learning experiences that are relevant to students’ music
needs and desires. Parents and music teachers alike might profit from more flexible pedagogy
that endorse more student-center approaches and flexible ways to make music that includes
composition and improvisation. Lastly, music education must consider how musicking practices
impact individuals’ emotional and spiritual lives.
Future research might be considered on the immersive music learning practices in
individuals who attend traditional Christian churches that present worship through hymn singing
led by choirs and organs and how this compares with CWM. How might these experiences be
mutually supportive musical experiences.
While more challenging to conduct, research should also compare the levels of spiritual
engagement in church participation between praise band musicians and individuals who attend
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church services. Another area of investigation could be how playing secular or non-religious
music affects the development of musical skills pertaining to CWM and praise band
participation. Pedagogical research could also investigate how classically trained musicians
transition their musical skills and experiences to popular music ensembles like praise bands.
Research could also be focused on why children are typically disappointed with formal music
lessons and how teachers might impact those sentiments.
Regarding the continued education of church music directors and their experiences with
praise bands and CWM, many different research topics could be considered. For example, how
do church music directors perceive their experiences leading praise bands and what might be the
ideal role of church leadership in musicking ventures. What is the best pedagogical training for
music directors and their work with popular music ensembles that vary in skill level. Studies
could also be conducted on how music directors manage the dynamics of mixing professional
musicians (hired personnel) with volunteer musicians and how the volunteers perceive their
contributions to their praise bands’ musicking.
Other research could examine how music directors perceive ‘ageism’ in CWM and how
they manage pressure from church leadership to stay relevant in their music ministry. What
evidence is there that CWM participants are “outed” or terminated from the ministry because
they were getting too old or their musicking practices were becoming outdated. Lastly, large-
scale research studies might be directed toward the socioeconomic disparities between Christian
churches and how they affect the learning experiences of praise band musicians and their
development musically and spiritually.

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Conclusion
Music education research has largely neglected religious institutions as vital contexts for
music teaching and learning. Studies like the one presented in this dissertation and the original
research conducted by Benjamins (2019) shed light on non-formal contexts like praise bands
who perform CWM and provide a place for individuals to acquire and develop their musical
skills. Moreover, as popular music education continues to grow and be implemented in various
contexts like k-12 schools, community music programs, school of rock programs, and other
contexts, it is crucial to recognize the types of learning and musicking happening in modern
churches that present CWM. Considering the church’s role in establishing music education in the
United States in colonial times, it is interesting to speculate on the church’s continued role of
music teaching and learning—especially considering the research findings herein.
This replicated and extended research showed how praise bands provide an excellent.
largely non-formal inclusive context where individuals of all ages can acquire and develop
popular music skills. The deep inculturation and immersion in the world of CWM allow
participants to develop musical skills through a spectrum of learning practices. CWM music
experience is embedded in all aspects of the lives of praise band musicians by listening and
singing at church, through leisure listening in the car or at home, through concert attendance,
music lesson instruction, and even music teaching and learning at private Christian schools.
This study highlights the challenging task that church music directors have when
navigating all aspects of praise bands contexts. Not unlike the challenges that face all
professional music educators, as facilitators of popular music learning experiences, church music
directors must guide various musical skill levels from praise band participants, including
instrument proficiency and music literacy. They are also in charge of recruiting and welcoming
212

an influx of new participants and working on retaining the performance musicians in their praise
bands. Furthermore, praise band MDs have to deal with their church’s facility and available
equipment resources and circumnavigate the music desires of church leadership while providing
engaging contemporary worship music every Sunday for congregational worship. Lastly, MDs
foster various individual and collective forms of musical agency within the praise band
ensembles.
But there is more. Musicking as a relational activity is seen as one of the most critical
findings in Benjamins’ (2019) study and the replicated and extension research in this present
inquiry. Research in the musicking experiences of praise band musicians demonstrates that while
participants enjoy levels of individual agency, such as using CWM for bodily
comportment and matters of being, the collective forms of agency, like establishing a basis for
collaborative action and affirming their identity as Christians appear to be more important and of
higher priority. At the heart of praise bands’ musicking is ‘corporate’ (collective) worship
experiences that are engaging and participatory. These musicking experiences use CWM, the
“musical artifact,” as a triadic gestural form of communication between praise band participants,
their church congregation, and their singing as directed to God. Moreover, praise band
participation creates meaningful relationships because their immersive musicking experiences
affirm their spiritual identity as Christians, which gives them existential purpose, meaning, and
value (Small, 1998, p. 183).
Finally, church musicking contexts like those provided by praise bands that present
CWM embodies the philosophy or “musicking” to its core because it emphasizes the collective
experience, not only the important product or artifact. The many themes and concepts presented
213

in this research continue to support the philosophical thinking of Christopher Small and others,
that the principal meanings of music are “not individual at all, but social” (p. 8).

214

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228

Appendix A

University of Southern California Institutional Review Board
3720 S. Flower Street, Suite 325
Los Angeles, CA 90089
Telephone: (323) 442-0114
Fax: (323) 224-8389
Email: irb@usc.edu
Date: Aug 25, 2022, 02:29pm
Action Taken: Approve
Principal
Investigator:
Marco Garcia-Mejia
THORNTON SCHOOL OF MUSIC
Faculty Advisor: Beatriz Ilari
THORNTON SCHOOL OF MUSIC
Co-Investigator(s):
Project Title: Church Musicking_Edited
Study ID: UP-22-00638
Funding:
The University of Southern California Institutional Review Board (IRB) designee reviewed your iStar application and attachments on
8/25/2022.
Based on the information submitted for review, this study is determined to be exempt from 45 CFR 46 according to §46.104(d) as
category 2. As research which is considered exempt according to §46.104(d), this project is not subject to requirements for continuing
review. You are authorized to conduct this research as approved.
If there are significant changes that increase the risk to subjects or if the funding has changed, you must submit an amendment to the
IRB for review and approval. For other revisions to the application, use the “Send Message to IRB” link.
The materials submitted and considered for review of this project included:
1. iStar application dated 8/14/2022
2. Other Materials
Musicking: Social Behavioral Protocol (0.01)
Rehearsal Observation(0.01)
One on One Interview(0.01)
Director Interview(0.01)
Purposeful Sampling (0.01)
NOTES to PI:
INFORMATION SHEET AND RECRUITMENT
It is the responsibility of the principal investigator to follow the principles of the Belmont Report, which requires all potential
participants to be informed of the research study, their rights as a participant, confidentiality of their data, etc. per USC IRB policy.
Please utilize the attached Information Sheet For Exempt Research and Guidance for Recruitment materials. The documents should
include information specific to your study. These documents will not be reviewed by the IRB; however, it is the responsibility of the
researcher to make sure the documents are consistent with the study procedures listed in the IRB application. NOTE: In the event that
this study is audited by the IRB, you are required to provide the Information Sheet and recruitment documents used for this study.
SITE PERMISSIONS
The principal investigator for this study is responsible for obtaining site permissions. IRB approval does not convey approval to
commence research in the event that other requirements have not been satisfied.

Attachments
:
2019-10-31_guidance-for-recruitment-tool-final.pdf
229

Appendix B

Qualtrics Questionnaire

Music and Learning & CWM: General Information

1. Which gender do you identify with?
a. Male
b. Female
c. Provide self-chosen gender: ______________

2. What is your age bracket?

a. Under 18
b. 18-24
c. 25-34
d. 35-44
e. 45-54
f. 55-64
g. 65+

3. When leading worship at church do you:
a. Play an instrument
b. Sing
c. Play an instrument and sing

4. If you play any instrument when leading worship at church, please list them below:

5. How long have you been actively participating in a praise band?
a. Less than one year
b. 1-2 years
c. 3-5 years
d. 6-10 years
e. More than 10 years

Music Learning & CWM: Your Praise Band & Music Learning

1. Please select which of the following are used in your praise band:

Bass guitar Lead guitar Rhythm guitar Keyboard Drum-set Vocals Others_______

2. How often do you play/sing as part of a praise band at worship services?

3. How many practices do you usually have before a worship service?

230

4. If you are an instrumentalist, how long throughout your life have you been each of your
instruments currently used in praise bands? (Please list each instrument and the number
of years)

5. If you are a vocalist in a praise band, how long throughout your life have you been
formally (organized, possibly lesson-based) singing?

6. If you are an instrumentalist, why and how did you begin playing each of your
instruments currently used in praise bands?

7. If you are a vocalist, why and how did you begin singing?

8. If you are an instrumentalist, did you ever take private music lessons on any instruments
currently used in a praise band?

Yes No N/A

9. If you have taken private music lessons on any instruments currently used in a praise
band, please list the instrument and how many years you took private lessons:

10. If you have not taken private music lessons, how did you primarily learn to play
this/these instruments?

self-taught friend/family member YouTube/Online church other: (specify)

11. If you are a vocalist, did you ever take private singing lessons?

Yes (please list number of years) _______ No N/A

12. If you are an instrumentalist or vocalist, what genre/s of music generally comprise your
music practicing and learning?

Classical Pop Rock Christian Other (specify)___________

Music Learning & CWM: Working Together as a Praise Band

1. As a worship leader or praise band participant, how do you learn new music (i.e. What is
the process like? For example, do you learn by listening to recordings, from sheet music,
from lead sheets, or other?

2. What resources do you use for learning new music?
231

3. Have any of your musical skills shifted or developed since you have joined a praise
band?

If yes, how? ________________________ No

4. Musically, does learning praise band music present any different challenges to learning
other types of pieces for your instrument/voice?

Yes No

5. If yes, how does it differ from learning other material? How do you resolve these
challenges?

6. Do other members in your praise band seem to have an influence on your musical
learning?

Yes No

7. If yes, how? If no, why not?

8. Describe a typical praise band practice?

9. Is there anything specific to the church/worship context that affects your music learning?

10. Is there anything specific to the church/worship context that affects your music
performing?

232

Appendix C

Semi-Structured Interviews

Hello, thank you for taking time today to speak with me and for filling out the questionnaire. I
am asking questions similar to the questionnaire surrounding the topic of music learning and
praise bands and I may ask additional questions for clarification and understanding or may
further explore your questionnaire responses. Please feel free to answer questions at your own
pace and you may abstain from answering any questions of your choice. If you need to end the
interview early, please let me know and we will conclude it. All information provided today in
the interview is confidential and you will have the opportunity to review my transcript of the
interview and your responses.

Please provide a description of your praise band and your role within it.

Detail-Oriented Probing Questions (may have been answered in questionnaire but will further
explore)
• Are you a vocalist, instrumentalist, and/or worship leader?
o What does this role involve?

• What instruments do you play in the praise band (if an instrumentalist)?

• How long have you been participating in a praise band at your church?

• Are you regularly playing with the same people in a set praise band?

• How often do you tend to participate in leading worship?

Please describe your musical background and how that relates to your participation in a
praise band today.

Detail-Oriented Probing Questions
• How did you begin singing/playing your instrument?

• How many years of your life have you been playing this instrument or singing?

• Did you ever take private music lessons?

• If so, what kind of repertoire did you focus on (i.e. were you classically trained?)

• If so, what was your practicing like? How often did you practice? Is this different than
your preparation for worship services today? If so, how is it different?

233

How do you typically learn new music in your praise band practices?

Detail-Oriented Probing Questions
• How is new music introduced?

• What role does the worship leader/leader of the group play with new repertoire?

• Who selects it?

• Do you all practice it on your own typically and then come together or learn it all
together first?

• How much musical input do you feel you have when it comes putting together new
tunes?

• How often does the Worship Leader ask for your opinion on how something should go?

Have any musical skills developed or changed for you throughout your participation in a
praise band?

• What type of skills? Compare this to other musical experiences you’ve had.

Is there anything specific about being part of a worship context that affects your musical
experience?

Probing Questions
• Is there anything specific to the church/worship context that influences your music
learning experience?

• Is there anything specific to the church/worship context that influences your music
performing experience?

• If yes, do you pray together at the beginning of practices?

• If yes, have you had conversations surrounding worship and your role as worship
leaders?

• What is your praise band like as a community?

• Have you played your praise band instrument in a non-praise band context, if so how is
that experience different than playing in a worship band?

234

Appendix D

Semi-Structured Interview / Music Director

1. What is the size and denomination of your church?
2. What is your role and job description at the church?
3. How long have you been in this position as music director/worship pastor?
4. How many volunteer musicians do you rotate in your worship bands? Do you have any
paid professionals that play with your worship bands?
5. What instruments do you play when leading, or do you just sing? What is your formal
educational background?
6. How do you recruit musicians and volunteers? Do you conduct some kind of audition or
interview process?
7. What kind of tools do you provide for your musicians to prepare songs f or rehearsal and
lead on Sundays?
8. Do write your own worship songs? If so, how do you collaborate with your musicians to
create musical parts?
9. If you are covering worship songs, how do you select your music? How much do you
expect your musicians to learn their parts? (i.e. fully written sheet music, learning by ear
from recording, instructional videos, etc.)
10. How much improvisation do you allow to take place outside of the original recorded
song?
11. How do you foster community in your worship band?
12. What are the types of things that you do to help musicians grow musically?
13. How do you think your musicians perceive their individual agency as musicians in
relation to the vision of corporate worship in church music?

235

Appendix E

Semi-Structured Observation

Describe the physical setting (physical environment and organization):
• What does the setting (i.e. church sanctuary) look like?
• How is the stage set up? Is the praise team practicing on a stage or somewhere else?
• How are praise band members set up for a typical practice? Facing one leader or facing
each other?
• Which instruments are present?

Describe the human setting (organization of people, characteristics of individuals):
• General make-up of the praise band (i.e. gender ratio, general age demographic). Write
mini sketches of praise band participants
• Describe the worship leader – can you tell who is the leader?
• Are there other people present at the practice who aren’t musicians? (i.e. sound people,
projectionists, etc.)
• Describe the noticeable musical skills that individuals possess

Describe the interactional setting (interactions that are taking place – formal, informal, planned,
unplanned, verbal, non-verbal):
• What is the tone of the praise band practice?
• How do praise band participants interact with the worship leader? Tone? Vocabulary?
Purpose? Describe the context of the communications.
• How do praise band members interact with each other? How do their instruments fit in
with these interactions?
• How prepared do members appear to be for the rehearsal?
• What procedures/structure to the practice exist? Who has the “power”? How are
decisions made and things negotiated?
• What does music learning look like in this context? How are praise band members
learning or rehearsing a song? What techniques are used?
• Does the church context of this practice impact it? Does the practice begin with a prayer?
Is there any discussion of worship or the set-up of the upcoming service?
• For a period of time (30 min) follow the practice and take note of all interactions

Describe the program setting (resources and their organization, pedagogic styles, curricula and
their organization):
• What resources are used? Lead sheets, sheet music, chord sheets?
• Are any recordings used as examples in the practice?
• How do the resources relate to music learning?
• What does music learning mean in this context? What type of skills are encouraged and
seem to be worked on? (i.e. performance skills, working together as a team, “leading”,
listening, etc.)
• Are you able to view a worship philosophy or statement of purpose of the praise team?
What does this look like?

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study replicates and greatly extends a study by Lauran Benjamins (2019) on the musicking experiences of praise band musicians. The work reported herein is a multiple case study that examined the musicking experiences of Contemporary Worship Music (CWM) in three diverse church settings (white-evangelical, Ukrainian Baptist, and Spanish-speaking Hispanic). It examined praise band musicians’ musicking practices to determine: (1) how they acquired and developed their skills within praise bands (popular music ensemble that performs CWM), (2) how they perceived individual musical agency in conjunction and contrast to “corporate (collective) worship” as expected in church music. It also examined the role of church music directors (MDs) and how they perceive their position as facilitators of musicking experiences. The data collected from the semi-structured interviews and observations with the participants (n=12) were analyzed through three theoretical lenses that included Green’s (2008) principles of informal learning, Small’s (1998) philosophy of musicking as relational activity, and Karlsen’s (2011) socially inspired understanding of musical agency. Data analysis revealed several conceptual themes: deep immersion in CWM, musical agency in CWM, and praise bands as non-formal learning context. A comparison of the three church sites found more similarities than differences; however, two differences were found to be: significant economic disparity between church sites and ensemble dynamics affected by variance in participants’ ages. Lastly, the study found two sociological issues that were not expected: participants’ disappointment with early formal lessons and ageism in the CWM context.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Garcia-Mejia, Marco Antonio (author)

Core Title How contemporary worship musicians learn: a study of church musicking

School Thornton School of Music

Degree Doctor of Musical Arts

Degree Program Music Teaching and Learning

Degree Conferral Date 2023-08

Publication Date 07/11/2023

Defense Date 06/16/2023

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Christian church music,Church music,church musicking,Community Music,contemporary worship music,CWM,multiple case study,musical agency,musical skill development,musicking,non-formal learning,OAI-PMH Harvest,popular music education,replication

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Illari, Beatriz (committee chair), Copppola, William (committee member), Mattio, Candice (committee member), Webster, Peter (committee member)

Creator Email gmarco@usc.edu,marcgmejia@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113263924

Unique identifier UC113263924

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Legacy Identifier etd-GarciaMeji-12072.pdf

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Garcia-Mejia, Marco Antonio

Internet Media Type application/pdf

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