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Increasing representation of Black male hip-hop educators in the community colleges in California

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Increasing representation of Black male hip-hop educators in the community colleges in California

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Increasing Representation of Black Male Hip-Hop Educators in the Community Colleges
in California
by
Damien Lamar Danielly

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

August 2023

© Copyright by Damien Lamar Danielly 2023
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Damien Lamar Danielly certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Lawrence Bradford
Jennifer Phillips
Helena Seli, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

iv
Abstract
Community colleges in California suffer from the lack of Black male hip-hop educators, that is,
educators who are authentic to urban hip-hop culture and advocate for policies and curricula
supporting the success of urban youth, despite potential negative consequences associated with
that identity. This study explored the racialized experiences of Black male hip-hop community
college educators. Twelve self-identified hip-hop educators working in community colleges
throughout California participated in qualitative interviews via Zoom. Despite the participants’
varied racialized experiences, overall themes emerged that mirror findings from previous studies
about Black males working in the education field. The participants reported unfair hiring
practices, lack of pathways to leadership roles, lack of sense of belonging, and racism and
microaggression as the biggest roadblocks they had to overcome in achieving leadership roles in
the community college setting. Based on research findings, in order to narrow the education gap
between Black students and higher-scoring student populations, schools are striving to boost the
representation of Black educational leaders. Increasing Black student success allows for higher
degree attainment in all disciplines, which would then allow Blacks to begin to have increased
success and create equity in industries outside of education. The study culminates in
recommendations for Predominantly White Institutions should implement to increase the number
of Black male hip-hop figures in leadership roles. These recommendations include creating
pathways to leadership roles, implementing mentor programs, interrogating hiring practices, and
implementing diversity, equity, and inclusion strategies designed to combat racialized
experiences.

v
Dedication
This work is dedicated to my ancestors, the ones who were killed in their homes, the ones who
chose the bottom of the ocean instead of being taken from home, and the ones who endured, so
that I could be here today. Thank you. Asé.

vi
Acknowledgements
I am thankful for all God has done for me and appreciative of the strength he has given
me to endure over a lifetime to get to this point. Having a strong network of family and friends
has been instrumental in supporting me with this tremendous achievement. I am so grateful for
my loving family, Latoya, Isaiah, and Harper, for having patience with me over the past few
years. Thank you for allowing me to pursue my dreams. I am looking forward to the time we will
have back with each other. I am grateful for my parents, Angela and Thomas, and sister, Katrina,
who have given me a lifetime of necessary support to me in reaching this goal. I appreciate and
love my brothers Monte, Johnny, Mike W., Mike M., Eduvie, Antony, Romano, Blaine, Marcel,
and Rolando. Without your daily inspiration, I would not be where I am today.
I appreciate my many USC peeps that helped me accomplish this goal. Kristi, thank you
for being a tremendous friend and inspiring me to be a part of this program. Thank you for
instilling the confidence in me that I could “easily” complete this program, whatever that means.
Cohort-19 and the friends we picked up along the way, top to bottom, you were pretty amazing,
and I appreciate how much of a team we have been. Thursday Night Crew, what a run! What a
special moment of time and space in our lives. I wish I could have seen and hugged you a bit
more, but sometimes all you need is love. Janet, Monique, and Tiffany, I owe you special thanks,
for always helping ease the burden. Dr. Seli, you were simply a pleasure to work with. Thank
you for being such an encouragement and so professional. Your support was instrumental. Dr.
Phillips and Dr. Bradford, I appreciate you taking your time, effort, and energy with guiding me
through this process.

vii
It truly takes a village. Beyond the people listed, there is an army of folks who have
supported me to get where I am at. Thank you. I will do my best to continue to make you proud
going forward.

viii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................... x
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ xi
List of Abbreviations..................................................................................................................... xii
Chapter One: Introduction to the Problem of Practice.................................................................... 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 2
Field Context and Mission .................................................................................................. 5
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions .................................................................... 6
Importance of the Study ...................................................................................................... 6
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology .................................................... 7
Definitions........................................................................................................................... 8
Organization of the Dissertation ......................................................................................... 9
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ......................................................................................... 10
Current Status of Black Student Academic Performance in Higher Education ................ 10
Factors Influencing the Academic Success of Black Students ..........................................11
Hip-Hop–Based Education ............................................................................................... 17
Critical Race Theory ......................................................................................................... 22
Factors Affecting Representation of Black Higher Education Leaders ............................ 25
Study’s Conceptual Framework ........................................................................................ 33
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 34
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 36
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 36

ix
Overview of Methodology ................................................................................................ 36
The Researcher.................................................................................................................. 37
Data Source: Interviews .................................................................................................... 38
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 38
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 40
Data Collection Procedures ............................................................................................... 41
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 42
Credibility and Trustworthiness ........................................................................................ 42
Ethics................................................................................................................................. 43
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 45
Participating Stakeholders ................................................................................................ 46
Findings for Research Question 1 ..................................................................................... 48
Findings for Research Question 2 ..................................................................................... 55
Findings for Research Question 3 ..................................................................................... 65
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 73
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations......................................................................... 75
Discussion of Findings ...................................................................................................... 75
Recommendations for Practice ......................................................................................... 78
Limitations and Delimitations ........................................................................................... 84
Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................................ 85
Implications for Equity ..................................................................................................... 86
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 87
References ..................................................................................................................................... 89
Appendix: Interview Protocol ..................................................................................................... 104

x
List of Tables
Table 1: Participant Characteristics .............................................................................................. 47

xi
List of Figures
Figure 1: Study’s Conceptual Framework .................................................................................... 34

xii
List of Abbreviations
HBCUs Historically Black Colleges and Universities
PWIs Predominantly White Institutions

1

Chapter One: Introduction to the Problem of Practice
Colleges and universities across the United States have a low number of Black male
administrators and tenured faculty (Earthman & Pinkney, n.d.; Turner & Grauerholz, 2017).
Black males account for only 3% of faculty at colleges and universities; only 13% of
administrators are Black, male and female combined (Turner & Grauerholz, 2017). The number
of Black male administrators and tenured faculty members immersed in and exuding hip-hop
culture, which contributes to an effective yet underutilized approach to pedagogy, is even lower
(Hicks Tafari, 2018). Because most Black administrators come from faculty ranks (Fujii, 2014;
Webster & Brown, 2019), the current low number of Black male faculty members represents an
even smaller pool of Black administrative candidates in the future. Black males can make a
significant contribution to hip-hop pedagogy, which is a powerful teaching tool that could be
more widely deployed to address the struggles of Black youth in schools across the country
(Karvelis, 2018). The lack of Black male role models reduces the number of opportunities for
Black male students influenced by hip-hop, as authenticity and “representin” play such a vital
role in who they are as educators (Irizarry, 2009, p. 490). Without Black educators, there is no
one to implement the pedagogy and policies Black male students need to be successful.
Black students continue to have significant gaps in achievement, including retention,
certificates awarded, and degrees earned, compared with other student populations (Reddy &
Siqueiros, 2021). The lack of an effective pedagogy to support Black students is one of the
consequences of not having a significant number of Black leaders (Bridges, 2011). Black
educators allow students the opportunity to receive culturally relevant curricula and hear about
culturally relevant experiences that non-Black leaders may not have experienced (Turner &
Grauerholz, 2017). Leaders at Primarily White Institutions (PWIs) traditionally have rejected
2

hip-hop culture, which has prevented educational institutions from choosing some of the most
qualified educators. Often, within places where hip-hop resides, such as Historically Black
Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) and Black Greek Letter events, one can find some of the
educators who are most efficient and successful at taking culturally relevant pedagogy and
mixing it with mainstream education (Baszile, 2009).
Background of the Problem
Although the lack of Black administrators and tenured faculty has existed since schools
were desegregated in 1954 as a result of Brown v. Board of Education (Stout et al., 2018), it has
been identified as a problem only recently, in relation to the academic struggles of Black boys
(Hicks Tafari, 2018). While the data have shown the lack of Black leaders to be a major issue,
little has been done to address the problem (Hicks Tafari, 2018). The nationwide problems
surrounding the suspensions, special education referrals, low success rates, and high drop-out
rates of Black students are some of the salient factors supporting the need for more Black leaders
(Hicks Tafari, 2018). At community colleges, the enrollment of people of color has continued to
increase, but the growth rates of faculty and administrators of color remain stagnant (Fujii,
2014). With many financial incentives being tied to equity and the success of all students, more
schools now have greater motivation to support Black students and help increase their success
rates (Fain, 2018). Even with knowledge of the problem and the desire to implement changes,
multiple elements within the culture of PWIs hinder changes from taking place (Webster &
Brown, 2019).
PWIs often cite the lack of qualified applicants as a reason for not having more Black
male administrators and tenured faculty (Earthman & Pinkney, n.d.). The shortage of qualified
Black male candidates stems from a variety of issues. Key factors include the lack of ability to
3

pay for education, the lack of support networks within the PWIs, the lack of relevant curricula
for Black students, and a lack of belief in the system (Earthman & Pinkney, n.d.; McGaskey et
al., 2016; Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015). Black males already have a variety of obstacles they must
overcome, such as access to and affordability of education that would assist them in achieving
leadership positions (Sparkman, 2021). Once they advance to leadership positions, in many
instances, they report that negative experiences make the positions undesirable (Louis et al.,
2017; Sparkman, 2021).
Many Black people experience both blatant racism and microaggressions in their daily
lives in the workforce (Franklin, 2008). Black leaders often find themselves in these spaces of
leadership without allies who share the same positionality; therefore, Black leaders may feel
isolated, amplifying some of their negative feelings (Louis et al., 2017). Black males in higher
education have voiced frustration with being held to a higher standard than people of other races,
being tasked with more responsibilities, and not being given enough resources to accomplish the
work with which they are tasked (Webster & Brown, 2019). Racism and microaggressions are
less prevalent than in the past because they are visible, and organizations can directly address
these problems. However, Black males have pointed to the invisible systemic barriers in place
that continue to cause harm (Liera, 2020).
One factor that makes systemic barriers difficult for Black males to overcome is that they
must rely on the support of allies who are not Black (Fujii, 2014). Black males must wait until
the individuals who control organizations realize there are not enough Black males, and then the
controlling individuals must be willing to work to make changes within the organization (Liera,
2020). The consistently low numbers over the years demonstrate that most organizations have
yet to be willing to voluntarily take steps to address diversity issues. It often requires events such
4

as the George Floyd murder to motivate organizations to act on diversity issues (Duval, 2020).
Frequently, those changes are surface level, designed to appease the masses until the attention
shifts focus to the next major headline (Guynn, 2020). Hiring personnel who do not recognize
their blind spots and biases inadvertently perpetuates a system that does not seek out diversity
(Freas & Guzman, 2019). Even if organizations have positive intentions, misplaced initiatives
and practices further serve as roadblocks (Liera, 2020). A genuine focus on students’ success will
ultimately lead academic institutions to have appropriately diverse leadership (Wessel &
Wallaert, 2011).
Some studies have pointed to the increased success rates of Black students who have
Black male teachers, as well as the increased success rates of all students when a school has a
diverse faculty (Stout et al., 2018). Thirty years ago, hip-hop was not even in consideration as an
academic topic. That has shifted tremendously, as several studies have shown hip-hop pedagogy
to be beneficial not only to students who grew up in an urban environment or connect to hip-hop
culture, but to all students (Wessel & Wallaert, 2011). This does not mean that Black educators
are the only ones who should implement a hip-hop pedagogy. White educators can be as effective
as Black educators in implementing hip-hop pedagogy (Irizarry, 2009). Still, hip-hop is
considered a Black art form, and because hip-hop pedagogy is not a standard part of most
curricula, the pool of White teachers effectively able to implement that pedagogy is not as large
as the pool of Black teachers (Karvelis, 2018). One of the roadblocks preventing Black hip-hop
educators from being able to formally teach is the lack of proper education credentials. When
Black hip-hop educators do have the credentials, often they do not belong a network in which
schools are likely to locate them (Karvelis, 2018). The individuals with the natural disposition to
5

teach these courses will not be found in the traditional recruitment spaces for PWIs (Emdin,
2021).
Field Context and Mission
The present study sought to examine Black hip-hop educators who work in community
colleges throughout the state of California. California has rethought its policy recently to support
increasing Black student success (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021). California’s decision to develop a
funding formula that increases dollar amounts to colleges that decrease the success gaps between
Blacks and more successful student populations has motivated colleges to come up with
strategies to help Black students (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021). Some colleges have opted to build
support programs such as Umoja and A2Mend to encourage Black student success (California
Community Colleges Black and African American Advisory Panel, 2020). Other colleges have
focused on preventing financial aid barriers or implementing stronger career education programs.
Despite the proven effectiveness of some of these strategies, colleges across the state have been
slow to implement them, so there is much work still yet to be done (California Community
Colleges Black and African American Advisory Panel, 2020). At the state level, more than 60%
of Black students do not earn a degree or certificate or transfer to a 4-year college within 6 years.
Only 3% of Black students in the state transfer within 2 years (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021).
Particularly since the death of George Floyd, California community colleges have
reengaged their commitment to social justice and equity (Duval, 2020). Black employees across
the state have joined together to form various task forces to ensure the work is being conducted.
In 2022, more than 350 Black educators in California made a historic trip to Ghana, Africa, to
connect with the past of Black Americans and leverage that rich past to inspire students today
(Southwestern College, 2022). Although California continues to be an innovator in education,
6

this study revealed what more can be done to increase the number of Blacks in leadership in
community colleges.
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to explore the racialized lived experiences of Black male
hip-hop educators in the context of professional advancement in community colleges across
California. Having more culturally conscious Black people in leadership positions produces more
culturally relevant curricula, pedagogy, and policies (Khalifa, 2013). Black leaders implementing
these elements will help reduce the gap in graduation, certificates, and retention rates between
Black students and their peers (Hall, 2017).
The following research questions guided this study:
• Research Question 1: What are the organizational roadblocks that Black male hip-hop
educators encounter when attempting to become tenured faculty or administrators in
the community college setting?
• Research Question 2: How do racialized experiences in the community college setting
impact how Black male hip-hop educators view their long-term future in the
organization?
• Research Question 3: What approaches do Black male hip-hop educators report that
community colleges can implement to increase the number of Black male tenured
faculty and administrators?
Importance of the Study
The importance of this study is multilayered. Primarily, exploring and addressing the
hindrances to the advancement of Black educators has a direct impact on Black faculty, staff, and
students in the educational space. Black students, along with Black employees, navigate many
7

obstacles at PWIs, and this study provided insight into how institutions can make the experiences
better for both parties (Louis et al., 2017; McGaskey et al., 2016). All students and employees,
regardless of racial identity, ultimately benefit from exposure to new information, cultures, and
perspectives (Stout et al., 2018).
Beyond education, there is also a larger communal impact that affects every space in
which Black people operate (Gligor et al., 2021). Black males’ struggles with achieving
administrative and leadership positions are not isolated to education (Gligor et al., 2021). Black
male executives are underrepresented within the Fortune 500 ranks (Guynn, 2020). At Apple, out
of 123 executives, only one was reported as a Black male (Guynn, 2020). In politics, the
numbers of Black male leaders are not favorable either (Guynn, 2020).
Many of the issues associated with lack of representation stem from lack of education
(Stout et al., 2018). The lackluster public education system prevents future opportunities for
Black males (Allen, 2020). When students struggle early in their academic experience, it affects
their long-term education pipeline (Allen, 2020). Due to the nature of education, which exhibits a
general lack of support for Black males, the highest educational credentials often elude Black
males (Scott, 2016). The consequences of Black males not earning the highest educational
credentials include having limited opportunities to achieve roles outside of education, whether
these are administrative positions or not.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
This study sought to explore the racialized lived experiences of Black male hip-hop
educators. Therefore, I selected critical race theory (CRT) as the study’s theoretical framework.
In the context of CRT, study participants’ experiences are primarily focused on systemic issues
such as those related to institutions and systems (Fortin, 2021). CRT seeks social and economic
8

justice outside the traditional methods of achieving these outcomes. It contains five tenets: (a)
racism is the norm, not the exception; (b) race is a social construction; (c) stories and
counternarratives are important; (d) interest convergence directs civil rights progress; and (e)
Whites have been the top benefactors of civil rights legislation (Wilkerson & Wilson, 2017).
Previous CRT studies have focused on Black students within PWIs, but the present study
specifically examined Black male educators attached to hip-hop culture, in order to explore an
area that few have researched and produce novel information.
In this study, I used a qualitative methodological approach. Semi-structured interviews
provided the depth of answers necessary to produce the counternarratives that led toward
solutions to the problems (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Because the study explored lived
experiences, I chose qualitative interviewing as the method that would produce the most
appropriate responses (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). With so few studies conducted among this
population, this study looked at the existing roadblocks the participants encountered and the
counternarratives that displayed the resilience of the Black employees who continue to work
despite these roadblocks.
Definitions
Key terms of the study are defined in the following list:
● Hip-hop educators refers to staff, counselors, faculty, or administrators working in
primarily White educational institutions who do not hide the authenticity of their hip-
hop positionality (Watkins, 2005).
● Hip-hop pedagogy refers to a philosophy in teaching that emphasizes the inherent
value in urban culture. Bridges (2011) described it as “a critical epistemology or a
theoretical frame that challenges our beliefs about teaching, shapes our conception of
9

the function of schooling, and informs our understandings of the qualities of effective
educators” (p. 3).
● Primarily White Institutions (PWIs) refers to educational institutions whose norms,
values, and pedagogy reflect those associated with colonialism and typically have a
population of more than 50% White students (Scott, 2016).
● Student success rates refers to the rates at which a student population is enrolled,
successfully transferring, and completing certificate and degree programs (Reddy &
Siqueiros, 2021).
Organization of the Dissertation
This chapter introduced the problem of practice related to low numbers of Black tenured
faculty and administrators, specifically Black educators who embrace the hip-hop culture of
urban students. Chapter Two provides historical context via a review of studies on the lack of
Black males in leadership roles, in and outside education, while incorporating landmark
information from the limited list of studies on hip-hop pedagogy. Chapter Three outlines the
methodology in detail, specifically the interview design, recruitment, sampling, and data
analysis. Chapter Four presents an analysis of findings that are leveraged to inform the
discussion and recommendations in Chapter Five.

10

Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
Many studies have examined the academic success of Black students. Far less literature
has focused on the Black male population that strongly influences the success of these students,
particularly hip-hop educators. This review explores the barriers Black male hip-hop educators
encounter as they attempt to achieve administrative and tenured faculty positions.
Current Status of Black Student Academic Performance in Higher Education
Recently, higher education institutions have increased their focus on the success of Black
students (Carthell et al., 2020). Black student struggles are not a new problem, and many
academic institutions have worked to address them. For the past 20 years, PWIs have been
putting resources into increasing the success of Black students, but many of them have not
achieved the positive results desired (Tinto, 2012). Nevertheless, some colleges have done the
work and been able to close the gaps. Therefore, this work is feasible for schools that make the
proper investments (Engle & Theokas, 2010). Many schools have successfully created and
implemented retention programs for Black students (Brooks et al., 2013; Carthell et al., 2020).
States such as California aid this progress by presenting legislation such as Assembly Bill
705, which sought to give more minority students access to transfer-level courses by requiring
colleges to eliminate remedial courses (Freas & Guzman, 2019). Lack of a network and support
are often cited as causes of the lower success rates of Black students (McGaskey et al., 2016).
Black students do succeed; when students have the proper support, they see increased success
(Earthman & Pinkney, n.d.). College sports are an example of programs that support student
success (NCAA Research Staff, 2009). Often, these programs are built on a network of ex-
coaches, ex-players, and alumni serving current athletes as mentors and providing resources and
11

structure. Research conducted by the NCAA Research Staff (2009) showed that 49% of Black
student athletes were graduating compared with 38% of non-athlete Black students.
For California, the success rates for Black community college students are low compared
with other populations (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021). Only one third of Black students in
community college earn a certificate or transfer within 6 years (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021). In
addition, the number of Blacks achieving bachelor’s degrees is also not high (Reddy &
Siqueiros, 2021). Black students are not capturing these degrees in large enough numbers to have
the qualifications to be considered for leadership positions within education and other industries
(Earthman & Pinkney, n.d.; Sparkman, 2021).
Factors Influencing the Academic Success of Black Students
Research has identified specific factors that influence the academic success of Black
students, including low representation in the student body, lack of Black mentors and networks to
support Black students, and lack of resources for Black students, just to name a few (Bridges,
2011; Earthman & Pinkney, n.d.; Turner & Grauerholz, 2017). Schools have demonstrated that
when these gaps are closed, the success rates of these students increase (Turner & Grauerholz,
2017). Until the gaps are closed, Black students will continue to have significant gaps in
achievement, including retention, certificates awarded, and degrees awarded, compared with
other student populations (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021).
Schools must prepare to support Black students in multiple capacities for them to be
successful. When Black students receive the same support, resources, and sense of belonging as
their White peers, they see similar success (Earthman & Pinkney, n.d.). Educational institutions
and organizations in all industries have recognized the problem and addressed it, but generally
they have had little success in rectifying the issue (Sparkman, 2021), and some of their actions
12

could be viewed as performative (Guynn, 2020). Institutions have not been able to increase
Black student success because they have not identified the lack of support and resources as the
primary problem hindering Black students (Sparkman, 2021). Additionally, PWIs sometimes do
not want to spend money on Black student success because they have other priorities (Sparkman,
2021).
Representation of Black Students in the Student Body
Black students’ college representation issues in California stem from K–12 problems
(Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021). Only 77% of Black students are graduating, which is 11% lower
than their White peers, and only 41% have completed the A-G requirements that allow them
admittance into UC or Cal State, 15% lower than their White peers (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021).
This results in fewer Black students enrolling in various forms of college (Reddy & Siqueiros,
2021). Black students cite a lack of sense of belonging as a consistent reason for their struggles,
which may cause them to drop out (Conner et al., 2022; Louis et al., 2017; Scott et al., 2018).
HBCUs serve as the exception, as they are some of the few academic institutions where Black
students have access to Black faculty and administrators (Kim & Hargrove, 2013). However,
only a limited number of students have access to these institutions, so Black students must
navigate institutions where few or no students or employees look like them.
The Criminalization of Black Students
The criminalization of Black students feeds into the low numbers attending PWIs
(Beachum & McCray, 2004; Low, 2010; Wacquant, 2000, 2001). Within higher education, this
same criminalization of Black students occurs with students of other races who possess hip-hop
traits (Low, 2010). This criminalization causes these students to be excluded, suspended, and
sanctioned more often than non-hip-hop White students (Gregory et al., 2010). Beachum and
13

McCray (2004) coined the term “cultural collision” when referring to the challenges faced by
students with Black identities, hip-hop identities, or any minority identities seeking acceptance at
PWIs. Black culture experiences rejection at PWIs (Khalifa, 2013); therefore, the people
associated with Black culture have that same experience. In addition to representation within the
student population, Black students need someone “representin” for them within the school
(Irizarry, 2009).
Black Student Social Capital: Lack of Mentorship and Networks
When there are few Black employees, Black students lack options for mentor figures
(McGaskey et al., 2016). Black students need to be sure educators can understand their
experiences (McGaskey et al., 2016). Strong networks can serve as a viable alternative to
mentors for Black students, as networks provide another avenue for students to navigate college
(Sparkman, 2021). However, the lack of Black leaders at colleges to sponsor, promote, or advise
these organizations prevents them from existing on many campuses (McGaskey et al., 2016).
The lack of Black students also contributes to the problem of fewer networking options (Webster
& Brown, 2019). Having friendships while in school supports networking, but Webster and
Brown (2019) found that Black students often report feelings of loneliness at PWIs because the
lack of Black students sometimes limits their options for friends. Studies focused on Black
student success often recommend more strategic and intentional efforts to provide networks and
mentors for Black students (McGaskey et al., 2016; Sparkman, 2021).
The literature has strongly indicated that Black male students struggle with building
rapport with faculty; therefore, they cannot establish relationships with faculty (McGaskey et al.,
2016). In addition, advisors at PWIs also seem to lack the ability to support Black males to their
satisfaction (Burrell, 1997; Ellis, 2001). As a coping mechanism, Black students often seek the
14

help of other Black peers to support them through their academic journey; however, with the
limited presence of Black peers, this often proves difficult (McGaskey et al., 2016). As a result,
Black males must seek support outside their educational setting, including family, friends, and
other organizations (Austin, 2002; Ellis, 2001; Sweitzer, 2009).
For Black educators, attempting to achieve an advanced degree presents more challenges
than an undergraduate degree (McGaskey et al., 2016). There are fewer Black faculty the higher
one advances in education, leaving even fewer mentoring options than the already low number of
options Black students had in their undergraduate program (McGaskey et al., 2016). Not only do
these hip-hop educators not have a solid network to help them professionally within, but as they
pursue their doctoral degrees, they have no significant educational network to support them
either (McGaskey et al., 2016). Black male graduate students experience many of the same
issues as Black male undergraduate students (Felder & Barker, 2013; Gildersleeve et al., 2011).
The feelings of marginalization, isolation, and discrimination serve as prominent experiences of
Black males in graduate programs (Ellis, 2001; Felder & Barker, 2013; Gildersleeve et al., 2011;
Lewis et al., 2004; Turner & Thompson, 1993).
Lack of Representation of Black Faculty and Administrators
Having authentic Black leadership and teachers in place is a critical factor in supporting
the success of Black students (Irizarry, 2009). Most of the mainstream pedagogy teachers
develop does not influence urban students in the same manner as other student populations
(Söderman, 2013). Urban administrators, who are often Black and can better relate to the
students because they had similar experiences growing up, can better implement policies to
support these students’ success (Irizarry, 2009). The Black talent pool can fill more
administrative and faculty positions (Bridges, 2011). The problem is the PWI recruitment
15

strategy (Emdin, 2021). It is difficult for PWIs to find Black male hip-hop educators because
these educators rarely inhabit the places in which PWIs search (Emdin, 2021). Therefore, PWIs
must be willing to explore nontraditional spaces to locate new Black talent (Bridges, 2011). The
increase of Black leaders in the educational area has proven to increase the success rates of Black
students, but all student populations experience increases in their success rates when exposed to
the diversity of Black educators (Stout et al., 2018).
Implicit Bias and Microaggressions
Similar to lack of representation, when individuals constantly experience implicit bias
and microaggressions, it negatively affects their sense of belonging. These continuous
experiences lead students to experience racial battle fatigue (RBF) (Smith et al., 2011). Racial
battle fatigue can cause a person to have headaches, shaking, anxiety, high blood pressure, and
other physical symptoms (Smith et al., 2011). The symptoms that occur from RBF often result in
students not wanting to be at an institution and potentially leaving, and many times if they stay,
they have decreased success rates (Smith et al., 2011). RBF symptoms can be challenging for
Blacks to combat because the culture of the behaviors that cause the symptoms is so
institutionalized that people are not always aware they are committing these microaggressions
(Smith et al., 2011). The prevailing culture at many PWIs ignores these issues. Not all
educational institutions are committed to an excellent experience for Black students. Black
students are often alienated, adultified, and criminalized as they attend PWIs (Hicks Tafari,
2018).
Lack of Culturally Relevant Pedagogy and Curriculum
Hip-hop pedagogy serves as an example of a culturally relevant pedagogy (Bridges,
2011; Khalifa, 2013). The term culturally relevant pedagogy was coined in 1995 by Ladson-
16

Billings. Academic success, cultural competence, and sociopolitical consciousness constitute
culturally relevant pedagogy (Waldock, 2019). Hip-hop pedagogy is relatively new in
mainstream acceptance, and academic studies on the topic began only in the early 1990s (Hall,
2017). One of the roadblocks associated with educators attempting to implement hip-hop
pedagogy is challenges to the rigor of the curriculum (Hall, 2017). Although more than 25 years
of peer-reviewed research has validated the effectiveness of hip-hop pedagogy, the roadblocks
are systemic (Hall, 2017). Hip-hop pedagogy does not necessarily mean radical. Elements of hip-
hop, such as the “call and response” and “cypher,” can effortlessly intertwine in a lesson plan to
serve as an effective strategy for engaging urban youth (Hall, 2017). The data reflect the success
hip-hop pedagogy can facilitate for the academic portion of the learning, and the approach
stresses advocacy skills so students can begin to fight for their own communities (Waldock,
2019). Students feel as though they need to be able to advocate for themselves and therefore
engage with the hip-hop curriculum; the relevancy is salient (Newman, 2007).
The lack of effective pedagogy and Black mentors and leaders are correlated (Bridges,
2011). The lack of effective pedagogy is one of the consequences of not having a significant
number of Black leaders (Bridges, 2011). Black faculty and administrators allow students to
receive culturally relevant curricula, and they understand students’ cultural experiences, which
non-Black leaders have not had (Turner & Grauerholz, 2017). Struggles between PWI leadership
and Black youth make it difficult for institutions to accept hip-hop culture (Low, 2010). The
rejection of the culture hinders educational institutions from hiring people with the background
to organically succeed in implementing hip-hop pedagogy (Liera, 2020; Low, 2010). Institutions
cannot rely on traditional pipelines to locate the most effective faculty to implement hip-hop
pedagogy (Emdin, 2021). They must be intentional about searching in places vibrant with hip-
17

hop culture, because it is within these nontraditional spaces where institutions can find educators
with much potential to successfully take culturally relevant pedagogy and mix it with
mainstream education, which can lead to academic success for Black students (Baszile, 2009;
Emdin, 2021).
Hip-Hop–Based Education
Academic studies of hip-hop culture are in their infancy, as research in this context
started only 30 years ago, but its significance has grown strong (Baszile, 2009; Low, 2010). In
2015, hip-hop was Spotify’s most streamed music genre (Hooton, 2015). Educators have used
popular culture to support education for a long time (Bridges, 2011; Irizarry, 2009). Regardless
of how teachers or administrators attempt to regulate their classrooms, students will bring hip-
hop culture into the educational spaces (Khalifa, 2013; Low, 2010).
Hip-Hop and Academia
Students tap into hip-hop culture for various reasons: It is who they are, they are trying to
distract from their academics, or they are trying to gain the respect of their classmates (Khalifa,
2013). Educational institutions should leverage students’ interest in hip-hop to influence student
success (Hall, 2017). Khalifa (2013) showed that regardless of academic success, being in an
environment that utilized hip-hop pedagogy helped students become comfortable with their
identity as academic students. When and where hip-hop pedagogy is implemented should be
based on the question “What’s the big idea?” (Hall, 2017, p. 343). By asking that question, Hall
sought to explore whether there was any purpose or reasoning behind implementing the
pedagogy that fit into a broader scheme. Urban inner-city youth are a population for whom hip-
hop pedagogy often makes sense (Bridges, 2011; Hall, 2017; Khalifa, 2013).
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Hip-hop is a diaspora of many different people, cultures, and lifestyles. According to
Bridges (2011), “‘Hip Hop’ is a term used to describe the collective experience, modes of
thinking, and epistemologies of urban youth” (p. 326). Michael Eric Dyson, a prominent Black
academic scholar, coined the term “hip-hop scholars,” which refers to individuals connected to
hip-hop culture who must navigate that culture while still upholding the standards of universities
(Watkins, 2005). Their authenticity plays a critical role in this equation (Söderman, 2013).
“Keeping it real” (Guy, 2004; Petchauer, 2009) has long been a motto of hip-hop culture. An
honest relationship between students and administrators, guided by the motto, is vital to
developing effective strategies to increase Black student success (Irizarry, 2009). Hip-hop
scholars were some of the first to discuss how hip-hop could be used as a pedagogy to support
the success of urban youth (Petchauer, 2009; Söderman, 2013).
Hip-hop educators, who were the focus of this study, are the individuals who facilitate
hip-hop pedagogy and curricula. Students engage in hip-hop pedagogy because it allows them to
question what they hear about drug use, violence against women, government corruption,
discrimination, and a host of other societal challenges (Karvelis, 2018; Waldock, 2019),
particularly the norms, values, and standards associated with Whiteness (Guy, 2004). With
critical dialogue, students receive the opportunity to develop thinking and problem-solving skill
sets that they can use in their communities (Waldock, 2019). The decoding and writing skills
they gain while deciphering hip-hop texts prove helpful in any English class (Waldock, 2019).
Opposition to Hip-Hop in Academia
PWIs have not traditionally accepted hip-hop pedagogy as a legitimate academic strategy
(Bridges, 2011; Hall, 2017; Low, 2010; Wessel & Wallaert, 2011). Two factors have had a
significant influence on this rejection: hip-hop’s notion of challenging the world around it and
19

the belief of educators that hip-hop has a negative influence on students (Bridges, 2011; Hikes,
2004). Students generally have an entirely different framing of these perspectives than do
educational institutions (Wessel & Wallaert, 2011).
One aspect of hip-hop teachers take issue with is one of the primary reasons students
connect with it to a significant degree (Bridges, 2011). The opportunity to question and challenge
is essential to the culture of urban youth (Bridges, 2011). But when students interpret ideas and
events in undesirable ways, this threatens the teacher and can undermine what some of these
institutions are attempting to accomplish (Petchauer, 2009). Mutual understanding between
student and teacher is important, because if administrators and teachers cannot derive meaning
from actions or words associated with hip-hop culture, it will be difficult to find any value in it
(Low, 2010). Sometimes, hip-hop’s statements can explore realities that school systems and the
government are reluctant to acknowledge (Emdin, 2021). Even though it can be difficult, these
statements must receive scrutiny if schools hope to capture the trust of students (Emdin, 2010,
2021).
Additionally, some educators believe hip-hop music and culture negatively affect students
inside and outside the classroom (Evelyn, 2000; Hikes, 2004; Stewart, 2004). Educators often
fear that hip-hop lyrics will be inappropriate (Karvelis, 2018; Low, 2010). The inappropriate
lyrics are compounded by the fact that educators and teachers not connected to the culture often
cannot identify what language is appropriate for a classroom setting (Callahan & Low, 2004;
Low, 2010; Mahiri & Sablo, 1996). They may not know a term is explicit or the meaning behind
an acronym. This lack of insider knowledge can threaten educators, as they do not want to lose
their label as an expert (Callahan & Low, 2004; Mahiri & Sablo, 1996). Low (2010) described a
student who could fool his teachers into thinking “shells” meant pasta shells when it meant bullet
20

shells, and a “burner” was a heating device when it was a gun. It is a tough challenge, as some
students attempt to manipulate the situation, and themes of murder and abuse are frowned upon
and often are against the rules in educational institutions (Low, 2010). Newman (2007) found
that when teachers and administrators accept hip-hop music, they typically prefer it to be of the
conscious variety, as opposed to hardcore rap.
Students’ Perceptions of Hip-Hop in Academia
Students tend to hold different perspectives about hip-hop compared with the institutions
they attend (Evelyn, 2000; Irizarry, 2009; Wessel & Wallaert, 2011). In contrast with teachers
and administration, Newman (2007) found that students prefer hardcore rap because the
capitalistic values associated with the music are often more relatable. Many urban youths have
aspirations of getting rich and owning exotic cars and jewelry (Newman, 2007). Some faculty
and administration have pointed to rap music as being a distraction from students’ studies
(Newman, 2007). Some also believe hip-hop will influence the morals of the students negatively,
affecting their behavior in the classroom, which leads to a negative effect on student learning
(Newman, 2007). Students tend to believe they can party to, listen to, or generally do anything
related to hip-hop, which does not affect their classroom performance (Evelyn, 2000). Students
also have been found to make meaningful connections to art, history, and language through hip-
hop (Wessel & Wallaert, 2011). Many elements are a part of hip-hop culture. Hip-hop presents
itself differently to a diverse group of people (Irizarry, 2009; Petchauer, 2009). Hip-hop is about
representation, and students are attracted to it because it is a culture in which they are welcome
to be a part (Emdin, 2010; Irizarry, 2009). Infusing components of hip-hop into the lesson plan,
such as the cypher, drum beats, and call and response, engages students in work that occurs in
the classroom (Freas & Guzman, 2019).
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Using Hip-Hop to Promote Black Student Success
Educational institutions have begun focusing on how they can support Black males due to
their low success rates, and leveraging hip-hop is one method to support them (Freas & Guzman,
2019). The low rate of Black male educators has inspired initiatives to find Black male educators
in some spaces (Scott, 2016). Still, despite some schools’ efforts, the number of Black male
administrators and faculty members is meager. Black males who have lived in urban
environments can present hip-hop pedagogy effectively to urban students (Goings & Bianco,
2016; Irizarry, 2009; Lewis & Toldson, 2013). Based on the numbers, it is apparent that more
institutions need to put in the effort required to find educators familiar with urban environments
(Scott, 2016). Teachers implementing hip-hop curricula or pedagogy have been punished and
sanctioned (Hall, 2017; Irizarry, 2009). Some teachers make risky career moves to implement
hip-hop–related pedagogy or curricula because many at PWIs understand the value of hip-hop
pedagogy; however, the traditional norms hold strong at institutions (Hall, 2017). The desire is
evident in the many teachers seeking training and strategies for implementing hip-hop pedagogy
(Hall, 2017).
Some assume that Black teachers already have the tools to implement a culturally
responsive pedagogy, which is not necessarily the case (Jackson, 2015). Black teachers go
through the same training and educational institutions as White teachers, so there is no reason to
assume they have a more profound knowledge of how to implement a culturally responsive
pedagogy (Khalifa, 2013; Theoharis, 2008). Even if an individual can implement a culturally
responsive pedagogy in their classroom, only those students in the classroom reap the benefit,
and the institution at large may still have an issue (Khalifa, 2013). School administrations must
be involved and intentional about creating safe spaces for Black students and pathways for
22

teachers to implement their pedagogy to instill it in the institution’s culture (Khalifa, 2013;
Theoharis, 2007, 2008).
Critical Race Theory
This study focused on the relationship between Black male hip-hop educators and
community colleges, most of which are PWIs (Scott, 2016). Because hip-hop education emerged
so recently, little research has been conducted on the racialized experiences of hip-hop educators.
As a theoretical framework, critical race theory allows one to learn how these racialized
experiences affect the individuals (Baszile, 2009; McGee & Stovall, 2015). By understanding the
racialized experiences of faculty, staff, and administrators, recommendations were made to
develop solutions to the issue of the lack of Black male hip-hop educators (Conner et al., 2022).
Many themes characterize critical race theory (Jackson, 2015). In relation to education, it
contains five salient tenets: Whiteness as a property, interest convergence, disputing
colorblindness, counter-storytelling, and the permanence of racism (Jackson, 2015). For this
study, counter-storytelling played an essential role in the framing. Its significance as an effective
rhetorical strategy is why counter-storytelling is central to studies focusing on education or hip-
hop (Baszile, 2009; Bell, 1995; Wilkerson & Wilson, 2017). The stories of minorities are told by
Whites primarily, and through counter-storytelling narratives, minorities can provide a different
perspective that sometimes clashes with the majoritarian view (Baszile, 2009; Wolfe & Dilworth,
2015). Counter-storytelling sometimes provides access to knowledge that was not available
previously. It also allows for comparisons between the narratives of various races, and one can
see if different races experience similar or different roadblocks in their goals for career
advancement (Baszile, 2009; Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015).
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Just as powerful as counter-storytelling is the understanding of the permanence of racism
in many of America’s institutions, including educational institutions. Bell (1992) stated that
racism was an oppressive norm, not just an oddity in this society. Before 2016, theoretical
analysis of racism within higher education primarily stemmed from K–12 education (Ladson-
Billings & Tate, 1995) and the field of law (Bell, 2004). Patton (2016) built upon this work,
developing foundational tenets for critical race theory in higher education. First, he asserted, U.S.
higher education is deeply rooted in White supremacy and racism. Second, U.S. higher education
institutions are deeply engaged in imperialist and capitalist activities that directly contribute to
racism and oppression. Finally, U.S. higher education institutions serve as vessels to
propagandize White supremacy and racism. CRT disputes the claim that individuals are the
catalyst for racism in this country. Instead, it asserts that institutions are sustaining the
infrastructure to hold racism in place (Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015).
Racism has a role in how people understand society (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001; Ladson-
Billings & Tate, 2017). Colorblindness, not acknowledging the issue of race, is not an effective
strategy for mitigating concerns of systemic racism (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002; Stovall, 2006;
Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015). Ignoring counter-stories limits the information the individual has
available to process decisions properly. Proponents of colorblindness in education would propose
that all students receive the same treatment, and this type of thinking avoids acknowledging the
reality of racism’s adverse effects (Wilkerson & Wilson, 2017).
The tenet of Whiteness as property addresses the tangible and intangible benefits of being
White in U.S. society (Wilkerson & Wilson, 2017). Traditionally, Whiteness as a property has
been associated with property ownership and the conferment of rights. White people avoiding the
slavery experience is one of the most prominent nontangible examples of privilege in the United
24

States. It can be difficult to comprehend the generational effects of slavery without having that
experience.
Finally, interest convergence references the idea that for Blacks to achieve equity, those
interests must first align with the interests of White decision- and policy-makers (Wilkerson &
Wilson, 2017). According to the literature, the best chances Blacks have of advancing any
agenda is when White people do not feel threatened or when they will experience some
socioeconomic or political benefit (Wilkerson & Wilson, 2017). Wilkerson and Wilson (2017)
discussed a significant issue for Black principals within education. Many are placed in
turnaround or lower-ranking schools, where their chances of success are minimal. Their limited
results at such schools provide ammunition to stereotype Black leaders as not being as effective
as their White peers. If educational institutions were more invested in creating successful Black
leaders, the typical placement of the leaders would change, resulting in increased success
(Wilkerson & Wilson, 2017).
As society collectively becomes more aware of many identities previously not
recognized, critical race theory serves as an essential framework. According to Solórzano and
Yosso (2002),
Critical race theory advances a strategy to foreground and account for the role of race and
racism in education and works toward the elimination of racism as part of a larger goal of
opposing or eliminating other forms of subordination based on gender, class, sexual
orientation, language and national origin… [It] is a framework or set of basic insights,
perspectives, methods, and pedagogy that seeks to identify, analyze and transform the
structural and cultural aspects of education that maintain subordinate and dominant racial
narratives in and out of the classroom. (p. 25)
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Education has traditionally, whether intentionally or not, served as a tool to uphold White
supremacy, and equity within this area can boost access to leadership within education
(Sparkman, 2021). This, in turn, affects access to other industries as well. This framework allows
one to look at these systems from a previously unexplored perspective, and this research informs
recommendations to improve these institutions (Webster & Brown, 2019). CRT has come under
fire, and many U.S. states do not allow CRT lesson plans in schools; however, very little
academic research has disputed the legitimacy of CRT (Sawchuck, 2021). Institutions that would
restrict CRT are examples of the institutions CRT was created to study (Wolfe & Dilworth,
2015).
Factors Affecting Representation of Black Higher Education Leaders
The literature on the lack of Black educational leaders has provided an assortment of
issues educational institutions need to address to better support Black employees (Allen, 2020;
Fujii, 2014; Turner & Grauerholz, 2017; Webster & Brown, 2019). Not surprisingly, many of the
problems PWIs have with Black students are the same problems they experience with Black
employees (Franklin, 2008; Khalifa, 2013; Hicks Tafari, 2018). The lack of Black mentors, the
lack of Black networks, and the lack of equitable hiring or admissions practices plague both
Black students and Black employees at PWIs (Conner et al., 2022). The issues surrounding lack
of support that detract from success among Black students and employees run hand in hand, and
policy changes related to race and culture have the potential to affect both Black students and
employees (Franklin, 2008; Khalifa, 2013; Hicks Tafari, 2018). Due to the persistent lack of
support for Black education leaders, there is sufficient evidence that these problems will not
organically rectify themselves (Turner & Grauerholz, 2017; Webster & Brown, 2019). PWIs
26

must be intentional in finding solutions to provide sufficient support for Black leaders (Webster
& Brown, 2019).
Education as a Barrier to Career Advancement at PWIs
The lack of necessary education is one of the most prominent factors that prevent Black
males from obtaining leadership positions (Earthman & Pinkney, n.d.; Sparkman, 2021).
Educational institutions do not consider many Blacks to have the skill set to serve as leaders of
these institutions. Many Blacks do not consider these positions because they do not believe they
can obtain the necessary education (Earthman & Pinkney, n.d.). Educators continuing their
education for promotion or advancement purposes struggle with the same issues as
undergraduate students (Earthman & Pinkney, n.d.). Black males can have similar academic
success to Whites and other high-achieving groups when the nonacademic barriers are removed
(Earthman & Pinkney, n.d.).
Lack of Network to Support Career Advancement at PWIs
Many Black students do not have access to a strong network during the undergraduate
experience. This problem is compounded when Black students attempt to succeed at the graduate
level (McGaskey et al., 2016). With a more intense curriculum at the graduate level, the
additional responsibilities of work or perhaps families, and the high costs of graduate school,
Black graduate student stressors can be different from those of undergraduates (Earthman &
Pinkney, n.d.). Having a strong network is still very important for Black graduate students
because being successful in a graduate program requires skills that may not be necessary for an
undergraduate program (Earthman & Pinkney, n.d.). The lack of Black leadership means few
individuals will strongly advocate for Black support programs and groups or lead and advise
these groups (Sparkman, 2021). Many studies have demonstrated that Black students have
27

negative experiences with faculty and advisors on campus (Golde, 2000; McGaskey et al., 2016).
These poor relationships directly affect the outcomes of Black students and, in some instances,
cause students to drop out (Golde, 2000). Black students often must find networks outside their
educational institution (McGaskey et al., 2016). Some students can guide themselves through
this process, but others may eventually leave a program. Sometimes, when an entire network is
not an option, students opt for mentors who may be able to provide similar support to networking
groups (McGaskey et al., 2016).
Lack of Mentoring
The lack of Black leadership leading to a gap in networking programs for Black students
carries over to mentoring (Golde, 2000). Harper (2012) established that Black males in higher
education have a favorable perception of mentorship. Not only do mentors support mentees in
navigating systems, but they often nurture their skills and talents (Kim & Hargrove, 2013).
Developing meaningful peer-to-faculty interactions is critical to understanding social capital, and
mentoring provides that opportunity for Black students (Webster & Brown, 2019). Unfortunately,
without Black mentors, students do not have an outlet when they struggle (Golde, 2000). Often,
Black students do not know how to access the basic services of the institution that can support
them in achieving more success (Golde, 2000). To increase student engagement and success,
institutions need to be proactive in developing mentor programs before building their Black
leadership (Brooks et al., 2013; Carthell et al., 2020). The social capital of Black students
interacting with White faculty can increase their resilience in the workspace (Webster & Brown,
2019).
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Lack of Cultural Understanding of Black People
Even when Black people achieve leadership positions, they often compromise themselves
to achieve their career goals (Dickens & Chavez, 2018). They deemphasize aspects of their
identity and replace them with behaviors socially accepted in PWIs, a process called identity
shifting (Shih et al., 2013). Identity shifting is the coping strategy individuals develop when
attempting to lower the chances of racial discrimination (Dickens & Chavez, 2018). Boyd (2003)
referred to individuals who compromise themselves as the “race man” (p. 5). Emdin (2021)
called them “Oreos”: “brown on the outside but White on the inside” (p. 42). Identity shifting
affects more individuals than just the Black male population. The literature consistently identifies
this as a problem affecting other groups, including Black women, Latinx people, and many
minority populations (Dickens & Chavez, 2018; Macias, 2003). Until institutions can ensure
Black people are comfortable in their identities in these spaces, it will be difficult for more
Blacks to obtain the educational credentials they need to achieve career success because some
will not assimilate (Dickens & Chavez, 2018).
Lack of Policy Focused on Equitable Hiring
Educational institutions’ unwillingness to make policy adjustments that lead to structural
changes continues to hamper the ability of Blacks to have opportunities for tenured faculty and
administrative positions (Liera, 2020). Many colleges have normalized race-neutral approaches
by promoting the idea of colorblindness. This philosophy alleviates schools’ responsibility to
address racial disparities (Liera, 2020). However, adding Black students does not automatically
translate to success; adding Black administrators and faculty will not ensure equity if culture and
policy changes do not occur (Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015). Hiring Black administrators and faculty
to promote equity events and programs is necessary, but it does not address the prominent issues.
29

More important are the policies geared toward supporting Blacks implemented by White
administrators (Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015).
Black educators need the support of their non-Black allies (Turner & Grauerholz, 2017).
Systemic racism makes it difficult for Blacks to be comfortable enough to enact the changes
necessary for equity independently (Squire, 2020). Black faculty and administrators often do not
have a safe space to speak freely about encountering inequities (Squire, 2020; Turner &
Grauerholz, 2017). Black employees in higher education often consider tenure and promotion
opportunities when deciding how vocal they want to be about injustices (Squire, 2020). Many
say they make thoughtful statements when they speak on important issues to prevent their words
from being taken out of context (Turner & Grauerholz, 2017). Policies and procedures within
higher education privilege Whiteness, and these structural barriers are not welcoming for Blacks,
nor do they lead to them thriving (Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015). Hiring Black administrators and
faculty is essential but does not address the systemic problems (Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015).
Changing policies that remove structural barriers is crucial in assessing racism and
microaggressions prevalent in higher education.
Inequitable Recruitment and Hiring
Blacks must navigate numerous challenges when it comes to inequitable hiring practices
for tenured faculty and administrative positions (Webster & Brown, 2019). In Webster and
Brown’s (2019) study, faculty members noted more diversity at their school if they committed to
a diverse hiring committee and consistently applied equitable hiring practices. Unfortunately, the
default seems to be faculty hiring people with whom they are comfortable, which affects
diversity. Specific roadblocks that contribute to Blacks not being hired for leadership roles
during interviews include coded language that does not sufficiently address the topic of race; the
30

acceptance of ignorance when it comes to diversity, equity, and inclusion issues; and having
token Blacks and minorities serving on hiring committees (Sensoy & DiAngelo, 2017). Sensoy
and DiAngelo (2017) described these practices as “colorblind hiring routines” (p. 1955).
Higher education institutions must create networks or pathways for Blacks to achieve
administrative and tenured faculty positions (Scott, 2016). Several other dynamics beyond race
factor into the equation, such as a lack of equity training, apathy toward the lack of networking
opportunities for Blacks, and the constant leveraging for power (Liera & Dowd, 2019). In
addition, the bickering and power struggle between faculty and administration prevents the
meaningful conversations that would lead to the necessary changes in policies (Fujii, 2014).
Lack of Professional Networking Opportunities
The lack of Black leaders within PWIs not only significantly affects students’ success but
also hinders the career advancement of Black male hip-hop educators (Sparkman, 2021). Past the
hurdle of educational barriers, leadership positions within the field of education are not typically
awarded based on performance but through personal and professional networks (Dingerson et al.,
1980). With the vast majority of leaders within PWIs being White, it makes it more difficult for
Black males to achieve leadership positions, considering the “old boy” networks through which
White males reach these positions are often racially homogenous (Dingerson et al., 1980, p. 11).
Yet again, the lack of Black male leaders in PWIs affects aspiring Black leaders in two
capacities. Participants in Webster and Brown’s (2019) study emphatically acknowledged that
relationships matter when receiving promotion opportunities. Black males reported that they
have no one to support them with professional development that can potentially lead to
promotion opportunities (Webster & Brown, 2019).
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Experience of Implicit Bias and Microaggressions
Racism and microaggressions toward Blacks contribute to the low number of faculty and
administrators (Turner & Grauerholz, 2017). It is difficult for Blacks to thrive in a hostile
working environment. Even when Blacks have the qualifications for a role, their skills and
abilities are constantly questioned (Turner & Grauerholz, 2017). In a study by Turner and
Grauerholz (2017), all participants stated they were frequently questioned about their
professional knowledge to handle the role. The participants in the study also unanimously agreed
that they must exercise caution when proactively developing themselves, which is highly
encouraged for White employees. Any activities outside of their specific job functions raise red
flags regardless of the benefit of these activities. Blacks also encountered various instances
where “colleagues not only made comments or gave unorthodox compliments about their attire
but also made disparaging assumptions surrounding their reason from their clothing choices,”
constituting “wardrobe microaggressions” (Louis et al., 2017, p. 682). This issue resonates with
Blacks because, in the study by Louis et al. (2017), none of the prompts addressed wardrobes.
Still, all participants made sure they mentioned those microaggressions concerning their
clothing. The examples of racism and microaggressions are very subtle, which allows these
actions to continue, as addressing these problems is complex (Turner & Grauerholz, 2017).
Addressing racism and microaggressions in higher education softens one of the obstacles
associated with faculty biases during the hiring process, but that by no means addresses the entire
scope of problems related to many of the hiring processes in higher education.
Colorblindness
A culture of colorblindness significantly hampers an organization’s ability to enact
meaningful policy, and this culture manipulates any intentions of exposing the systemic racism in
32

these organizations (Liera, 2020). Bringing awareness to the harm caused by colorblindness is a
salient aspect of CRT (Jackson, 2015). The problems associated with colorblind philosophy are
not limited to educational institutions (Bonilla-Silva, 2006; DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; Khalifa,
2013; Ladson-Billings, 1998; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; López, 2003; Stovall, 2006).
Systemic racism can remain intact because institutions can stand behind the idea of being
colorblind even though they are aware of the significant disparity in numbers between Black
tenured faculty and administrators (Liera, 2020). Institutions like to frame the reason behind
racist practices to be anything but racism (Bonilla-Silva, 2014, 2015; Cabrera et al., 2016). Liera
(2020) discussed a “culture of niceness” being implemented as a primary method for institutions
to uphold racist practices. When a “culture of niceness” is implanted, the Black employee is
often framed as being sensitive because no one is being mean or hateful. Institutions have no
obligation to address racism because they intentionally choose to ignore racism by not seeing
color (Liera, 2020). These organizations treat Black people well and are friendly on the surface,
but none of these courtesies extends to meaningful work on policy or procedures within the
organization. Black employees feel there are few avenues for calling out overt and subtle forms
of racism. With no outlets, Black employees must mask their feelings and thoughts for fear of
retaliation (Liera, 2020).
Colorblind culture helps maintain the status quo, which is a culture of Whiteness (Liera,
2020). Unfortunately, Black educational leaders are not the only victims of colorblind culture
(Bonilla-Silva, 2006). Studies have indicated that Black students and families do not interact
with leadership with whom they are comfortable (Bonilla-Silva, 2006; López, 2003). Colleges
and universities have a significant responsibility to address this. They must shift away from
workshops and training that center on changing individual behaviors and instead focus on
33

practices and policies that will meaningfully address the systemic problems with race at PWIs
(Turner & Grauerholz, 2017).
Study’s Conceptual Framework
A conceptual framework guided this study as it explored the various roadblocks Black
male hip-hop educators experience in the context of their racialized experiences in community
colleges. The model for this framework provided a visual that displays the various roadblocks
between Black male hip-hop educators and their ability to accomplish their goals (Figure 1). The
goals are represented in the middle of the model. There are two different levels of organizational
roadblocks depicted in this model. The green roadblock is structural barriers within the
organization. This represents organizational factors such as antiquated hiring policies and a lack
of pipelines. On the outside of the model in red is racism and microaggressions. This study
explored any external factors that may have hindered Black male hip-hop educators from
achieving their career goals within education. The roadblocks that Black male hip-hop educators
can encounter as they work to accomplish their career goals are not limited to this list.
34

Figure 1
Study’s Conceptual Framework

Conclusion
Black college students, and minority students in general, have lower success rates
compared with their White peers. Schools need to discover effective ways to hire authentic Black
administrators and tenured faculty who will advocate for Black students to support and decrease
these gaps (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). Using critical race theory as a theoretical framework
allowed for examination of the experiences of Black hip-hop educators as they navigate PWIs
Black
Hip-Hop
Educators’
Professional
Goals
Structural Barriers
Racism and Microaggressions
35

(Baszile, 2009). These experiences provided insight into supporting Black hip-hop educators in
the future (Baszile, 2009).
Once a Black male reaches the leadership ranks, he is typically expected to maintain the
culture already in place. Black males respond to these stressors in their work environment in
various ways (Smith et al., 2011). More work must occur to study this target population and how
they can receive support in overcoming advancement challenges in the workplace and dealing
with microaggression and racism.

36

Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of this study was to explore the racialized lived experiences of Black male
hip-hop educators in the context of professional advancement in PWIs. Having more culturally
conscious Black people in leadership positions means that students receive exposure to a more
culturally relevant curriculum (Khalifa, 2013). A culturally relevant curriculum will help reduce
the gap in success rates (graduation, certificates, and retention) between Black students and
others (Hall, 2017). Studies have shown that non-Black students’ exposure to a diverse
curriculum will also increase their success rates (Stout et al., 2018). Black students are not the
only population benefiting from racially congruent faculty and other role models.
Research Questions
This study sought to address the following research questions:
• Research Question 1: What are the organizational roadblocks that Black male hip-hop
educators encounter when attempting to become tenured faculty or administrators in
the community college setting?
• Research Question 2: How do racialized experiences in the community college setting
impact how Black male hip-hop educators view their long-term future in the
organization?
• Research Question 3: What approaches do Black male hip-hop educators report that
community colleges can implement to increase the number of Black male tenured
faculty and administrators?
Overview of Methodology
This study used a qualitative approach to explore the experiences of Black male hip-hop
educators in an effort to understand the lack of these leaders in administrative and tenured faculty
37

roles at community colleges. The expertise of these Black male hip-hip educators proved useful
in working toward resolving this problem (Stake, 2010). I selected a phenomenological approach
because it referred to exploring the participant’s experiences (Flood, 2010). Because little
research has been conducted on Black male hip-hop educators, the qualitative approach was
appropriate as it sought to obtain deep narratives so this conversation can begin to receive proper
context. Participants received an opportunity to tell their own stories with rich descriptions of
their experiences.
The Researcher
I have worked in education for the past 13 years in college and K–12. I hold a BA in
political science and an MBA. I do not currently serve nor have previously served in a
supervisory capacity over any of the participants; neither could I influence the careers of any
participants. My only connection to the participants was working in the same industry.
To reduce bias in the study, I took a reflexive approach. I revealed relevant traits about
my positionality, so participants understood why I was conducting the study. I hope the
authenticity I displayed combined with the importance of the study motivated participants to give
the best in-depth responses and provide much detail.
All participants were asked the same questions from the interview protocol with
appropriate follow-up questions to probe for more depth. Due to the semi-structured nature of the
protocol, I occasionally switched the order of the questions based on the flow of the
conversation. Also, each participant required different follow-up questions depending on how the
participant responded to the original question on the interview protocol. I also asked participants
if there were any racialized experiences they considered salient but had not been addressed
during the interview.
38

Data Source: Interviews
This study used a qualitative approach. This was appropriate as the qualitative method for
this study sought to find unheard counternarratives (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In the future, a
quantitative study would provide supplemental value to the current research. However, for now,
the hyperfocus on the individual stories is where the answers to the research questions were
unlocked. Therefore, one objective was to gather as many stories and examples of racialized
experiences as possible.
I gathered data via semi-structured interviews. The loose structure was critical to draw
out the responses the study sought from the participants. Each participant responded differently,
meaning different follow-up questions were necessary. With such an emotional topic, open-ended
questions led participants to answer in various ways, and in some instances, participants needed
steering to clearly answer the question posed. As the interviewer, I needed the flexibility to
explore, especially because the participants were addressing salient points to the study (Merriam
& Tisdell, 2016).
Participants
The target population for the survey was classified staff, administrators, and adjunct and
tenured faculty male hip-hop educators in community colleges. A hip-hop educator is versatile
and has many different looks, as does hip-hop. The core of hip-hop is emceeing, break dancing,
deejaying, graffiti, and beatboxing (Meacham et al., 2018). Hip-hop presents itself in many ways,
similarly to these hip-hop educators. The style, tone, and cadence in which hip-hop educators can
lead or deliver their lesson plans can differ (Meacham et al., 2018). The racial and ethnic
background of the people who participate in hip-hop culture is just as diverse as the elements of
hip-hop. However, this study focused on Black faculty, staff, and administrators. While the hip-
39

hop educator can present in various ways most critical to serving the students, the hip-hop
educator must be authentic to the culture of hip-hop (Levy, 2020), which is a part of who that
individual is, despite the enormous pressure to assimilate into PWIs. That authenticity to hip-hop
is also authenticity to the youth.
The study used a snowballing method (Söderman, 2013) to locate participants within
California community colleges. The hip-hop educator is a niche population within the Black
community, and the purpose was to recruit authentic individuals as participants, as that is a main
tenet of the hip-hop educator. Sending mass marketing out to large Black communities would
have risked selecting participants who were more on the fringe than extremely authentic to hip-
hop culture. As is often said in hip-hop, “Real recognize real” (Levy, 2020, p. 1), so utilizing
authentic hip-hop educators to identify other hip-hop educators to participate in the study was an
appropriate recruitment strategy. Umoja and A2Mend assisted me with finding participants for
the study. Umoja is an organization committed to supporting the needs of Black students in
community colleges throughout California (Umoja Community, 2022). A2Mend is dedicated to
mentoring Black males in the community college setting (A2Mend, 2023). Both of these
organizations have a significant Black educator population that I was able to leverage to find
participants for the study. I started with one individual who was a part of both of these
organizations, and that networking helped me identify all 12 participants.
Nothing tangible specifically can identify individuals within the hip-hop culture, so
participants had to self-identify as a part of the culture. Participants took their own experiences
and used the experiences to determine whether they were authentic to the culture of hip-hop and
represented for the urban youth in their workplace. Each participant, except for the first
participant, was a referral. This means each participant was vetted as a hip-hop educator by
40

another hip-hop educator, before the participant was asked if they felt they were a hip-hop
educator. In hood or gang culture, when an outsider is coming into a neighborhood, if they want
to be safe, they need someone in the neighborhood who will vouch for them or speak to their
credibility to the others so that the outsider will be accepted (Team Invasion, 2018). The strategy
was effective, and only one educator who was referred to the study did not feel as though they
were in the category of hip-hop educator; therefore, that individual did not participate. Strong
networks of Black males dedicated to supporting Black youth throughout California served as
effective resources to locate and recruit participants. The study used a sample size of 12
participants throughout California. This sample size was appropriate considering the intensity
and in-depth nature of the study (Gentles et al., 2015).
Instrumentation
For this study, the interview protocol served as the instrument for the interviews. The
interview protocol consisted of 15 primary questions. Some of the primary questions had follow-
up questions. An ideal response for each question included a narrative of a situation that, in
detail, described who, what, when, where, and why. The interview questions all centered on
racialized experiences in the workplace and how the participants managed these experiences
while attempting to advance to leadership positions. The interviews were conducted via Zoom.
The 45-minute to an hour time frame gave participants adequate time to provide rich details so
they did not feel rushed in their responses. Having 12 participants allowed me to determine if
there were emerging themes related to how hip-hop educators cope. This number helped to
indicate whether the emerging trend of the physical effects of racial battle fatigue was prevalent
among male hip-hop educators and affected how they viewed their long-term future at their
organization. The qualitative data gathered from the questions helped determine how prominent a
41

role racist structures play in the struggles Black males have with their career advancement
aspirations.
Zoom’s several benefits strengthened the quality of work produced by the study. To have
original video recordings of all the interviews with the ability to access and analyze them as
much as necessary was a tremendous benefit. Also, compared with in-person interviews, Zoom
interviews increased the availability of interview times for all participants, making it easier to
complete all interviews. Finally, Zoom saved time for me, especially with its transcription
feature.
Data Collection Procedures
The interview questions served as the instruments for the interviews in the study. I
conducted the interviews via Zoom, and they lasted between 45 minutes to an hour. Three
interviews lasted more than an hour, as those participants gave long narratives for the questions.
Zoom was ideal because it effectively captured the participants’ stories. It would have been
impossible to transcribe the interviews in one sitting. I would not have been able to capture all
the details of what the participant was saying. The recordings allowed me to study, compare, and
contrast the interviews as much as was necessary. Having the interviews recorded was vital, as it
allowed for maximum accuracy when analyzing the data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
I recorded the Zoom interviews on an HP laptop computer and used an iPhone for an
audio recording of the interviews to serve as a backup in the event of a recording error with
Zoom (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I used a second laptop as a backup on Zoom in case of a
malfunction with the first computer and took notes on it during the interviews. I provided the
participants an informed consent form via the Information Sheet for Exempt Studies. It asked the
participants for verbal confirmation that they were willing to participate in the interview. The
42

interviews began with open-ended questions about some of their favorite artists in hip-hop and
how hip-hop supports them at work. The interviews closed with an open-ended question asking
the participants to reflect on any meaningful racialized workplace experiences they had had that
had not come up in the conversation until that point.
Data Analysis
This study utilized a narrative data analysis approach because the participants’ stories
from the lens of the conceptual framework was the focus. The study was guided by a conceptual
framework that critically examined the various roadblocks that prevented the participants from
achieving their career goals. The framework was grounded in critical race theory. Liamputtong
(2009) described five steps to analyzing data to determine whether there is any commonality
among stories. I executed those steps. I read through the transcripts and created a key elements
list. Key elements were elements that appeared in many if not all interviews. I drafted a summary
to accompany each element. From there, I identified themes to determine whether there was a
story to be interpreted throughout them. After I identified them, I gathered the themes and placed
them within the broader literature.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
Because I conceived this study based on my own experiences attempting to navigate
PWIs, being truthful about my positionality is important (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I sought not
to mislead the participants. Bias reduces when a reflexive approach is taken (Rowe, 2014). In
research, reflexivity involves revealing the researcher’s role in what is occurring. My
assumptions, beliefs, and experiences all influenced how I conducted the research. Because of
my stake in the study, ensuring the participants did not feel used or manipulated was vital. Being
reflexive builds trustworthiness. In addition, structured power relations based on race and other
43

aspects of identity have become norms in society, and I do not want to support these oppressive
structures in any way (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Because I aimed to reduce the influence of
power dynamics, I believe participants were comfortable sharing intimate details.
Ethics
The ethical nature of this research was important, and not being ethical could have
jeopardized the study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Because considering positionality and power is
critical to ensuring an ethical approach, I believe disclosing my own positionality was essential.
Due to a lack of a supervisory relationship, I did not hold power related to employment over the
participants; therefore, ethical concerns were reduced. Any individual speaking negatively
against an organization they work for is always a risk, so I took the utmost care to protect
participants. In addition to credibility, I wanted to ensure the study was not exploiting them for
the information they provided and respected their stories. Finally, being transparent and open
with participants was essential. If participants genuinely understand why a project is taking place
and what the researcher hopes to accomplish, and if it is worthy in the eyes of the participants,
they will support it more (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
As I initially engaged the participants, I informed them of the project’s purpose and
allowed them to ask questions about the undertaking. It was clear this was a voluntary study.
Participants received assurances that their identities would be kept confidential. I confirmed
participants’ permission to record the Zoom sessions during the initial discussion and before the
interview. I also provided participants the Information Sheet for Exempt Studies prior to the
interview. This form explained to the participants the procedures, the potential risks, the benefits,
and their rights concerning withdrawal (Frankfort-Nachmias & Nachmias, 2008). I kept all data
for the project confidentially on a secure, password-protected device. The research is available
44

(Yin, 2011). I encouraged participants to let me know if they experienced any discomfort related
to the interview.

45

Chapter Four: Findings
This study aimed to explore the racialized experiences of Black male hip-hop educators
in the context of professional advancement at community colleges in California. A hip-hop
educator works in an educational setting that is authentic to the hip-hop culture and advocates for
the urban youth in that setting (Irizarry, 2009; Watkins, 2005). I sought to use the findings of this
study to develop implementable solutions to the problem of practice. The problem of practice
centered on the low achievement scores of Black urban youth. Throughout California, Black and
White students demonstrate significant achievement gaps. Research has pointed to increased
success rates for Black students when Black faculty and administrators hold positions within the
institution. However, getting Black leaders to fill these roles can be difficult due to the barriers
Black males encounter in their work organizations. By gathering narratives on the experiences of
Black male hip-hop educators, the study sought to identify the problems they face and decipher if
there are plausible recommendations to be made to institutions that can increase the number of
Black male hip-hop educators in leadership positions. Three research questions guided the study:
• Research Question 1: What are the organizational roadblocks that Black male hip-hop
educators encounter when attempting to become tenured faculty or administrators in
the community college setting?
• Research Question 2: How do racialized experiences in the community college setting
impact how Black male hip-hop educators view their long-term future in the
organization?
• Research Question 3: What approaches do Black male hip-hop educators report that
community colleges can implement to increase the number of Black male tenured
faculty and administrators?
46

In this chapter, I present the findings of the study. The three research questions serve as
the major sections of the chapter. With the career advancement goals of Black male hip-hop
educators being the center of this study and the conceptual framework (Figure 1), the sections
cover the roadblocks that prevent the career advancement goals of Black male hip-hop educators.
The subsections each present the themes that emerged and were the result of the roadblocks
withing the conceptual framework, structural barriers and racial bias, and a coding process that
relied heavily on the keywords and phrases of respondents during qualitative interviews. Some of
those keywords and phrases included the following: challenges, roadblocks, resources,
relationships with leadership, and support. Within each subsection are quotations from
participants, supplying the primary evidence for the findings. The three sections are followed by
a summary.
Participating Stakeholders
Twelve participants volunteered for this study. At the time of the study, all participants
worked at community colleges throughout the state of California. I conducted the interviews via
Zoom to optimize participation. Table 1 provides insight into the participant characteristics,
including their role, their professional goal, whether the participant had earned a doctoral degree,
and their favorite rappers at the time of the interview. I included the participants’ favorite rappers
to provide insight into the personality of the participants. While this does not provide data
relevant to the RQs, it is a fun fact and all the participants enjoyed recounting whom they loved
to hear rap and why. Asking the participants about their favorite rapper engaged them
immediately in the interview process. All the participants were given pseudonyms throughout
this chapter.

47

Table 1
Participant Characteristics
Participants Current role Goal Favorite rappers Doctoral degree
Marcel administrator vice president Nas, Jay-Z in progress
Ben faculty Tenured BIG, Nas Yes
Moses faculty Tenured BIG, 2Pac No
Prez administrator Undecided 2Pac, Cube Yes
ET staff dean/undecided BIG, 2Pac Yes
Harrison administrator Undecided Nas, 2Pac Yes
Durant staff Undecided Scarface No
Dame faculty Tenured 2Pac, Dre No
Matthew faculty Undecided BlackThought No
Biggums faculty Undecided Nas, Jay-Z No
Kanye faculty Undecided 2Pac, Jay-Z Yes
MC staff Dean 2Pac, Jay-Z No

All participants were Black male hip-hop educators who worked in the community
college setting in some capacity. Six participants were faculty, three were administrators, and
three were staff looking to advance in leadership. Seven out of the 12 participants were still
deciding their future goals. Of the five participants who were clear on their career path, three
sought tenured faculty positions, while the other two had administrative aspirations. The
interview required participants to list their top five hip-hop artists; however, for this chart, I
included only the one or two most frequently quoted artists for each participant.
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Findings for Research Question 1
Research Question 1 was “What are the organizational roadblocks that Black male hip-
hop educators encounter when attempting to become tenured faculty or administrators in the
community college setting?” The African Diaspora includes different types of Black people from
all over the world, and due to this, all Black people’s experiences will not be the same. Each
participant has had their own experiences, but despite that, the themes for this research question
emerged from the responses of multiple participants across multiple interview questions. Three
themes, representing roadblocks, addressed research question 1: (a) discriminatory hiring
practices, (b) credentials as a barrier, and (c) racial biases. These themes are addressed in the
following subsections.
Theme 1: Discriminatory Hiring Practices as a Barrier to Black Male Hip-Hop Educators
in Becoming Educational Leaders
The theme of problems with hiring practices emerged most frequently during the
interviews, with eight out of the 12 candidates addressing it. Specific issues participants spoke to
within the hiring process included the recruitment process, the structure and rubric of hiring
procedures, and Black educators’ involvement in the process. Most of the responses that
referenced hiring came from a question that specifically addressed leadership behaviors. The
question asked what leadership behaviors participants think should change that would increase
Black leadership. Participants shared their belief that the leaders at the PWIs are the individuals
who should be pushing the hiring practice changes.
Three of the 12 participants pointed to a need for more adequate effort in recruiting when
it comes to the hiring process. Ben talked about the excellent pay and benefits at community
colleges in California and how that factored into how they recruited. Ben stated, “They kind of
49

just do the bare minimum by just posting positions and knowing that people are ultimately going
to apply.” Harrison spoke about the intentionality of trying to develop minority staff and faculty
members from an early age and the frustration with seeing how White students grow up seeing
White educators at every step of their educational journey. Harrison stated, “White and other
ethnicities grow up seeing their counterparts, their families and all of that as professors, as
academics. And so it’s something they look up to.” Kanye talked about the recruitment of adjunct
faculty because of his understanding of how that factored into recruitment for tenured faculty,
“We need to make sure the process for hiring adjunct is just as equitable as the process for hiring
tenured.” As Kanye pointed out, adjunct hiring can be arbitrary, often at the discretion of an
individual or two, and this limits the number of Black males who enter the adjunct pool. Kanye
also noted how tenured hires typically come from the adjunct pool. Participants emphasized that
PWIs should ensure they are putting sufficient effort into finding Black male hip-hop educators,
as that is their responsibility in their commitment to equity.
Regarding the hiring process, eight of the 12 participants felt the process was
problematic, and their experiences of why it was a problem varied. According to Harrison,
“Looking at our hiring practices, they are rooted in historically White-affirming practices. They
were meant to serve young White Christian males.” One of those practices was hiring individuals
who would be effective in serving young, White Christian males. Harrison had his own
experiences attempting to navigate college as an international student. His inspiration for
pursuing a career in education was a situation in which he was dropped from a class because his
community college had conflicting information that affected only international students. The
consequence of this conflicting policy was Harrison being dropped from his class even though,
as a student, he thought he had done everything he was required to do to be enrolled. The
50

registration policies seemed to lack awareness that international students attended the school, and
staff and faculty brought in primarily to serve White students could unintentionally overlook
some of the unique needs of international students. Due to the bias in creating the hiring process,
Harrison thought all process components needed to be addressed.
Prez put pressure on the leadership to support change within the hiring process, “I think
the rubric needs to change, one. I think leaders need to exercise bold leadership. To include a
matrix within the hiring and tenure review of faculty that really captures the work that Black
faculty do.” He thought there was not enough value placed on what Black employees contribute.
Kanye said that, to add value to the implementation of equity strategies, some hiring questions
needed revision, “Most interviews for faculty have that one token equity question asking how
you contributed to diversity, equity, and inclusion, whatever.” Kanye said that if a particular
position depends on having an equity focus, 50% of the questions should focus on equity.
Even though Matthew has not yet achieved tenure status, he answered from the
perspective of someone who already views himself as a leader, “I can join the hiring committee
and make sure we are entertaining Black candidates.” Matthew reflected several times
throughout the interview on the importance of Black people taking accountability for their
situation, and that theme emerged from the responses of several participants on different issues.
According to Matthew, there was not much he could do about the racialized experiences he was
having. He realized institutions should not be conducting racially discriminatory behavior, but he
also did not want to use the institutions as a scapegoat for why he had not yet accomplished his
goals. He shared, “I bulldoze roadblocks, you know, I don’t you know, I use a Jay-Z line. I’m not
looking at you. I’m looking past you.”
51

Two of the 12 participants also interrogated the behaviors of Black people when they earn
leadership positions. ET lamented the fear Black leaders have of bringing in other Black leaders
due to perception. He said he understood why it was difficult for Black leaders to hire other
Blacks, “If a Black person is able to bring in multiple Black faculty or staff, it becomes an issue,
and it sticks out more than any other population. Therefore, most Black people don’t hire.” ET
relayed that a strong coalition is needed, so that questions surrounding the lack of Black male
leadership can be asked. MC referenced gatekeeping and needing to “kiss the ring” of one or two
Black individuals with control in the community and how significant changes in that mentality
need to be made. MC was one of two participants who brought up how he sometimes faced racial
discrimination from Black people. While none of the participants placed blame on Black people
for contributing to the racial disparity occurring in educational institutions, three of the 12 did
indicate that behavior shifts by these Black leaders could strengthen the overall effort.
Theme 2: Credentials as a Barrier to Black Male Hip-Hop Educators in Becoming Tenured
Faculty and Administrators in Community Colleges
The participants displayed awareness of the importance of achieving terminal degrees for
career advancement in the education industry. Five out of the 12 participants had a doctoral
degree at the time of the study, while another was enrolled in a doctoral program. Even though
he did not have a doctoral degree, one of the participants mentioned the importance of pursuing
the varying degrees necessary to seek desired accomplishments. Most of the participant
responses about achieving a doctoral degree came from two questions, one asking how
participants overcame roadblocks and another asking what steps they have taken to advance their
career objectives.
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Every participant addressed the theme of education, whether speaking about formal or
informal education. Participants discussed the importance of education for career advancement
and respect from peers. Ben described attempting to be authentic at work through his hair and
dress and how that did not always receive the most positive reception from his coworkers, “But
yeah, you know, maybe I’m not as perceived at a specific level from my colleagues than I would
if I was dressing up in a suit and clean cut and, you know, didn’t have long hair.” Ben elaborated
on how his doctorate somewhat ameliorated this perception:
Getting a doctorate for sure kind of alleviates a lot of those issues, and now I speak the
way I want and have my hair the way I want. So, while it might affect the way people
perceive me, it doesn’t impact the work that I ultimately do. And guess to add that, to add
that before the doctorate there was a very clear difference in how I was treated.
Marcel described the system as a roadblock because of “the fact that you need a doctoral
degree to get into or even apply to some of these jobs.” He said he believes that the level of
education requested is not always necessary for some of the positions listed in education. Even
though he had seen Blacks eliminated from contention because they did not have a terminal
degree, he shared that he had seen many examples of non-Blacks given opportunities in
leadership positions without terminal degrees, “Those are roadblocks because I know some
people who are not Black who don’t have a doctorate degree, who are deans and VPs and
president.” Harrison’s primary reason for seeking additional education was his lack of belief that
he could advance up the career ladder because he did not have the knowledge necessary to have
certain discussions with the leadership teams, “I know what it looks like, but I can’t speak the
language that they’re speaking. And so, I’m going to go get that degree so that I have that as one
53

of my tools in my tool belt.” He thought education would help prepare him for the administrative
conversations.
Of the three administrators interviewed for this study, all had completed their doctoral
degrees or were currently in progress. Of the two staff members with a goal of becoming a dean,
only one had completed their doctoral degree. Per Marcel’s quotation and others, what seemed to
resonate with participants was the frustrations of educational credentials being a barrier for Black
males and not being a barrier for other races. This relates to the final theme for Research
Question 1, discussed next.
Theme 3: Racial Bias in the Workplace as a Barrier to Black Male Hip-Hop Educators in
Becoming Educational Leaders
Racial bias serves as an umbrella theme because several themes or portions of themes
could fit under racial bias. All 12 candidates noted they had experienced some form of racism or
racial bias in the workplace. Participants also mentioned that racial bias seems to contribute to
why people of other races could achieve leadership positions in the community college without
doctoral degrees. Three out of 12 participants provided specific examples in which they lost out
on roles to White external candidates. In all instances, they felt they had proven they could do the
work effectively; the only distinguishable difference was race. Nine of the 12 participants
experienced their knowledge being questioned, even though they had similar credentials to those
around them. MC expressed resentment due to how he has been typecast, “I’ve been labeled as
the fun guy. Yes, I’m there for your events and entertainment, but for some reason you can’t look
at me in a serious manner, even with the necessary credentials.” Prez commented, “You know,
you hear different things that questions your level of expert expertise and knowing that you have
to prove yourself over and over again because you don’t have the benefit of the doubt.” Similarly
54

to the question concerning what roadblocks participants experienced, the participants reported
experiencing various racial biases.
Along with the wide range of racial biases participants experienced, five of the 12
participants expressed that sometimes it was difficult to identify specific actions or comments
that would qualify as racist, but participants certainly felt it. Kanye stated, “Sometimes it’s hard
to pin down that racism, but I can honestly say from an objective opinion, yeah, I’ve experienced
it for sure.” Kanye said he believes a lot of racism comes in the form of being judged more
critically. Biggums described needing to have a racial experience to understand what it is, “I
mean, even if you look at the term racism, it’s, you know, one race thinking they’re more
superior than others. And it’s hard to put a behavior behind what racism is.” Prez said he had
experienced racial bias but was not always clear about the reason behind each experience,
“Again, it’s kind of, you know, where is this point of distinction and then what’s the point of
intersection between kind of those identities. Is it race today or age?” Possible age discrimination
came up in three of the 12 interviews. “There is no sure way to tell as racism does not have
definitive features,” Biggums stated.
Three participants noted they saw microaggressions and racism directed toward students
more than employees. Racism toward Black students influenced how the participants felt about
their institutions, with 10 participants indicating the critical importance of their institutions
effectively supporting Black students. Kanye shared his belief that “most of the microaggressions
and racism you’re going to see are from those people who do that type of stuff to those that are
most vulnerable.” ET gave a narrative about students in the lounge area having an academic
conversation concerning current events, but using some profanity. Because they were using
profanity, an administrator came out to comment. Because there was a lack of understanding of
55

the context of the conversation, it ended with the student having an outburst. ET described a lack
of knowledge of the students’ culture, which led to constant conflict between students and
administration. At that point, ET said, he knew he had to find a different location for his students.
Harrison noted his desire to support students who experienced racism and microaggressions as
his reason for being in education. He shared some negative experiences he had endured while
going through community college, and he said he did not want students with similar backgrounds
as his to experience the same challenges, “The system didn’t work, but that’s not my fault. I am
not a cookie-cutter student.”
Another recurring topic was participants’ sense that, despite having the necessary
credentials, they were still viewed as incapable of performing the job. Kanye said he felt as if he
had been placed under a microscope as soon as he moved into administration, as though the rest
of administration were watching intently for the moment he failed:
Everybody’s comfortable with me being an advisor or a classified employee, but once I
step into the realm of leadership, particularly in the position of a dean, then everybody
starts to look at it quite a bit differently and starts to question whether you belong or not.
ET echoed the feeling of being monitored, “People made my work a little bit more difficult. I had
a lot more scrutiny than others.” Moses expressed resentment for having to work in an
environment where even his status as an employee was questioned, “A lady who was an
administrator came up to me and introduced herself and she said, ‘Oh, so are you one of our new
student-athletes on the basketball team?’ And I just had to laugh.”
Findings for Research Question 2
Research Question 2 was “How do racialized experiences in the community college
setting impact how Black male hip-hop educators view their long-term future in the
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organization?” The racialized experiences of Black male educators varied, reflecting the
differences they reported in discussing the roadblocks to career advancement and having a long-
term future with their organization. While the experiences of the Black male educators were
different, these experiences produced three consistent responses. The racialized experiences
either (a) motivated the individual to continue to do the work because they understood the need,
(b) produced frustration that made the individual want to take their talents elsewhere, or (c)
created feelings of apathy because while they cared, they had to make a living. Variables such as
demographics and role factored into how particular participants answered questions.
Ben discussed how he knew his perceptions might differ from those of other educators
because of his previous experiences working at educational institutions with no Black leadership
or presence in the community. He theorized why, “So I may have a differing opinion than some
of my colleagues because I've worked in a polar opposite setting where given the conservative
nature of the area, that these things weren’t pressed upon.” Some of his perceptions of his current
institution doing meaningful work stemmed from the fact that his previous institution did not
acknowledge anything equity related. Ben’s racialized experiences served as motivation to keep
him going because, in his mind, the students needed him. He felt there would be no one to do the
work if he was not there. Moses repeatedly cited his frustration with not having an opportunity to
do the positive work he was capable of, which had already driven him to have one foot out the
door. For the second research question, responses focused on (a) the impact on career
opportunities, (b) feelings about supporting Black students, and (c) Black educators’ sense of
belonging to gauge whether the participants felt as though they have a long-term future within
their organization.
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Theme 1: Negative Impact on Career Opportunities Caused by Racialized Experiences
The negative impact on career opportunities was the one area where all participants were
unanimous. The negative racialized experiences participants encountered in their workplace had
a negative effect on the participants’ perceptions of their career opportunities going forward. The
only positive outcome of the negative racialized experiences participants reported was
motivation to continue to be there to support the students. Harrison described how his work and
school experience combined with his racialized experiences, “It provides me with a lens that
makes me realize how important it is for me to be at the table, how important it is for me to
advocate.”
Black participants’ prospects for staying long term at their institution varied depending on
their individual circumstances. For participants, the region in which their community college was
located, type of department, their educational background, and other factors influenced how they
felt about their long-term prospects. Of the participants, Durant was the least involved in his
community college. At the time of this study, he taught one community college class per
semester and used the rest of his time to engage in nontraditional educator pursuits. Durant
mentioned, “So off top, I'm not sure if I have (racialized experiences). A lot more context of the
experience of others.” Durant explained many of his actions were predicated on experiences his
peers had and things he had witnessed but not necessarily experienced himself due to his limited
role in community colleges. A lingering theme throughout Durant’s interview was that although
his specific department, African American Studies, was engaged in meaningful equity work, he
viewed the school’s overall equity efforts as performative. Durant watched his college’s equity
response occur as an employee of his community college without high stakes because he is not
tenured or on a tenured path. He described the discussions he had with his peers in the African
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American Studies department, “You know, when we get together, you know, we talk about all the
challenges that they face. And so that part just kind of reinforces that. Yeah, that’s not a space I
want to be in.” Durant’s background is important in considering his perception of career
opportunities. Durant said this about his background, “I spent 9 years putting on a uniform that I
didn’t feel like validated my experience. So, coming out of that, you’re going to get me like
whatever the me that I am.”
MC addressed being mindful of what peers are experiencing as well, “When George did
not get a call to interview for that position, I knew I would never be able to accomplish my
career objectives at that school.” MC had applied for a dean position at a school he had dutifully
served for about 10 years, and he did not get a call for an interview. While that disappointed him,
what pushed him to have a 3-month timeline on his departure from this school was that a Black
employee, George, whom he said did tremendous work in that department before the departure
of the dean, did not get a call for the interview either. MC had not even spoken to George about
the position to know he had applied, but because of the ambitiousness of this Black educator, he
just knew. George had in fact applied for the position and he was not given the interview. A
White male from an outside school was hired for the position.
Six of the 12 participants spoke about having a backup plan or doing equity work outside
of the educational institution due to not having opportunities within their institution. Dame
noted, “I don’t just leave it up to the institution to make sure I meet those career goals.” The
participant who served as a president of a college talked about his desire to one day own his own
business. This Black educator, who had made it to one of the pinnacles of success in education,
still felt he had to seek an environment where he could act in a completely authentic manner. He
likened working for PWIs to slavery, “I’ll say it this way, that like 90% of my time is around
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making life on a plantation better as opposed to planning the escape off the plantation and
building a, finding a new place to live.”
Participants also described instances in which they had proven they could perform well in
a role, and they were passed over for no distinguishable reason other than race. When this
occurred, the participants did not feel like they were a part of the school’s culture. Three
participants directly described this happening to them. Biggums said that when his place of
employment had an open director position, he maintained the work of the director and felt as
though he was doing the work effectively. Biggums’s employer did give him an interview for the
director position, but from Biggums’s perspective, it did not feel like a genuine opportunity
because he was given only an evening’s notice. He had no time to prepare for the interview. Over
the course of the next few weeks, the organization ended up hiring three different White women
to fill the role. Two of them quit within a week or so. None of the women was as credentialed as
Biggums. Biggums concluded, “Seeing the consistency in them hiring White blonde women and
not wanting to hire a Black-educated male with his master’s degree in the field was rough.”
Moses addressed having similar experiences of trying to advance in his career and PWIs’
unwillingness to give Black males opportunities. Moses said, “Simply, you do the job, you do it
well, and then as soon as they end up giving somebody else the full-time situation, the whole
thing just falls apart.” Both Biggums and Moses noted their frustration with having efficiently
run programs and feeling like the progress was being stunted due to poor hiring choices when the
correct selection had already been performing the work.
Kanye had a negative hiring experience that he defined as “interesting.” He was sure he
had effectively filled in for the director because his school’s vice president and president
promised him an interim director role. The school went through the process and signed the
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paperwork, but a barrier was placed before him. Kanye described the sequence of events after he
signed the paperwork accepting the position:
The document said I was going to start next week as an administrator. So, it was great. It
was a great moment for me professionally. And then, once I got back to campus after the
weekend, I was informed that the vice president of human resources wouldn’t sign it. Uh,
because they said I wasn’t qualified because I didn’t have enough administrative
experience for the position.
Kanye noted that appointments within the community college space are common, but Kanye
described his experience as unprecedented. Kanye had never seen, nor heard of, a scenario where
the vice president and president had signed off on a candidate, and an individual outside the
school rejected it. Kanye communicated that he frequently pondered these events, and the only
thing he could attribute this to was racism. In all three examples of participants getting passed
over, they could no longer continue to work at those schools and had to find new places of
employment.
Being Black is already a roadblock all participants acknowledged they had to overcome,
and half of the participants felt that being connected to the hip-hop culture created a more
significant roadblock. Four of the 12 participants addressed “swag” and assumptions about their
capabilities due to their dress and hairstyles. The participants who addressed it viewed swag as a
positive attribute that helped them feel confident going out in society but acknowledged it was
primarily viewed negatively at PWIs. Nine of the 12 participants felt that connections to hip-hop
contributed to roadblocks being in place, blocking career advancement. Dame talked about why
he feels hip-hop culture is problematic for PWIs:
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Hip-hop, you know, it puts out a persona of non-conforming to the institution or to the
mass, and just being it, just being your individualistic self and being true to yourself,
being true to your roots. And I think, you know me as an individual, me being connected
to hip-hop, I think that’s ingrained in me not to conform and just be you, right? Be you.
You know, they don’t like it.
Participants were aware of the negative perceptions of hip-hop culture in education and
approached the situation differently. On the day of the interview with me, Ben had his hair
braided in a unique cornrow pattern, and throughout the interview, he addressed wardrobe
aggressions, “You know, I kept my hair cut. Um, and I did all that. So I didn’t, I wasn’t thought
less of.” Ben continues to work as his authentic self daily, wearing Jordans, gold chains, and
stylish clothing. Ben embraces his hip-hop personality, and he cited his school as being
supportive of him and Black students, “It’s not perfect, but I have gotten some support in terms
of what I want to do and how.” Due to his initial experiences, Kanye has chosen a different route,
“I think it’s hiding it. Suppressing it, suppressing that culture.” He described often feeling like
the only one with the hip-hop culture, so he must hide it.
Theme 2: Participants’ Feelings About Institutional Support of Black Students
The desire of Black educators to support Black students factored heavily into whether
Black male hip-hop educators felt they had a future at their educational institutions. As
previously stated, 10 of the 12 participants verbalized the importance of their institution
supporting Black students. Seven of the 12 participants indicated they would leave if Black
students were not provided enough support. Prez was prompt with his response when asked if he
would leave if his institution did not provide enough support for Black students, “Unequivocally,
yes.” Five participants did not mention supporting Black students as necessary. Dame was
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primarily concerned with his employment status, “I wouldn’t leave unless I got a better
opportunity. No.” Biggums, another participant who did not mention leaving if Black students
were not supported effectively, did not feel his institution nor most institutions were adequately
equipped to support Black students effectively. While Biggums did not believe most educational
institutions were equipped to support Black students, throughout his interview, he talked very
passionately about what he wanted to transpire for Black students, “So we don’t want the college
pushing their Eurocentric ways and views on our Black students because that’s just creating more
Black Europeans. We want more Afrocentric Black students.” Of the other three participants who
did not indicate they would leave if Black students were not supported, one is a president, so he
has significant influence over resource allocation. Durant discussed his intention to ensure he
makes an impact on Black students outside of the community college space and does not depend
on community college for that fulfillment. Matthew indicated the specific situation would matter:
Know, you got to ask yourself where I’m at in my life. You know, I mean, if I need to
pay bills, I got to pay bills, you know, but if I feel like they’re intentionally undermining,
undermining what I’m trying to do here and they are cutting resources and you know,
because what I do, I work with athletes and athletes are our main population, are men of
color, you know, women of color, underserved, underrepresented, and if they start
undermining me and they start cutting resources and taking away and stripping away
what they’ve provided up front, I probably would find somewhere else to go.
These educators all understood that currently, the success rates of Black students are low and not
a priority for some institutions, and that is why, for many of the participants, moving on from
their current institutions is always an option. Prez said, “That’s on the table every day.”
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Theme 3: Disconnect between Participants and Institution
Numerous indicators throughout the interviews pointed to participants feeling a
disconnect between themselves and their institutions. Three of the 12 participants addressed the
system and the politics that had to be navigated when it came to career advancement. ET
presented a scenario that made success seem bleak for Black male hip-hop educators, “The way
that our system is set up, it’s about control. If a supervisor feels that they can’t control you, they
can become a robot, and they can create narratives about you.” Moses touched on similar themes
and emphasized his institution “just wanted the status quo.” Ten out of the 12 participants
expressed the importance of their institutions supporting Black students, and with Black students
having some of the lower success rates, the participants felt like much work needed to be done in
their institutions to support Blacks.
With the nationwide call to action of amplifying Black voices, 10 out of the 12
participants felt the work of their institutions following the murder of George Floyd was
performative. Of the two who thought their institution’s work was meaningful, one was the
president of that institution, so he acknowledged, “As college president, it means a little different
dynamic, right? You have somewhat of a little bit more control over your destiny, right?” Three
of the participants who labeled their institution’s work as performative acknowledged their
institution’s attempt to do meaningful work but said these efforts fell short for various reasons.
Matthew mentioned resources being an issue at his institution, “We have the most needs, but we
have the least amount of funding.” Only Ben and Harrison indicated their institutions were
making a reasonable effort to make them feel comfortable. In addition to this, three of the 12
candidates were frustrated by the fact that they did not feel the institutions were sincere in
instituting equity work. The responsibility of the work was left primarily to the Black
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stakeholders on campus. Marcel detailed the Black students advocating for themselves after the
murder of George Floyd, “Our college was pushed by our BSU [Black Student Union] to get a
Black student center.” Durant felt the equity tasks and responsibilities were passed on to the
Black educators. He said initially he felt supported by his institution, “but then it was like, but I
don’t want to touch it. Can y’all come run this workshop to tell everybody else how to heal and
deal with this issue? Because we don’t really want to do the work.” ET described it as “fake
love,” saying they do it “to look like they’re supportive or they’re equity champions.”
It is significant to note that seven of the 12 participants did not believe their personal
educational goals could be achieved through the institutions they work for, signaling a potential
disconnect in shared goals, values, and beliefs between these seven participants and their
organizations. Participants described accomplishing goals through their businesses or by working
on individual projects to achieve self-fulfillment. Moses said, “And rather than trying to be a cog
in the wheel, going out and trying to build my own, so I started my own academy.” Biggums
answered, “I guess my career goals is not related to like the college, whatsoever.” Biggums,
throughout his interview, displayed fierce allegiance to the Black population and understood that
PWIs might not be currently equipped to fulfill the needs of the Black population. Biggums
quipped, “They only know how to do and be one thing and that’s Eurocentric.” Even participants
such as Harrison, who communicated no intention of leaving the community college space,
acknowledged they cannot rely on their work institutions for this self-fulfillment:
At this point, I am taking a step back, and I’ve created a plan that actually is focusing on
me. So what do I need to do, self-healing wise, self-help wise, making myself the best
self that I can be? To the point where it’s not about the position anymore. Am able to
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self-actualize without it being dependent on anybody else? So, by that, I mean being able
to start a mentorship or leadership program that is a nonprofit.
Harrison envisioned tackling the Black student support issue from two fronts. Harrison
recognized the serious systemic problems at PWIs and hopes to start a nonprofit someday, but at
the same time, he saw the significance of staying in his current administrative role despite the
roadblocks he continues to face. Harrison said, “And I need those with power to not only make a
seat at the table for all of us, but for them to buy into the fact that we need to change.” Five of
the 12 participants acknowledged the need to have a presence in schools despite understanding
that these systems were not constructed for Black people. Prez said, “It’s just that the structure of
the college that I work in and we all operate in is a reminder that it was not built for us.”
Findings for Research Question 3
Research Question 3 was “What approaches do Black hip-hop educators report that
community colleges can implement to increase the number of Black male tenured faculty and
administrators?” Because previous studies have established that Black male hip-hop educators
live out racialized experiences daily (Braszile, 2009; McGee & Stovall, 2015), one of the goals
of this study was to gain insight from participants about their solutions to the problem of lack of
Black male leadership. The participants generated specific strategies they would like to see
implemented to create intentionality in how PWIs construct their leadership teams. The themes
for this question that came about from the interviews are the following: (a) improving
recruitment and hiring practices to be more equitable, (b) creating pathways to tenured faculty
and administrative positions, and (c) supporting White leaders with building relationships with
minority communities.
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Theme 1: Participants Recommend More Equitable Recruitment, Hiring, and Promotion
Practices
Human resource practices were one of the more significant themes addressed in the
interviews. Out of the 15 interview questions asked to participants, six elicited responses with
multiple participants addressing recruitment, hiring, or promotion practices. One of the themes in
Research Question 2 provided three scenarios in which qualified Black employees were passed
over in favor of less-qualified individuals. The participants believed that there should be systems
in place so that if one works in a department and demonstrates competency, one should be given
preference when it comes to opportunities. Three of the 12 participants specified that they felt
supported by individuals within the college, not necessarily the college itself.
Participants placed much of the responsibility of recruitment on the administrative
leaders within the institutions, particularly the process. Classified and adjunct faculty members
typically do not have a voice in this process. Harrison outlined why there needs to be change:
Looking at our hiring practices, they are rooted in historically White-affirming practices.
They were meant to serve young White Christian males. So, they were built to recruit
people that could serve young, White, Christian males. It’s only after that that we open
the door a little bit for females White and then a little bit for color, just a little bit. Well,
this structure still hasn’t changed. We’ve just made allowances.
Ben expressed frustration, saying he felt colleges did not have to put much effort into recruiting,
“I don’t think they do as much work to recruit. They come do the bare minimum by just posting
positions and knowing that people are ultimately going to apply.” Ben thought educational
institutions needed to search places where Black candidates are abundant. Ben wanted them to
“go to the Black conferences and set up recruitment booths at these Black conferences. They
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need to go to Black colleges, HBCUs, and, you know, grad programs where they can reach true
potential new faculty or administrators.”
Harrison was thinking about a sustainable plan that consisted of molding educators, “So
how do we intentionally recruit from Black and Brown institutions of middle school, high
school, so that they want to be educators and they think that this is something they want to do
and become a professor.” Ben agreed with attempting to groom more Black educators, “I would
like to see our college develop more pathways for community college careers for students who
are current community college students.” Moses suggested using numbers to hold administrators
accountable for seeking diversity when selecting interview candidates, “Maybe even having it to
where it’s a requirement. The way the amount of faculty has to be reflective of the student
population.”
Participants noted that, just as with the recruitment process, only certain administrators
and tenured faculty have access to adjusting the hiring process, so participants voiced the need
for these leaders to interrogate the process and make changes. Kanye said he does not feel like
Black male hip-hop educators have a shot because he understands that if one is not adjunct
faculty, getting a tenured role is not likely, “We need to make sure the process of hiring adjuncts
is just as equitable as the process for hiring full time.” He described how there typically is no
policy or regulations regarding the hiring of adjunct faculty, which can often be left to the
discretion of a dean or faculty chair. Additionally, he said, “You’re not going to get a job as a
full-time faculty unless you’re a part-time faculty.” Matthew talked about similar experiences,
“You start as a part-timer. So, if you can’t even get into that circle, how do you expect to get to a
full-time tenure track position?” Kanye also said he felt if institutions were committed to equity
and closing the gaps, they would place a more significant focus on the interview. Kanye
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presented ideas of what questions he would consider for the interview: “But if we’re serious
about hiring people who have an equity focus, which would definitely be people with a hip-hop
culture, you need to ask 50% of the questions on equity.” Prez explored how interviewers rated
participants in the interview: “I mean, I think the rubric needs to change, one. I think leaders
need to exercise bold leadership. To include a matrix within the hiring and tenure review of
faculty that really captures the work that Black faculty do.”
In addition to problems with the questions, participants also acknowledged frequent
issues with interview panels. Matthew believed this was an area where Black educators could do
more to support their cause: “You know, we all have positions of power and, you know, in which
we can lead or influence. I can join the hiring committee and make sure that we are entertaining
Black candidates, you know?” Matthew noted that, on the last hiring committee he participated
in, there were no Black candidates. Kanye discussed the resistance that occurs when groups
advocate for diversity on hiring committees, particularly for faculty positions. His shared an
experience where the president wanted to diversify the hiring committee for a faculty position
and wanted a classified staff member on the committee, and, per Kanye, “The faculty were not
having it. I think because they just wanted to retain their power, really.” Ben addressed the
prevailing notion that many schools execute performative tasks in the name of diversity and the
need to address these situations meaningfully:
I know some schools are doing like reps, but are those reps doing anything? They don’t
have a say on who gets hired, right? They’re just there to ensure that it’s fair. But I don’t
know if that is really doing what they’re hoping to accomplish.
Participants had different experiences after being hired in their respective institutions. Six
of the 12 participants felt supported by their institutions, with them being initially hired and
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professional development opportunities being the top reasons listed. When asked if he felt
supported, Matthew responded, “They hired me. So that’s one indication that they’re behind
me… We deal with so many, such a large population of underserved, underrepresented students,
especially males, African American and Latinx males that typically don’t complete education.”
Matthew talked about how his position was not one most community colleges invested in
and the importance of the position for minority students. Several participants indicated how they
liked being trusted to manage the Black support programs and spaces how they deemed fit. Ben
said, “Where I work now, it’s not perfect, but I have gotten some support in terms of what I want
to do, and I guess giving me some autonomy on how I operate within the program.”
Still, six candidates did not feel supported by their places of employment. Of the six
participants who did not feel supported by their organizations, two acknowledged it was positive
they had been hired, and they did have many opportunities for professional development, but in
their minds, that was not enough. From their perspective, the support provided by the institutions
was not resulting in promotion opportunities. Part of Moses’s answer to the question about
feeling supported was, “So I guess in reality they haven’t helped me at all. All they’ve done is
provide a forum in which I’m able to do my work.” Marcel expressed a similar sentiment, saying
his institution served as a facilitator of opportunities, but he framed it in a completely different
manner: “The institution provided me the friendship of these critical practitioners that have
driven me to take the administrative position and also go to school for my doctorate.” It is
important to note that all six individuals who said they felt supported by their institution had
already achieved administrative or tenured faculty positions.
The theme of not compromising morals, values, and beliefs was a shared value among all
12 participants, and they expressed concern that the tenure process could create problems with
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this shared value. Biggums talked about how he struggled with the notion that he was being
creative to support his students from minoritized backgrounds, his students were achieving
success, and the reward for this creativity in producing success was negative marks on his tenure
review: “They would bring up policy. This is what the policy says. So this is what you have to do
to kind of force me into doing things their way, becoming a Black European.” Biggums relayed
that what the institution was trying to force him into was not what his students needed.
Prez also called for a closer examination of the tenure process due to the nature of the
obstacles Black educators must endure: “So when it is viewed that Black faculty may be
underperforming in the area, it is not, that is not evaluated through the larger context of what it is
that they’ve had to go through in the department.” Prez outlined a situation he had experienced at
one of his institutions, where collaboration was difficult due to different backgrounds: “If you
don’t have a colleague that you’re able to collaborate with because they are culturally
uncomfortable with you or vice versa, then that may impact how long it takes you to put together
a dynamic and effective syllabus.” Some Black faculty members, such as Ben, reported
preferring to remain quiet until they earned tenure. Ben described how he felt navigating the
tenure process:
I have 3 more years until I will gain that tenure status. And the tenure status is a big deal
to me because I feel like once I gain tenure or earn tenure, then I could be a lot more
vocal.
Theme 2: Participants Recommend Creating Pathways to Tenured Faculty and
Administrative Roles
All participants were asked what they would like to see their colleges implement to
support them with their success. Six out of the 12 participants mentioned a career pathway to
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leadership. All the participants wanted to support the Black community and verbalized
willingness to perform the necessary steps to achieve a leadership role. Moses addressed how
creating a career pathway can remedy the low morale presented by the never-ending cycle Black
educators navigate as they chase their career objectives:
Like a pathway, so if you do X, Y, Z, then you are sure to have a full-time position as
long as you’re doing what you need to do. Those types of things. Otherwise, it’ll feel like
you’re chasing the carrot on the stick in perpetuity.
ET also spoke on how a focus on pathways could support Black educators: “We have all of these
resources at our disposal, but there really isn’t an investment in the trajectory of the personnel,
which in turn hurts morale.” MC noted the importance of pathways for Black male hip-hop
educators because they do not receive the same opportunities as people in the dominant culture:
“White individuals benefit from appointments, while that is not something seen for Black
males.” Kanye talked about being the only Black male hip-hop educator in his space, and how it
can be lonely as the only Black male attempting to crack the leadership circle:
It’d be nice to have a mentor or program where someone is designated to mentor you.
Specifically, on how to, you know, be an administrator or be a dean or whatever so that
you don’t feel like you’re kind of out on an island by yourself.
Theme 3: Participants Recommend White Leaders Build Relationships with Minoritized
Communities
The participants indicated that PWIs’ lack of implementation of hip-hop culture is a
significant obstacle to those whose identity is forged in it. Some of the participants talked about
how they did not want to lose that hip-hop part of their identity because they understood that is
how they maintained their strong connection to the students. Four of the 12 educators directly
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addressed the synergy they had with students due to their connection to hip-hop culture.
Biggums talked about the positive impact his hip-hop pedagogy had on the students: “And when
I kind of submerged them in this journey, a lot of my students would say that your courses feel
like a 16-week therapy session.” Ben addressed other benefits: “I know I have great relationships
with my students. I can build rapport very easily because we have some shared common
interests.” Similarly, Harrison talked about how his connection to hip-hop culture connected him
to the students: “You will see me wearing Jordans every now and then; you see me wear
something because that is not necessarily what society will tell you is, for lack of a better word,
professional, but I’m making a point.”
In addition to hip-hop being a bridge connecting participants to urban youth, participants
also described hip-hop as a tool that supported them in navigating a hostile environment. Eight of
the 12 participants fell into this mentioned category. Words such as “resilient,” “endure,” and
“empowered” described how hip-hop had served the participants throughout their careers. When
asked about hip-hop’s effect on his career pursuits, Dame said, “I just think a lot of hip-hop
songs, you know, speaks on being resilient. So being resilient through a journey, right from
starting from nothing to now, something.” Marcel noted, “So when I when I think about the
feeling, right, is that hip-hop is endurance. And, and so I have to endure.” Prez talked about how
hip-hop supported him with achieving some of his goals: “It gives me an edge. It gives me a
certain type of energy, a level of gangsterism that is required to me to bust into spaces that wasn’t
designed for me.”
Black participants voiced frustration with PWIs for not understanding the benefits of hip-
hop culture in higher education. Three out of the 12 participants suggested PWIs need to commit
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more to understanding hip-hop culture so they know its role in higher education. Durant
described potential misperceptions of what hip-hop pedagogy is:
And to be able to value the hip-hop experience and the education that comes with it,
because I teach it from a very sociopolitical, economic, you know, insight and whatnot.
So, it isn’t just about, I guess, what people might think about is, you know, the music and
the fashion and all that. No, it’s really like, no, let’s look at how we market Black Death.
Let’s look at, you know, how public housing and redlining impacted where these people
live, which also impacted the conditions which impacted the stories that they tell and all
these different things.
Dame said, “I think the leadership needs to spend more time with the Black population, students,
and staff alike. Go to the spaces. Ask questions.” MC suggested the need for more diversity at
the Black conferences, “We need to be intentional about making sure our White administrators
attend our Black conferences. They need to hear from the students. They need to hear the horrific
stories.”
Summary
Participants spoke on a wide variety of racialized experiences in the form of bias and
microaggressions, and as participants discussed, it can be challenging to identify the root of the
negative experiences Black male hip-hop educators encounter in workplace settings. When they
do have negative racial experiences, those can vary. What remained consistent throughout the
interviews was the participants’ negative perception of the process related to hiring, recruitment,
and promotion. The participants reported that they had become used to roadblocks, and all had
developed strategies to move forward, but they did not feel they should have to go to the lengths
they needed to achieve success. When asked about what behaviors they felt leadership needed to
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implement to ensure equity, participants focused on leaders needing to creatively try to modify
the system to allow for sustainable equity.

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Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations
This chapter lists recommendations to support increasing the number of Black male hip-
hop educators in community colleges. The chapter begins with a discussion of the key findings
from the research study and how those findings align with previous research on the racialized
experiences of Black educators in PWIs. Next, four recommendations for implementation are
discussed. The chapter then presents limitations and delimitations and future research
recommendations. The chapter addresses equity implications before it concludes.
Discussion of Findings
As the study demonstrated, although Black educators have a wide range of racialized
experiences in community colleges, certain shared experiences support identifying common
roadblocks. Participants mentioned unfair hiring practices and racial bias most frequently
throughout the interviews and reported these factors as negatively influencing their desire to
work with their respective institutions. Participants said they believe institutions could
implement several strategies to combat these negative factors to increase the number of Black
male hip-hop educators working at community colleges.
Hiring Practices and Racial Bias as Primary Roadblocks
Eight of the 12 participants described problematic hiring practices in their interviews and
identified hiring practices as a significant barrier to the career advancement of Black male hip-
hop educators. Per participant responses, improving hiring practices was a theme that emerged as
answering all research questions. Previous literature has outlined numerous problems with hiring
practices, including outdated policies, lack of diversity on hiring committees, and internal strife
(Fujii, 2014; Liera & Dowd, 2019; Sensoy & DiAngelo, 2017; Webster & Brown, 2019). The
faculty in Webster and Brown’s (2019) study noted an increase in campus diversity when
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equitable hiring practices and a diverse hiring committee were applied. This aligned with the
findings from the current study. In the study conducted by Fujii (2014), it was observed that the
hiring committee chair has the capacity to influence both the committee members and the
specific areas of focus that the committee deems significant during the hiring process. However,
the research findings also revealed that diversity is frequently not given adequate attention as one
of these crucial areas, a trend that resonated with the experiences and perceptions shared by the
participants of the current study.
Participants mentioned racial bias as another roadblock, and every participant confirmed
having negative racialized experiences. The participants’ responses aligned directly with the
research citing a range of issues Black educators frequently encounter, such as wardrobe
microaggressions, credentialing biases, and name-calling (Louis et al., 2017; Squire, 2020;
Turner & Grauerholz, 2017). Louis et al. (2017) noted the discomfort non-Black peers
experienced with how Black educators dressed. Participants in the current study provided
accounts of similar experiences, demonstrating the prevalence of racial bias in education.
Sparkman (2021) showed trends in how a lack of higher education degrees has prevented Blacks
from achieving leadership positions. Counter to that, multiple participants in this study talked
about higher-level degrees still not helping Black male hip-hop educators earn the positions they
seek. The participants’ racialized experiences varied, which is consistent with the literature.
Although racialized experiences share similar themes, each experience usually varies (Baszile,
2009; Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015).
Limited Long-Term Prospects Within the Organization
When participants considered their long-term prospects within their organizations, they
unanimously indicated that the negative racialized experiences they had had detracted from their
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sense of belonging. Lack of a sense of belonging did not necessarily mean a participant felt
compelled to leave their institution, but in many instances, it opened the door for considering
other job or career options. Black educators supporting Black and urban students is a prominent
theme throughout the literature, as that is the primary reason behind implementing critical
pedagogies (Emdin, 2021; Irizarry, 2009; Karvelis, 2018).
In this study, 10 out of the 12 participants indicated the institution supporting Black
students was a high priority. Without roadblocks, the participants said, they could implement new
pedagogies that positively influence students’ lives, similarly to previous Black educators who
had roadblocks taken away (Khalifa, 2013). A unique finding that emerged from this study
compared with previous research was the participants’ descriptions of leaving their institution or
developing an alternate method of accomplishing their goal of supporting Black students. Moses
did not feel educational institutions taught Black students the most salient information they need.
Moses commented, “So I just made my own academy teaching different areas like blockchain
technology, cannabis cultivation, horticulture, horticulture and information technology.” In
previous studies, participants often reported merely coping with negative racialized experiences
and did not describe an alternative course of action in response to such challenging situations
(Franklin, 2008; Louis et al., 2017; Smith et al., 2011).
Participants’ Recommendations for Increasing Black Male Leadership in PWIs
Participants said that, to increase the number of Black male hip-hop educators in
leadership roles, institutions must be intentional about recruitment, hiring, and promoting. The
participants’ descriptions of hiring practices as a roadblock aligned with previous literature,
where participants indicated desiring more intentionality with hiring practices (Fujii, 2014; Liera
& Dowd, 2019; Sensoy & DiAngelo, 2017; Webster & Brown, 2019). Participants mentioned
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recruitment alongside hiring in most instances because they are closely tied, and the same
literature that addressed hiring issues also mentioned recruitment issues. The participants and the
literature lamented the lack of intentionality in recruiting Black educators (Bridges, 2011;
Emdin, 2021). Emdin (2021) recommended being specific about where institutions are looking
for Black males and considering places such as Historically Black Colleges and Universities and
Black Greek fraternity and sorority events. In this study, six of the 12 participants discussed the
need to implement a pathway to support them in achieving an administrative or tenured position.
The need to implement pathways for Black educators is consistent with literature confirming that
higher education institutions must create networks or pathways for their Black employees to
achieve these roles (Scott, 2016). Earthman and Pinkney (n.d.) indicated that Black male
educators successfully achieved their doctoral degrees when supported with a comprehensive
pathway. In Eathman and Pinkney’s study, colleges removed roadblocks, allowing Black
educators to progress successfully.
Recommendations for Practice
This study’s data translate into four recommendations that PWIs should consider
implementing to increase the number of Black male hip-hop educators who are leaders within the
institution. PWIs should (a) influence the leadership and culture of the campus, (b) create
pathways to administrative and tenured roles for Black male hip-hop educators, (c) create
mentorship programs for Black male hip-hop educators, and (d) interrogate hiring policies and
procedures and develop a culture that allows for equitable hiring. Institutions must implement
multiple recommendations simultaneously in order to combat systemic problems effectively.
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Recommendation 1: Influence the Leadership and Culture of the Campus
The influence of leadership is critical when it comes to integrating diversity into campus
culture (Webster & Brown, 2019). Three of the 12 participants mentioned leadership not
supporting Black initiatives unless it benefitted the school in some manner, and this lends to the
first step in how to influence leadership. Black initiatives need framing so that leadership can see
the tangible benefit of supporting them (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021). For instance, in California,
closing equity gaps leads to increased funding (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021). For impactful
resource allocation, advocates within the Black community should engage in a systematic
calculation of the potential financial gains that an institution stands to accrue. This calculation
will enable the leadership of community colleges to develop a comprehensive understanding of
the tangible benefits associated with the allocated funding. One of the participants’ schools
received $250,000 in state funding for the 23-24 school year due to achieving their local goals
successfully via having an Umoja program. Umoja, is a statewide organization that has program
charters on different college campuses to support the success of Black students. Benefits that
result in more funding can encourage PWIs to support Black initiatives. The next crucial step in
exerting influence on leadership involves establishing accountability for diversity. This entails
ensuring that the effectiveness of initiatives like Black student equity programs and those aiding
other underserved groups is evaluated on par with academic and student service programs, as
highlighted by Wolfe and Dilworth (2015). By making support for underserved populations
obligatory rather than optional, a powerful strategy emerges to enhance the success rates of these
students.
Influencing leadership is significant because leaders who support diversity will help with
a smooth shift in the campus culture (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021). In turn, leadership can
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collaborate with Black educators and students on campus to construct an environment where
Blacks can feel comfortable. Examples include creating a Black space for students, meaningful
acknowledgment of Black holidays and celebrations, collectively developing Black student
enrollment and student success goals, and developing affinity groups for educators. One of the
reasons Black students lack success is that they do not spend enough time on the college campus.
When students spend time on campus, they take advantage of the academic resources to enhance
their success. By having cultural events and celebrations, Black students spend more on campus,
giving them more access to resources supporting their success (California Community Colleges
Black and African American Advisory Panel, 2020; Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021). In addition, all
employees should receive updated diversity, equity, and inclusion training. The subjugation of
Blacks to microaggressions that Blacks and other minority communities result from decades of
normalizing discriminatory speech and actions, and institutions must be intentional about
aggressively curbing these behaviors. Effective training can educate employees on behaviors
they were not previously aware were inappropriate and prevent employees from purposedly
engaging in these inappropriate behaviors (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021, Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015).
Recommendation 2: Create Pathways to Administrative and Faculty Roles for Black Hip-
Hop Male Educators
Six out of 12 participants mentioned the creation of pathways for Black educators into
administrative and tenured faculty roles as a way to ensure Black educators develop the skill set
necessary to qualify for leadership roles. Based on this information, PWIs should intentionally
create pathways so these institutions can support Black educators in developing the skill set
necessary so they can progress into filling administrative and tenured faculty leadership roles
within these institutions. Pathways should have specific milestones for educators to achieve
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(Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015). These milestones indicate proficiency in the areas needed to be a
successful leader within the institution. Examples of these milestones could include the
completion of equity training programs, attendance at a relevant conference, participation in
shared governance committees, leading a campus workshop, or conducting a student-centered
event. Ideally, completing these pathways would prioritize participants over external and internal
candidates with similar experience because they have actively demonstrated the ability to
complete the different elements of the role.
Eight out of the 12 participants stated that the prevailing hiring policies contribute to the
perpetuation of limited opportunities for Black educators. Experts who have completed studies in
industries such as tech, education, and banking have recommended the implementation of
pathways to support the success of Black people (California Community Colleges Black and
African American Advisory Panel, 2020; Scott et al., 2018). Research has shown that timeliness
of entry into successful pathways positively impacts the outcomes for Black individuals. The
California Community Colleges Black and African American Advisory Panel (2020) created a
report with recommendations for improving the outcomes of Black students, and the panel listed
focusing on career pathways as an action that would significantly increase the success rates of
Black students. Each institution would create pathways based on the specific needs of that
institution. Still, a general pathway recommendation would be (a) five hours of shadowing in the
classroom, (b) a year’s worth of participation in two shared governance committees, (c) a year
serving as a mentor, (d) attendance of two professional development conferences, and (e)
completion of a special diversity, equity, and inclusion training program. By completing these
steps candidates can gain the experience and knowledge necessary to be an administrator or
tenured faculty member. Critical skills developed from the steps in this pathway include
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teaching, organization, collaboration, communication, customer service, and many other skills
necessary to be successful in leadership roles. Implementing these pathways at institutions gives
Black employees a setting where they are allowed to learn.
Recommendation 3: Create Mentorship Programs for Black Male Hip-Hop Educators
The number of Black male hip-hop educators in administrative or tenured faculty roles
would increase with the implementation of mentoring programs for Black male educators, which
constitutes the third recommendation for PWIs (Conner et al., 2022; Louis et al., 2017; Scott et
al., 2018). The mentors would serve as tools to support Black males in navigating the PWI
environments and having a point of connection so Black males can feel like they are a part of the
culture. This recommendation supports the findings surrounding issues with recruitment, hiring,
and promotion and the findings addressing the lack of a sense of belonging; having mentorship
helps Blacks navigate all these problems. Participants acknowledged how they struggled to
navigate the system. Participants believed having a Black male, who understood their challenges,
could help them and others navigate systems to achieve promotional opportunities. Several
studies have confirmed the notion that Black males having mentors is critical to their
development at PWIs (Freeman et al., 2019; Sparkman, 2021; Webster & Brown, 2019). Black
women would be a relevant comparison due to the similar barriers they face in the workplace,
and studies have pointed to increased success in the workplace for Black women when they have
mentors in place (Dickens & Chavez, 2018; McGaskey et al., 2016; McHargh, 2010).
Mentorship programs that provide Black men with the opportunity to engage with other
Black males serve several crucial purposes. These programs facilitate open discussions about
mental health concerns and personal challenges, enabling them to share their unique experiences.
Additionally, they offer a platform for addressing general inquiries and provide insights into the
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history of Black individuals. These comprehensive mentoring initiatives significantly contribute
to the success and well-being of Black males. All these components are forms of communication,
and having options for people to communicate with about various topics helps drive the success
of Black employees. Mentorship programs should have mentors and mentees connect at least
once a month; however, as long as the connection component is the primary aspect of the
program, organizations can be flexible with how mentorship programs are established.
Recommendation 4: Interrogate Hiring Policies and Procedures and Develop a Culture
That Allows for Equitable Hiring
Ten out of 12 participants mentioned hiring policies as an issue regarding the career
advancement of Black male hip-hop educators. Based on the findings of the study, the fourth
recommendation is for PWIs to interrogate their hiring practices and make changes that allow for
equitable hiring. There are several considerations PWIs should have as they attempt to improve
hiring practices. They can reexamine the interview questions they use, specifically the number
and depth of questions focused on equity (Liera & Dowd, 2019; Sensoy & DiAngelo, 2017).
Committees should prioritize highlighting the previous equity-related efforts of applicants to
ensure that they possess experience in collaborating with diverse populations. Applicants should
receive questions on any new training or ideas they have thought about importing to support
equity initiatives (Liera & Dowd, 2019; Sensoy & DiAngelo, 2017). An understanding and focus
on equity must serve as a skill requirement for applicants applying for leadership roles. Leaders
must understand how to properly interact with a diverse population.
Institutions should also ensure that hiring committees are diverse in identity and
positions. Having a diverse range of identities on committees makes it more straightforward to
identify candidates who possess multiple qualities that can contribute to their success in a
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particular role (Scott, 2016; Webster & Brown, 2019). Committees comprised of members
serving across various departments and roles within the college facilitate comprehensive
employee selection by considering a wide array of areas. This practice reinforces the college's
consistency and integration across its diverse departments. Additionally, community colleges can
rethink how committees consider individuals who continued the work of the vacant position,
adjust how participant responses are rated, diversify recruiting spaces, and conduct trainings for
reducing bias in the hiring process (Liera, 2020; Sensoy & DiAngelo, 2017; Webster & Brown,
2019; Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015). PWIs should also contact HBCUs to inquire about their hiring
practices. Throughout the literature, Black students and Black educators have been shown to
experience similar roadblocks on the path to academic and professional success. Because of this
similarity, one may assume the removal of particular barriers would benefit both Black educators
and Black students.
Limitations and Delimitations
Limitations address the constraints of the study, while the delimitations are the scope of
the study based on the boundaries set by the researcher. One major limitation of this study was
that since participants self-reported, there was no way to be sure the participants were always
telling the truth, and participants may have misremembered details (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016),
such as when Kanye told the story of the vice president of human resources not signing off on his
new role. Kanye talked about the emotional stress this caused him, and due to this stress, it is
possible his perception of what occurred is not completely accurate. There is also a chance that a
participant misinterpreted an event at work. A lack of information or miscommunication could
lead to an inaccurate interpretation of an action as a microaggression. Without the ability to
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observe the participants in the workplace, such room for error exists. There was no tangible
benefit to lying for this study, so I am optimistic that participants were truthful.
My own biases and imperfections of myself as a researcher also served as a limit to the
study (Pannucci & Wilkins, 2010). I tried to prevent limitations by disclosing this information. I
also sought to develop neutral questions. The semi-structured interview design allowed me to ask
follow-up questions to see if additional details came to the participants’ recollections. The
explanation at the start of the interview alerted participants to the possibility of follow-up
questions. At the start of the study, I explained to the participants that I sought to record rich
narratives and let them know to address their racialized experiences in the workplace, even if
there was no perfect question to get to that response.
Regarding delimitations, the scope of the study spanned throughout California, allowing
a rich, diverse sample of participants. This study investigated the experiences of the Black male
hip-hop educator. This immediately narrowed the scope of participants to a very specific
population. Their authenticity and connection to urban youth is the reason this study was
narrowed down to a specific type of Black male. Critical race theory as a framework was salient
in that it viewed the problem concerning the lack of Black male educators from a critical
perspective that was lacking in previous research. A qualitative study with interviews allowed for
that critical perspective to occur (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Recommendations for Future Research
Additional information may be learned by repeating the study. This study likely did not
reach saturation. The participants’ answers were so diverse that additional recommendations
addressing the lack of Black male hip-hop educators in community college leadership roles could
be gleaned from a larger participant pool sample. Additionally, some of the questions prompted
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more in-depth responses from participants than others, so replacing some of the questions likely
would elicit richer accounts.
PWIs exploring the successful implementation of diverse leadership teams, which include
Black males, should be considered. These institutions can provide quantitative and qualitative
data supporting the implementation of a diverse leadership culture. The data would provide
additional recommendations to combat the lack of Black male hip-hop educators in community
college leadership roles.
Implications for Equity
The findings of this study have the potential to influence how educational institutions
support the Black community. The strategies and techniques discussed in this study could also
apply in scenarios where other populations suffer from significant achievement and success gaps.
This study focused on supporting equity with the purpose of developing strategies to increase the
number of Black male hip-hop educators in the community college setting, and with this increase
of Black male hip-hop educators potentially would come an increase in success rates for Black
students as well (Stout et al., 2018). As an additional benefit, all student populations could see
increased success results (Stout et al., 2018).
This study may have equity implications beyond the field of education. PWIs being more
intentional about hiring Black male hip-hop educators can lead to a rise in Black student success
rates, opening new opportunities for Black students to achieve higher-level degrees in different
industries. These advanced degrees could increase the number of leadership positions Black
people can achieve. In any industry, authentic Blacks in leadership roles can potentially lead to
policy and culture changes that create a more equitable experience within an organization.
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Conclusion
The rectification of the low success rates of Black students in community colleges will
occur only if there is a shift in culture and policies. Black male hip-hop educators can effectively
implement the policy and culture necessary for the success of Black students; however, PWIs
must be intentional in their efforts to recruit these educators (Wilkerson & Wilson, 2017). PWIs
must remove barriers currently in place, clearing a pathway so that they may intentionally recruit
Black male hip-hop educators, and these same educators should be supported so they may
effectively navigate the institution.
The proposed work is arduous, and schools must be committed and patient. Black male
hip-hop educators can be tremendous leaders, and the result of systemic racial bias is that these
educators must be allowed to prove themselves. Developing pathways to leadership positions
and mentor programs are methods to begin vetting educators’ knowledge and skill sets (Scott,
2016). Completing the different aspects of the pathways will demonstrate to employers an
individual has the skill set to be a leader. The needs of PWIs have shifted over time, and the
murder of George Floyd exacerbated these needs (Duval, 2020). New hiring policies may allow
PWIs to explore the institution’s new needs, particularly equity needs (Scott, 2016). Ultimately,
however, PWIs have to evaluate how they make their institutions places where Black educators
have a sense of belonging. Immersion with extensive bias training can begin this process.
Although a tragedy, the George Floyd murder served as a jumpstart, causing
organizations to recognize the need to be more intentional about diversity (Duval, 2020).
Unfortunately, a few years later, the momentum was already lost, as participants in this study
noted how they felt their institutions’ culture for Black employees was generally the same as
before the murder of George Floyd. With the 2023 ruling by the Supreme Court striking down
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affirmative action in admissions decisions, PWIs must take quick actions to increase the number
of Black male hip-hop educators in leadership positions, to help ensure Black students make it
into these schools and are successful when they arrive.

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104

Appendix: Interview Protocol
Research Questions
RQ1. What are the organizational roadblocks that Black male hip-hop educators encounter when
attempting to become tenured faculty or administrators in the community college setting?
RQ2. How do racialized experiences in the community college setting impact how Black male
hip-hop educators view their long-term future in the organization?
RQ3. What approaches do Black hip-hop educators report that community colleges can
implement to increase the number of Black male tenured faculty and administrators?

Participants
Black male hip-hop educators (staff, faculty, and administration).

Introduction to the Interview
Hello, my name is Damien Danielly. Thank you for agreeing to meet with me today. The
purpose of this study is for me to interview you as a hip-hop educator and explore your racialized
experiences in the context of your career advancement. Through your insights, as well as the
insight of others, the goal is to come up with strong recommendations that support
Predominantly White Institutions with increasing their Black administrative and faculty
leadership, particularly those Blacks that have a connection to urban youth. The belief is by
increasing the number of Black administrators and faculty, more policies favorable to the success
of Black students will be implemented, and more culturally relevant curricula will be
implemented in the classroom.

The study hopes to accomplish its goal through the strong narratives that are received from the
participants so please take your time as you answer these questions. Please, give as many rich
details as you can remember. Think about who, what, when, where, and why as you share
narratives related to the questions I ask. My hope is that you spend about 3 minutes answering
each question. The interview will last between 45 minutes and an hour, and you will be asked 15
primary questions. There will be some follow-up questions to the primary questions. If at any
point, anything I ask or say is unclear, please let me know. If you believe you had a racialized
experience that was relevant to your career, but we did not get to it because I did not ask a
question that drew out that answer, please share at the end when I ask the last question.

If you need time to take a quick bathroom break or breather, please let me know. That is all I
have in terms of housekeeping.

Do you have any questions concerning what we are doing today?

Do you still agree to participate in the study? I am going to record the interview to ensure
accuracy, is that okay?

105

Interview Questions Potential Probes
RQ
Addressed
1. Who are your Top 5 hip-hop artists? You
determine the criteria.
What initially attracted you to
hip-hop?
Warm-Up
2. What attracted you to the field of
education?
What goals would you
ultimately like to accomplish in
the field of education? Do your
outcomes involve being an
administrator, full-time faculty
member, or leader?
Warm-Up
3. Describe any racism or microaggressions
you have experienced in your workplace.
RQ 2
4. How do you feel your connection to hip-
hop has impacted your experience as you
work towards your career goals?
RQ 2
5. How, if at all, has your organization
supported you in achieving your career
goals?
RQ 1
6. Do you believe your connection to the hip-
hop culture contributes to any roadblocks you
experience in the workplace? What have you
done specifically to overcome these
roadblocks?
Can you talk about roadblocks
you experience that may not be
related to your connection to the
hip-hop culture?
RQ 1
7. What specific steps are you taking to
achieve the career goals you desire?
RQ 1
8. As a Black hip-hop educator, do you feel
like the support or treatment you receive is
any different than Black educators whose
identities are not seemingly connected to the
hip-hop culture?
Why do you feel this way? Are
there any specific examples you
can point to?
RQ 3
9. How do you feel the climate of the campus
is for Black educators following the murder
of George Floyd?
How would you characterize
your organization’s response? If
necessary: Would you
characterize their response as
meaningful or performative?
RQ 3
10. What leadership behaviors need to change
to create more pathways to tenure and
administration for Black hip-hop educators?

RQ 3
11. Describe what would you like to see the
organization implement to support you with
your career objectives.
RQ 3
12. Take your morals, values, and beliefs
associated with hip-hop culture, have you
ever compromised any of these for a career
advancement objective?
If not, have you never been
tempted?
RQ 2
106

Interview Questions Potential Probes
RQ
Addressed
13. What is your anticipated timeline for
achieving your administrative, full-time
status role, leadership role, or leadership
goal?
What happens if you do not
achieve your goal by this time?
RQ 1
14. To what extent, if at all, have any of
racialized experiences in the community
college setting caused you to consider
changing fields of practice?
If so, why, and what new field
have you or are you
considering? Is it related to
racialized experiences or career
mobility within education?
RQ 2
15. How important is it to that your
organization is committed to the success of
Black students? Is the implementation of hip-
hop pedagogy something that must happen at
your educational institution?
Would you leave if your
institution repeatedly ignores or
does not put enough resources
into this effort?
RQ 1

Conclusion to the Interview:
That was the final question. I really appreciate you being a good sport and hanging in there with
me today. This was some great information and will be extremely helpful as I continue this
study. I hope you are okay with me reaching out to you in the future. I would like you to
potentially check the transcript for accuracy.
Would you be okay with me reaching out to you in the future?
(Great, I’ll be in contact with you in the future or No Worries) I really appreciate your time
today. Thank you for your help! Did you have any questions for me?
Have a great day.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Danielly, Damien Lamar (author)

Core Title Increasing representation of Black male hip-hop educators in the community colleges in California

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-08

Publication Date 09/01/2023

Defense Date 08/21/2023

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Black male educators,Black student success,critical pedagogy,critical race theory,hip-hop educators,increasing representation,low success rates,OAI-PMH Harvest

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Language English

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Advisor Seli, Helena (committee chair), Bradford, Lawrence (committee member), Phillips, Jennifer (committee member)

Creator Email damien.danielly@gmail.com,ddaniell@usc.edu

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