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Navigating transitions: experiences of female students from refugee backgrounds in higher education

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Content Navigating Transitions: Experiences of Female Students From Refugee Backgrounds in
Higher Education
Dan Phan
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
December 2023

© Copyright by Dan Phan 2023
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Dan Phan certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Esther Kim
Patricia Tobey
Sheila Bañuelos, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

iv
Abstract
This qualitative study explored the experiences of eight female students from refugee and asylee
backgrounds attending mostly selective universities in the United States. With national origins
from Venezuela, Syria, Somalia, and Kenya, the participants shared their journeys of resettling in
the United States and pursuing higher education at a 4-year university. Yosso’s community
cultural wealth model frames the study to offer an asset-based understanding of the experiences
and perspectives of female students from refugee backgrounds as they navigate through higher
education. Themes regarding the different forms of capital—linguistic, familial, social,
navigational, and aspirational—are elaborated on to exemplify assets accrued despite adverse
circumstances. In light of multiple unfolding refugee crises worldwide, higher education
attainment emerges as a potential durable solution for individuals and families to start anew and
rebuild.

v
Dedications
To my parents, who took a leap of faith to board a small fishing boat with their young children
from Huế, Vietnam, to the shores of Hainan Island in Hong Kong to escape the aftermath of the
Vietnam War. As a toddler at sea, I was completely oblivious to the gravity and impact of your
decision and where it ultimately led us. Despite your humble beginnings and harrowing journeys,
you have supported me my whole life and have shown me unconditional love. You are both
superhuman to me and will always be. This doctorate is yours as much as it is mine.
To my daughter, Terra, you bring me the greatest joy and mean the world to me.

vi
Acknowledgments
First and foremost, I would like to acknowledge my dissertation chair, Dr. Sheila
Bañuelos, for her unwavering support and for pushing me to go beyond what I knew I was
capable of doing. Dr. Bañuelos—line by line, you dissected, questioned, and helped shape my
writing, challenging me to think in new ways throughout the dissertation process. I am grateful
to my dissertation committee members, Dr. Esther Kim and Dr. Patricia Tobey, for offering their
time, support, and expertise to my study. Dr. Kim—thank you for sharing your love of research
methodologies and the responsibility of authentically telling others’ stories. Dr. Tobey—your
encyclopedic understanding of student development theories is unmatched, and I am grateful to
be able to reflect on my own identity as a higher education professional because of you. This
work would not be possible without you three.
I am thankful for my classmates, mentors, and USC Rossier School of Education faculty.
You have created the warmest and most welcoming environment for me. Dr. Deanna
Campbell—you have set the bar incredibly high, and I hope that every doctoral student has the
opportunity to take your classes. I appreciate the USC Doctoral Support Center, especially Dr.
Christopher Mattson, for meticulously reviewing my work and offering guidance.
To the USC Bovard Scholars leadership team—thank you for taking a chance on me and
opening doors for those around you. Dr. Lisa Mataczynski and Jen Stender, you have my deepest
respect and admiration for your exemplary leadership and the important initiatives you oversee.
To my colleagues, I’ve won the work lottery by being surrounded by your kindness, intelligence,
and humor each day.
Lastly, I extend my gratitude to the eight women in the study for letting me into their
extraordinary lives. You each represent strength, resilience, and resolve and have my deepest

vii
respect. I am in awe of your profound commitment to your families and communities, and I revel
in the kind of impact you will make in the world. I will never be able to thank you enough for
sharing your powerful stories with me.

viii
Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication........................................................................................................................................v
Acknowledgments.......................................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures............................................................................................................................. xiiii
Chapter One: Overview of the Study...............................................................................................1
Background of the Problem .................................................................................................2
Statement of the Problem.....................................................................................................4
Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................................4
Significance of the Study .....................................................................................................5
Researcher Positionality.......................................................................................................8
Overview and Definition of Terms......................................................................................9
Organization of the Study ..................................................................................................12
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature .........................................................................................13
Who Are Refugees? ...........................................................................................................13
Refugee Resettlement and Acculturation...........................................................................15
Refugee Student Experiences ............................................................................................17
Theoretical Frameworks: Critical Race Theory and Community Cultural Wealth ...........22
Chapter Three: Research Design ...................................................................................................32
Sampling ............................................................................................................................33
Data Collection Strategies..................................................................................................34
Protocols ............................................................................................................................34
Data Analysis.....................................................................................................................35
Ethics..................................................................................................................................36

ix
Limitation and Delimitations.............................................................................................38
Chapter Four: Results or Findings.................................................................................................39
Participants.........................................................................................................................39
Results or Findings Research Question 1 ..........................................................................44
Linguistic Capital...............................................................................................................46
Familial Capital..................................................................................................................53
Social Capital.....................................................................................................................57
Discussion Research Question 1........................................................................................69
Results or Findings Research Question 2 ..........................................................................69
Navigational Capital ..........................................................................................................70
Aspirational Capital ...........................................................................................................78
Other Significant Findings.................................................................................................84
Discussion Research Question 2........................................................................................86
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations..........................................................................88
Discussion..........................................................................................................................88
Language and Social Integration .......................................................................................89
Refugee Families and Gender Expectations......................................................................91
The Impact of Community and Social Networks ..............................................................92
Racial Climate and Navigating Resources.........................................................................93
Resilience and Ripple Effects............................................................................................95
Recommendation 1: For Policy .........................................................................................97
Recommendation 2: For Practice.....................................................................................100
Recommendation 3: For Research ...................................................................................102
Conclusion .......................................................................................................................103
References....................................................................................................................................105

x
Appendix A: Recruitment Flyer...................................................................................................112
Appendix B: Recruitment Email..................................................................................................116
Appendix C: Screening Questionnaire.........................................................................................113
Appendix D: Interview Protocol..................................................................................................115
Appendix E: Information Sheet for Exempt Research ................................................................116

xi
List of Tables
Table 1 Yosso’s Community Cultural Wealth: Forms of Capital..................................................45
Table 2 Country of Origin and Age of Arrival to the United States..............................................48
Table 3 Types of Universities and Year in College.......................................................................64
Table 4 Parental Education Level and Family Context .................................................................68
Table 5 Advice for Refugee and Asylee Students in High School................................................81
Table 6 Academic Areas of Study and Educational Goal..............................................................97

xii
List of Figures
Figure 1: Yosso’s Model of Community Cultural Wealth.............................................................27
Figure 2: A Kaleidoscope of Community Cultural Wealth ...........................................................29

1
Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Multiple refugee crises are unfolding globally, with the number of refugees and internally
displaced people reaching 108.4 million individuals at the end of 2023 (United Nations Higher
Commission for Refugees [UNCHR], 2023). As communities of refugees resettle in the United
States, access to quality inclusive education that extends beyond primary and secondary
schooling can help foster more cohesive societies. This study on higher education attainment for
resettled refugee students uses a hermeneutic phenomenological qualitative research approach
involving several highly selective institutions to allow for in-depth examinations of participants’
experiences. Focusing on refugee and asylee students in higher education is important for a
number of reasons. While most refugees are hosted in neighboring countries, the United States
continues to host refugees from around the world, contributing to resettlement efforts, which
may be a life-or-death matter for those fleeing their countries of origin (UNCHR, 2022; U.S.
Department of State, 2022). Examining students with refugee backgrounds who have resettled in
the United States and pursued higher education provides a better understanding of policies,
programming, student accessibility, and college climate that increase the number of refugee
students in higher education and improve their learning experience and persistence.
Additionally, although this study focused on the refugee and asylee experience in higher
education, there may also be possible implications for the K–12 sector regarding providing
refugee children access to postsecondary opportunities. In particular, higher education creates
more opportunities for students and more equitable pathways to professional career
opportunities. By exploring the complexities of refugee students’ experiences, the study may
provide valuable insights into human rights, policy, equity, and social justice in education.

2
Background of the Problem
According to the UNHCR (2023), there are an estimated 108.4 million people of concern
around the world who are refugees, asylum seekers, returnees, and internationally displaced and
stateless. These refugees are fleeing war, violence, human rights abuses, and persecution in
countries, particularly countries like Syria, Venezuela, Afghanistan, Sudan, and Myanmar, which
account for more than two-thirds of all displaced refugees (UNCHR, 2022). More recently, the
International Rescue Committee (2022) reported that the war in Ukraine has displaced more than
7 million people and forced more than 6 million to leave the nation. According to UNHCR
(2022), 6.8 million refugees come from Syria, 4.6 million are from Venezuela, 2.7 million are
from Afghanistan, 2.4 million are from South Sudan, and 1.2 million are from Myanmar.
More than half of the refugees are children or adolescents. Of the 20 million refugees
under UNHCR’s care, 40% are school-age children, from elementary school to secondary
school, yet nearly half of them (48%) are unable to attend school (UNHCR, 2021). There are
several reasons some refugee youth are not in school. Among them are the situational contexts
where school-aged individuals fled dangerous situations or reside in refugee camps in a
neighboring country; socioeconomic status that hinders expenditures on school fees, books, and
uniforms and carries indirect or opportunity costs of sending children to school versus working;
proximity to schools and transportation; and sociocultural norms and parent education
(UNESCO Institute for Statistics & UNHCR, 2021). The UNHCR stated that education is a
fundamental human right and an essential component of refugee children’s rehabilitation
(Dryden-Peterson, 2010; McBrien, 2005; Naidoo et al., 2018).
Historically, the United States has been the global leader in refugee resettlement,
admitting 3.1 million refugees since 1980; however, it reduced its refugee allotments to record

3
lows during the Trump Administration (International Rescue Committee, 2022; U.S. Department
of State, 2022). Under the Trump Administration, harmful anti-immigrant and anti-refugee
rhetoric weaponized migration. An executive order regarding refugees prevented the issuance of
visas to nationals from Iran, Iraq, Sudan, Syria, Libya, Somalia, and Yemen, and the U.S.
refugee program shut down for 120 days. The number of refugees to be admitted during the 2017
fiscal year decreased from 110,000 to 50,000, and Syrian refugees were banned from resettling
(Center for Migration Studies, 2022). Trump signed an executive order that banned travel from
seven predominantly Muslim countries, which constituted religious discrimination. The Biden
Administration reversed some of the harmful policies implemented and increased the number of
refugees resettling in the United States to 125,000 (International Rescue Mission, 2022;
UNHCR, 2022).
While much of the research on educational responses to K–12 education is robust,
pathways to higher education are more limited (Dryden-Peterson, 2010). Refugee participation in
higher education is low, with only 6% of all refugees enrolled in universities and colleges
compared to the 40% global enrollment (UNHCR, 2023). The United States is a signatory to the
Geneva Convention and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,
which require resettlement countries to provide equal school opportunities to refugee students, as
it is imperative for refugee children’s successful relocation (McBrien, 2005). Through the
synthesis of literature and student development theories, this paper explored how refugee and
asylum-seeking students can acculturate to their country of resettlement and attain postsecondary
education.

4
Statement of the Problem
At the time of this study, the number of refugees or displaced people reached 108.4
million worldwide as a result of persecution, conflict, violence, or human rights violations
(UNCHR, 2023). For school-aged youth, who account for half of the refugee population,
education is a major component of integrating into the host country. With only 6% of refugees
nationwide enrolled at a college or university, refugees must be accounted for in the education
sector’s goals and action plans (UNCHR, 2023).
Research on refugee students has focused on primary and secondary education rather than
postsecondary education (Dryden-Peterson, 2010). To better understand human rights, global
migration, and policies in relation to equity in higher education, it is important to examine the
complex experiences of refugee students at universities and colleges to explore the factors that
either supported or hindered their successes in higher education. The timeliness of the global
refugee crisis underscores the purpose of higher education to help people out of poverty and
social exclusion to rebuild their lives in a new country.
Purpose of the Study
Considering the low percentage of students who identify as refugees or asylees on college
applications, this population remains under-researched. Thus, the purpose of this study was to
examine the experiences of female refugee and asylee college students accessing and
transitioning to a highly selective 4-year university and to examine the opportunities and barriers
that affected their college persistence and graduation. Furthermore, the study was designed to
understand the factors that supported or hindered their persistence and completion of
undergraduate degree programs. Institutions can hear from these students what is missing in
terms of their support structure and improve access to college and degree completion.

5
Additionally, the goal of this study was to serve as a starting point to shape institutional practices
that encourage college and university enrollment. The study can help identify how these
campuses can improve the experience for refugees and asylum seekers—placing the onus on the
institutions to meet the students’ needs. The following research questions guided this study:
1. What are the experiences of female refugee and asylee students accessing and
transitioning to a highly selective 4-year university?
2. How do female refugee and asylee students perceive the opportunities and barriers
that impact college persistence and graduation?
Significance of the Study
This study is significant because it gives voice to refugee and asylee students in college
who have overcome multiple barriers to achieve the goal of pursuing higher education. Through
their experiences, institutions and policies can improve education access and equity, allowing
more students who identify as refugees, asylees, or displaced people to earn a college degree.
Only in recent history did the number of refugees and asylees enrolled in a university or college
increase to 6% from 1%, which was a change in 2019. The United Nations Refugee Agency is
committed to achieving 15% enrollment of young refugee women and men in higher education
by 2030 as part of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (UNHCR, 2022).
There has been a gap in the literature focusing on refugees in the higher education
context, particularly those at selective 4-year institutions. At the time of the study, most research
focused on K–12 education, and refugees were often grouped with immigrants (DrydenPeterson, 2010; McBrien, 2005). The absence of disaggregation places students from refugee
backgrounds with immigrants who may be voluntary migrants with higher household incomes,
advanced levels of education, and more skills (McBrien, 2005). Thus, the contributions of this

6
study may have implications for an increased number of refugee students earning college degrees
and institutions and policies contributing to resettlement efforts to address the global refugee
crisis.
For refugee students, this research can improve their resettlement experience and longterm educational and career trajectories. For all individuals, college degree attainment has
multiple benefits, such as higher graduation rates, increased lifetime earnings, and better health
and longevity (Giancola, 2016). As a critical driver of economic mobility, higher education can
help refugees improve their lives. The research can improve students’ learning experiences by
removing barriers like the right certifications from the country of origin, including high school
transcripts and diplomas, and the high cost of attendance. More research on the refugee
experience in higher education can help to support more students through the K–12 to college
pipeline. With higher education that is inclusive of refugees, all students can benefit from richer
academic environments, improved community cohesion, and enhanced academic structure and
resources (UNCHR, 2022).
For institutions and related institutional policy, this research can attract and retain diverse
student populations drawn to inclusive and equitable learning environments. Students from all
backgrounds can contribute to new knowledge and innovation that would benefit humanity. At
institutions across the country, there are many diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives;
however, inclusion, social justice, and the power of education in transforming lives is rhetoric
unless more students persist. Additionally, institutions can improve important student support
services like mental health centers with licensed mental health clinicians, cultural communities
that reflect students, financial aid, and online learning platforms for accessibility. Considering
the global nature of displaced students, using technology can bridge gaps in education. For

7
example, institutions can admit more students who are out of the country to programs offered in
a hybrid modality: in-person and remote learning. As the cost of higher education increases,
institutions can improve accessibility for refugee students by providing merit and need-based
scholarships in addition to the federal aid provided to students who have approved refugee or
asylee status designations.
While many students from refugee backgrounds may identify as low-income, firstgeneration college students navigating higher education without parental help, community of
color, or international, there is not a specific refugee student center that understands their
complex experiences and fully supports them. It is important to examine what resources these
students utilize to get through and graduate from a 4-year institution. An important consideration
is whether universities and colleges are prepared and have systems to fully support these
nontraditional students.
For society and social reform, the study highlighted policies to find durable solutions to
the worldwide displacement of millions of people. No one chooses to become a refugee.
Displacement is a consequence of war and violence, leaving entire communities to flee their
homes. Refugees are a product of conflicts in regional, national, and international politics, which
influence the reception or resettlement of refugees in host countries (Mosselson, 2006). In the
United States, only three out of the nine refugee resettlement agencies are not religious
organizations: International Rescue Mission, U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants, and
World Relief without religious affiliations (UNCHR, 2022). The study can help inform how
educational institutions can play a role in resettlement in the same way as non-governmental
organizations. One example of universities playing a more significant role is helping to evacuate
students from war-torn cities by admitting more into their schools. For example, Bard College

8
admitted 100 Afghan refugees fleeing Kabul to its campuses in New York, Massachusetts, and
Berlin. Bard College also hosted the White House roundtable discussions on Afghan resettlement
in 2021, which was part of Operations Allies Welcome, ongoing governmental efforts to support
vulnerable Afghans (Bard College, 2022). Higher education institutions can help transform
communities and make the world more equitable. While it may seemingly be a college access
issue, resettling refugees can be the difference between life and death.
Access to quality inclusive education brings significant economic, social, and health
benefits to refugees and host communities alike. It can help foster more cohesive societies and
aid in fighting prejudice, stereotypes, and discrimination (IDMC, 2022). By gaining a deeper
understanding of the refugee student experience, higher education can be a tool for
reconstruction. Significant disruptions to lives, placing survival front and center, do not allow
knowledge acquisition that enables communities to think about the future and to plan and
strategize for one’s family. However, higher education allows for a shift in thinking toward what
is possible (Dryden-Peter, 2010). Despite the historically low number of refugees accessing and
graduating from 4-year institutions, the percentages recorded by UNCHR represent an upward
trend, emphasizing the significance of higher education attainment for refugee populations
(Dryden-Peterson, 2010; UNCHR, 2022).
Researcher Positionality
As the primary researcher, it is of utmost importance that I stop and reflect on my own
personal and professional experiences as it relates to this dissertation study. I am a staff member
at a private research institution. My professional experiences include college access work,
primarily with first-generation, low-income students of color—some of whom are undocumented
or from refugee backgrounds.

9
Some of my salient identities include being Vietnamese American, refugee, female, and a
first-generation college student. My family and I lived in refugee camps in the Philippines and
Hong Kong prior to settling in Southern California in March 1989. Working in college access, I
am particularly keen on improving refugee education and communities of belonging. This
research used a constructivist paradigm to delve into the participants’ histories, personal
experiences, and perceptions. The constructivist worldview posits that multiple realities exist and
are socially constructed (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). I interpreted aspects of the research in
relation to my research framework, lived experiences, and identities, so I addressed biases
through a review of literature focusing on conceptual frameworks.
Researcher background is shared because social research, as an ethical endeavor, requires
a reflexive process. Exploration of personal beliefs makes the investigator more aware of
potential judgments during the research, including data collection, analysis, and generation of
knowledge based on the researcher’s belief system rather than on the actual data or participants’
interview responses (Atkins & Duckworth, 2019). Questions regarding personal biases and
stereotypes regarding the group examined and whether gender/social
class/ethnicity/sexuality/culture influence a researcher’s position in relation to this topic and the
participants must be addressed since the participants have diverse identities and backgrounds
(Atkins & Duckworth, 2019).
Overview and Definition of Terms
In this section, I present operational definitions of the key terms used frequently
throughout the study.
Aspirational capital: ability to maintain hopes and dreams for the future, even in the face
of real and perceived barriers (Yosso, 2014).

10
Asylum-seeker: An asylum-seeker has fled their home in search of safety and protection
in another country. They seek protection elsewhere because they cannot obtain it in their home
country. Asylum seekers may be of any age, gender, socioeconomic status, or nationality, though
most come from regions suffering from conflict, disaster, and weak rule of law. “Asylee” is the
term used in the United States for people granted asylum. Under U.S. immigration law, a person
granted asylum is legally allowed to remain in the country without fear of deportation. They
qualify to work and travel abroad and can apply for their spouse or children under age 21 to join
them (IRC, 2022).
Country of origin: The country from which an asylum-seeker, refugee, or migrant comes
and of which they possess nationality. In the case of stateless persons, the country where they
have their habitual residence (UNHCR, 2022).
Displacement: The movement of persons who have been forced or obliged to flee or to
leave their homes or places of habitual residence, in particular as a result of or to avoid the
effects of armed conflict, situations of generalized violence, violations of human rights, or
natural or human-made disasters. This definition covers both internal and cross-border
displacement (IOM, 2019).
Familial capital: cultural knowledge nurtured among familia (kin) that carries a sense of
community history, memory, and cultural intuition (Yosso, 2014).
First-generation college student: An individual both of whose parents did not complete a
baccalaureate degree; or in the case of any individual who regularly resided with and received
support from only one parent, an individual whose only such parent did not complete a
baccalaureate degree (U.S. Department of Education, 2022).

11
Low-income: An individual from a family whose taxable income for the preceding year
did not exceed 150% of an amount equal to the poverty level determined by using criteria of
poverty established by the Bureau of the Census (U.S. Department of Education, 2022).
Linguistic capital: includes the intellectual and social skills attained through
communication in multiple languages and/orlanguage styles, including communication through
art, music, poetry, theater, and dance (Yosso, 2014).
Navigational capital: refers to skills of maneuvering through institutions not created with
communities of color in mind (Yosso, 2014).
Selective colleges and universities: Institutions that receive more applications than they
accept and whose enrolled students have high levels of academic preparation. In this research,
U.S. News and World Report’s top 30 national universities and liberal arts colleges are used to
identify the nation’s top selective school (U.S. News & World Report, 2022).
Social capital: Networks of people and community resources. These peer and other social
contacts can provide instrumental and emotional support to navigate social institutions (Yosso,
2014).
Refugee: Under international law and UNHCR’s mandate, refugees are persons outside
their countries of origin who need international protection because of feared persecution or a
serious threat to their life, physical integrity, or freedom in their country of origin as a result of
persecution, armed conflict, violence or serious public disorder (UNHCR, 2022).
Resettlement: the selection and transfer of refugees from a country in which they have
sought protection to a third country that grants them permission to stay on the basis of long-term
or permanent residence status. It is a solution that ensures refugees are protected against
refoulement (forced return), provides them access to rights similar to those enjoyed by citizens,

12
and gives them an opportunity to eventually become citizens of the resettlement country
(UNHCR, 2022).
Resistant capital: knowledge and skills fostered through oppositional behavior that
challenges inequity (Yosso, 2014).
Organization of the Study
This study is organized into five chapters. Chapter One provides a context for the study
on higher education attainment for refugees, including the background of the problem, the
statement of the problem, the research questions, the significance of the study, and key
definitions. Chapter Two is a literature review of the research problem. The literature reviewed
included critical race theory’s tenets and Yosso’s (2014) community cultural wealth model to
highlight power hierarchies and the asset-based community cultural wealth that bolsters
individual achievements. Chapter Three describes the study’s research methods, beginning with
research design and including population and sampling methods, data collection methods, data
analysis, researcher background and positionality, ethics, threats to internal validity, and
reliability and external validity issues. Chapter Four presents the study’s results, findings, and
discussion of the findings in relation to the literature. Chapter Five summarizes the findings and
identifies implications for practice, future research, and conclusions.

13
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
This study explored refugees and asylees in higher education through the lens of critical
race theory (CRT) and Yosso’s (2014) model of community cultural wealth. While CRT exposes
the role of race and racial inequities found in people and systems, Yosso’s community cultural
wealth focuses on the assets of community. Both counter deficit-based models that situate
communities of color as less than. While higher education is a fundamental human right linked to
social stability, reduction of poverty, economic growth, and better lives for children and families
(Dryden-Peterson, 2010; Naidoo et al., 2018), CRT scholars account for the role of racism and
inequities in education.
Current research on students from refugee backgrounds is lacking in the postsecondary
stage and often does not disaggregate data from refugees and asylees from other immigrant
students (McBrien, 2005; Mosselson, 2006). This research intended to better understand the
complexities of students’ experiences in accessing, transitioning to, and persisting through
college with a close examination of the literature.
Who Are Refugees?
Regarding higher education attainment for refugee students in the United States, the
literature on student development issues and education needs is limited. Refugee and asylumseeking students’ educational experiences are different from other immigrant students, yet
research and educational practices have placed refugees and asylees under the same category as
individuals who may be voluntary migrants, often with a high level of education and skills set
who were not forced to flee their home countries (McBrien, 2005; Mosselson, 2006, Ogbu,
1998). Some refugees are forced out of their home country in violent circumstances, such as civil
war. Homeless refugees take up residency in temporary refugee camps, where the living

14
conditions are poor, with inadequate food, shelter, and medical care. Many refugees suffer from
post-traumatic stress disorder after enduring rape, torture, witnessing killings, and even
witnessing the death of family members (McBrien, 2005).
Refugee status is a form of protection that may be granted to people who meet the
definition of refugee and are of special humanitarian concern to the United States. Refugees are
generally people outside their country who are unable or unwilling to return home because they
fear serious harm. While there is political debate, those fleeing Mexico and Central America are
not recognized as refugees or asylees in the United States, even though they leave their home
countries to escape civil unrest or violence. They are, instead, regarded as illegal immigrants
(McBrien, 2005). While there are many definitions of a refugee among Western resettlement
countries, with particular laws and regulations, the legal definition in the United States for a
refugee includes the following:
Any person who is outside any country of such person’s nationality or, in the case of a
person having no nationality, is outside any country in which such person last habitually
resided, and who is unable or unwilling to return to, and is unable or unwilling to avail
himself or herself of the protection of, that country because of persecution or a wellfounded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a
particular social group, or political opinion, or in such special circumstances as the
President after appropriate consultation. (United States Department of Homeland
Security, 2022)
Refugees are people who fled war, violence, conflict, or persecution and crossed an
international border to find safety in another country. For this study, the UNCHR definition will
be used, where a refugee is unable or unwilling to return to their country of origin owing to a

15
well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a
particular social group, or political opinion.
Refugee Resettlement and Acculturation
Most forcibly displaced people who resettle in the United States and gain legal refugee
status are supported through government programs that provide resettlement support, education,
health, housing, and financial assistance (Mills et al., 2021). Ethnic identity matters in different
ways across refugee and asylum-seeking groups, which may be contingent upon the
sociopolitical environment at the time of their arrival to the United States. There are vast
differences in experiences based on country of origin throughout the pre-migration, in-transit,
and resettlement stages. For certain groups, integration or acculturation is made easier through
successful ethnic enclaves established through supportive government and social policies
(McBrien, 2005). Prior researchers defined acculturation as an interactive process of individuals’
changes over time in identification, attitudes, values, and behavioral norms through contact with
different cultures (Berry, 1980, 2003).
From Berry’s (1990) four categories of acculturation (integration, assimilation,
separation, and marginalization), integration indicates a strong relationship with both one’s own
culture and the dominant culture. For example, some Vietnamese and Cuban communities fall
into this category, moving between their home cultures and the dominant culture at will,
depending on the situation (McBrien, 2005). While the close interactions between people who
share the same ethnic and racial background can affect refugees’ and immigrants’ ability to
acculturate to the new society, children and adolescents have little decision-making power;
wherever the family or refugee agency decides on the resettlement location, they attend school
and are exposed to the host culture daily (Ellis et al., 2010).

16
Furthermore, community and parental involvement play a significant part in refugee
students’ integration and success in education (McBrien, 2005). However, refugees who are
resettled into the new environment may not develop a positive identity. For example, Southeast
Asian refugees who were resettled in the United States varied by the waves or year in which they
arrived. Vietnamese refugees who arrived in the 1970s came from high levels of education or
had professional skills, which allowed their children to transition into their new social and
academic environment more easily (McBrien, 2005). Later, in the 1980s and 1990s, waves of
Southeast Asian groups, including the Vietnamese, Laotian, Cambodian, and Hmong people,
who were uneducated and displaced without any ties to family members in the new country or
community within ethnic enclaves, had a more difficult time developing a positive identity and
financial security (McBrien, 2005).
Certain stereotypes, such as the model minority myth, negatively affect refugee and
asylum-seeking students from Asian countries because the dominant culture might see them as
successful and problem-free simply by association with other Asian ethnic groups, including the
Chinese, Japanese, and Koreans, who have either been in the United States for multiple
generations or have voluntarily immigrated to the country with financial means and higher levels
of education. The model minority myth is the belief that Asians comprise the racial minority
group that made it in the United States through hard work and education and, therefore, serves as
a model for other minority groups to follow (Wing, 2007). This perpetuated stereotype may
exclude refugee students from social or education programs supported by public and private
agencies or disguise underemployment or poverty among Asians (Wing, 2007).
There are various correlations among various aspects of the acculturation process for
refugees. Among them are their age at arrival, frequency of English language use, length of

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residence in the United States, and knowledge of the new country (Beck et al., 2012; McBrien,
2005). The influence of the age at arrival, particularly at the critical age of 8, is significant as it
affects school outcomes, the capacity to learn a new language, and adjusting to the American
mainstream (Beck et al., 2012). Cheung et al. (2012) suggested that the sensitive period for
acculturation is around age 12 or 15, with younger immigrants reporting acculturating at a faster
rate. Additional areas to be considered for integration are language use/preference, social
affiliation, daily living habits, cultural traditions, communication style, cultural identity/pride,
perceived prejudice/discrimination, generational status, family socialization, and cultural values
(Tang, 2021). Considering the diversity of the refugee experience, many researchers called for
considering multiple factors when understanding and measuring the acculturation process as it is
consequential to refugee students’ integration into their new environment and, ultimately, into
higher education spaces.
Refugee Student Experiences
Language Needs
There has been a significant emphasis on language instruction and acquisition when it
comes to refugee students acculturating into their new environment and education system. There
is a strong correlation between alienation and insufficient English proficiency. Olsen (2000)
found that students’ language retention and acquisition were related to their academic
achievement and success with integration, acceptance, and a sense of continuity with their
parents and others from their native countries. Some teachers and school administrators perceive
refugee students as having low intelligence and learning disabilities (McBrien, 2005). In Olsen’s
(2000) study, teachers believed that Indochinese students were inferior in intelligence to their
native-born students. One major criterion for the label was the student’s inability to communicate

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well in English. As dominant as the English language is, English monolingualism should not be a
measure of intelligence, nor should students be subordinated based on their language and culture.
Tenets of CRT also expose the deficit-informed and racist understanding of non-White cultures.
While it is important to acquire and become proficient in English, there is value in retaining
refugees’ native language to be bilingual or multilingual. The various language and
communication skills that refugee students bring to an academic setting are considered linguistic
capital (Yosso, 2014). Seen through an asset-based lens, language is one of the forms of cultural
capital that refugee students bring in the form of interpreting and storytelling. Language
proficiency aside, refugee students still need to understand the system of higher education in the
country of resettlement, including the admissions process, the financing, the campus culture,
grading, and credit accrual for graduation, among other challenges. Refugee students have
cultural capital, but it is just not congruent with that of the dominant society.
Mental Health
The mental health of refugees can affect access to information and educational outcomes.
Unlike other immigrants to the United States, refugees’ migration experience may have included
living in refugee camps, exploitation, detention, torture, war, disappearance, murder of family
and friends, and lack of food, medicine, or housing (Bajwa et al., 2017). Given these stressors,
refugee students must understand the mental health resources and professionals at their school or
university. Mental health concerns, particularly post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, and
depression, can affect sense of agency and learning, especially regarding memory, concentration,
and information processing (Bajwa et al., 2017). Many reasons are associated with poorer mental
health outcomes even after resettlement. Some reasons are unstable living arrangements, lack of
economic opportunity in the new living situation, internal displacement, and lack of resolution of

19
the conflict from which they fled (Ringold & Glass, 2005). There is a need for increased
awareness of refugee students’ mental health concerns, backgrounds, and stages of resettlement.
The mental health piece is central to understanding the differences between voluntary
immigrants and refugees from war zones, who are affected both in the short and long term.
Refugees in higher education are likely to face mental and psychosocial health stressors that are
different from those of other immigrants and non-refugee peers and may not seek mental health
support due to stigma, cultural practices, and norms (Jack et al., 2019).
Support Systems in Higher Education
Education plays a vital role in identity construction, coping with a new environment or
the effects of trauma, and the psychosocial development of refugee adolescents (Mosselson,
2006; Naidoo et al., 2018). Education has a dual function for many refugees. For one, education
can provide a sense of control over their transience; second, the refugees can transform
themselves from being foreigners in a new country to simply being students (Mosselson, 2006).
In Mosselson’s (2006) interviews, many refugees discussed the transportability of education in
which “education goes with you wherever you go” (p. 26). In terms of socioeconomic mobility,
there are strong correlations between educational levels, income levels, and employment rates.
According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2023), median earnings and employment rates
increase with educational attainment, from high school completion to doctorate.
College degree attainment is more nuanced in that student outcomes vary based on the
selectivity or types of institutions students attend and the majors they select. In a study of college
on intergenerational mobility, the institutions that placed at the bottom quintile of low-income
students to the top 1% of earnings were highest at elite institutions such as Ivy League
universities and Ivy-level institutions such as Stanford, the University of Chicago, and the

20
Massachusetts Institute of Technology (Chetty et al., 2017). For low-income families, the
benefits of attending a highly selective institution include increased graduation rates, lowered
out-of-pocket costs, and increased instructional expenditures (Hoxby & Avery, 2012).
Instructional expenditures per student are higher at selective universities, meaning students have
more access to faculty in smaller classrooms, increased internship and research opportunities,
and more advanced facilities and resources, among other benefits (Giancarlo, 2016). College
majors differ in relation to future earnings. Across 137 college majors, the most likely to lead to
an advanced degree and increased economic benefit were in the science, technology,
engineering, and math (STEM) fields, as well as health and business (Georgetown University,
2023). In relation to opportunity and mobility, education restores refugees’ sense of hope in their
futures.
Higher education institutions can provide better general academic support, financial aid,
housing, transportation, or, if necessary, culturally sensitive psychosocial counseling (Loo et al.,
2018). Faculty and advisors can better help support refugee students by building stronger
relationships with them to understand prior experiences and build a more inclusive environment.
They can ask the students when they arrived in the United States, their high school experiences,
their cultural backgrounds, and their English proficiency (Stebleton, 2014). Additionally,
university faculty and staff can promote educational practices, such as learning communities,
first-generation experiences, language exchange, service-learning opportunities, cultural centers
or affinity groups, student affairs offices, and other mentoring programs (Stebleton, 2014).
For a greater sense of inclusion, many refugee students wanted to include student voices
in the curriculum or be student advocates, collaborating to provide peer counseling, homework
help, and action projects so they are not silenced in the classroom (Mosselson, 2006). To create a

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more inclusive environment for refugee students, practices of multicultural and culturally
relevant education can be implemented to ultimately shift students’ varied experiences and
identity positions or developments (Amthor & Roxas, 2016; Kwan, 2019; Ladson-Billings, 2021;
Mills et al., 2021). Good practice in literature includes a welcoming environment, free of racism
and meeting refugee students’ psychosocial needs. Success interventions included students’
targeted needs rather than refugee students in general because they may come from different
countries and cultural backgrounds different from those in the United States. Good ethos
includes inclusion, the celebration of diversity, caring, and giving hope, essentially promoting
positive images of asylum seekers and refugee students (Taylor & Sidhu, 2012).
Campus racial climate can be hostile to refugee students and affect their sense of
belonging in higher education institutions because of their intersectional identities. Their refugee
status may not be immediately apparent, but their racial identities are. According to Hurtado and
Harper (2007), racial and ethnic minority students report prejudicial treatment and racist campus
environments; the researchers called attention to the isolation, alienation, and stereotyping that
these students are more likely to contend with on campus at predominantly White institutions. In
a study of racial and ethnic minority 1st-year students, researchers discovered that racial conflict
and racial accusations of intellectual inferiority from White peers and faculty engendered
stressors beyond those generally associated with attending highly selected universities (Hurtado
& Harper, 2007). Both overt forms of racism or hostility and racial climate observations may
adjust refugees’ ability to adjust and persist through higher education (Hurtado, 1992).
According to Stebleton et al. (2014), the sense of belonging is associated with student retention
and graduation. Moreover, it influences various aspects of a student’s experiences in college,
such as social and psychological function, support and caring, college activities, self-confidence,

22
academic achievement, social recognition, and acceptance (Ahn, 2020). The greater the sense of
belonging, the more likely it is that students will persist and graduate from college (Ahn, 2020;
Stebleton et al., 2014).
Theoretical Frameworks: Critical Race Theory and Community Cultural Wealth
Hierarchies of power inform refugee students’ pathways into higher education, and the
lived experiences and identities of each refugee are distinct and complex. While refugee students
may be escaping violence or religious persecution in their home countries, they may face
additional prejudices and discrimination based on their racial or ethnic background, age, gender
identification, religious practices, and even the intersections of those complex identities.
Considering the culturally and linguistically diverse refugee communities that resettle in the
United States, racialized experiences are varied and complex. As such, this analysis of literature
uses the CRT as the primary lens and at least five dynamic forms of capital in community
cultural wealth (Yosso, 2014) to focus on assets that illuminate the resilience of refugee students
in higher education and their resistance to racism and forms of subordination.
Both frameworks aim to challenge deficit interpretations of students’ experiences in
higher education, particularly the interpretations of Pierre Bourdieu’s social capital theory that
posit that privileged groups in society possess and inherit an accumulation of knowledge, skills,
and networks and that dominant social groups maintain power to restrict social and economic
mobility by limiting access to social capital (Kwan, 2019; Yosso & Garcia, 2007). According to
Yosso and Garcia (2007), Bourdieu’s model describes how dominant groups reproduce
hierarchical power relations that favor White, middle-class culture and dismiss cultural
knowledge that does not fit that mold. Refugee youth do have cultural wealth in terms of
relationships, knowledge, language skills, and the like, but the value that dominant society places

23
on these determines if something is relevant or potentially limiting—if the skills and abilities are
considered capital (Mills et al., 2021). Considering forced displacement for communities, the
path toward rebuilding, acquiring higher education, and thriving socially and economically can
be traced to the cultural capital wealth and the lived experiences of individuals who dream
beyond their present circumstances.
Critical Race Theory
Critical race theory is an interdisciplinary framework used to identify, analyze, and
challenge how race and racism intersect with multiple forms of subordination to shape the
experiences of people of color (Yosso & Buciaga, 2016). The emphasis on CRT is on the
transcendence of the conventional boundaries of a nation, scale, and species at a time when war
or environmental destruction across all geographic, ecosystemic, and social borders (Ahuja,
2016). Critical race theory is used to examine and address the social consequences of racism
within and beyond educational institutions. Hiraldo (2010) introduced CRT’s five foundational
tenets: racism is a permanent fixture in U.S. social institutions, including colleges and
universities, interest convergence or material determinism, race as a social construction,
intersectionality and anti-essentialism, voice or counter-narrative
The first tenet suggests that racism is an inherent part of American civilization,
privileging White individuals over minoritized people of color. The tenet purports that racism
influences the political, social, and economic realms of U.S. society, including education, so
higher education institutions cannot ignore the existence of systemic racism (Hiraldo, 2010;
Ladson-Billing, 2012). According to Ladson-Billings (2012), the second tenet means that White
people will seek racial justice only to the extent that it benefits them. In other words, interest
convergence is not about altruism but about alignment. The third tenet refers to humans having

24
constructed social categories and organizations that rely heavily on genetic differences such as
skin color, hair texture, eye shape, and lip size despite gene sequencing revealing no perceptible
differences in what we call races (Ladson-Billings, 2012). Society has used these differences to
create social hierarchies and an ideology for White supremacy (Ladson-Billings, 2012).
The fourth tenet examines race, sex, class, national origin, sexual orientation, and how
their combinations play out in various settings (Ladson-Billings, 2012). Rooted in Black feminist
thought, originally framing the marginalization of Black women in antidiscrimination law,
Crenshaw’s (1991) concept of intersectionality, which focuses on how race and gender intersect,
highlights the need to account for multiple grounds of identity when considering social
constructions.
While intersectionality has been used as an analytical lens and defined in many ways,
Collins and Bilge (2020) noted that most would accept the following description of
intersectionality:
Intersectionality investigates how intersecting power relations influence social relations
across diverse societies as well as individual experiences in everyday life. As an analytic
tool, intersectionality views categories of race, class, gender, sexuality, class, nation,
ability, ethnicity, and age—among others—as interrelated and mutually shaping one
another. Intersectionality is a way of understanding and explaining complexity in the
world, in people, and in human experiences. (p. 4)
In many societies, women and girls are particularly vulnerable and may face
discrimination or subordination because of their gender. Female refugees are further
marginalized for their gender, socioeconomic status, and language barriers (UNCHR, 2022).
According to Her Turn, a report from UNCHR (2022), refugee girls at the high school or

25
secondary level are only half as likely to enroll in school as their male counterparts, even though
they make up half of the school-age refugee population. In refugee students’ countries of origin,
resettlement countries, communities, families, and educational institutions, power dynamics
situate women as the oppressed. In places where child marriage and teenage pregnancy are the
norm, some communities believe that there is no need to educate girls, which further exacerbates
sexual and gender-based discrimination and violence in school and community settings
(UNESCO Institute for Statistics & UNHCR, 2021; UNHCR, 2022). By examining the
experience of female refugees, that oppression can be better understood if captured through
multiple, converging, and interwoven systems of oppression due to race, class, or age instead of
gender alone.
In understanding developmental theories for refugee students in higher education, it is
also important to underscore multiple oppressions or multiple minority statuses (Reynolds &
Pope, 1991). Refugees may belong to multiple oppressed groups, and at any point in time, with
variable contexts, identity would be both internally and externally constructed. In many ways,
refugees face similar challenges to first-generation, low-income, and people of color, but a
history of instability and a lack of support systems amplify their exclusion from higher
education.
In addition to the traumas and distress many refugees experience before settling in the
new environment, individuals with multiple disadvantaged statuses are likely at an increased risk
for discrimination, microaggressions, and other potential mental health problems (Ellis et al.,
2010). In the new social and higher education settings, refugee students may be the target of both
racism and institutional racism. Compared to other immigrants and refugees coming into the
United States, Somali refugees experienced compounded discrimination for their refugee status,

26
Black racial identification, Muslim practice, and poverty. In a study comparing other immigrants,
Ellis et al. (2010) found that Somalis reported the highest level of perceived group and personal
discrimination. The divergent norms of U.S. culture can place Somali girls at particular risk of
discrimination, prejudice, and rejection from one or both cultures (Ellis et al., 2010).
Community Cultural Wealth
A significant lens that supports the understanding of refugee students in higher education
is the community cultural wealth model (Yosso, 2014), a perspective that takes aim at the deficit
lens of learning by using culture as an asset. Community cultural wealth is the knowledge, skills,
abilities, and networks possessed and utilized by communities of color to survive and resist
racism and other forms of oppression (Yosso & Burciaga, 2016). When studying refugee
students in higher education, it is important to consider assets that promote agency, such as
aspirational, familial, linguistic, social, navigational, and resistant capital (Yosso, 2014). Each
asset builds on critical social science research that reframes cultural differences as positive
versus deficits. The various forms of capital are not mutually exclusive or static and can build
upon one another as a community of cultural wealth (Luna & Martinez, 2013; Yosso, 2014).
The community cultural wealth perspective serves to move toward social and racial
justice and inform how to restructure institutions to support communities of color (Yosso &
Burciaga, 2016). In this research, there is a focus on Yosso’s (2014) five sources of community
cultural wealth: aspirational capital or “the ability to maintain the hopes and dreams for the
future even in the face of barriers” (p. 77); linguistic capital or “intellectual and social skills
attained through communication experiences in more than one language and/or style” (p. 78);
familial capital or “cultural knowledge nurtured among familia (kin) that carry a sense of
community history, memory and cultural intuition” ( p. 78); social capital, which can be

27
understood as networks of people and community resources” (p. 79); and navigational capital or
social or skills of “maneuvering through social institutions” (p. 80).
Students of refugee backgrounds may lack cultural capital because of their family’s
forced displacement and migration to the United States, arriving with few assets, disrupted
education, and weak networks (Kwan, 2019). Figure 1 demonstrates that wealth is determined by
community cultural wealth via the knowledge, skills, abilities, and contacts of communities of
color.
Figure 1
Yosso’s Model of Community Cultural Wealth
Note. From “Whose Culture Has Capital? A Critical Race Theory Discussion of Community
Cultural Wealth,” by T. J. Yosso, 2014. In L. Parker & D. Gillborn (Eds.), Critical Race Theory
in Education (pp. 181–204). Routledge. Copyright 2014 by Routledge.

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When forced to flee their homes, some refugee families have with them whatever they
could carry—items that could help keep them alive during the difficult trek to safety, the clothes
on their backs, and what money they had saved (UNCHR, 2022). Some refugees had weeks or
months to weigh their options, while others fled with no warning, leaving them with very little
monetary and material wealth. To rebuild a life in a new country, aspirational capital can be
bolstered by or overlapped with a combination of different wealth models, including familial and
linguistic capital. In essence, community cultural wealth stays with refugee communities and
develops resilience and systems of support.
Researchers Yosso and Garcia (2007) challenged deficit interpretations of social and
cultural capital with a kaleidoscopic model of community cultural wealth. The kaleidoscope
begins with the CRT lens and focuses on the lived experiences of people of color to see the
dynamic and overlapping forms of capital that culminate into cultural assets (Figure 2).

29
Figure 2
A Kaleidoscope of Community Cultural Wealth
Note. Adapted from Reclaiming our Histories, Recovering Community Cultural Wealth
(Research Brief 5) by T. J. Yosso & R. Burciaga, 2016. Center for Critical Race Studies at
UCLA.
Related Theories
Jones and McEwen’s (2000) model of multiple dimensions of identity (MMDI) is a
dynamic and fluid construction of identity, acknowledging that there is a multitude of migrations
of people with various relative salience of multiple identity dimensions, such as race, sexual
orientation, cultural, and social class. In the reconceptualized version of the MMDI, Jones and
McEwen included Baxter Magolda’s concept of meaning-making and self-authorship for

30
individuals to determine their identity, beliefs, and social relations (Abes et al., 2007). In the
context of the refugee experience in higher education, no one dimension of identity can be
understood fully in isolation, as refugee status, race, gender, religion, socioeconomics, and
culture all intersect.
By utilizing Baxter Magolda’s theory of self-authorship, which includes movement from
external to internal self-definition in four distinct stages (following formulas, crossroads,
becoming an author of one’s life, and international foundation), refugee students can construct
meaning from their past, present, and future (Evans et al., 2009). It is a hope that through their
own meaning-making, refugee students can author narratives of themselves that show resilience,
strength, and persistence through higher education and beyond once needs are met and barriers
are taken down.
Ryu and Tuvilla (2018) discussed the negative implications of the dominant narrative
when refugees are portrayed as “tragic victims, nuisances, or potential invaders and criminals in
host countries across the world and in the United States” (p. 2). They noted that the tendency to
overemphasize trauma, hardship, and despair in discourses about refugees may lead to the
internationalization of the dominant narratives. Instead of using a deficit narrative that
disempowers refugee youth, they stated that resettled refugees can contest marginalized
narratives by sharing diverse stories and positioning themselves as valuable members of
communities and agents of a more equitable society (Ryu & Tuvilla, 2018).
In addition to the different forms of capital from the community cultural wealth model,
students from refugee backgrounds can also tap into affective capital generated from the firsthand experiences of trauma from war, violence, social unrest, and consequently displacement
and the cultural trauma experienced by the collective group (Kwan, 2019). According to Kwan,

31
affective capital is the ability to access the affects of awe, motivation, inspiration, and gratitude
given community struggles of war, violence, and displacement, which may propel refugee
students to work toward greater educational aspirations (Kwan, 2019).
While \many theories focus on student identities and cultural assets, the CRT and Yosso’s
(2014) community cultural wealth were used for this research because they shift away from the
deficit lens and bring hope for the future of refugee populations. Critical race theory was used
because there are power structures at play because the topic of entry into the country and into
educational institutions is politically, culturally, racially, and economically motivated and
charged. The critical paradigm questions power bases and inherent equities (Lochmiller &
Lester, 2017).

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Chapter Three: Research Design
The previous chapters summarized the theoretical and conceptual frameworks along with
previous scholarship on the study of refugees and asylee students accessing higher education.
This chapter provides an overview of the research methods to conduct this study. There is a need
for more research on refugee students in higher education because much of it focuses on K–12
public school integration and less so on students enrolling at 4-year institutions. Furthermore,
refugee students are often categorized as immigrants, who may be voluntary migrants to the
United States, often with very high levels of formal education (McBrien, 2005; Mosselson,
2006). Refugees and asylee students do not fit these descriptions; as such, this study highlights
the following:
1. What are the experiences of female refugee and asylee students accessing and
transitioning to a highly selective 4-year university?
2. How do female refugee and asylee students perceive the opportunities and barriers
that impact college persistence and graduation?
A qualitative research approach is most appropriate because this study explored the
experiences and perceived influences of access to highly selective universities among refugee
students. Qualitative research was used to understand the meaning people have constructed; that
is, how people make sense of their world and the experiences they have in their world (Merriam
& Tisdell, 2015). According to Glaser and Strauss (1967), theories used to explain a particular
process should be based on a deep understanding of how people make sense of the process or
social action.
This was a phenomenological study focused on eight participants, involving in-depth
interviews to capture their conscious human experience (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017).

33
Interviewing allowed for the collection of descriptively rich data that could not be obtained
through quantitative methods, such as experiences, feelings, perspectives, and obstacles. For
refugee students’ higher education experiences, quantitative data would not have captured their
experiences, views, and practices in depth. There is a focus on meaning and understanding
unique situations as part of a particular context and the interactions.
Sampling
Purposeful and convenience sampling was used based on the following criteria:
identifying with a refugee or asylee background, identifying as female/woman, and enrollment at
a 4-year college or university. Convenience sampling, as the name suggests, is based on time,
money, location, and availability of sites of respondents (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Nonprobability, information-rich purposeful sampling was used to ensure specific criteria were met:
current students attending a 4-year university or liberal arts college who are refugees from
various countries. Students in the sample varied in nationality (Syria, Venezuela, Kenya, and
Somalia), their reasons for seeking refuge or asylum in the United States, and the length of time
they lived in the United States. The sample size was eight. The study included one-on-one
interviews with me. The interview lasted between 45 and 60 minutes, with opportunities for
follow-up questions. The semi-structured interview protocol was implemented. Participants were
found through college access programs, university first-generation centers/student support
centers, and on-campus cultural community programs and centers.
Referrals were needed to gain more information-rich interviews. Because the
intersectional identities of refugees may not be apparent and legal status can be sensitive topics,
recommendations from participants improved research findings. Snowball sampling was
particularly useful when researching sensitive issues, as people with insider knowledge are likely

34
to know other individuals familiar with the particular issue or matter (Lochmiller & Lester,
2017). I asked each student participant 16 interview questions aligned with the two research
questions and their related themes.
Data Collection Strategies
Interviewees were recruited by connecting with colleagues in higher education and
college access programs and asking if they have worked with refugee students who fit the
sampling criteria. Furthermore, support and permission from institutional key players helped
gain access to the refugee population in the university setting. Some key players included
university faculty, college access programs, student support services, and on-campus cultural
communities to identify if they know anyone who may fit the study. Additionally, due to few
students meeting the participant criteria, the study was expanded to include multiple selective
institutions. Recruitment efforts focused on large private research institutions using the
recruitment flyer in Appendix A and recruitment email in Appendix B, respectively.
Protocols
The qualitative research included semi-structured interviews. In preparation, the
protocols include interview questions and sub-questions to have the flexibility to ask more,
eliciting more information. There were a number of main questions for each interview
participant. The semi-structured format allows the researcher to respond to the situation at hand,
to the emerging worldview of the respondent, and to new ideas on the topic (Merriam & Tisdell,
2015). The questions included in the research protocol were refined based on peer review to
ensure relevance and connection to answering the two main research questions about refugee
students’ experience pursuing higher education. A full copy of the interview protocol is in
Appendix D.

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Data Analysis
Understanding the phenomena of interest from the participant’s perspective through
interviews allows for careful analysis and positions the researcher as a primary instrument of
data collection (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). To answer the two research questions, I organized
interview transcripts, interview notes, and recordings for data analysis. I used the thematic
approach for data analysis—a technique most frequently used for organizing themes and topics.
The theoretical frameworks of CRT and community cultural wealth (Yosso, 2014) guided the
potential themes. From CRT, I used the theme of intersectionality to explore the participants’
racialized experiences. Utilizing the community cultural wealth model (Yosso, 2014), I studied
five tenets to understand the interviewees’ pathways into higher education and beyond, often
returning to data, connections, and themes that arise through the analysis. “By analyzing the data,
the researcher generates a typology of concepts, gives them names or uses ‘native’ labels, and
then discusses them one by one, illustrating with descriptive detail” (Glesne, 2016, p. 229).
In creating the codebook, I placed each interviewee’s direct quotes in a Google Sheets
document and created open codes, followed by axial coding to relate initial codes to another set.
The examples of the open codes in the transcripts included first-generation status, student
support services/academic support services, family responsibility, barriers/lack of support, age of
arrival to the country, and parent/family support, which allowed for emergent themes. The
process of reviewing transcripts and coding the data is not necessarily linear.
Analytic tools, such as tables and data memos, aided in analyzing the raw data. Analytic
memoing comprised my reflections and thinning process about data, which also served to
synthesize them into higher-level analytic meanings for more expanded reports (Miles et al.,
2014). Some of the analytic memos included personal connections and possible links among the

36
codes. While coding transcripts, I noted conceptual and emergent themes for more developed
assertions about the findings.
Ethics
Confidentiality and ethics were at the forefront of the research, so I took several measures
to adhere to ethical standards. First, I disclosed the objectives for the study and my affiliation
with the university in the section on my background and positionality. Secondly, I requested
permission to record the interview and share the data with my professor. Informed consent was
necessary to ensure that participants were aware that their participation was voluntary. All the
discussions and names were kept confidential, and participants knew they could withdraw at any
point (Glesne, 2011). For all data-collection steps that involved the participants, including the
initial pre-screening questionnaire, audio recordings via Zoom platform, raw data organization,
and final research findings, the participants selected pseudonyms to use instead of their real
names for anonymity. In the pre-screening stage, participants selected a pseudonym they would
use or rename when signing onto Zoom. I also maintained privacy and confidentiality by
protecting the audio files and removing identifying information on any documents the
participants shared. While the Zoom platform allows both video recordings, I used only the audio
and transcription files for the study after renaming the file for confidentiality, and I deleted the
video file. To ensure confidentiality and protection of all data, files, emails, and the computer
were password-protected, and I will keep these for 5 years. All research steps were informed by
and adhered to the CITI Program’s ethics, compliance, and safety training and institutional
review board guidelines and approval for the study to maintain the standard of ethics in the
research field.

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Another ethical consideration includes the power dynamics of being a researcher,
someone in a position of power and privilege, and conducting interviews with students from
minoritized backgrounds. With regards to the researcher-researched relationship, there has to be
careful consideration to protect the rights of participants to privacy, to reflect on and mitigate
deceptive aspects of research, and to consider issues of reciprocity (Glesne, 2016).
Additionally, I asked all participants for permission to audio record the interview. I used
the audio recordings to prevent misinterpretation or misrepresentation. Because the interviewees
were students at universities in the United States, I presumed that translations would not be
needed. I stored all audio recordings on the cloud with multi-factor authentication password
protection. I included member checks or respondent validation in the study, where each
participant received a copy of their full transcript to review. According to Maxwell (2012), the
purpose of member checks is to solicit feedback about data and conclusions from the participants
in the research to rule out the possibility of misinterpreting the meaning of what participants
have said and their perspectives. Each participant knew they could opt out of the study without
any penalty, which I reminded them about at the start of the interview. According to Maxwell
(2012), colleagues conducting similar research provide support during the analysis stage through
reflective memos to help categorize and codify different themes that come up during the
interview transcript for intercoder reliability.
Lastly, certain topics were also sensitive, including undocumented status, family income,
and family separation. All interviewees knew they could stop their participation or skip questions
if they felt uncomfortable.

38
Limitation and Delimitations
This section discusses how the study design and methods addressed limitations and
delimitations. Limitations to the study include having to conduct each interview online via the
video conferencing platform Zoom, with the potential for missing non-verbal cues or body
language.
The research was delimited by choices made in selecting the target population. The
findings are restricted to individual experiences and student support services at various
educational institutions that are not generalizable to all refugees persisting at higher education
institutions. While the methodology can be replicated, the research findings cannot because
human behavior is never static. The nature of qualitative research in itself, including the small
sample, does not allow for generalizations, and there are many different cultural and
circumstantial nuances from each population. Given the contextual nature of research
participants with particular thought to their legal status or trauma experienced, participants may
not have been as comfortable or forthcoming in sharing certain aspects of their experiences and
student support services used due to fear of being othered.
While there are limitations to qualitative research, triangulation can improve the findings’
credibility and trustworthiness. Because qualitative research is based on the assumptions of
reality, research, data, and theory triangulation would allow for improved robustness and
increased credibility or internal validity (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Alternative explanations are
highly plausible; one other approach is to purposefully look for variation in the understanding of
the phenomenon and assess the weight of evidence, patterns, and conclusions (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2015).

39
Chapter Four: Results or Findings
The purpose of this dissertation was to explore the experiences of female refugee college
students and their pathways into higher education. Further, this dissertation examined how those
experiences supported or hindered undergraduate college students in achieving their goals. The
following research questions guided this study:
1. What are the experiences of female refugee and asylee students accessing and
transitioning to a highly selective 4-year university?
2. How do female refugee and asylee students perceive the opportunities and barriers
that impact college persistence and graduation?
Participants
The study included eight student participants who self-identified as female refugees from
Syria, Venezuela, Kenya, and Somalia, representing diverse cultural backgrounds and
experiences adjusting to their new home environment and navigating higher education. The
participants included women from varying cultures, family backgrounds, ages, socioeconomic
statuses, and migration journeys. They each shared their journey of resettling in the United States
at different ages, the earliest being 8 months old with no recollection of being displaced, to 12
years old and having to learn a new language to keep up with academics. These women and their
families fled their home countries due to civil war, political instability, and economic challenges,
among other reasons. They have faced various obstacles, including language barriers, cultural
adjustments, and the complexities of the United States immigration system. Additionally, their
gender identities as women added a significant dimension to the research, providing insights into
the intersection of their refugee status and educational experiences.

40
All participants identified as undergraduate college students pursuing different academic
disciplines at mostly selective 4-year universities, including private and public research
institutions in the Southwest and Northeast. The sample included undergraduate students at
different stages of their college experience, from 1st-year to 4th-year students, nearing
completion of the 4-year bachelor’s degree or enrolled in a progressive degree program to earn a
master’s degree concurrently. All participants had a specific educational goal of obtaining at
least a bachelor’s degree, and six out of eight expressed interest in pursuing graduate studies.
In this chapter, the major findings are first presented through the community cultural
wealth model (Yosso, 2014), specifically linguistic, familial, and social capital, as they relate to
access and transitioning from the pre-college stage to a highly selective 4-year university. The
findings related to the perception of opportunities and barriers are then presented through the
community cultural wealth model, specifically navigational and aspirational capital, to showcase
perceived opportunities and barriers that impact persistence and graduation. The emerging
themes underscore the resilience and aspirations of the female refugee student experience in
higher education.
In this chapter, I will include the participants’ narratives to be followed by the study’s
major findings as it pertains to the two research questions.
Ann
Ann was born in Syria and lived in Saudi Arabia before moving to the United States at
age 10. Despite practicing a different religion, Ann and her family lived in a strictly Islamic
country and adhered to strict religious practices such as wearing a hijab or veil for women. Her
family left Saudi Arabia for educational opportunities and religious freedom and did not have an
option of returning to Syria because of the civil unrest there. She is a 1st-year college student

41
pursuing a Bachelor of Science degree in structural engineering at a selective public research
university in the Southwest. Upon graduation, Ann is interested in working for an engineering
company or opening her own office as a structural engineer.
Emmanuella
Emmanuella was born in a Kenyan refugee camp to parents who fled Somalia due to the
civil war. Her parents sought assistance through the Kenyan government and stayed in the Kenya
refugee camps for many years before being granted asylum in the United States. She moved to
the United States when she was 8 months old, arriving in New York and settling in Arizona. She
is a 3rd-year college student at a selective private research university in the Southwest.
Emmanuella is in a progressive degree program to earn a Bachelor of Arts in law, history, and
culture and a Master of Arts in law concurrently. She hopes to earn a doctorate or practice law to
influence social justice decisions.
Jessica
Jessica was born in Venezuela and moved to the United States at age 11 due to the
economic collapse and high crime rates in that country. She recalled being very fortunate to have
belonged to a middle-class family and enjoying her childhood in Venezuela; however, she
became acutely aware of the fear of crime, food and medicine shortages, and instability there
being part of the mass exodus in her home country. Because she had aunts who lived in
Minnesota, Jessica’s family settled in the Midwest after realizing that the public disorder and
economic crisis in Venezuela only deepened. She is in her 2nd year of college at a selective
private university in the Southwest, pursuing a bachelor’s degree in cognitive science.

42
Kakuma
Kakuma was born in a Kenyan refugee camp to parents who fled Somalia due to the civil
war. In 2004, her family received asylum, which allowed them to relocate to the United States
when Kakuma was only 1 year old. Kakuma’s family lived in Georgia for a year when she first
arrived in the United States, and she recalls having a sponsor family help them adjust to living in
a new environment. Her family eventually moved to Maine because other Bantus moved there
for job opportunities. She attends a highly selective private research university in the Northeast
and is in her 2nd year of college. She is pursuing a Bachelor of Arts in political science and a
minor in data science. She is interested in international relations and plans on attending law
school or another graduate program.
Kristina
Kristina was born in Syria and moved to the United States when she was 12 due civil
war. Before arriving in the United States, her family crossed three borders: Syria, Lebanon, and
Jordan. She recalled riding in the car with her parents and sister, fearing they would be stopped
by terrorists surrounding the airport. Her family eventually resettled in Southern California
because other family members had resettled there before them. She attends a public research
university in the Southwest and is in her 3rd year of college. She is pursuing a bachelor’s degree
in psychology. After her undergraduate studies, she plans on pursuing a master’s in psychology
to become a high school counselor or applying for PhD programs in psychology to become a
college professor.
Owli
Owli was born in a Kenyan refugee camp to parents who fled Somalia due to the civil
war. At age 2, with the assistance of a refugee program in coordination with the Catholic Church,

43
her family was resettled in the United States. Owli’s family received support from a sponsor
family when she lived in South Carolina and remains close to them. Eventually, her family
moved to upstate New York to be closer to her grandmother, a location that had a higher
concentration of Somali Bantus and many different tribes in that community. She attends a
highly selective private research university in the Northeast. She is in her 3rd year of college on
the pre-pharmacy track and is working toward applying to pharmacy school to become a
pharmacist.
Rose
Rose was born in Syria and moved to the United States when she was 9 due to civil war.
Her family resettled in the Inland Empire because other close relatives were already there, and
her father had a higher chance of employment. She transferred from a 4-year public institution to
a selective private research university in the Southwest, where she is currently in the 4th year of
her undergraduate studies. Rose is pursuing a Bachelor of Science degree in biology and a
Master of Science degree in global medicine concurrently through the progressive degree
program and is on the pre-med track with the goal of becoming a physician.
Stephanie
Stephanie was born to Syrian parents in Antigua and Barbuda, an English-speaking
island. She moved to the United States when she was 10 years old for more educational and
career opportunities. She attends a public university in the Southwest after transferring from a 2-
year community college. Stephanie is pursuing a Bachelor of Arts in psychology and hopes to
start her career or obtain a master’s degree in psychology.

44
Results or Findings Research Question 1
Research Question 1 asked about the participants’ experiences when accessing and
transitioning to a highly selective 4-year university. Tenets of the community cultural wealth
model (Yosso, 2014) and their significance to refugee students include linguistic, navigational,
social, and cultural capital. Through the different forms of capital, the participants exemplified
the perseverance that allowed them to perform well academically and become eligible for
competitive universities. Table 1 summarizes the forms of capital, definitions, and connected
themes.

45
Table 1
Yosso’s Community Cultural Wealth: Forms of Capital
Form of capital Definition Themes
Linguistic capital Linguistic capital includes the
intellectual and social skills
attained through
communication in multiple
languages and/or language
styles, including
communication through art,
music, poetry, theater, and
dance.
Language acquisition
Bilingualism to support the
family
Cultural identity and belonging
related to shared language
Familial capital Familial capital refers to the
cultural knowledge nurtured
among familial (kin) that
carries a sense of community
history, memory, and cultural
intuition.
Family support, parental
involvement, and influence
Gender and cultural expectations
Social capital Social capital refers to the
networks of people and
community resources. These
peer and other social contacts
can provide instrumental and
emotional support to navigate
through society’s institutions.
Socioeconomic mobility
The role of counselors
College access programs and
pre-college programs
Communities within ethnic
enclaves
Navigational capital Navigational capital refers to
skills of maneuvering through
institutions not created with
communities of color in mind.
Internships, work, and
opportunities
Accessing campus resources and
student support services
Financing higher education
Mental health support
Aspirational capital Aspirational capital refers to the
ability to maintain hopes and
dreams for the future, even in
the face of real and perceived
barriers.
Academic and professional goals
Student contributions

46
While from different countries of origin, the interviewees exhibited similarities in their
pathways through college: their reasons for attending a 4-year university, their educational goals,
and their appreciation for the opportunity to pursue higher education despite the challenges of
being displaced.
Linguistic Capital
Students from refugee backgrounds often have multilingual abilities, which can be an
asset in navigating their country of resettlement. Their language skills can facilitate
communication, build connections with their communities, and contribute to preserving their
cultural identity. According to Yosso (2014), linguistic capital includes the intellectual and social
skills attained through communication in multiple languages and language styles, including
through art, music, poetry, theater, and dance. While the participants may not have realized their
linguistic strength and potential earlier on, their language abilities are powerful in navigating and
adjusting to their new environment and the complexities of higher education. This section
includes the three themes connected with linguistic capital: language acquisition, bilingualism to
support the family, and cultural identity and belonging related to shared language.
Theme 1: Language Acquisition
Considering that the dominant language in American secondary and higher education
systems is English, participants who arrived in the United States after age 6 were bilingual.
Throughout the interviews, five participants indicated that they struggled to learn English as a
second language yet accelerated their language abilities to do well in high school, particularly
those who arrived after age 9. Rose recalled only knowing the words “hi,” “bye,” and “apple”
when she arrived in the country at age 9. She experienced feelings of frustration and dejection
due to not knowing the language and not being understood. In Syria, Rose did well academically

47
in elementary school; however, in the United States, she failed exams because she did not
understand the reading and assignments and was forced to stay in the classroom during recess for
missed assignments. Even at the elementary school level, she recounted,
I think that the hardest part is you just have to live through it. I think the frustration was a
big factor, and we couldn’t go back because there was a war happening, so there wasn’t
an option. I felt like I didn’t have anyone to turn to because I felt like my parents were,
like, dealing with bigger issues of like trying to, like, you know, support us financially,
find a job like dealing with paperwork and stuff like that, so, like, I didn’t want to, like, to
go and cry to them be, like, “Oh, like, I have no friends at school.”
Like Rose, Kristina, who arrived at age 12 during the second semester of seventh grade,
recalled an experience observing her cousins speak in English. She was perplexed by how people
could converse in another language in their own homes when their parents do not speak English.
Kristina even questioned, “How am I going to be able to learn English? I thought I came at an
old age to learn English.” She spent most of middle school feeling like she did not know what
was going on. Strong English language skills increase academic success at the primary,
secondary, and, ultimately, college level. The learning curve for learning a second language
tends to be steeper during this initial period when an individual is new to the country. While
many participants spoke of the challenges of learning a second language, they acknowledged that
knowing English strengthened their sense of agency and confidence. Throughout elementary and
middle school, acquiring language was a struggle; however, bilingualism and multilingualism are
assets. Moreover, there was no viable option for these students to return to their home countries,
so they had to learn English.

48
Unlike the other five participants who initially struggled with a language barrier, Ann
attended an international Indian School in Saudi Arabia where British English was taught in
elementary school. Despite knowing English, she was still placed in classes with students in
which English was not their first language because Arabic was listed as her first language. The
three students, Emmanuella, Kakuma, and Owli, who arrived in the United States before age 2,
did not mention language being a barrier because they were exposed to English and another
language concurrently at a young age. Table 2 presents a summary of the participants’ countries
of origin, age of arrival, and first language.
Table 2
Country of Origin and Age of Arrival to the United States
Participant Country of origin Age of arrival First language
Ann Syria 10 Arabic
Emmanuella Kenya 8 months English
Jessica Venezuela 11 Spanish
Kakuma Somalia 1 English
Kristina Syria 12 Arabic
Owli Somalia 2 English
Rose Syria 9 Arabic
Stephanie Syria/Antigua 10 Arabic

49
Theme 2: Bilingualism to Support the Family
In addition to language as a means to communicate and connect with others, the
interviewees used language to support families, specifically parents who did not speak English
and had to focus on finding work instead of enrolling in English classes. All participants
interpreted for family members. Kakuma shared the significance of bilingualism in her
household, mainly because neither parent received a formal education:
I remember when I was younger, my mother was taking English learning courses, and me
and my siblings were teaching her, like, how to say the alphabet and certain phrases in
English. At the time, I realized that, like, my parents don’t know how to read even in
their native language because they were discriminated against and weren’t allowed to go
read, so they were just working on the farms all day.
Kakuma mentioned that neither parent had a chance to pursue education, much like Rose
and Emmanuella, who recalled that the women in their family could not go to school in their
home country either. While Kakuma shared teaching her mother basic phrases in English, Ann
supported her mother in finding work in cosmetology. Ann helped her mother study for the
aesthetician license by reviewing paperwork and translating entire state board exams because the
board did not offer an Arabic interpreter. Ann shared the following regarding her experiences:
I had to go through paperwork. I had the recording while translating an entire exam for
her [mother], but she passed, and she got her license, and she got a good job. Seeing how
far she got makes me so proud all the time because, yes, as much as I helped her, and I
was a support. I think she also helped me more and influenced me so much more because
it always gave me this thing to look up to, like regardless of what age you’re at, there’s
always more out there.

50
Five participants first struggled to learn and speak English, and their communication
skills and language abilities were accelerated to provide impactful support to their families. For
Rose, the fact that her parents experienced health issues and could not speak English contributed
to her decision to stay in California for college and to be close to home to help them. Rose used
her language skills and knowledge of health sciences to help her parents during doctor’s visits
and review prescription medicine. Rose reasoned:
I don’t want to leave my parents … none of them speak English, so I know I wanted to be
like in California. That way, if they need help and stuff like that, I could, like, always
come back to them … My dad’s diabetic, so I always have to, like, go with him or like
one of us has to go with him to like doctor’s appointments and stuff like that heart
condition, so it’s like you, yeah, I didn’t want to, like, leave … go far, so I think a lot of
like my [college] selection was in California.
Similarly, Owli reflected on her experiences filling out paperwork for her family, even as
an elementary school student, because of her ability to read and write in English. Owli shared,
I think [refugee] students are resilient. If they’re anything like me, I know that they did
not get to have the childhood because they were filling out paperwork at the age of, like,
9 or, you know, like they’ve been supporting their families for such a long time.
For Owli and others, they contributed to the household because they could be relied upon
to read and write in English.
Theme 3: Cultural Identity and Belonging Related to Shared Language
About the interviewees’ experiences with language, there were sentiments of shared
language being reminiscent of home and connection when speaking to someone who spoke the
same language.

51
For example, Jessica’s family resettled in Minnesota, where the demographic was White
and middle-class, so she did not see others who looked like her. She reflected on feeling “culture
shock” when she first moved there and felt that she had to leave behind a part of her identity and
culture to adapt and assimilate to a new one. Jessica commented on embracing her cultural
identity during college:
Coming to college has been a good thing for me to reconnect kind of with my identity as
a Venezuelan. Like I said earlier, when I was trying to learn English, I was trying to be so
like the people around me so I could, like, understand their language and be more and,
like, understand the system and what things work and how things don’t work. And I feel
like I kind of let my Venezuelan self just kind of go for a little bit and I tried to become
as American as possible so I could adapt better into their system and although I haven’t
met many Venezuelan people here, I’ve actually met, like, one. I see here how freely
people express themselves and how, like, it’s just how everyone is so, like, okay with
being themselves and being, like, and how proud they are of where they’re from and how
there is a community for everyone and it’s just it’s helped me kind of let go of that, like,
fear that I had to like be different than others because like there’s still a way to be
successful if you are yourself and you still like respect and value your own culture.
Not having resettled in a community with other Venezuelans, Jessica had little
opportunity to speak Spanish. For her, there is a connection with those who share the same
language, especially in contexts where it is not the dominant language. In college, in describing
how Kakuma met someone who looked like her and shared the same native language, she
mentioned it positively affected her sense of belonging and reflected on the discomfort she felt in
her earlier years, “In high school, I didn’t feel comfortable being fully covered up or speaking

52
my native language.” Ann also praised the diversity of her college campus. She shared her
reaction to hearing someone speak the same Arabic in passing as if it brought a sense of home
for her:
There’s a lot of diversity, which is something I love and why chose it [university]. I’m
walking to class, a walk past someone random, and I’ll hear them talking Arabic to the
phone on their mom, and I’ll get happy, like, because I don’t feel like I’m out of place.
You know what I mean? But that happens. I know, with so many other people, because of
the amount of diversity there, which I don’t see in a lot of colleges or universities.
Moreover, Ann joined a Syrian student group at her school to have a support system and
to feel more connected with those who share similar backgrounds and hear their stories. She
recounted:
I think because the [Syrian] population grew so much over time. And everyone from
Syria had very different reason and very different backgrounds to come here. But it’s
honestly very, like, nice to see that. Yeah, they all did leave their country for different
reasons. But they ended up close to each other. They like to stick near each other in a way
like, they recently actually, we had a church, and they recently bought a new one to
upgrade it because our community grew so much, and it’s beautiful. To see all other
people who are also from Syria, who are just like me, with different stories. And it makes
me feel so connected.
The participants possess strong linguistic capital, such as proficiency in English, and have
the advantage of accessing education, resources, and other opportunities for better social
integration and a sense of belonging. By being proficient in English, they were better equipped to
engage with teachers and peers, excel in their academic classes, and be prepared for the rigors of

53
college-level courses. For the participants, their proficiency in English in high school allowed
them to take honors and Advanced Placement-level courses, which are reading and writingintensive, to be competitive for highly selective universities.
Familial Capital
For the families that have experienced displacement and resettlement, there is a
remarkable level of resilience and adaptability amid the challenges. Regardless of the
participant’s country of origin, where they grew up, and the high school they attended, all
participants shared that their family members—parents, siblings, uncles, and grandparents—
shaped their upbringing and provided support even if they had not received a formal education or
know much about applying to college. It is also worth noting that refugee families experience
much trauma and stress before and during their migration, which may be absorbed by parents
and older family members who fully understand the circumstances of war, persecution, and
poverty and the few options they have to seek safety (McBrien, 2005). To help their children find
stability, the family members provided basic needs, such as food, shelter, and education, as they
sought resources and employment.
Yosso (2014) described familial capital as cultural knowledge nurtured among familia
(kin) that carry a sense of community history, memory, and cultural intuition. Two themes
connected with familial capital: (a) family support, parent involvement, and influence and (b)
gender and cultural expectations.
Theme 1: Family Support, Parental Involvement, and Influence
While participants shared that their parents did not get the opportunity to receive an
education, even in their home country, it was apparent that familial and emotional support was
instrumental in the participants’ journey toward higher education. For example, Kristina insisted

54
that she involved her parents in every decision she made because it made her feel better,
reflecting on how dangerous it was to live in Syria and that she could have lost them at any time.
Kakuma was the most detailed participant when referencing the impact of her family on her
personal development. Despite being one of 20 children, parental support influenced her decision
to pursue higher education. She shared the autonomy she had over her academic trajectory: “My
parents are very open-minded. Anything I would have chosen, they would have accepted.”
Rose appreciated that education was accessible to men and women in the United States.
Her grandmother was the one who motivated her to pursue her education. She recalls her
grandmother telling her, “Anybody could marry, but not everybody can get an education.” Her
grandmother and mother did not have the opportunity to gain a proper education in Syria. Still,
they encouraged her to grasp the opportunity, which was a source of motivation for her. In
addition to her grandmother, she attributes her brother as a source of motivation and support
since he was a year older and had gone through a similar path of adjusting to a new life as a
refugee and transitioning to a selective 4-year university. Similarly, an older sibling close in age
to Emmanuella, who had gone through the process, motivated and encouraged her, which made
college not only a possibility but an expectation.
For Owli, her family support and mentorship came from her uncle, the first person in her
family to graduate from high school and go to college and, eventually, the first person to earn a
graduate degree. She had always looked up to him, especially when he mentioned that she was
limiting herself by only applying to local colleges and universities and staying close to her
family. He was one of the reasons she pushed herself to pursue a health sciences graduate degree.
For Owli, in particular, being the eldest daughter of nine children, she often felt the weight of the
family responsibilities placed on her, feeling like the second mother or father to her younger

55
siblings. She described that breaking away from the responsibilities of the home was a struggle
in itself, especially trying to convince her family that she would be okay living away from home.
Owli recounted her family responsibilities competing with her academic studies:
They require a lot from you, so if you’re physically there all the time, you know, and
they’re just constantly taking and taking and taking, and you’re not able to manage your
time to pursue your studies the way you want to.
When deciding where to apply, she wanted to make sure that there was enough distance between
her and her immediate family so that she could focus on school as much as possible.
Additionally, Ann recalled the stark differences between her mother’s support and that of
her friend’s mother, who also came from similar backgrounds:
My mother was always super supportive of pushing us to do better in the future. She
doesn’t want us to, like settle, because stereotypically, majority of Middle Eastern
women end up settling, marrying, and then the man is the sole provider for the house. …
So, I think a transition from high school to college, for me, was easier than other Middle
Eastern girls because some of my friends, for example, wanted to pursue a 4-year college
maybe outside of home, but their parents limited them and said, “No, you can’t go
because [you] still have to live under my roof.”
Emmanuella faced challenges related to her first-generation background as well as her
refugee background, but her parents provided her with emotional support and encouragement
throughout her life. The message she received throughout her childhood was that school could be
“transforming” academically and personally.
The commonality related to resettlement in the United States among participants was that
their families were an integral part of their lives. Their resettlement and pathways to college

56
included immediate family members. For six of them, their families were their most significant
source of support, encouragement, and motivation to pursue and succeed in education.
Theme 2: Gender and Cultural Expectations
By researching female students from refugee and asylee backgrounds, the participants
could share identities, experiences, and perspectives that were influenced by their gender. What
emerged from the data in the study was that gender expectations were brought up by half of the
participants. In the participants’ countries of origin, particularly Syria, Somalia, and Kenya,
women were not offered the same freedoms and opportunities as their male counterparts. Rose,
Ann, Kristina, and Owli referenced patriarchal societies that limit women’s opportunities or the
double standard between them and their male siblings. Rose directly stated the lack of
investment in young women’s futures:
Males are valued a lot more than females … [females] are usually expected to have … a
stay at home role and like growing up like no one really ever asked you … what do you
wanna be when you grow up you know and like that kind of like hurts a little.
Ann also discussed gender and cultural expectations, noting that her motivations for
pursuing higher education in the first place were grounded in the belief that in many places
around the world, including Syria, women are still underlooked and devalued. Even if women
and girls did have passions and aspirations, they would be denied the freedom of higher
education. For Ann, staying in Syria meant she needed a grown man like her father or brother to
accompany her if she ever needed to go about in society. Gender expectations were prevalent in
Owli’s experiences as well. Owli mentioned:
Gender plays a significant role because the experience of my family was that my uncle
could go wherever he wanted. He could go to school for as long as he wanted. Nobody

57
cared because a man can get married to whatever age woman and still have kids, you
know. But me as a girl, it’s, “You need to get … if you’re going to go to school, finish as
soon as possible because you need to get married and have, like, this biological clock.’
That’s their whole thing, and even within just my immediate family, my brother, when he
was applying for schools, he went towards … whatever state he wanted, like, he went
everywhere. [For me], my parents were, like, 20 minutes from home, and they’re like,
“Oh my God, whoa, you need to come home, like we can’t live without you. Like come
back please,” and it’s not even, like, mine were day tours. Like, I came back the same
day. He [brother] would have like overnight tours and stuff like that. It was just such a
big difference, you know.
Kristina shared similar experiences with her parents; because she was a woman, she was
expected to stay at home and be close to the family. The common thread in these examples is
that gender and cultural influences may impact female students’ decisions when deciding where
to apply for college and, ultimately, what college or university to attend based on the familial and
cultural expectations placed on young women.
Social Capital
While some of the participants mentioned coming from a place of survival to describe
their resettling in the United States, they had a network of people and community resources
along the way, whether that was through the refugee agency, ethnic enclaves, sponsor family,
community, government subsidies, or family members who had resettled before them. Social
capital is the cultural wealth female refugee students gain from their networks and community
resources. Through peers and other social contacts, they provide instrumental and emotional

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support to navigate society’s institutions (Yosso, 2014). The participants discussed the role of
higher education in climbing the socioeconomic ladder and aspirations for the future.
All eight participants are first-generation college students who grew up in low-income
households in the United States because they were forcibly displaced. All eight participants
identify as first-generation college students because neither of their parents attended a 4-year
institution in the United States. Despite being unfamiliar with the education system in the United
States and needing help understanding how to navigate higher education, including the steps to
get into college, the families have instilled the importance of education in their children. Seven
interviewees shared that their parents did not have an education beyond the high school level,
and although one had at least one parent who graduated from a 4-year institution in Venezuela,
they were not privy to the American higher education system and therefore could not help them
apply to college.
In the findings, four themes emerged that were connected with social capital:
socioeconomic mobility, the role of counselors, college access programs and pre-college
programs, and communities within ethnic enclaves.
Theme 1: Socioeconomic Mobility
There was a recurring sentiment from the participants that they wanted to pursue higher
education to help lighten the financial burden for their families and create better opportunities for
themselves. For example, Kakuma shared,
I want to just be able to provide and support for my parents. So, I just feel like getting a
higher education was something that would help me achieve that goal. And I think also
just like growing up, like, low-income and a disadvantaged neighborhood of where most
people didn’t have an education or didn’t even, like, graduate high school.

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Like Kakuma, Rose shared that she wanted to be in a position to give back to her parents
because of their sacrifices. For example, despite many health conditions, his father cannot quit
his job because he has to support her and the family. Owli stated that she did not want her family
to rely on government subsidies for income and food to meet basic needs to survive—she wanted
to ensure her family would thrive. Emmanuella also shared her motivation for pursuing higher
education while providing commentary on the exclusionary and inequitable aspects of education
and touching on its impact on socioeconomic mobility:
I think my motivation for pursuing higher education was just like the—all of the
possibilities that came with being highly educated within a society. I know growing up,
my parents didn’t have access to education, and my dad had, like, elementary-level
education back in Kenya, and my mother also had, like, elementary school education, if
not lower. I think just like exclusion from education within not just the government over
there but also socially was a big motivator, and I strongly believe that education was like
an equalizer in society and for mobility.
Owli had the opportunity to apply and get accepted into a well-resourced “Ivy” high
school that was predominantly White and affluent because her state’s school system allowed
select students to focus on different academic areas and have choices in the schools they
attended. At her high school, she realized her own socioeconomic status and the wealth
disparities among different racial communities. While grateful for the opportunity to attend an
excellent high school, she explained how different she was from her affluent peers:
I just did not have a lot of interactions with White people, so it was a cultural shock and
mostly because of the way they interacted with each other and how they interacted with
me. Most of our conversations felt very condescending towards me. I would say I felt

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othered most of the time. … There was a difference in our socioeconomic status as well,
so most of them came from very wealthy families. So, when they talked about, oh, what
they’re going to do over the break or whatever, it will be something that my mind can’t
even comprehend or like for a homecoming, they will be flying in with helicopters to the
school.
Her description of her selective high school contrasted with where she previously lived,
where the schools were under-resourced, and students of color were funneled into the same
public school system. She remarked, “Whatever community you live in, you just go through the
same elementary, middle, and high school. Like, it was already written for you based on where
you live.” While there were challenges of being the minority in a predominantly White school,
Owli discussed the social capital inherent in the space she occupied that was afforded to her. She
revealed that her “Ivy” school’s “workload was intense,” but it had prepared her academically in
ways that none of her previous schools would have prepared her, so when entering college, her
creative and analytical writing skills were on par, if not higher, than her peers and undergraduate
coursework felt easy. Even during the college application process, Owli shared that she had
received highly impactful support:
They [her school] took us to networking events, field trips, and a lot of college tours, and
I think like most people do that…It was a nice way to, like, get to know the people [in
admissions] who would be making the final decisions in terms of me attending their
school or not. So, I think I really appreciated that. I did have that opportunity awarded to
me, and it did help me when I was applying for schools.
To add emphasis, Owli also commented that she had not met anyone at her university
who attended a “regular” public high school. She observed that students from low-income

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backgrounds, refugee students, and immigrant students she knew had to attend a highly selective
high school first, many of which are private, highlighting the differences in the educational
outcomes for those who attend private high schools in affluent neighborhoods and schools in
areas with a high percentage of students from low-income households. Despite the uneven
playing field for some of the eight participants—attending schools in poor to more affluent
areas—they have used their social capital to get accepted to some of the country’s most
competitive universities.
Theme 2: The Role of Counselors
Through the student participants’ high schools and universities, there were social
networks that supported their academic goals. Many took advantage of their high school
counselors and advisors, who introduced them to the college application process, pre-college
summer programs, scholarship opportunities, and academic support services. Through these
opportunities, the participants expanded on the social connections they made and the types of
resources that supported them in applying to college.
The students had varied experiences in their transition to college and the types of college
preparatory resources they received at their high school based on the school they attended. The
networks of school administrators and teachers, particularly college counselors at high schools,
contributed to disseminating information related to the college application process and the
college-going culture. In asking about the resources and support the eight participants received in
high school, six mentioned their college counselor’s impact on them, particularly those with
unique circumstances, such as being undocumented. Stephanie, because she was not a U.S.
citizen, shared that her counselor motivated her to apply for financial aid, specifically helping her
with the DREAM Act application.

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Their school and counselors introduced the students to various concepts or requirements
such as the SAT or ACT standardized exams, the Free Application for Federal Student Aid
(FAFSA) and the College Scholarship Service Profile applications, big-ticketed scholarships,
college applications, personal statements and supplemental essays, pre-college summer
programs, and other college access programs. Owli attributed her successes to the SAT
preparation she received, office hours or workshops attended to ask questions about the college
application process, scholarship opportunities introduced, and the involvement of her school
principal personally sharing that it was possible to attend college on a full-ride scholarship. Ann
also appreciated the support she received from her advisors and counselors at her school and the
semester-long class focused on college readiness:
The whole goal out of that class was to keep you in check, even if you don’t want to go to
college. For an assignment, they literally made everyone apply to a community college
because they want you to have a backup plan. Even if you choose you don’t want to go or
pursue with it. At least it’s an option, and they will help us with our financial aid
applications. And for me, like, personally, being first-generation, I didn’t have an older
sister or brother to guide me through any of that. So, I think I was very fortunate to have
the support I needed because, without that support, I would have most definitely
struggled and not get to where I am now.
For Jessica and Rose, there was less reliance on their counselors for support as they
alluded to feelings that their counselor did not have the level of expertise or capacity when it
came to the help they needed with college applications. Additionally, there was the added layer
of the infrequency of meetings and interactions. Jessica mentioned, “we met twice during my

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senior year, and she [counselor] honestly wasn’t that great with support…they didn’t know much
about all that stuff.” Rose shared a similar experience:
I don’t think, like, our counselors know much. … I think a lot of students end up going to
like the nearby colleges. [State universities and community colleges] are really popular
ones from my high school. I think that [University of California schools] is, like, the
highest they really have students aim for, so, like, they don’t really have students apply to
private [schools], or they don’t encourage it.
Jessica and Rose had to find resources outside of their high school for the personalized
support they needed, which was made possible through pre-college and mentoring programs.
Owli observed that there is still much to be done at the institutional level to provide
students access to selective universities. She pointed out that she has not met anyone who went
to a “regular public or charter school” from a low-income or refugee background who attended a
selective school. They had to attend a private school, boarding school, or specialized high school
focused on STEM, much like a feeder school, for a higher admittance rate to selective
universities. Table 3 summarizes the types of universities attended, whether they transferred, and
their year in college.

64
Table 3
Types of Universities and Year in College
Student Type of university Transfer
student
Year in college
Ann Public research
university in
Southwest
Freshman, 1st year (Class of
2026)
Emmanuella Private research
university in
Southwest
Junior, 3rd year (Class of
2024)
Jessica Public research
university in
Southwest
Sophomore, 2nd year (Class of
2025)
Kakuma Private research
university in
Northeast
Sophomore, 2nd year (Class of
2025)
Kristina Public research
university in
Southwest
Junior, 3rd year (Class of
2024)
Owli Private research
university in
Northeast
Junior, 3rd year (Class of
2024)
Rose Private research
university in
Southwest
Transfer (from
4-year)
Senior, 4th year (Class of
2023)
Stephanie Public university in
the Southwest
Community
college
transfer
Senior, 4th year (Class of
2023)
Theme 3: College Access Programs and Pre-college Programs
One of the apparent characteristics among all the interviewees was their motivation, grit,
and resourcefulness. If the students did not find resources at their schools, they sought them
elsewhere or pursued opportunities that made them more competitive for colleges. Half of them
took advantage of college access or pre-college programs in which first-generation college

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students from underrepresented backgrounds were encouraged to apply. These programs
introduced the students to university-level networks—faculty, staff, student support services,
cultural groups, guest speakers, and industry professionals, among other resources. Moreover,
the residential experience allowed the students to envision themselves at a 4-year university and
what they would expect once they enrolled at one.
The college access programs and pre-college summer programs supplemented and
sometimes bolstered traditional advising by high school counselors to increase college
enrollment or address the issue of undermatching, wherein students from low-income
backgrounds are not applying to selective universities as their more affluent peers. In the
programs that Emmanuella, Jessica, Kakuma, and Rose shared, the complexities and challenges
of college admissions and the financial aid process became more surmountable. It introduced
them to a host of new social contacts, especially in programs that recruited students nationwide.
Kakuma participated in a college access program she described as “similar to Upward
Bound” that provided her with academic advisors, college counselors, and SAT college entrance
exam preparation. During her sophomore year, Kakuma attended a pre-college summer program
hosted at a liberal arts college in the Northeast that gave her insights into college life at a much
smaller college.
During the summer before Emmanuella’s senior year, she participated in two summer
residential pre-college programs, one in her home state and another at her current university.
Both pre-college programs were hosted on a university campus that offered insights into college
life and the university’s resources. Through the second summer program that was aimed at highachieving students, Emmanuella shared her experiences of seeing the potential in herself and the
expansion of her opportunities beyond her home state:

66
I feel like the program [takes] into account, like, you know, the different backgrounds we
came from and like the lack of opportunities we had coming from such a background, and
so it was kind of an affirming space, but they also encouraged us to, like, see our
potential and like really expand on possibilities that we were capable of achieving and so
that program was really fundamental and, like, pivotal in my educational journey that’s
when I started not just looking into like statewide universities but I expanded to other
universities and like basically like higher educational institutions that would support firstgenerations to them as well as low-income students so that extent
College access and pre-college programs gave students even more access to counselors,
advisors, and teachers, as well as information and resources, which further bolstered their
success. Social capital in the high school and university-level context allowed them to see
beyond their circumstances and achieve their academic and career aspirations.
Theme 4: Communities Within Ethnic Enclaves
Over time, students from refugee backgrounds have tapped into community networks in
their community and with local residents, which can provide information, resources, and socialemotional support. These ethnic enclaves offer cultural familiarity as they consist of people from
similar cultural backgrounds, including language, traditions, and religion.
Six participants shared experiences of communities tied by shared culture and identities
as a significant source of support and familiarity to them. As one of the reasons for moving to a
different state, Owli explained that her family was one of five families from the same tribe who
left the South to move to the Northeast. According to Owli, Somali Bantu is differentiated from
the mainstream Somali people. As such, she moved to the Northeast and finally met a larger
community of people outside her family who were Somali Bantu and part of her tribe. Owli

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recalled that the Somali Bantu community center in her city, which focused on community and
social work, brought the people together by developing a farm, which practiced farming the way
they were used to back in Somalia, which connected to her cultural identity.
Another example is from Emmanuella, who recounts the cultural community that
supported her family and provided a sense of belonging when she was growing up:
We lived in a low-income community, but we were also able to find joy and celebrate
because most the people there lived within the refugee camps, and, like, they shared some
a lot of, like, similarities. You know, even my neighbor when I was, like, before we
moved, we moved when I was like, 9 years old, I believe. But before then, I remember,
like, even my next-door neighbor, she was also Somali Kenyan background from
refugees. My parents, like my mom specifically, like, what to go to her house and like,
we’re basically like family friends, and we were very close. And like, her daughters, and
my sisters, we would all like play and like, just like, do things like that … I basically
learned to find joy, like, obviously, like coming from a refugee background is not easy,
but like, being part of these communities like, basically, like, help you appreciate the
sense of belonging. You know, everybody is basically in this together.
Of the eight participants, only two settled in a state with no other refugee communities
and people with similar cultural backgrounds. Jessica reflected on feeling culture shock when she
first moved to Minnesota and felt that she had to leave behind a part of her identity and culture to
adapt and assimilate to a new one. Similarly, Stephanie’s family resettled in Antigua and
Barbuda, with the majority of people residing there being African or Black. The population of
the sovereign island was small, so it was harder to find ethnic enclaves with which she identified

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and to which she felt she belonged. Table 4 summarizes parental education level and family
context, including family size.
Table 4
Parental Education Level and Family Context
Student Parental education Family context
Ann Mother graduated from high school
in Syria
Has two younger sisters;
eldest daughter
Emmanuella Mother and father had elementarylevel education in Kenya
Has an older sister close in
age
Jessica At least one parent graduated from a
4-year institution in Venezuela No siblings
Kakuma Parents did not go to school in home
country, mother began taking
English learner courses in the
United States.
One of 20 children (7th
eldest); only one sibling
stayed behind in Tanzania.
Kristina Mother had a high school education
in Syria.
Father passed away last year;
parents separated within the
last 3 years; has an older
sister (1 year apart).
Owli Parents did not go to school in home
country.
One of nine children and also
the eldest daughter
Rose Father dropped out of school when
he was in the fourth grade.
Has an older brother (1 year
apart)
Stephanie Unknown Has an older brother and a
younger sister

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Discussion Research Question 1
The eight student participants’ experiences mostly aligned, with some nuance, with the
literature on language, family support, gender expectations, and the impact of community and
social networks. The experiences of the eight students revealed the resilience and intellectual
capabilities of refugee students in using the community cultural wealth they brought with them
and the capital that was gained through their family, community, and social networks. Their
gendered identity was most prevalent in the family and social settings. Despite the challenges the
students faced related to their identification as refugees, first-generation, low-income women of
color, they accessed higher education at highly selective 4-year institutions in disciplines like
engineering, health sciences, law, and social sciences.
Results or Findings Research Question 2
Research Question 2 asked how the participants perceived the opportunities and barriers
that impact college persistence and graduation. The interviewees had academic profiles that
made them college-bound and competitive for highly selective 4-year universities. The college
admissions process in the United States is complex and requires several components: high grade
point average, high standardized test scores, personal statements, leadership, and extracurricular
activities to demonstrate college readiness and fit for the university. College admissions is
difficult to navigate for students whose parents did not attend a 4-year university. Despite the
challenges of being in a new environment, the students developed navigational and aspirational
capital to persist in college through the support they received and the relationships they built.
The next sections focus on college-level opportunities and barriers and how they impacted the
interviewees’ persistence.

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Navigational Capital
Students from refugee backgrounds demonstrate resilience, resourcefulness, and
adaptability in navigating complex systems and unfamiliar environments. They often develop
strategies for accessing resources and overcoming challenges, drawing on their cultural
knowledge and experiences. Yosso (2014) described navigational capital as the skills of
maneuvering through institutions not created with communities of color in mind. Four themes
connected to navigational capital were found in the data: accessing campus resources,
internships, work, and other opportunities, mental health support, and financing higher
education.
Theme 1: Accessing Campus Resources
Not having college-educated parents meant the interviewees had to rely on their family
and school resources to help them transition from high school to college, persist from the first to
the second year, and eventually graduate. Acquiring navigational capital required leaning into
resources offered at the university setting, bolstering their academic achievement and the student
life experience at their schools. Ann mentioned she was not as involved as she would have liked
at her school; however, she recently joined a cultural community specifically for Syrian students.
Emmanuella, now in her 3rd year in college, feels very acquainted with her school. She had
involved herself with both university-level cultural communities and academic organizations.
She shared her experience of the opportunities that supported her academic achievement outside
of her regular classes:
And I feel like I am involved in a lot on campus, sometimes even more than I want to be.
I remember my freshman year, I was involved in, like, a few like cultural organizations I
was involved in … the Black Student Assembly and things of that. And now that I’m a

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junior, I am involved in a [fellowship], which was like an academic scholarship through
[my school] for first-generation students. And that gives me a lot of, like, academic
support through my director of the fellowship, as well as opportunities for, like, travel.
You know, just like career development, professional development, things of that nature.
And also involved in an internship this semester … and so basically, I’m, like, tutoring
children and middle schoolers up to high schoolers, elementary up to high school.
Like Emmanuella, Kakuma received support at her university through a pathway
internship program that assisted her in finding internships, financial support through
scholarships, school supplies, and clothing for work. Furthermore, the program included
academic advisors that kept her on track while in school.
There were several mentions of student equity and inclusion programs, which speaks to
the importance of having DEI initiatives that give students the space and opportunity to discuss
and process similar social, emotional, and academic experiences with their peers. Emmanuella
shared that an inclusive culture at the university played a part in building community:
I wanted to be a part of a community on campus. I’ve constantly been, like, trying to find
what that means to me, so I’m involved—even like, like, my campus job, student equity
and inclusion programs, and I basically work to try to, like, make [my university] more
inclusive, like a more inclusive culture, environment, and much more equitable
environment for everybody. And so, community is a huge thing because I feel like if you
don’t feel like you belong, it’s very hard to stay there. I don’t. People stay in places
where they feel like they belong. And so for me, it’s just about, it’s just been about like,
finding these places that are thought that the long run and basically leaning in on those
support systems and networks, because when things do get tough, I know that I can,

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essentially get some sort of like support from them, whether it’s my professors from class
and how hard to like, begin or like whether, you know, some other academic or personal
people that check-in and, you know, basically, like, ask about my well-being and like,
basically encourage me and prioritize my well-being as I go through college.
For Emmanuella, her refugee status is not apparent to those surrounding her; however,
her racial and religious identities are. Being Black and veiled, she spoke to the importance of a
positive and inclusive campus racial climate for others like her who may contend with feelings of
discrimination, alienation, isolation, and prejudicial treatment.
By being connected to information, resources, support services, and engagement
opportunities with others from similar backgrounds, the student participants experienced an
increased sense of belonging and well-being on their campuses.
Theme 2: Internships, Work, and Other Opportunities
For Jessica, Kristina, Stephanie, and Owli, the involvement during their undergraduate
years was focused on finding work or summer internships, participating in a study abroad
program, and applying for joint bachelor and master programs. Kristina has yet to participate in a
lot of extracurricular activities on campus and remains focused on academics. Stephanie, a
community college transfer student, revealed that more opportunities opened up for her at her
current university because of its larger size. She gained a paid internship that allowed her to
work with elementary school students at various sites in the school district.
Owli attributes the opportunities that supported her academic success to a job opportunity
at a supermarket as part of a scholarship program, which allowed her to earn money and gain
work experience and transferable skills. She shared:

73
And I am a store operations management intern on top of that. So, I get additional money
from the scholarship, and it’s money that just goes directly to me. So, it’s supporting me
in ways that exceed just academic situations, you know? So, having the internship with
them and their scholarship has given me a sort of. I want to say something to fall back on.
I wanna say even though, like, it’s a really … great opportunity because I’m learning like
the ins and outs of like the operations of managing a chain store like that. It’s giving me I
wanna say it’s giving me skills that can be applied in pretty much any field. You know,
it’s just skills that are applicable anywhere, and they’ve been very helpful in my school
work as well. Whenever I have like projects and stuff like that, like, I know how to
manage the team, how to communicate effectively with people. So, it’s been very helpful
in that way in terms of academics, I want to say.
Two interviewees shared that they took advantage of the study abroad programs at their
school. For Rose, it was a learning opportunity to experience global medicine in Central America
during her school’s spring break. She shared her experience:
It’s healthcare delivery in Panama, and it’s only a week-long during spring break, but we
pretty much go to Panama and help. Pretty much, they want us to see, like, the challenges
of implementing healthcare … in low-resource settings and because a lot of what global
medicine talks about is, like, you know, it’s not just the [United States] or in first-world
countries these resources.
Rose and Emmanuella took advantage of their school’s progressive degree program in
which they could complete both bachelor’s and master’s degrees during their 3rd or 4th year in
college, which, while intense and demanding, served to be cost-saving. Rose shared, “I applied
[to the progressive degree program] my first semester of junior year, and I got it. I started the

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degree my second semester of junior, and, so, and, so yeah, it’s like in global medicine.” Her
pursuit of a master’s level program during her junior year of college spoke to her ability to find
and utilize special programs designed for high-achieving students.
Through efforts to find focused opportunities, whether they were highly rigorous
progressive degree programs or international programs to learn about topics within their major,
the student participants displayed a strong commitment to their long-term goals. They took
advantage of the resources at their institution to gain knowledge and relevant experiences.
Theme 3: Mental Health Support
Three interviewees mentioned the need for mental health support and what it could do for
students from refugee and asylee backgrounds. Universities have student support services;
however, students mentioned barriers to seeking mental health services due to costs or finding
qualified mental health professionals who share similar backgrounds and use comprehensive and
culturally sensitive approaches.
Jessica, for example, discussed opportunities for people to seek temporary mental health
support at school, but these are costly if students do not have student health insurance, and their
mental health services can be more accessible and affordable. Like Jessica, Kakuma believes that
students at her school advocate for better mental health and deem the resources necessary for
undergraduates.
Owli underscored the significance of having cultural representation in mental health
professionals:
Socially, I want to say that there’s not enough representation in the mental health services
on campus because they have free mental health services for everybody on campus. But
all of these people [mental health professionals] are not the minority. You know, they’re

75
all people that are mostly Caucasian. There might be, like, African American people or
Latino people, but there’s no one that was like me, and I ended up looking for a provider
outside of the university for mental health services, and I identified a lot with her. She
was also Muslim. She was an African woman and her. She also came from a refugee
background, so I felt like she was able to understand me better, and she was able to have
empathy, and I think that, you know, empathy requires experience. You can’t give me
any empathy if you can never be in my situation, you know. So, I feel like that’s a
resource I wish we had more of on campus, just diversity and the mental health field here.
Jessica, Kakuma, and Owli all asserted the need for mental health support and services;
however, they did not further mention the need to work through the pre-migration traumas and
stressors. No participant mentioned explicitly the trauma their parents had to endure while
fleeing their home country and if they had absorbed any of it; however, their stressors could
include economic insecurity, discrimination, and the challenges of adjusting to a new culture and
setting. For the participants, the barriers to mental health support centered around the need for
representation and understanding versus working through traumatic experiences.
Theme 4: Financing Higher Education
Considering the high and rising cost of attendance at universities and colleges across the
United States, affordability has been a factor in the interviewees’ college enrollment decisions.
In asking about barriers to higher education, all participants mentioned either their low-income
status or the high cost of education was a barrier. Jessica mentioned that “sticker shock” on the
cost of attendance could deter students from applying, but she knew about financial aid and
scholarships. Kakuma was also privy to the idea of university endowment at selective private
institutions and how institutional aid can support students who demonstrate financial aid. In

76
response to the high cost of living in certain American cities and the rising cost of higher
education, Jessica remarked, “Even though they [the university] say it’s 100% needs met, I don’t
think that’s necessarily true. It’s still a big sacrifice to come here even with financial aid because
of the area, and it’s just really expensive.”
While Emmanuella ended up attending a selective university with financial aid, she
mentioned that her family was from a lower socioeconomic background and did not want to
place any financial burden on them. Emmanuella shared that she chose her school based on the
financial aid she received and whether it covered her cost of attendance. Emmanuella explained,
“If I were to put, like, my family in a financial situation of jeopardy, that I would not end up
going through university, just because I [would] not want to do something at my family’s
expense.”
Six interviewees worked part-time jobs during college to contribute to their educational
costs, including tuition, room and board, books, and other personal expenses. Kakuma mentioned
the financial challenges she experienced in college and how working interfered with her
academics:
I … work multiple jobs on campus because I need to make money. It’s like if I want to,
like, go back home or just of course just, like, have saving, and that can definitely be a
barrier, like, especially if I want to like go to, like, office hours for, like, a professor, and
it’s kind of during the time when I work or if there’s, like, a meeting or, like, a program
that I want to get involved in, like, it conflicts with, like, work.
Stephanie shared about her experience working part-time at a minimum wage position
unrelated to her career interests, “They [my counselors] also helped me with financial aid
[which] covered some of my payments, and it really encouraged me to stay because I had the

77
help I needed to continue education. If I had financial troubles, I wouldn’t continue school
because I do work part-time, and I’m the one paying for school.” When asked further about the
barriers she faced in college, she mentioned her undocumented status and the additional
challenges she faced:
I completed the form for the California DREAM Act. They don’t offer as much benefits
as FAFSA. For the DREAM Act, we get less like less money. I kind of just stood out
from everybody because not everybody had the FAFSA, and I had the DREAM Act, and
I didn’t understand why at that time. I just kind of questioned it more. I didn’t know why
other students received more money than me, and then later, I realized because I don’t
have the, well, what they have [citizenship]. I still don’t, actually. It’s just a very hard
process, but I just feel I’m like just always different from others, or like every time I meet
someone, they have everything here and I don’t. … I just felt I was really behind, and it
was just very hard to accept that because I’m also hard-working, and I want to do all of
these things, but I wasn’t able to because I wasn’t born here.
Not all the student participants explicitly shared their citizenship; however, college
affordability was a concern for both U.S. and non-U.S. citizens alike. Stephanie attended a
community college before her current 4-year institution and worked part-time at a minimumwage position to afford her education. Fortunately, Stephanie lived in a state that rallied to
protect undocumented immigrants and provided state-funded grants to students, which enabled
her to afford a college education as well as basic needs.
College affordability was a significant factor in the eight students’ choice of which
college to attend. Once in college, the participants worked various jobs and sought opportunities,

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such as scholarships and paid internships, to reduce the financial strain of focusing on their
studies.
Aspirational Capital
Female students from refugee backgrounds who aspire to higher education face language
barriers, financial constraints, and limited social networks. However, their aspiration to pursue
higher education is a form of cultural wealth that can motivate and inspire them to persist despite
these challenges. Yosso (2014) defined aspirational capital as the ability to maintain hopes and
dreams for the future, even in the face of real and perceived barriers. Two themes emerged
connected with aspirational capital: academic and professional goals and student contributions.
Theme 1: Academic and Professional Goals
All participants’ aspirations were clear, and they achieved much. Despite their humble
and even turbulent backgrounds, they found strength and resolve in themselves and through their
families to gain admission into some of the country’s most selective 4-year institutions.
Aspirations to complete college and pursue some of the most impacted majors or academic
disciplines, such as engineering and health sciences, have positioned them for success in
master’s and doctoral-level programs, medical school, pharmacy school, and law school as they
now plan to do. Remarkably, two participants are already pursuing a competitive master’s degree
through a progressive degree program during their 4th year at their institution.
Related to the participants’ choice of schools, seven participants attended a highly
selective 4-year public or private national research university. In the context of the literature,
students from low-income backgrounds do not apply to as many selective universities as their
more affluent peers; however, these women did. Despite being first-generation college students
from lower socioeconomic backgrounds, they gained various forms of capital throughout their

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lives from their familial and social networks. One important note is that the students had at least
one person in their life who encouraged them to apply to the schools they did, which was not
always the closest flagship state university. Three participants attended a university outside of
their home state, while five stayed in their home state, relatively close to their home.
The interviewees have academic and career pathways with strong indicators of a high
persistence rate. Only Ann was a 1st-year college student, while the rest were in their 2nd, 3rd,
or 4th year. Furthermore, STEM and social science majors were mostly represented. In terms of
academic preparedness, none of the research participants indicated that they would drop out for
reasons related to the difficulty of their courses. Instead, there were references to college
affordability made possible with financial aid and that if it were not for federal, state, and
institutional grants and scholarships, they might not have stayed in college.
Even in some of their fields, the participants acknowledged that they may be among few
students of color practicing medicine or law and could face more challenges in the professional
setting. Owli shared that she is pursuing pharmacy school and wants to impact the people
directly she hopes to serve. She mentioned wanting a “choice to work in a community dominated
by my people” to give back to the community directly. Intending to work in the health sciences
field, Owli has the opportunity to improve her own life and the possibility to make life better for
everyone, including her family and her community.
For those in similar situations, coming to the United States from countries even beyond
the countries the participants belonged to, wisdom is shared with other high school students from
similar who also identify as a refugee. Emmanuella shared that she mentors high school students
during the college admissions process and connected with someone from a similar background:
refugee, female, and Kenyan.

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Emmanuella summarized that community support and resources were necessary for her
family and others like her to rebuild their lives, especially when a sense of alienation and
otherness made it difficult to ask for help. Despite her struggles, there is hope for the future. She
reflected on her feelings about her background and achievements:
I think that resources are important for refugee students are coming from, like a
background where your parents are, essentially forced out of their home country, [they]
faced so much alienation from either government or their new land or government. It’s so
hard to ask [for help] because, like, to an extent, it’s like, we don’t want to overburden
anybody or like over-ask. And I think it’s very important to, like, transition from, like, a
scarcity mindset to an abundance mindset. It’s very, like a psychological thing for a lot of
refugees. And, like, refugee families, or unintentionally, like, you’re in this position, or
this mindset that it’s very hard, just months and years to even come to this country.
There’s a limited amount of even, like, placements in a different country. So, I think just
like psychological conditioning, and aren’t that often, like our family coming into a
different country, you’re automatically like, in this position, and they’re like, you have to
live with yourself, and there’s not enough for you to have access to. But I think it’s very
important to, like, show that there’s so much out there and that refugees, just like
anybody, should have access to these opportunities because we are both human beings
that deserve to thrive despite our backgrounds being underrepresented.
Emmanuella shed light on education as a right and the humanity behind students from
refugee and asylee backgrounds. Like Emmanuella, the other participants have expressed the grit
and potential students like them have to change their circumstances and trajectories. There is a
shift from a place of scarcity to being worthy of belonging to the new environment. Table 5

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shows the advice the participants would give to refugee students in high school in preparation for
college to still hope for the future.
Table 5
Advice for Refugee and Asylee Students in High School
Student What advice would you give other refugee students in high school?
Ann I got lucky to leave [Syria] early. They’re barely leaving now, you
know what I mean? And I think things are only getting worse there
[in Syria]. So, honestly, I think they do have that drive in them. I
would definitely tell them, I would just remind them I would get … I
would share my story, I would tell them, hey, I did this, I did that.
Emmanuella This [education] would make a huge difference for your families. And
this will open up many doors for your siblings, and this will
essentially change your viewpoint and your perspective on American
society. So, you should take this opportunity, and privileged chance
to be, like, highly educated, because that’s a once-in-a-lifetime
opportunity.
Jessica I think it’s really easy once you come here to just look at everyone
around you and what to do, like, and just, like, be not very nice to
yourself because you don’t have, you weren’t, you didn’t, were born
here. You didn’t speak the same language your whole life. You’re a
little behind. It’s always easy to say, “Oh, you’re behind, so it’s not
even worth trying,” but it’s not true. It doesn’t. There’s no being
behind or being ahead, or there’s just simply people with different
lives and different opportunities, and I’d say, like, always, like, try to
not compare yourself and try to work for what you want for yourself
and to have a little faith in your abilities because you can do a lot
more than what you think you can.
Kakuma First advice is having and, like, figure out what you’re passionate about
or like, even if you’re, like, not sure. Of course, experiment, but I
guess, like, just, like, try to, like, stay consistent with that passion.
So, of course, like, I guess, like, colleges or jobs can see that, like,
you have this interest, and it’s something that you do outside of
school. Like, on your free time. And I would also say, like, start
researching on colleges early as well and find out like why you want
to go there or kind of just like the purpose or like, even like all
specific maybe like specific programs the school has that will, like,

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Student What advice would you give other refugee students in high school?
benefit you, but also just like making sure that like if this is a school
you want to go to like.
Kristina Join as many clubs as you possibly can in high school because you can
meet so many people and have so many friends that you can. Share
your story, too, and everyone is interested in knowing you and
knowing about you, and do what you like. Don’t do what, like, don’t
compare yourself to others.
Owli I would say explore all of your options. Do not limit yourself because
of what’s going on at home. Even though I understand that’s
important, but I feel like my experiences would be so different if I
had not explored the options of going to other schools, and I would
probably not even apply. I’m not sure that I would have stayed in
school this long. If I was still back home because your family just,
especially as a refugee student, your family—they require a lot from
you.
Rose The best advice I would give them is, like, don’t let anyone make you
feel like you don’t belong there because I know, like, a lot of times
you like doubt if like this is where you what you should be doing
because you’re like like I don’t know if this is right or like a lot, like,
a lot of the other kids around you you might feel are like a lot more
successful than you or like, you know, there might be some, like,
microaggressions that you face and so I like and like coming into
[university name]. I think because [university name] is a
predominantly White institution and so it was it was it was definitely
hard. Like, you definitely get … was it called? … I forgot what the
term was for it, but it’s like where you feel like you don’t belong—
imposter syndrome. Like, I would say just, like, don’t, like, let that
stop you from my going for, like, you do belong. If there’s a space
for you, like make a space for yourself. So, yeah, I think that’s, like,
the best advice.
Stephanie There’s always going to be help. You don’t have to worry about
anything. Just stay in school and try your best, and that’s all that
counts. And help. I would say if they ever had questions, they always
have a counselor to go to, a professor to go to. There’s always
constant help in universities. They can always, like, make new
friends. Make new connections. That way, they won’t feel alone. I
would say join clubs as well because when I joined, I made new
connections.

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Theme 2: Student Contributions
In terms of how the interviewees envision themselves and others like them contributing
to the education setting, the responses were positive and reminiscent of what they achieved
despite their struggles. Jessica, from Venezuela, shared her perspective on others who were
forcibly displaced and their potential contributions:
A very different perspective of life. I think that the unfortunate situation of, like, having
to escape your country and move to a whole new one and learn how to be like the, like,
learn the culture and adapt to the culture and just assimilate everything and have to leave
behind part of your own identity and your own culture it’s it does change kind of how
you perceive the world and just kind of life in general and I feel like that is a valuable
skill because it makes you adaptable and it makes you like I think it makes you value
your opportunities a lot more than some people with some different situations.
Owli also discussed the lens through which students from refugee backgrounds can share
with their peers in open dialogues related to socioeconomic disparities:
I think that’s something that refugee students are able to help their fellow immigrant and
non-immigrant students with … in terms of, like, in the classroom, I feel like they’re able
to offer different perspectives, especially when there’s, like, seminars or like class
discussions about anything dealing with social or economic or just anything like that
when they’re able to offer a different perspective because they’ve had a different
experience in life in America than them.
Emmanuella talked about the counter-narrative for students from refugee backgrounds,
highlighting being a global citizen:

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I definitely think that refugee students bring a lot, especially in terms of, like,
diversifying the setting and the narrative. I think refugee students have, like, very
valuable life experiences, and, you know, kind of things that they encountered, that’s not
very common. And I feel, like, by bringing that to these settings is valuable for
institutions because they can essentially, like, get a global perspective. Like at [my
university], especially, like, mapping university values, like global perspective, just like,
you know, getting outside of your own world to become a better global citizen. I think
refugee students do exactly that. I also think that they bring a lot of like, like, empathy,
just, like, moral … they bring morality to an institution of dealing with refugees.
In many ways, the findings indicate that humanitarian efforts are needed in dire
circumstances, such as when people are fleeing war zones, religious persecution, and poverty in
an increasingly global society. Furthermore, demonstrating a commitment to helping those in
need can enhance a country’s international reputation and strengthen diplomatic ties with other
nations.
Other Significant Findings
Religious Life
The majority of interviewees were from Muslim countries, including Syria and Somalia.
As one of the characteristics that define one’s ethnicity, religion is also relevant as it intersects
with all other salient identities. Current world events and foreign policies have also brought
national and international attention to certain religious communities, especially those rooted in
Islam. Freedom from religious persecution is one of many reasons individuals may flee their
countries, and their religious affiliation and practices can also make them become targets of

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discrimination. At larger 4-year institutions, religious and spiritual communities acknowledge
students’ diverse backgrounds and create an inclusive space for them.
For example, Kakuma shared the positive impact of religious and spiritual communities
at her school:
I think something that has made my college experience just, like, better is … the Muslim
population on campus. I mean, it’s not like a large population, but like, it definitely has
just been there as a support system and has … helped me a lot.
For Ann, her religious identity was important to her, and it was part of the community she
belonged to that supported her family during the early resettlement stage. She recounted,
Yes, so cultural background, as well as religious background, so we are a Christian
family. And in Syria, you do, or in the past, you did have freedom to practice both
religions, Christianity and Islam, for whatever preference. But in Saudi Arabia, when we
did move there [after Syria], it’s strictly an Islamic country. Therefore, they would force
their religious beliefs on everyone who lived in the city or the country. … There was no
churches, strictly mosques.
For Kakuma and Ann, religious groups in the community and on campus provided a
strong social network and support systems.
Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic
The global pandemic at the start of March 2020 caused significant disruptions to the
learning experiences of the research participants, who had to adapt to virtual learning
environments during high school or college. The pandemic resulted in learning loss, missed
opportunities, and less instructional time with teachers and professors. At the same time, it also
allowed some flexibility with standardized testing requirements. The pandemic changed the

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landscape of test-optional policies. Kakuma mentioned not having to take the SAT, and Kristina
shared that she did not take International Baccalaureate exams due to the pandemic.
For Rose, whose interest is in global medicine, gaining clinical work experience at the
height of the COVID-19 pandemic by helping to extract blood from patients more easily to
detect antibodies was not something she could do ordinarily. COVID-19 was relevant and
current for her. She shared about an opportunity she participated in in healthcare delivery abroad:
They [study abroad program focused on medicine] want us to see, like, the challenges of
implementing healthcare in low-resource settings and because a lot of what global
medicine talks about is, like, you know, it’s not just the [United States] … or first-world
countries that have these resources. … There’s a lot of issues. So, like, for example, like,
… the pandemic has affected us globally, you know, more don’t feel like we are betterrounded individuals, and, like, you know, we’re able to be more culturally competent
when treating different patients of different backgrounds.
While Rose mentioned the disruptions the COVID-19 pandemic had on her life,
considering its relevance to her field of study, it also offered other opportunities for her to
expand on her experiences in medicine and global health as a future physician.
Discussion Research Question 2
The eight students’ experiences highlighted some barriers and opportunities that impacted
their persistence and degree attainment. To achieve their academic and professional goals, the
student participants utilized campus resources such as student support centers, academic
advising, cultural centers, internships, study abroad programs, and mental health support services
while in college. They were also attuned to the racial climate at their college campus and
experienced feelings of alienation and otherness for their multiple identities, including race and

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religious identification. While some opportunities bolstered their achievements, they recognized
that there were barriers in place, such as the high cost of attendance, undocumented status, and
lack of representation in the mental health services at their schools.
Conclusion
The findings in the different themes framed by community cultural wealth (Yosso, 2014)
provided a complex and multifaceted picture of higher education attainment for students from
refugee backgrounds. By analyzing students’ experiences through linguistic, familial, social,
navigational, and aspirational capital through the participants’ achievements, a more nuanced
understanding can pave the way to address barriers to increase the support systems and improve
the success rates of those who have been marginalized. While the female students from refugee
backgrounds may have grappled with issues of being first-generation college students from
minoritized backgrounds, there is an added layer associated with their later age of arrival to the
United States, not having the option of returning home, and the fear of family separation. For
students who have been displaced, are refugees, or are otherwise impacted by war, religious
persecution, political upheaval, natural disasters, and other global crises, the resettlement
experience can be improved with education and student support resources that are attuned to
refugee students’ needs.

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Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations
This qualitative study examined the experiences of female students from refugee
backgrounds pursuing higher education and the perceived barriers and support systems that
affected the achievement of their educational goals. The focal points of the research
encompassed the participants’ persistence in college and dedication to their academic and career
goals, the role of familial and social networks, and the academic support they received from high
school through college.
In addition to hearing the experiences of students from refugee backgrounds, a secondary
aim of the study was to inform programs, initiatives, and practices at the high school and college
level to better support refugee students in achieving their educational and career goals. In many
ways, the study affirmed that many factors that supported student persistence in college also
support first-generation college students from low-income backgrounds. In others, there is a need
for more student services that encourage an increased sense of belonging and well-being for
students from refugee and asylee backgrounds to integrate into the academic setting fully.
The following research questions guided this study:
1. What are the experiences of refugee and asylee students accessing and transitioning to
a highly selective 4-year university?
2. How do refugee and asylee students perceive the opportunities and barriers that
impact college persistence and graduation?
Discussion
While much is known about college persistence rates in the United States—whether a
student chooses to either continue or depart from college—measured by the percentage of
students continuing college from their first year to the second year, relatively little is known

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about refugee and asylee students in the higher education context. Two reasons include the noncompulsory nature of higher education and the small percentage of refugees who share their
refugee status or identity when applying to college. Issues of student citizenship or refugee status
identification in reporting could benefit from further aggregation as refugees, and asylees are
often grouped with immigrants or international students who may come from more educated and
wealthier backgrounds.
Language and Social Integration
In focusing on linguistic capital and the aspects of language integral to the refugee
experience, the participants shared their experiences developing their English language
proficiency, supporting their family as someone bilingual, and their cultural identities associated
with their native language. Aligned with the literature, the ease with which the interviewees dealt
with language was based on their age of arrival, frequency of language use, and length of time in
the United States (McBrien, 2005; Tang, 2021). Emmanuella, Kakuma, and Owli came to the
United States when they were very young and did not struggle to learn the language.
Emmanuella was encouraged to retain her heritage language, Somali, in the home and learn a
third language, Spanish, as one of her foreign language requirements at school. The findings
indicated that language, once at a level of proficiency, allowed students to perform academically
to advance to different grade levels and, eventually, transition from high school to college.
Apart from acquiring language, the age of arrival affected the acculturation process. For
the five students who arrived after the age of 9, considering the longer length of time spent in
their home country compared to those who came before the age of 2, they have retained aspects
of their home country. Their parents have lived in their home country much longer than in the
resettlement country and may have carried a traditional, conservative ideology. As a result, the

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students seemed more oriented toward their home country and described the pre-migration
experiences compared to those who arrived much younger.
In various instances, the research participants shared the alienation and isolation they felt
for not knowing English when they first resettled in the United States. In a way, learning the
dominant language was urgent because returning to their home country was neither safe nor
possible. Jessica, whose first language was Spanish, moved from Venezuela to a predominantly
White city in the Midwest, and wanting to fit into the host country as best as possible, she
mentioned the assimilation that was happening, even at the expense of losing her cultural identity
and language. Unlike the other participants who lived in or near ethnic enclaves, Jessica did not
have regular close interactions with others like her outside of her immediate family. For the other
interviewees, there was a strong indication that acculturation, as opposed to assimilation, was
happening, which allowed them to have strong relationships with their own culture and the
dominant culture (Berry, 1990). Success in language acquisition and acculturating was attributed
to the ethnic enclaves and cultural and religious communities the students belonged to (McBrien,
2005). This also brings to mind the ability of higher education to cultivate the positive
integration of students’ multiple cultural identities through shared language and cultural
communities on a college campus.
Researchers have demonstrated that language retention and acquisition were also related
to integration and acceptance; an added layer is that the students still felt othered because of their
race, ethnicity, religion, refugee background, or non-American citizenship status, among salient
identities (McBrien, 2005). Through the asset-based lens, students speaking more than two
languages have more to gain and can occupy more social spheres based on their linguistic
abilities.

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Refugee Families and Gender Expectations
In the analysis of the student participants’ familial capital, the emerging themes included
family support, parental involvement and influence, and gender and cultural expectations. Family
played a significant role in providing security, stability, and support.
Due to the family’s lower socioeconomic status, the students relied on programs and
opportunities at their institutions and eventually qualified for financial aid. While the parents did
not go to college in the United States or had the means to afford a private school education, test
preparation, academic tutors, and connections for their children to have an advantage, they were
a source of influence and motivation for their children. The participants attributed their decisions
to pursue higher education to their desire to turn their families’ lives around. They also chose to
attend a college near their home to be closer to family.
In the United States, female students are enrolling and completing college at a higher rate
than their male counterparts, which occurs alongside structural changes in the economy and
women’s role in the labor force (Pew Research Center, 2022). Coinciding with women’s
educational gains, the participants from refugee backgrounds understood the value of a college
degree and what it means for their earning potential.
According to UNHCR, school-aged girls around the world have fewer educational
opportunities and enroll in school at a lower rate than their male counterparts (2023). For female
students, there is a higher rate of dropping out due to a lack of prioritization of girls’ education,
early marriage, and responsibilities in the home, such as caring for younger children in the home
(UNHCR, 2023). The literature states that female refugees worldwide are particularly vulnerable
to exploitation and sexual and gender-based violence, especially during the transitory stages of
the refugee journey, which underscores the need for educational opportunities and access. With

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education, women and girls can rebuild their lives, protect themselves, earn more money, and
develop agency, thereby improving their lives and creating ripple effects in their families and
communities.
The participants did not mention gender-based violence during the interviews; however,
their gender expectations and the perceived vulnerability of being female were apparent. For
example, Owli, Kristina, and Rose mentioned that their male sibling could attend school in any
state he wanted, but the standard was not the same for them. Their gendered experiences affected
where they applied to and enrolled in college.
While certain choices were not their own—choosing to leave their home country, where
to settle, where to attend school at the K–12 level for the best possible outcomes—the
interviewees demonstrated resourcefulness and resilience. They recognized the patriarchal
societies they lived in, both in their country of origin and the United States, and prioritized
education for themselves and their families to develop a sense of agency. Their decisions
centered on a strong commitment to family, culture, and community.
The Impact of Community and Social Networks
Assessing social capital through school networks revealed themes such as socioeconomic
mobility, the role of counselors, college access and pre-college programs, and communities
within ethnic enclaves. The interviewees gained social capital at their schools, which meant
access to mentors, teachers, counselors, administrators, and individuals outside their immediate
family. However, several of them (Emmanuella, Rose, Ann, and Kakuma) attended underresourced high schools in districts with a higher concentration of students from poverty or lower
socioeconomic backgrounds. As a result, their schools may not have enough high-quality
academic counselors, teachers, or student support resources, impacting the entire school

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community. Despite that, the student participants found ways to supplement their high school
education by connecting with their counselors, applying to special programs, and leaning into
their family and community, including older siblings. Social capital can open doors, and in the
participants’ cases, it contributed to the opportunity to attend a 4-year university.
Some students mentioned attending pre-college programs and participating in college
access or pathways programs, which provided them with a new educational context to explore
and create new social networks. For Jessica, Rose, and Emmanuella, the residential pre-college
programs allowed them to become familiar with the resources offered at their universities and
gain insights into their career paths. Through highly personalized counseling and mentorship, the
students learned about the complex college admissions process and how they could navigate
higher education spaces.
Outside of school, the participants utilized and gained social capital through shared
cultural communities or ethnic enclaves. Earlier waves of refugees who had settled in specific
regions often played a role in encouraging and assisting families or individuals from their
country of origin. In many instances, these ethnic enclaves provided the student participant’s
families help to navigate challenges such as language barriers, housing, employment, and other
aspects of daily life (McBrien, 2005). Kakuma and Owli’s families moved to different states
several times to find employment where other Somali Bantus worked. The findings aligned with
the literature in that social integration and acculturation were made easier through successful
ethnic enclaves.
Racial Climate and Navigating Resources
Coming from countries like Syria, Somalia, Kenya, and Venezuela, the participants
represented diverse racial and cultural backgrounds. Crenshaw’s (1991) concept of

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intersectionality can be used to understand the complex refugee experiences as their refugee
identity intersects with their race, gender, and religious background. Because students’ refugee
status is not visible, other identities such as race, gender, and sometimes religion (if veiled) and
social class may overshadow it. The multiple and fluid identities depend on context and
demonstrate how the intersections of identities can create disadvantages and privileges (Ellis et
al., 2010). For example, the experiences of someone from Somalia may experience compounded
discrimination based on their refugee status, gender, Black racial identification, Muslim practice,
and lower socioeconomic status compared to a male refugee from a country like Ukraine, a
predominantly White Christian country. Kakuma, as someone who was veiled, faced additional
discrimination for her religious and cultural practices. The more divergent from the dominant
culture the participants were, the more they were at risk of discrimination, prejudice, and
rejection (Ellis et al., 2010). Considering the majority of the participants are from predominantly
Muslim countries, they are more at risk of being discriminated against, particularly during the
height of political polarity in the United States when anti-Muslim rhetoric was aimed at
immigrants, citing threats of terrorism and national security and safety concerns.
The four participants who attended predominantly White private 4-year universities had
to contend with being in a space that did not always have people like them in mind. The
student’s involvement in cultural communities affirmed their identities and revealed insights into
the racial climate at their institutions. Discrimination and microaggressions were at the center of
some of the participants’ stories, which speaks to the risk of having multiple minority statuses
(Ellis et al., 2010; Reynolds & Pope, 1991). Owli and Rose used words such as
“microaggressions,” “othered,” “condescending,” and “imposter syndrome” in describing how
they felt at their schools. Using cultural centers on campus, the participants had a space to share

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their identities and experiences and connect with others from similar backgrounds. Through
discourse, they can change the narratives of people impacted by displacement, shifting away
from viewing refugees solely as victims in need of aid or as potential threats to American
society.
The adverse effects of experiencing discrimination and microaggressions can include a
decline in mental health, which can affect the student’s sense of agency and learning, especially
in concentration and memory (Bajwa et al., 2017). While mental health resources are available,
Owli and Kakuma noted that there was not enough representation in the mental health
profession. While researchers have documented the susceptibility of the refugee population to
depression, anxiety, post-traumatic disorder, and other health issues from exposure to trauma,
experiences of war, persecution, displacement, and resettlement (Ringold et al., 2005; Bajwa et
al., 2017), the participants did not speak directly to traumatic experiences. Instead, they shared
more post-migration stressors such as discrimination, financial insecurity, and adjusting to their
new environment. They emphasized representation and feeling less represented than other
minority groups on campus. A reason for not discussing the trauma experienced during premigration and post-migration stages may be due to not experiencing direct trauma and the age at
which the participants arrived in the United States with their families.
Resilience and Ripple Effects
The participants are examples of what is possible if higher education is accessible to
girls. While the research participants represented a small percentage of students from refugee
backgrounds enrolled in college, their experiences and pathways into higher education serve as a
window into how they pursued competitive academic majors and persisted through college.

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For students from refugee backgrounds, attending a selective university can mean
significant strides toward upward socioeconomic mobility (Chetty et al., 2017; U.S. Bureau of
Labor Statistics, 2023). While the participants have not received terminal degrees yet, college
degree attainment has multiple benefits, such as higher graduation rates, increased earnings over
a lifetime, and better health and longevity (Giancola, 2016; Hoxby & Avery, 2012; U.S. Bureau
of Labor Statistics, 2023). Exposure to the benefits of attending highly selective schools through
academic advisors, career counselors, teachers, and college access program staff allowed the
students to understand the return on investment based on the level of degree attainment and the
institutions they choose.
The choice of a college major and institution impacts socioeconomic mobility. Seven
students attended highly selective research institutions with competitive majors, revealing how
attuned they were to the benefits of attending competitive schools and pursuing certain majors.
The types of academic disciplines the participants chose to pursue, specifically law, medicine,
and engineering, have the highest earning potential (Georgetown University Center on Education
and the Workforce, n.d.).
Kristina shared that she included her parents in every decision she made because of the
fear that she would lose them, alluding to the instances of family separation during wartime and
civil unrest. The interviews revealed a sense of indebtedness to parents for their sacrifices and
hardships. The participants’ families were why they chose their institutions and majors, as they
wanted to contribute to the family by being close or selecting a discipline that could support the
family. Table 6 summarizes the participants’ academic areas of study and educational goals.

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Table 6
Academic Areas of Study and Educational Goal
Student Major and minors Career or
educational goals
Ann BS in structural engineering Career
Emmanuella BA in law, history, and culture
Minor in political science
MS in law (progressive degree
program)
Law school or
doctoral program
(PhD)
Jessica BS in cognitive science Career
Kakuma BA in government/political science
Minor in data science
Law school (JD) or
other graduate
program
Kristina BA in psychology Doctoral program
(PhD)
Owli Pre-pharmacy Pharmacy school
(PharmD)
Rose BS in human biology
MS in global medicine (progressive
degree program)
Medical school
Stephanie BA in psychology Graduate school
Recommendations
This dissertation suggests recommendations to better support female students from
refugee backgrounds to enroll in highly selective 4-year institutions and persist through college
to achieve their career goals. The following sections provide recommendations for policy,
practice, and research.
Recommendation 1: For Policy
There is a need for improved reporting of refugee status disaggregated by race, gender,
age, religion, and country of origin at the federal and institutional levels to increase the number

98
of refugee and asylee students in higher education. With accurate data, these students can receive
more support at all institutional levels. Furthermore, research on refugee-focused educational
programs, student centers, or student groups at university campuses can shed light on how
educators, policymakers, and humanitarian workers can partner to increase the number of
refugees in higher education. Research on relevant university support specific to refugee students
is lacking as specific centers are not typically available, and students do not always report this
status.
Policy changes related to federal and state funding and institutional affordability
initiatives can open doors for students from refugee backgrounds and expand institutions’
commitment to access. In particular, students who are undocumented or have complications
related to their immigration status need resources and pathways that offer institutional aid in
addition to legal support. Dedicated scholarships tailored to refugees can help with educational
costs not covered by federal and state financial aid. Increased funding can pay for tuition,
housing, and basic needs. Additionally, increased funding can support educational and careerfocused programs that facilitate better social and academic integration. Implementing policy
changes at the federal and institutional levels can further shift the narratives around refugees by
recognizing them as vital contributors and leaders in society.
Considering the recent changes to the higher education landscape, with Affirmative
Action overturned by the Supreme Court (Inside Higher Ed, 2023), universities can develop
institutional strategies to maintain diversity on their campuses and strengthen DEI initiatives.
These programs can significantly support students from refugee and asylee backgrounds in
addressing racial and income disparities with access to 4-year institutions and support them
through degree attainment. This is significant to the study because most participants also

99
identified as students of color, and race played a significant role in their experiences in higher
education and American society at large.
From the findings, many participants utilized race-focused campus resources, such as the
office of DEI and cultural center, and alluded to wanting to see more university faculty, staff,
and health professionals of color. The opportunity to add more diverse students to the student
body and support structures that affirm students’ identities can minimize feelings of alienation
and otheredness. For some students, their institutions’ student equity and inclusion programs
were a means of coping with real and perceived discrimination and feeling like they belonged in
order to stay and persist on their campuses. To navigate higher education spaces, the
interviewees used resources in multicultural centers, racial affinity spaces, first-generation
support centers, undocumented student centers, international student offices, or a combination of
these.
By communicating the impact of diverse communities on college campuses,
policymakers, administrators, faculty, and staff at institutions can advocate for more resources
and funding that could benefit refugee students. Collaboration and partnerships among different
universities and colleges can lead to alternate ways to provide support and resources to students
of color amid the Affirmative Action ban. Such student support resources can include
mentorship, financial aid, mental health support, and academic counseling to increase persistence
and degree attainment. By investing more resources and strategies into college preparatory
partnerships and programs, campuses can be more diverse and have the resources to support their
students. Larger policy changes are designed to address long-standing systemic inequities that
can transform outcomes for marginalized people, including those who have been forcibly
displaced.

100
Recommendation 2: For Practice
Student-centered support structures can significantly improve pathways to higher
education. In some instances, it affirms and encourages practices already in place, such as
personalized college counseling, pre-college summer programs, mentorship, student support
services, and cultural communities to strengthen campus climate. In this study, I asked
participants what supported their academic success, and the results came largely in the form of
community cultural wealth. They emphasized the forms of capital they brought into their
educational environments, which is difficult to replicate. The participants entered their social and
educational spaces with familial, social, navigational, and aspirational capital and gained more
over time at their institutions. Proactive support can bolster refugee students’ successes, but there
is a need to tailor services to different students. Pathway, pre-college, or college access programs
can be more effective with more diverse representation among faculty, staff, and guest speakers,
allowing female students to see themselves in the university setting, in leadership positions, and
on high-earning career paths.
Program development can be institution-specific or in collaboration with K–12 schools,
community colleges, 4-year institutions, and advocacy groups to have a global reach. High
schools and universities can implement initiatives such as college access and high-impact
programs for students from underrepresented communities. The programs can be aimed at
increasing college access, providing scholarships and grants to cover the cost of attendance,
promoting economic opportunities, and supporting income mobility for first-generation college
students from low-income backgrounds. One such program that can be scaled or replicated is the
Global Student Haven Initiative, which includes a consortium of institutions such as CalTech,
Dartmouth, New York University, and Pomona College, working to help crisis-affected students

101
overcome barriers to continue their education. The program provides pathways for students to
apply and access resources, such as housing and mental health resources, that may allow them to
attend U.S.-based universities. While the Global Student Haven Initiative is in its infancy, as a
response to the war in Ukraine and the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan, it demonstrates its
commitment to reaching out to the world (Global Student Haven Initiative, 2023).
The refugee student-centered programs and training programs for faculty and staff can be
implemented with student equity in mind using liberatory design thinking, which includes the
following phases: notice, empathize, define, ideate, prototype, test, and reflect (Culver et al.,
2021). Design for equity in higher education emphasizes collaboration and shared ownership in
the design thinking process, wherein multiple key stakeholders use the design thinking model
(Culver et al., 2021). It builds on the previous liberatory model by extending and refining the
design process by restructuring the equity-minded practice to include the iterative process. The
Design for Equity in Higher Education consists of eight phases: organize, empathize, (re)define,
ideate, choose, prototype, get buy-in, and test (Culver et al., 2021). With accurate reporting of
refugee and asylee students that does not categorize them alongside first-generation college
students, students of color, or even immigrants, university staff and faculty can receive training
to better assist these students, whose backgrounds are sometimes rendered invisible. The
outcome of implementing programs with equity-minded design thinking could address the long
history of racial inequities and provide durable solutions to newcomers seeking refuge.
Another implication for practice is the need to implement counseling and mental health
services that include an intersectional and culturally sensitive approach for students who have
experienced trauma and migration stressors. By providing mental health support that is clinically
and culturally effective, female students from refugee backgrounds can better integrate into their

102
new environments in pursuit of their educational goals. It is important to note the biological and
socially constructed perspective of gender differences. Recognizing gender differences in risk
and susceptibility, access to treatment and care, and the impact of mental health issues, better
mental health support can be provided to students from refugee backgrounds, especially if they
have experienced post-traumatic stress disorder and gender-based trauma or sexual violence
(Vallejo-Martin et al., 2021). As students from refugee backgrounds navigate higher education,
their multiple identities shape their perceptions of their experiences. Providing mental health
counseling in which mental health clinicians and other health professionals are diverse and
culturally competent can enhance their understanding of the challenges refugee students face and
the potential trauma and mental health challenges they may carry with them.
Recommendation 3: For Research
Educational institutions at all levels will benefit by understanding refugee students’
experiences and how these support or hinder their goal achievement. One area of focus for a
better understanding of how to support the refugee community is to further examine how refugee
agencies work in tandem with governmental immigration institutions and universities. The
national government, refugee agencies, and 4-year institutions can collaborate to help students
earn a 4-year degree and reach their career aspirations. Higher education institutions can provide
immigration and legal assistance to refugees, offer clarity on admissions and financial aid
processes for refugee students, offer housing, and ensure that students from refugee backgrounds
can access campus services such as academic counseling, language support, and community
spaces for improved social integration.
The lack of research on the impact of forced migration on female students pursuing
higher education could benefit from longitudinal studies with a sample size that includes more

103
diverse populations. The sample consisted of eight participants; however, the study could be
improved by following students over 5 or 10 years to examine degree completion, graduate
school enrollment, employment, and earnings to understand intergenerational mobility. The
study could include more recent waves of refugees from countries like Afghanistan and Ukraine
or even minority groups within the refugee population to better understand the integration
process and unique aspects of the refugee experience as they navigate higher education spaces.
Additionally, the study could include both genders and cross-analyses to understand the
differences in experiences.
Another area for further research is how current high school seniors and college students
can be supported as they transition from refugee camps to a college education while still in their
country of origin. Specifically, the research should seek to understand how to use technology and
online learning to reach more refugee communities and whether institutions can scale these to
support refugees and asylees. Furthermore, changing political climates, immigration policies, and
the global pandemic reduced the number of refugees admitted to the United States. Technology,
as an area of study, could show promise in developing programs to ease resettlement.
Conclusion
The study sought to explore the experiences of female refugee and asylee students
accessing selective 4-year institutions and to examine how they perceived the opportunities and
barriers that affected their educational goals. Their perspectives were important as current
refugee crises unfold, and the number of refugees globally reaches 100 million. At the same
time, institutions focus on educational equity and dismantling racism in higher education in light
of governmental rulings and changing educational landscapes in which they can play a
significant role in changing perceptions of refugee communities and their resilience.

104
Despite the significant challenges the participants faced during the different stages from
resettlement to their undergraduate studies, they have demonstrated resilience, resourcefulness,
and strength. They had personal stories of the family and community support they received and
had specific goals of attending graduate school, law school, and medical school or pursuing their
careers right after college. None mentioned anything that implied their intellectual ability was a
reason for not persisting but mentioned a lack of affordability, undocumented status, and
unwelcoming spaces. By examining policies and bolstering practices and resources that make
higher education more attainable for refugee students, the participants’ successes can expand to
many more.

105
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Appendix A: Recruitment Flyer
Appendix A: Recruitment Flyer

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Appendix B: Recruitment Email
Hello Higher Education Community,
My name is Dan Phan, an EdD candidate focusing on Higher Education Administration
at the University of Southern California’s Rossier School of Education. I invite enrolled
undergraduate students who are students of refugee backgrounds to volunteer as a participant in
my study about U.S. higher education attainment for refugee and asylee students. Eligibility for
this student includes:
1. 18 years or older
2. Identify as a student with a refugee or asylee background
3. Identify as a female and woman
4. Current undergraduate student at a 4-year university or college
The purpose of this study is to study the experiences of refugee and asylee students
accessing and transitioning to a highly selective 4-year university and to examine the
opportunities and barriers that impact college persistence and graduation. Considering the low
percentage of students who identify as refugees or asylees on the college application, refugee
students in higher education remain under-researched. Thus, the study focuses on the narratives
of refugee and asylee students who have successfully navigated the K–12 school system and
pursued college in the United States. Furthermore, the study is designed to understand the factors
that supported or hindered their persistence and the ultimate goal of completing their
undergraduate degree. Additionally, the goal of this study was to impact institutional practices
that encourage higher college enrollment. The study can help identify what universities can do to
improve the experience for marginalized students like refugees and asylum seekers—placing the
onus on the institutions to meet their students’ needs.

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Due to the continued impacts of COVID-19, this study has made in-person contact
optional. I also understand students may have limited access to reliable internet services;
therefore, students have the option to participate online or by telephone.
For this study, students are invited to participate in one semi-structured interview, and
will be scheduled according to students’ availability. Each interview may take about 45–60
minutes. The interview will consist of questions regarding students' background, resettlement
story, and overall experience transitioning to and attending the campus they are enrolled in.
Students will also be offered a $25 Amazon or Target gift card for their participation. If
students are eligible and interested in participating in this study, please direct them to complete
this brief (5 minutes) online survey: https://usc.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_00cazVvEEeEm806
or https://tinyurl.com/3ccbj27n (TinyURL)
To prospective collaborators/participants, please know that your responses to this survey
and interview questions will remain confidential, and only I, the Principal Investigator, will have
access to any identifiable information. Once your eligibility is confirmed, I will reach out to you
to schedule the interview via Zoom. If you proceed to volunteer to participate, please note during
any point of the study, you can refuse to answer any questions, participate in any activities, or
quit the study; this decision will not have any negative implications. Should you have any
questions or concerns, please do not hesitate to contact me.
Thank you for your time and consideration. I look forward to working with you!

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Appendix C: Screening Questionnaire
1. Are you over the age of 18?
2. Do you identify as a woman/female?
3. Do you identify as someone from a refugee background?
4. What is your country of origin?
5. At what age did you arrive in the United States?
6. Are you currently attending college? YES/NO
• If yes, please enter your college. (will use display logic/skip logic)
• If no, survey will be complete
7. What year will you graduate from college? (Drop down menu for Class of … )
8. Would you be interested in participating in an interview about your college
experiences? YES/NO
• If yes, what is your email address and preferred pseudonym?
• If no, survey is complete

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Appendix D: Interview Protocol
Hello XX. My name is Dan Phan, and I am conducting research on refugees in higher
education. The purpose of the study is to learn about the experiences of refugee students in
higher education and the factors that support their success in enrolling in and graduating from
college. I am hoping to impact institutional practices that encourage higher enrollment in college,
including communities that have been historically marginalized. This interview is confidential,
and we will use pseudonyms. Do you have any questions about the study? I am hoping to record
this interview for notetaking and thorough analysis. Do I have your permission to record this
interview?
1. Icebreaker question (Tell me about yourself.)
2. Tell me how you came to live in this area.
3. What were your motivations for pursuing higher education? (RQ 1)
4. Can you share more with me about your transition into college and what that was like
for you?
5. What types of support did you receive on your college applications and financial aid
applications at your high school? Examples include financial aid, scholarships,
standardized test prep, admissions counseling, after-school or summer programs, etc.
(RQ 1)
• What would you say was most helpful?
• What was least helpful?
6. Who and/or what influenced your decision to apply to college? (RQ 1) In what ways
were they supportive?
7. What challenges or barriers did you face when applying to college? (RQ 1)

117
• To what extent have you been able to overcome those challenges? (RQ 2)
• What barriers still exist for you? (RQ 2)
8. What influenced your decision to attend your university/college?
9. What are some of the opportunities that supported your academic achievement
outside of your regular classes? (Internships, summer research opportunities, study
abroad, etc.) (RQ2)
10. Some refugee students may choose not to apply to college or attend college due to
financial costs. What would you tell them?
11. Suppose you had any kind of academic or non-academic resource accessible to you to
set you up for success. What would be it and why? (College counselor, summer
programs, mental counselor, academic or writing support, test prep, etc.)
• at the high school setting? (RQ 1)
• at the college you’re attending? (RQ 2)
12. What do you think students of refugee backgrounds can offer to college students in
terms of experiential education? (What are the strengths, skills, and experiences that
refugee students bring?)
13. What are you looking forward to after graduating?
14. What were the critical factors that are contributing to your college persistence?
15. If you were mentoring other refugee students in high school on the pathway to
college, what advice would you give them?
16. Is there anything else you would like to share with me?
Thank you for taking the time to speak with me and contributing to this study to improve
student support services for refugee students. I hope that it would be okay if I followed up with

118
you to ask additional questions and to share the research findings so none of your statements are
misinterpreted or represented. To support this research, could you pass on any names of other
students who have refugee backgrounds who may be interested in participating in this interview?
Thank you again for being generous with your time today.

119
Appendix E: Information Sheet for Exempt Research
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
3470 Trousdale Pkwy, Los Angeles, CA 90089
INFORMATION SHEET FOR EXEMPT RESEARCH
STUDY TITLE: Higher Education Attainment for Students from Refugee Backgrounds
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Dan Phan, EdD Candidate
FACULTY ADVISOR: Sheila Bañuelos, EdD
You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Dan Phan, under the
supervision of Professor Sheila Bañuelos from the University of Southern California, because
you are aged 18 or older and identify as a female or woman and a current college student with a
refugee background. Your participation is voluntary. This document explains information about
this study. You should ask questions about anything that is unclear to you. You can keep this
form for your records.
PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to study the experiences of refugee and asylee students
accessing and transitioning to a highly selective 4-year university and to examine the
opportunities and barriers that impact college persistence and graduation. Considering the low
percentage of students who identify as refugees or asylees on the college application, refugee
students in higher education remain under-researched. We hope to impact institutional practices
that encourage higher enrollment in college that allow spaces to be truly inclusive of all students.
You are invited as a possible participant because you identify as a student with a refugee
background.
PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
You will participate in a semi-structured interview via Zoom video conferencing
platform. The interview will be approximately 45-60 minutes in length. The interview will be
recorded; however, if you wish, you may continue to participate using the audio recording only.
If you decide to take part, you will be asked to complete a brief questionnaire and
schedule a 1-hour Zoom interview.
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will receive a $25.00 electronic gift card for your time. The electronic gift card will
be emailed to you after the completion of the interview.
CONFIDENTIALITY
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California Institutional
Review Board (IRB) may access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

120
When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used. All survey and interview data will be kept confidential in a passwordprotected file and computer and will be deleted after three years.
For any audio/video recording, you have the right to review the recordings and transcript.
All identifying information will be replaced with pseudonyms of your choice.
INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact Dan Phan and Dr. Sheila
Bañuelos.
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant,
please contact the University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-
0114 or email irb@usc.edu.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Phan, Dan (author)

Core Title Navigating transitions: experiences of female students from refugee backgrounds in higher education

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2023-12

Publication Date 09/29/2023

Defense Date 08/22/2023

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag asylees,college transitions,critical race theory,Higher Education,OAI-PMH Harvest,refugees,Yosso's community cultural wealth

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Banuelos, Sheila (committee chair), Kim, Esther (committee member), Tobey, Patricia (committee member)

Creator Email danthiphan@gmail.com,dantphan@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113719165

Unique identifier UC113719165

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Legacy Identifier etd-PhanDan-12404

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Phan, Dan

Internet Media Type application/pdf

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Source 20231004-usctheses-batch-1100 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu