University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Casualties of conflict: trauma and belonging in refugee and immigrant youth

(USC Thesis Other)

Casualties of conflict: trauma and belonging in refugee and immigrant youth

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content

Casualties of Conflict: Trauma and Belonging in Refugee and Immigrant Youth

Wesley K. Simon

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

August 2023

© Copyright by Wesley K. Simon 2023
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Wesley K. Simon certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Anthony Maddox
Marc Pritchard
Monique Datta, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

iv
Abstract
The need to address the effect of childhood trauma on immigrant youth has become increasingly
important as war, conflict, economic scarcity, and climate change displace more and more
people. Recent history provides evidence that current political, economic, and social systems and
structures create barriers to resettlement in general and negatively impact the long-term mental
health outcomes of millions of children worldwide. Recognizing the impact of trauma on
immigrant youth, and seeking ways to mitigate this impact, is vital for the future of the United
States. This dissertation examined the effects of trauma, explored whether feelings of belonging
in the country of resettlement can help to mitigate the impact of childhood trauma in immigrant
youth, and sought to determine which experiences support feelings of belonging post-migration.
By exploring the association between trauma, belonging, and mental health, this dissertation
provides the foundation for systematic and organizational change regarding how we address the
needs of immigrant youth.
Keywords: immigrant youth, refugee youth, migration, trauma, belonging, mental health

v
Dedication
To my mother, Marcy Neff. I could not have achieved this without your support. Thank you for
your unwavering confidence in my abilities and unending support for all my endeavors. I would
not be here today if you had not been there to pick up the pieces all those years ago, and I am
forever grateful for you and your love.

vi
Acknowledgments
Thank you to Dr. Monique Datta for guiding me through this journey. I am grateful for
your support and patience. Dr. Anthony Maddox, I appreciate your encouragement of my
dissertation. To Dr. Marc Pritchard, thank you for teaching me everything there is to know about
APA formatting. To all my professors at USC, I appreciate your support and patience over the
past few years. I always felt you were all in my corner, and I thank you. Finally, thank you to the
participants in my study who took time out of their busy lives to share their memories,
experiences, and perspectives with me. I could not have done this vital work without you.

vii

Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgments.......................................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................. x
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Context and Background of the Problem ............................................................................ 2
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions .................................................................... 3
Importance of the Study ...................................................................................................... 4
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology .................................................... 5
Definition of Terms............................................................................................................. 6
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................... 8
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature .......................................................................................... 9
The Immigrant Experience ................................................................................................. 9
Belonging .......................................................................................................................... 19
Ecological Systems Theory............................................................................................... 24
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 30
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 32
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 34
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 34
Overview of Design .......................................................................................................... 34
Research Setting................................................................................................................ 35
The Researcher.................................................................................................................. 36

viii

Data Sources ..................................................................................................................... 36
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 37
Data Collection and Analysis............................................................................................ 37
Trustworthiness of the Study ............................................................................................ 38
Ethics................................................................................................................................. 38
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 40
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 41
Findings for Research Question One ................................................................................ 43
Findings for Research Question Two ............................................................................... 59
Findings for Research Question Three ............................................................................. 67
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 77
Chapter Five: Recommendations .................................................................................................. 82
Discussion of the Findings ................................................................................................ 83
Recommendations for Practice ......................................................................................... 86
Limitations and Delimitations........................................................................................... 90
Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................................ 92
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 93
References ..................................................................................................................................... 94
Appendix A: Information Sheet .................................................................................................. 123
Appendix B: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................. 125
Appendix C: Interview Questions ............................................................................................... 129

ix

List of Tables
Table 1: Data Sources 35
Table 2: Demographic Information of Participants 41
Appendix C: Interview Questions 128

x

List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework of the Immigrant Experience 32
1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Exposure to the trauma of conflict, displacement, and forced relocation has a detrimental
impact on the post-migration mental health of immigrant youth. According to research,
immigrant youth often experience high rates of traumatic events before and during migration,
including war, violence, poverty, or the loss or death of loved ones (Bronstein & Montgomery,
2011; Chavez et al., 2021, Forrest-Bank et al., 2019; Hodes & Vostanis, 2019). Immigrant youth
experience additional trauma after resettlement as they face challenges related to economic
stability, language acquisition, acculturation, and discrimination (Forest-Bank et al., 2019;
Rumbaut, 2007. Overall, the experiences of immigrant youth before, during, and after migration
are often fraught with danger, loss, and trauma. These lived experiences can have a long-term
impact on immigrant youths’ mental health outcomes and ability to adjust to their new lives in
their country of resettlement.
While there is a large amount of research regarding the impact of migration trauma on
immigrant youth, there are significant gaps in knowledge regarding how best to address this
problem. Forrest-Bank et al. (2019) argued that while previous research has demonstrated that
immigrant youth are at a higher risk for adverse mental health outcomes, current programs
designed to support this population are inadequate and do not address the issue’s complexity.
Similarly, there are significant gaps in knowledge regarding how best to deliver treatment and
services to immigrant youth in different settings, with providers lacking the skills necessary to
support an often highly traumatized population (Hodes & Vostanis, 2019). Overall, research
demonstrates the need for programs designed to meet the mental health needs and reduce the
post-migration stress of immigrant youth. The impact of trauma on this population is a public
2

health issue and a more comprehensive approach to trauma-informed care is vital (Tinghög et al.,
2017).
Context and Background of the Problem
An estimated 230 million children live in countries impacted by armed conflicts,
increasing their risk of experiencing displacement, violence, and other forms of trauma (United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], 2021). Many other children live in
countries where they are vulnerable to experiencing extreme poverty, governmental corruption,
inequality, and community violence (UNHCR, 2021). Factors such as this result in almost 3
million people migrating yearly, representing over 3.6% of the world’s population (UNHCR,
2021). Research demonstrates that pre-migration trauma is common among immigrant
populations and is especially detrimental for immigrant youth. For example, Kim’s (2015) study
of Latino and Asian immigrant youth in the United States found that 81% of participants
reported exposure to traumatic injuries, and 92% had feelings of ongoing terror. Family
separation is also common, with 50% of unaccompanied minors in Belgium reporting separation
from their family against their will (Vervliet et al., 2014). Additional sources of trauma include
exposure to sexual assault, time spent in refugee camps or detention centers, exposure to torture,
and the death of a parent or family member (Abu Suhaiban et al., 2019; Cardoso, 2019; Dhesi et
al., 2018).
Immigrant youth face additional trauma post-migration due to language acquisition,
economic stability, and acculturation challenges. Tinghög et al. (2017) reported that 19% of
refugees in Sweden felt excluded from society, and 39% reported having difficulty
communicating. Similarly, Kuper and Turanovic’s (2022) study of 952 immigrant youth in the
United States found that fear of deportation led to self-segregation and feelings of social
3

exclusion. Social exclusion and the inability to communicate effectively significantly impact
immigrants’ ability to find employment, leading to post-migration experiences often
characterized by poverty and uncertainty around basic needs (Alemi et al., 2017; Allsop et al.,
2014; Bloch, 2008).
Experiencing discrimination after resettlement can also negatively impact immigrant
youth. For example, Ellis et al.’s (2008) study of adolescent Somali refugees living in the United
States established that perceived discrimination was the highest predictor of depressive
symptoms post-migration. Similarly, research on immigrant children living in Canada
demonstrated that perceived discrimination significantly predicted emotional distress (Beiser &
Hou, 2016).
The psychological effects of childhood trauma on immigrant youth can be severe, and
exposure to trauma during childhood and adolescence can have a long-term impact on mental
health, educational outcomes, emotional functioning, and social relationships (Magruder et al.,
2017). Adverse effects can persist well into adulthood, with people who experienced trauma
during childhood at a higher risk of long-term physical and psychological problems (Edwards et
al., 2003). The cumulative trauma experienced by many immigrant youth can lead to
psychological issues and a complex impairment of cognitive ability, behavior control, self-
regulation, and interpersonal attachment (Courtois, 2008). As a result of these impairments,
many trauma survivors suffer from feelings of anger and abandonment, leading to unstable
relationships and persistent trust issues (Briere & Jordan, 2009).
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
This study aimed to provide educational organizations, such as public schools, with
information and support in offering more effective care to immigrant youth post-migration. The
4

study used narrative inquiry methodology to examine the effects of trauma exposure on
immigrant youth, explore whether increased feelings of belonging in the country of resettlement
mitigate the impact of trauma experienced during childhood, and determine which experiences
support feelings of belonging post-migration. Using interviews and probing questions allowed
for a deep exploration of the participants’ stories and perspectives on trauma and belonging. A
focus on participants’ childhood experiences before, during, and after migration endorsed the
mission of the study, which was to gather data regarding the impact of belonging on trauma
recovery.
The following research questions guided this study:
1. How does exposure to trauma before, during, and after migration impact the mental
health of refugee youth?
2. How do increased feelings of belonging in the country of resettlement impact refugee
youths’ long-term well-being and mental health?
3. What post-migration experiences foster feelings of belonging in refugee youth?
Importance of the Study
Research supports the link between childhood trauma and elevated mental health
problems in immigrant populations. The cumulative trauma experienced by many immigrant
youth can lead to psychological issues, a complex impairment of cognitive ability and behavior
control, and difficulties with self-regulation and interpersonal attachments (Courtois, 2004). As a
result of these impairments, many trauma survivors suffer from anger, feelings of abandonment,
unstable relationships, and persistent trust issues (Briere & Jordan, 2009). Immigrant youth leave
their home country, often without choice, searching for a better, safer, more prosperous life, but
the long-term effects of the trauma they experience put multiple obstacles in their way. Failing to
5

address this problem, and remove these obstacles, will lead to the continued suffering and
victimization of immigrant youth, one of the most vulnerable populations in the world (Abu
Suhaiban et al., 2019; Magruder et al., 2017).
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
This study approached the research questions through the lens of Urie Bronfenbrenner’s
(1979) ecological systems theory, which asserts that a reciprocal interplay between an individual
and their surrounding environment impacts their development. Unlike other views of child
development, ecological systems theory goes beyond the immediate environment to consider the
impacts of structural, social, political, and chronological contexts on an individual’s life. The
settings examined through this framework include the microsystem (the individual’s immediate
environment), mesosystem (the interrelation of two or more domains in which the individual
participates), exosystem (formal and informal social structures that influence an individual), and
macrosystem (cultural elements that shape growth and development). All four systems exist
within the chronosystem, which considers the effects of time in terms of social and cultural
context and the impact of specific events in an individual’s life.
Ecological systems theory is appropriate for this research because answering the
questions posed requires examining multiple settings across time that impact the development of
immigrant youth. Immigrant youth often experience high rates of traumatic events before,
during, and after migration (Bronstein & Montgomery, 2011; Forrest-Bank et al., 2019; Hodes &
Vostanis, 2019; Rumbaut, 2007). Trauma can occur due to impacts felt within the immediate
settings of an immigrant’s experiences and in more remote locations that may impact
immigrants’ lives after resettlement. Factors in the chronosystem, such as age at the time of
migration or the loss of one’s parent during migration, have an additional impact.
6

The accumulation of pre-, during, and post-migration stressors across various settings and
environments can lead to depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and lower
psychological well-being in immigrant youth (Ellis et al., 2008; Forest-Bank et al., 2019). Given
this effect, it is plausible to suggest that an accumulation of positive experiences across these
same settings and environments can have the opposite effect, mitigating the impact of trauma,
improving feelings of belonging and well-being, and leading to a more favorable long-term
outcome.
In his seminal text, The Ecology of Human Development, Bronfenbrenner (1979)
hypothesized that “the developmental potential of a setting is increased as a function of the
supportive links existing between that setting and other settings” (p. 215) and “development is
enhanced by providing experiences that allow for the formation and maintenance of
transcontextual dyads across a variety of settings” (p. 214). Therefore, the theory underpinning
this study is that immigrant youth who develop positive and reciprocal primary dyads across
various settings post-migration will experience an increased sense of belonging in their county of
resettlement and, as a result, improved mental health outcomes.
Definition of Terms
The key concepts explored in this study are the effects of childhood trauma on mental
health, whether feelings of belonging can mitigate those effects, and how post-migration
experiences support the development of belonging. The following definitions provide insight into
these concepts’ relevance to immigrant youth’s experiences.
• Belonging refers to the need for regular contact and the perception that interpersonal
relationships are stable, ongoing, and characterized by affective concern (Baumeister,
2021). Vallerand (1997) suggests that the need for belonging “involves feeling
7

connected” (p. 300), and Hodges et al. (2018) define belonging as the extent to which
one feels personally accepted, respected, included, and supported by others in the
social environment.
• Depression is a mental disorder requiring the presence of five or more symptoms for
two weeks or more. Symptoms include depressed mood, appetite or weight changes,
sleep difficulties, fatigue, energy loss, decreased ability to think or concentrate,
feelings of worthlessness or guilt, and suicidality (American Psychiatric Association,
2013).
• Immigrant refers to a person living outside of the country of their birth, regardless of
their citizenship status in the country of resettlement (Bolter, 2019). In this study, the
term immigrant refers to all types of migrants, including refugees.
• Migration is the movement of a person across an international border (international
migration) or within a state (internal migration) for more than one year, regardless of
the causes or the means used to migrate (UNHCR, 2016)
• Post-traumatic stress disorder involves one or more intrusive symptoms associated
with a traumatic event, beginning after the traumatic event. Symptoms can include
intrusive memories, distressing dreams, dissociative reactions such as flashbacks,
intense psychological distress, and physiological responses to cues that resemble the
traumatic event (American Psychiatric Association, 2013).
• Refugee refers to a person who experiences persecution or a severe threat to their life
or freedom, forcing them from their home. The persecution or danger may be linked
to an aspect of the individual’s identity, such as race or religion, or to external
situations, such as war, conflict, or violence (UNHCR, 2016).
8

• Resettlement is the movement of immigrants from an asylum country to another
country that has agreed to accept them and eventually grant them permanent
residency (Rush, 2022).
Organization of the Study
This study consists of five chapters. The introductory chapter provides information
necessary to understand the problem under research and provides an overview of the purpose,
importance, theoretical framework, and definitions. Chapter Two reviews the literature on
migration, trauma, mental health outcomes, and the significance of feelings of belonging in
mitigating trauma. Chapter Three describes the qualitative methodology of narrative inquiry used
in the study. Chapter Four presents the data findings, and Chapter Five summarizes the essential
findings and recommendations for future research in belonging and trauma mitigation in
immigrant youth.

9

Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
This literature review examines the existing literature on immigrant trauma, mental
health, and sense of belonging. Key concepts addressed are the effect of migration trauma on
mental health, the impact of belonging on mental health, and the influence of post-migration
experiences on immigrant youths’ sense of belonging in their country of resettlement. Since
trauma and belonging are not unique to the immigrant experience, the research draws from the
areas of not only immigrant trauma and belonging but also childhood trauma and mental health
and the overall impact of belonging on mental health.
The first section provides a general overview of the immigrant experience and the types
of pre-, during-, and post-migration trauma immigrants face, followed by an exploration of the
impact of migration trauma on mental health. The next section covers the topic of belonging and
examines the impact of belonging on mental health. The final section provides a comprehensive
overview of the migration experience, specifically focusing on the effects of various
microsystem and mesosystem influences on belonging and trauma recovery.
The Immigrant Experience
Immigrant youth often experience high rates of traumatic events before and during
migration, including war, poverty, extreme violence, or the loss of a loved one due to death or
separation (Bronstein & Montgomery, 2011; Forrest-Bank et al., 2019; Hodes & Vostanis,
2019). As a result, many immigrant youth enter countries of resettlement having experienced an
elevated level of trauma (Ellis et al., 2008). Immigrant youth leave their home countries, often
without choice, searching for a better, safer, more prosperous life, but the long-term effects of
the trauma they experience make this difficult to achieve.
10

Post-resettlement factors can also significantly impact immigrant youths’ long-term well-
being, putting them at risk for mental health problems (Alberg & Castro-Olivo, 2014; Caputo,
2003; d’Abreu et al., 2019; Kim, 2019). Immigrant youth face challenges related to acculturative
stress, social isolation, discrimination, and a poor sense of belonging after resettlement
(Bronstein & Montgomery, 2011). Trauma experienced after resettlement, combined with trauma
experienced before and during migration, can severely impact immigrant youths’ mental health.
Collectively, the data show that the childhood trauma experienced by immigrant and displaced
youth can have a long-lasting detrimental effect on their mental health and overall well-being
(Bronstein & Montgomery, 2011; Ellis et al., 2008; Hodes & Vostanis, 2019; Magruder et al.,
2017). The following sections will provide an overview of the types of pre-, during, and post-
migration trauma immigrant youth experience and describe the impact that lived trauma can have
on their mental health.
Pre-Migration Trauma: War, Torture, Violence, and Poverty
Traumatic experiences before migration, including war and torture, harm the mental
health of immigrant youth. Abu Suhaiban et al. (2019) described living through war as one of the
most traumatic experiences a person can have. Children residing in war-affected countries
experience constant fear and grave violations of their rights, which leads to prolonged, lasting
feelings of insecurity and lack of safety (Altschuler, 2016). Globally, 426 million children live in
areas impacted by armed conflict, putting them at an increased risk of experiencing
displacement, the loss or death of one or both parents, kidnapping, and rape (Cardeli et al.,
2020). Additional traumatic war experiences can include detention in camps, separation from
family, and exposure to torture (Abu Suhaiban et al., 2019). Roth (2006) described torture as the
most severe violation of human rights a person can experience. Many people die during torture,
11

and those who survive may suffer from debilitating physical and mental injuries (Altschuler,
2016). Survivors of torture often experience intense feelings of shame, guilt, and helplessness in
addition to a wide range of health problems, including chronic pain and other forms of physical
distress (Altschuler, 2016). There is evidence that torture is a common experience in many
immigrant populations. For example, Roth (2006) reported that 53% of Kosovar immigrants had
been torture victims. Similarly, 48% of participants in a study on West Papuan immigrants
resettled in Australia reported being the victims of torture (Rees et al., 2013). Up to 35% of
immigrants worldwide say they have experienced torture before migration (Abu Suhaiban et al.,
2019; Sigvardsdotter et al., 2016).
Immigrant youth are also at considerable risk of traumatic experiences like sexual assault.
Research supports the assertion that soldiers and civilians use rape as a weapon during conflict,
leading to the fragmentation of families and communities and increased feelings of fear and
terror (Altschuler, 2016; Barton et al., 2020). In 2018 alone, 933 verified cases of sexual violence
against children occurred, even though violations of this type are often severely underreported
(Office of the Representative for Children and Armed Conflict, 2019). In addition, an estimated
60% of women and girls are victims of sexual assault before or during their migration journey,
with unaccompanied minors at particular risk (Cardoso et al., 2019). Evidence of sexual assault
against men and boys is also becoming more recognized. In a study of 310 male immigrants
from South Sudan, participants reported multiple forms of sexual violence, including genital
violence, forced witnessing of sexual assault, and rape (Chynoweth et al., 2020). This experience
is not uncommon regardless of what part of the world an immigrant is fleeing. Among a sample
of immigrants traveling from Morocco to Europe, 37% were the victims of rape (Keygnaert et
al., 2014).
12

Similarly, a 2015 study suggested that 29% of immigrant men and boys arriving from
various destinations were victims of sexual violence (Keygnaert & Guieu, 2015). Other sources
of pre-migration trauma include economic hardship and poverty. Eighty percent of immigrants
listed finding work or escaping financial hardship and poverty as the main reason for their
migration (Nwosu et al., 2022). In addition to experiencing trauma before migration, many
immigrant youth are also exposed to significant trauma during their migration journey.
The Migration Journey: Death, Deprivation, and Separation
Even after escaping their home countries, immigrant youth are still at considerable risk.
The migration process can be long, arduous, and unsafe, with an elevated risk of death,
deprivation, and abuse. On October 2, 2013, a boat carrying immigrants from Libya to Italy sank,
killing over 300 people (McMahon & Sigona, 2020). By 2015, the number of deaths reported in
the Mediterranean Sea reached 4,500. In 2020, 64% of participants in a study of immigrants
arriving in Italy after crossing the Mediterranean Ocean reported seeing or hearing someone die
during their migration journey. Similar experiences occur across other migration routes, and
thousands of immigrants die yearly (International Journal of Refugee Law, 2017).
Many deaths result from strict border policies that force immigrants to use increasingly
more dangerous routes through harsh environments (Soto, 2022). At the U.S. and Mexico border,
migrants often travel through sparsely populated areas with little shelter, food, or water, making
them particularly vulnerable to the temperature extremes of the desert environment (Bowen &
Marshall, 2008). Between 2000 and 2017, more than 2,200 migrants died at the Mexican border
in southern Arizona while attempting to cross into the United States (U.S. Customs and Border
Protection, 2023). According to homeland security data, over 800 migrants died along the
13

southern border in 2022, making it the deadliest year on record (U.S. Customs and Border
Protection, 2023).
Additional deaths occur because of excessive force by border control agents. The
International Journal of Refugee Law (2017) reported casualties from lethal force in Egypt,
Spain, Turkey, Yemen, and other countries. Using non-lethal types of force can also result in
deaths, as when immigrants drowned of the coast of North Africa in 2014 when border agents
used teargas and fired rubber bullets to stop them from reaching the shore (International Journal
of Refugee Law, 2017). In 2021, over 55 immigrants died in the custody of United States Border
Control either in the field because of actions taken by border control agents or while in a holding
facility at the border (U.S. Customs and Border Protection, 2023). Smugglers, also known as
coyotes, killed 53 immigrants in 2022 after they abandoned them in a locked tractor-trailer in San
Antonio, Texas, making it the deadliest human smuggling event in United States history (Palacious,
2023). Research shows that over 70% of immigrants trying to cross from Mexico into the United
States use the services of a coyote, making them vulnerable to abuse and death (Lakhani, 2019).
Worldwide, more than 50,000 migrants are known to have died since 2014. Many more are
missing because of their attempted journey (U.S. Customs and Border Protection, 2023).
Many immigrants are forced to spend time in transition countries, living in refugee camps
or detention centers for extended periods before their final resettlement (Dhesi et al., 2018;
LeMay, 2015). Makeshift immigrant camps and centers often do not meet minimum
humanitarian standards, with thousands of immigrants living in cramped conditions while
lacking basic supplies such as adequate food and water (Dhesi et al., 2018). The informal
immigrant camp in Calais, France, is one example of the poor conditions in camps worldwide.
Dhesi et al. (2018) witnessed a lack of food and water at the camp and unsafe food storage and
14

preparation practices leading to hunger and illnesses such as vomiting, diarrhea, fever, and
stomach cramps. Camp residents also lacked access to a clean and adequate water supply, with
samples of the camp water revealing the presence of E. coli and K. pneumonia, which can cause
diarrhea and respiratory infections. Lack of adequate shelter was also an issue, with many
structures made of flammable material and built close to each other, leading to regular fire
outbreaks. Dhesi et al. also noted large waste piles due to the lack of proper sanitation, with only
40 toilets in the camp. The waste accumulation led to rats, cockroaches, bedbugs, and lice, which
can be vectors for serious illness. These are common issues across immigrant camps, and
immigrant youth are especially at risk and vulnerable to experiencing stressors such as high
levels of physical and sexual violence, minimal access to adequate food and water, and a lack of
education (Vossoughi et al., 2018).
Family separation is a significant additional source of trauma for immigrant youth (Fazel
et al., 2012). Immigrants commonly experience separation at the time of flight from their home
country, with 60% of Syrian immigrants separated from family members during their initial
escape (Chandler et al., 2020). Separation can also result from family members remaining behind
in the home country or economic necessity in the country of transit or resettlement (Chandler et
al., 2020). At times separation can result from political policy, as in 2018 when the United States
government separated thousands of children from their parents at the United States-Mexico
border in open conflict with international asylum laws (Teicher, 2018). Since 2017, many
countries have enacted similar policies that have led to widespread detention, deportation, and
separation (Trilling, 2008). Multiple factors perpetuate separation, including a lengthy
immigration process, the lack of appropriate identification or documentation, and the cost of
reunification when family members are in different locations (Care International, 2018).
15

Children separated from family are at a higher risk for sexual exploitation, food
insecurity, and malnutrition (Bianchi, 2011; UNHCR, 2007). Additionally, the trauma of family
separation can negatively impact the development and growth of immigrant children, leading to
long-term challenges that limit their ability to reach their potential (Fazel et al., 2012). Family
separation is a widespread problem. Thirty-six percent of Syrian immigrant youth at a camp in
Jordan reported separation from a parent, and 79% had experienced the death of a family
member (Joseph, 2018). Similarly, in a study of Asian and Latino immigrants, 57% of
participants reported having experienced a family member’s sudden death (Kim, 2019). While
pre and during-migration trauma such as violence, torture, and separation can be severe,
additional trauma experienced after migration can be equally, if not more, impactful (Quinn,
2014).
After Migration: Acculturation, Discrimination, and Exclusion
After migration and resettlement, immigrants often face difficulties related to
discrimination, exclusion from society, and a lack of economic opportunity. Perceived
discrimination in the country of resettlement is a leading factor for post-migration trauma, with
research suggesting that it is the strongest predictor of depressive symptoms in adolescent
immigrants (Alemi et al., 2017; Ellis et al., 2008). Discrimination can take many forms, and
immigrants are often the victims of xenophobic policies and beliefs, particularly in Western
counties such as the United States, where political rhetoric and discriminatory immigration
policies exacerbate discrimination and social exclusion (Fazel et al., 2012).
Discrimination is a significant obstacle to immigrant youth’s ability to acculturate.
Perceived discrimination can lead to low self-worth, emotional and social withdrawal from
school, and feelings of exclusion in the country of resettlement, impacting immigrant youth’s
16

ability to adapt to their new home (Stark et al., 2015). Young Somali immigrants living in
Uganda ranked discrimination as their highest principal safety concern and noted high levels of
direct and indirect exposure to discrimination (Stark et al., 2015). In addition, many immigrant
youths reported experiencing discrimination at school from adults and peers and found it
challenging to make friends due to taunting and exclusion (Stark et al., 2015). Immigrants’ lack
of mastery of the language of instruction further compounded their isolation (Stark et al., 2015).
Another post-migration stressor that immigrants often face is a lack of economic stability
and opportunity. The nature of forced migration rarely allows for adequate planning before
departure, and many immigrants leave behind jobs and possessions of value. Before arriving in
their final resettlement country, some immigrants spend years or even decades in camps with few
opportunities for education, growth, or development (Crawley, 2017). A study of Southeast
Asian immigrants found that 27% of Vietnamese Americans live in poverty years after
resettlement, supporting the assertion that many immigrants lack the essential resources to
resettle successfully (Kim, 2016). Immigrants in the United Kingdom face similar challenges
related to extreme poverty, a lack of stable housing and employment, and exclusion from society
based on immigration status (Alemi et al., 2017; Allsop et al., 2014; Block, 2008). Poverty due to
a lack of opportunity can impact all areas of a young immigrant’s life, including education.
Economic challenges may lead parents of older immigrant children to expect them to work to
help pay for essentials such as food, clothing, and rent (Ahmadzadeh et al., 2014). Frequent
absences from school can lead to academic challenges, including failing grades and a high drop-
out rate compared to non-immigrant peers (UNHCR, 2016). A lack of education, in turn, leads to
a lack of future opportunities and furthers the cycle of economic instability in immigrant
populations.
17

Immigrants also experience stressors related to the overall acculturation process.
Acculturative stress is one of the leading risk factors affecting the mental health of immigrant
children worldwide and can significantly impact their ability to adapt to their country of
resettlement. Acculturative stress is often related to a lack of fluency in the country’s dominant
language of resettlement, which can cause academic and social problems, leading to alienation
and disconnection from peers (Ballard-Kang, 2017; Cardelli et al., 2020). Other challenges relate
to adjusting to and adopting new cultural norms and expectations, leading to identity confusion,
family conflict, and problems at school (Berry, 1992). Difficulties experienced within the family,
community, and school environments can impact the level of acculturative stress experienced,
making it difficult to determine how to reduce it effectively (Alberg & Castro-Olivo, 2014; Choi,
2008; Mulongo et al., 2008).
Trauma and Mental Health
The accumulation of pre-, during, and post-migration stressors in immigrant youth can
lead to adverse mental health outcomes. The effects of negative experiences related to migration
are cumulative, and data show that the longer the duration of exposure to pre-, during, and post-
migration trauma, the greater the risk of psychological stress (Fazel et al., 2012; Reed et al.,
2012). Many immigrant youths present with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression,
anxiety, and other forms of psychological distress (Ballard-Kang, 2017; Bronstein &
Montgomery, 2011; Tinghög et al., 2017). According to Kessler et al. (2017) simply being an
immigrant leads to a 5% increase in the risk of PTSD. Research also demonstrates that youth
resettling in Western countries are ten times more likely to develop post-traumatic stress disorder
than the general population (Kim, 2019). Those who experienced or witnessed violence or death
during the migration journey have an even higher risk of developing PTSD (Wilmsen, 2011).
18

Other factors also impact the severity of symptomology. For example, separation from parents
during migration correlated with higher PTSD scores, with unaccompanied minors showing
significantly elevated levels of distress (Beaton et al., 2018, Hodes et al., 2008). Post-migration
factors also impact immigrant youth, with immigration and subsequent discrimination causing
elevated levels of PTSD (Kim, 2016). Data show that traumatic post-migration experiences are
directly related to higher levels of PTSD and that the accumulation of traumatic stress harms
immigrant mental health (Bronstein & Montgomery, 2011). Overall, post-resettlement stressors,
acculturative stressors, and perceived discrimination are often associated with more significant
PTSD symptoms, with children who have experienced both pre- and post-migration trauma at
particular risk (Ellis et al., 2008).
Immigrant youth are also at an elevated risk for depression and depressive symptoms. In
Tinghög et al.’s (2017) study of immigrant youth, 40% of participants met the criteria for
depression, and 38% met the criteria for low subjective well-being. Acculturative stress and
perceived discrimination strongly predict depression in immigrant populations (Choi, 2008; Ellis
et al., 2015). In addition to PTSD and depression, many immigrants suffer from anxiety disorders
or other psychological distress (Tinghög et al., 2017). Briere and Jordan (2009) reported that
survivors of childhood trauma suffer from anxiety, anger, and abandonment issues leading to
unstable relationships and an inability to trust others. A lack of fluency in the dominant language
and limited economic opportunity post-migration are associated with adverse mental health
outcomes such as alcohol abuse and poor overall well-being (Ballard-Kang, 2017). Extreme
poverty also impacts children, and those living in poverty post-resettlement are at a higher risk
for mental illness (Ellis et al., 2015). They are also more likely to have poor emotional health and
low academic achievement (Briggs-Gowan et al., 2011). Additional factors, such as parental
19

dysfunction, family adversity, and problematic parenting, can increase the negative impact of
traumatic events (Dye, 2018).
Belonging
Positive mental health outcomes among immigrant populations are linked to feelings of
belonging, making belonging an essential aspect of the post-migration experience. Belonging to
society substantially and positively impacts well-being, while social exclusion can hamper
learning and threaten the integration of immigrant youth (Grüttner, 2019). Overall, data show
that social belonging is one of the most crucial factors impacting the post-resettlement well-
being of immigrant youth (Kia-Keating, 2007; Rousseau et al., 2004).
Experts define belonging in various ways, but all definitions focus on a sense of
connection. Kim and Kaplan (2004) identified community identity, social connectedness, and
connection to place and time as essential to belonging. Others have defined belonging as a sense
of togetherness, social safety, and comfort within a community or social network (Kitchen et al.,
2012; Walseth, 2006). An individual’s sense of belonging develops at both the thinking and the
emotional levels, and immigrant youth construct meaning from their experiences with both
thought and emotion (Yuval-Davis, 2006). As a result, the context in which one exists and their
interactions with others can strongly impact feelings of belonging (Chen & Schweitzer, 2019).
For example, participants in a narrative inquiry study of asylum seekers in Iceland reported that
their sense of belonging was determined not only by their activities and actions but also by the
willingness of other members of society to welcome them (Ingvarsson et al., 2016). Socially
constructed boundaries between those who are welcome in a community and those who are not
decreased belonging in immigrant populations drastically, and discrimination and social
exclusion can significantly and negatively impact feelings of acceptance (Ingvarsson et al.,
20

2016). Ethnographic research on immigrant youth living in the United States demonstrated that
participants and their families often experienced profound feelings of marginalization due to
discrimination and alienation (Verma, 2013). Social exclusion and marginalization are direct
causes of feelings of a lack of belonging. Other tangible barriers to belonging include a lack of
employment, difficult living conditions, and the overall lack of opportunity experienced by
immigrants post-resettlement (Morville et al., 2015). These barriers make it almost impossible for
immigrants to participate in meaningful occupations and activities, decreasing their overall social
inclusion and belonging.
Immigrant youth actively negotiate and re-negotiate their sense of belonging as they
develop their identity in relation to their environment and the people around them. For
immigrants, various physical, cultural, financial, and legal factors shape and inform belonging
post-resettlement (Dromgold-Sermon, 2020). For example, the absence of physical safety,
security, and financial stability due to complicated immigration laws can all negatively impact
belonging in immigrant populations. Another factor influencing belonging is a connection to the
past. In a narrative inquiry study of 30 resettled students and parents, Dromgold-Sermon (2020)
found that a central aspect of identity was the life and family left behind by migration. Similarly,
Chen and Schweitzer (2019) posited that maintaining a solid connection to the past is vital to
belonging in immigrant populations, as past experiences are integral to identity. Parents and
peers are also essential contributors to immigrant youths’ sense of belonging, with many study
participants noting the importance of strong family and social bonds to positive readjustment
after resettlement. (Arslan, 2008).
For immigrant youth, belonging is always at risk. Developing and fostering a sense of
belonging early in the resettlement process is foundational for well-being among immigrant
21

youth (Correa-Velez et al., 2010). Research demonstrates a strong connection between belonging
and feelings of psychological safety. In contrast, a lack of belonging can have a long-term impact
on immigrant youth’s mental health and psychosocial development (Dromgold-Serum, 2020).
Impact of Lack of Belonging on Mental Health
A poor sense of belonging and social exclusion are critical barriers to immigrant youths’
well-being after resettlement. Social exclusion is a painful experience for adolescents and can
lead to poor functioning, a significant risk of psychological and social problems, and a lower
overall sense of well-being (Arslan, 2018; Baumeister & Tice, 1990; Osterman, 2000; Twenge &
Campbell, 2003). A study of Bhutanese immigrants resettled in the United States demonstrated
that post-resettlement challenges such as social exclusion, peer alienation, and disconnection
from the school environment negatively impacted mental health (Cardelli et al., 2020). Factors
such as these contributed to a suicide rate among Bhutanese immigrants in the United States of
24.4 per 1,000, more than double the general population’s rate.
Social exclusion can lead to persistent loneliness, mental health problems, and lower
subjective well-being. Loneliness harms all areas of adolescent development and can increase the
risk of developing emotional and behavioral difficulties (Kim et al., 2018). Lonely individuals
have an increased risk of depressive symptoms, substance abuse, and social anxiety (Bernstein,
2016, Cavanaugh & Buehler, 2016; Kim et al., 2018). In a study of 244 adolescent immigrants in
grades 9 –12 attending high school in Turkey, Arslan (2021) reported that social exclusion
predicted mental health problems and increased psychosocial issues, significantly decreasing
subjective well-being. Social exclusion and lack of belonging can impact immigrant youths’
mental health and their ability and willingness to integrate into a new culture in their resettlement
country.
22

Impact of Increased Belonging on Mental Health
Increased feelings of belonging can serve as a protective factor in the lives of immigrant
youth, regardless of previous trauma. A study of 40 different communities in the United States
demonstrated that bridging social networks positively impacts mental and physical health in
immigrants, and identification with an ethnographic “in group” can increase feelings of
belonging and decrease the impact of exclusion and perceived discrimination (Beiser & Hou,
2017; Kim et al., 2006). Research has also established that increasing feelings of identification
with the resettlement country’s national identity mitigates the effects of perceived discrimination
and social isolation. In Fuller-Rowland et al.’s (2013) study of Latino college students in the
United States, participants reported that a sense of national identity, defined as an individual’s
affiliation to their country of residence, successfully moderated the effects of perceived
discrimination.
A high level of belonging to the community can also lead to increased feelings of trust
and other positive mental health outcomes. One hundred percent of participants in a study of the
Indian diaspora in Canada identified cultural continuity and connection to the community as
necessary to their sense of belonging (Caxaj & Gill, 2017). Similarly, participants in a study in
the United Kingdom shared that their integration into society increased when they perceived
community interactions as welcoming and authentic (Shaw & Wachter, 2022). Specifically,
positive interactions with others led to an increased sense of belonging and acceptance and an
improved willingness to integrate into the country of resettlement. Data show that improved
integration is vital, leading to positive outcomes in the mental health of immigrants by increasing
the acceptance of diversity while decreasing incidents of discrimination (Straiton et al., 2019).
23

A sense of belonging and trust in others can moderate the relationship between perceived
discrimination and mental health. In a study of immigrants in 12 different countries, participants
with high levels of trust and belonging in their country of resettlement did not demonstrate an
increase in the odds of mental health problems when experiencing discrimination (Straiton et al.,
2019). In contrast, those with low levels of trust did. Participants who felt a sense of belonging to
both their country of origin and their country of resettlement fared the best. In contrast, those
who felt a sense of belonging to only their country of origin did not experience the same
protective factors (Straiton et al., 2019).
In the context of this study, it is essential to consider the impact of school belonging on
the mental health of immigrant youth. School belonging is a protective factor against trauma, and
there is a significant relationship between school belonging and psychosocial adjustment in
immigrant youth. A study of Somali adolescents resettled in the United States concluded that a
sense of school belonging is negatively associated with symptoms of depression regardless of
past trauma exposure (Kia-Keating & Ellis, 2007). While poor school connectedness is
associated with depression, anxiety, and stress, strong school connectedness increases self-
esteem and safety (Fazel et al., 2012). Geltman et al.’s (2005) study of 304 Sudanese immigrant
youth in foster care in the United States noted that feeling safe at school led to a reduction in
PTSD symptoms as well as an improvement in well-being. Overall, a solid connection to the
school environment relates to positive academic, behavioral, and psychosocial outcomes, while a
lack of integration can decrease feelings of belonging and lead to depression, anxiety, and social
exclusion (Arslan, 2018; Cardelli et al., 2020; Oikonomidoy, 2010).
Significant research supports the importance of belonging during childhood and
adolescence, especially in marginalized populations such as immigrants. (Grüttner, 2019). A lack
24

of belonging in their country of resettlement increases immigrant youths’ likelihood of
experiencing social isolation, depression, and loneliness and decreases their overall well-being
(Arslan, 2018; Baumeister & Tice, 1990; Osterman, 2000; Twenge & Campbell, 2003).
Conversely, a strong sense of belonging after resettlement increases the likelihood of positive
long-term mental health outcomes. It can also mitigate the adverse effects of trauma and
discrimination experienced before, during, and after migration (Fuller-Rowland et al., 2014).
While individuals can develop a sense of belonging in many areas, school belonging is essential,
and establishing connections to peers and teachers and the school environment can significantly
improve immigrant youths’ chances of having a positive experience post-resettlement.
Ecological Systems Theory
There is increasing recognition that the immigrant experience of acculturation and
adaptation is a dynamic process that involves moving back and forth between different identity
positions in different environments. According to Bakhtin (1981), the “other” —whether the
other is another person, group, or society —always impacts the construction of an immigrant’s
identity. In the context of immigrant youth, the experience of being the “other” and the fluidity
of their identity positions can impact relationships developed with peers, teachers, and other
community members (Yohani, 2013). An essential aspect of these relationships is feelings of
connection and belonging. Chen and Schweitzer (2019) argued that belonging is “dynamic and
intersecting, and immigrants negotiate belonging relationally, involving multiple parties in varied
ways” (p. 1985). Experiences and relationships that demonstrate to immigrant youth that they are
not valued and do not belong to the established social system can cause them to fail to adapt
“individually and in the psychosocial environment in the aftermath of trauma” (Yohani et al.,
2013, p. 21). Conversely, significant evidence supports the argument that belonging to a social
25

system or community is essential and aids in developing self-esteem, self-efficacy, and feelings
of empowerment (Brennan, 2008; Caputo, 2003). Therefore, it is vital to examine the different
relationships that impact immigrant youths’ feelings of inclusion and belonging in their
community of resettlement.
Urie Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory focuses on the relationship between an
individual and a series of nested environments (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Unlike other views of
child development, ecological systems theory goes beyond the immediate environment to
consider the impacts of structural, social, political, and chronological contexts on an individual’s
life. The settings examined through this framework include the microsystem (the individual’s
immediate environment), the mesosystem (the interrelation of two or more domains in which the
individual participates), the exosystem (interactions that influence an individual’s development
even though they are not directly involved in the environment in which the interactions take
place), and the macrosystem (cultural elements that shape growth and development). All four
systems exist within the chronosystem, which addresses the issue of time in terms of social and
cultural context and the impact of specific events in an individual’s life.
The importance of the interpersonal bonds and relationships developed between
immigrant youth and individuals in their immediate and surrounding environments makes
ecological systems theory an appropriate lens to view immigrant trauma and belonging
(Williams, 2010). Each ecological system immigrant youth experience can significantly affect
the acculturative stress they experience, with factors related to the child and their family,
community, and school all playing an integral role in their ability to adapt post-migration
(d’Abreu et al., 2019). In this study, the focus will remain on the microsystem and the
26

mesosystem, representing the ecological systems and relationships impacting the daily
experience of immigrant youth.
Microsystem
In his seminal text, The Ecology of Human Development, Bronfenbrenner (1979) defined
the microsystem as a complex web of relationships within the immediate setting of a child’s life.
In other words, the microsystem consists of the objects or people a developing person interacts
with face to face. The microsystem includes parents, teachers, peers, siblings, and community
members. A critical aspect of the microsystem is the development of primary dyads
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Dyads develop when individuals participate in each other’s lives in
some way. A didactic relationship is reciprocal and interdependent, with one person often being
more influential than the other. A primary dyad develops when the two members maintain a
connection even when not together, for example, when a parent and child miss each other when
apart or when two friends imagine what each other is doing when separated. The development
and maintenance of healthy primary dyads within the microsystem and across contexts is
essential to the well-being of immigrant youth, as these relationships have the potential to either
support or detract from feelings of belonging post-resettlement (Edge et al., 2014).
Family Relationships
Bronfenbrenner (1979) noted that the family is the most important primary setting in a
child’s life, and the development of the parent-child dyad is essential to healthy growth and
development. Positive parental and family relationships can shield children from some of the
psychological distress associated with traumatic experiences. Many children can recover from
trauma exposure with the help of trusted adults and family members (Briere & Scott, 2006; Dye,
2018). Nurturing parents and stable relationships within the family can serve as protective factors
27

and foster a sense of physical, emotional, and mental well-being in immigrant youth (Turner et
al., 2012). Conversely, family separation or inadequate parental support can negatively impact
immigrant youth’s well-being.
Many aspects of the immigrant experience can strain the parent-child relationship as the
family must adjust to changing family dynamics (Juang et al., 2007). For example, family
separation during migration can be very destructive, leaving immigrant youth with feelings of
anger or abandonment. Even when parents and children can remain together, immigrant youth
may feel a sense of sadness or hopelessness about other family members left behind and may
experience feelings of resentment towards parents who decided to migrate (Boss, 2000). After
migration, children often learn the language more quickly than their parents and, therefore,
assume roles of responsibility while translating and representing their parents in community
interactions, changing family dynamics well established before migration (Titzmann, 2012).
Immigrant youth and their parents can also experience conflict related to differing adjustment
levels to new rules, customs, and social norms. In Seat’s (2000) study of immigrant youth,
participants reported that their parents were strongly concerned about their potential alienation
from their home country and that inside the home, they were more “traditionally oriented toward
their first language, original cultural values, religious beliefs, and so on” (p. 23). Immigrant
youths’ rapid adaptation to a new language and culture can reverse roles within immigrant
families, as children become “cultural brokers” for their parents (Yohani et al., 2013, p. 23).
Positive parental relationships can help immigrant youth navigate challenging situations
and provide the stability needed for social and emotional growth, impacting, and supporting
long-term relationship development (Juang et al., 2018). Alternatively, parental dysfunction,
family adversity, and problematic parenting can increase the impact of traumatic events (Briggs-
28

Gowan et al., 2011). For many immigrants, family signifies safety and support, and living in a
supportive family atmosphere positively impacts mental health, but those with absent parents or
parents perceived as harsh, punitive, or unsupportive show a higher risk of mental health
problems due to traumatic events (Diab et al., 2018).
Peer and School Relationships
After family, the second most important setting for children is the school environment
(Eriksson & Hedberg, 2018). Developing emotional connections and trusted relationships with
peers at school promotes resilience and supports belonging (2018). School belongingness is a
vital protective factor during childhood and adolescence, and research supports the relationship
between school belonging and mental health (Cardelli et al., 2020). Immigrant youth who
develop strong peer attachments report high levels of well-being in all social and psychological
domains (Correa-Velez et al., 2010). In contrast, those facing social exclusion due to
discrimination or bullying experienced lower happiness levels (Correa-Velez et al., 2010). While
poor school connectedness is associated with depression, anxiety, and stress, strong school
connectedness is associated with high self-esteem and well-being (Almqvist & Broberg, 1999).
Therefore, the social status of immigrant youth is critical, especially during the first three years
after resettlement, when experiences of social exclusion can be a significant barrier to successful
integration post-migration (Cardelli et al., 2020; Correa-Velez et al., 2010).
Research illustrates the difficulties some immigrant youth face as they try to adapt to a
new school environment and build bonds with their peers. After resettlement, immigrant youth
often face acculturative struggles in school (Lustig et al., 2004). A lack of fluency in the
language of instruction can lead to feelings of insecurity about academic achievement, social
skills, and the ability to build relationships with peers (Yohani et al., 2013). Cultural conflicts
29

can also create barriers, and a significant amount of research supports the assertion that many
immigrant youth experience discrimination from both teachers and peers in their new school
environment (Khanlou et al., 2008; Mayadas & Segal, 2000; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Seat,
2000). As a result, many immigrant youths feel alone and adrift in a culturally unfamiliar school
environment (Mayadas & Segal, 2000).
Mesosystem
Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) system of interconnectedness includes the mesosystem, which
encompasses the links between settings in which the developing person actively participates, for
example, the relationships between individuals in the home, school, and community. When
considering the challenges facing immigrant youth, relationships between parents and the other
stakeholders in a child’s environment can significantly impact their development as immigrant
parents struggle to protect their children from discrimination, poverty, and social exclusion
(Stark et al., 2015). Research demonstrates that discrimination not only impacts the acculturation
of youth but also impedes help-seeking efforts by parents and caregivers, lowering adolescents’
psychosocial well-being and sense of safety (Stark et al., 2015). As noted previously, parents
often cannot support their children who face challenges at school and in the community. Seat
(2000) notes that many parents do not fully understand their child’s experiences after
resettlement, and parents often lack the information and resources necessary to support their
child’s mental health. While over 25% of immigrant youth experience significant psychological
disturbance, 90% of newly resettled youth report not receiving professional help for their
problems (Seat, 2000). Immigrant youth are also not turning to their parents for help. Eighty-
seven percent of participants in Seat’s study indicated that they were dealing with acculturative
challenges on their own and were unwilling to burden their parents with their problems.
30

Factors like this and many others can lead immigrant youth to withdraw from family
environments due to a perceived lack of support and care (Stark et al., 2015). In addition, for
many immigrant youth, the gap between home and the outside world is often further complicated
by their adoption of the host country’s language and norms, leading to conflict between children
and their parents and family members at home (Rousseau et al., 2004). Conflict is most likely to
occur in families destabilized due to violence and trauma suffered before resettlement.
Additionally, differences in acculturation within the family can lead to re-experiencing prior
losses and separation (Rosseau et al., 2004). Family conflict over value differences and
acculturation gaps is one of the strongest predictors of adverse mental health outcomes after
resettlement (Sangalang et al., 2018).
The interaction of numerous and complicated factors in the microsystem and mesosystem
can significantly impact the experiences of immigrant youth. Considering the number and variety
of nested environments and interrelated systems, immigrant youth exist within, including family,
school, and community, it is essential to consider how immigrant youths’ experiences shape their
development (d’Abreu et al., 2019). No one system is more important than others, and immigrant
youth’s long-term success highly depends on the transcontextual relationships they develop
across microsystem settings.
Conceptual Framework
The benefit of belonging for immigrant youths’ mental health is well documented, but
how people and organizations support or do not support belonging post-migration is less
understood. The present study suggested a conceptual framework based on Bronfenbrenner’s
social-ecological development model to understand better the experiences that affect immigrant
youths’ sense of belonging. It expanded the concept of belonging beyond the individual to
31

consider how factors within the microsystem and mesosystem either supported or detracted from
feelings of belonging in immigrant youth. The study posited that the environments around
immigrant youths could shape their perception of reality and argued that post-migration
environments must be considered in order to understand their well-being and mental health.
Approaching the research through this conceptual framework allowed for examining how
relationships in these environments impact feelings of belonging in immigrant youth during
childhood and beyond.
The conceptual framework used in this research explored belonging at the microsystem
(through relationships with parents, peers, and community members) and mesosystem (through
relationships across different microsystems. The research focused on the experiences of
individuals who migrated during childhood and examined how their environments’ various
components impacted their perception of belonging post-migration. By focusing on the
participants’ voices, this research sought to explore the impact of traumatic experiences that
disempower immigrant youth while also probing what experiences help mitigate the effects of
trauma by building a sense of belonging to their new country and community.
Organizations that aim to support immigrant youth during and after resettlement in the
United States can use this framework. Figure 1 represents Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model
through the conceptual framework just outlined. The model and conceptual framework illustrate
how different relationships reciprocally impact an immigrant’s experiences before, during, and
after migration within the micro- and mesosystems. Experiences created within these systems
can have a positive effect, building resiliency and belonging, or a negative impact, leading to
long-term adverse mental health outcomes.

32

Figure 1
Conceptual Framework of the Immigrant Experience

Conclusion

Research supports the link between childhood trauma and elevated mental health
problems in immigrant youth (Bronstein & Montgomery, 2011). Poverty, discrimination, and
social exclusion often cause trauma for migrants both before and during their migration journey,
and after resettlement (Forest-Bank et al., 2019). The psychological effects of childhood trauma
can be severe, and exposure to trauma during childhood and adolescence has a long-term impact
Immigrant
Youth
Immigrant
Youth
Mesosystem
Microsystem
Peers
Parents
Mentors
Teachers
Community
Members
Trusted
Adults
Discrimination
Support
Trauma
Connection
Healthy Primary Dyads
Feelings of Belonging and Acceptance
Lack of Healthy Primary Dyads
Feelings of Exclusion and Isolation
33

on mental health, educational outcomes, emotional functioning, and social relationships
(Magruder et al., 2017). Adverse effects can persist well into adulthood, and adults who
experience trauma during childhood are at a higher risk of physical and psychological problems,
including PTSD, depression, and anxiety (Edwards et al., 2003; Rumbaut, 2005).
There is a lack of knowledge about how best to address this problem. Research demonstrates that
increased feelings of belonging can help mitigate childhood trauma’s long-term impact. Still,
there is a lack of understanding regarding how best to foster belonging in immigrant youth
(Hodes & Vostanis, 2019). There is a need for a deeper understanding of immigrant youths’
relationships and experiences that impact their sense of belonging and long-term mental health
outcomes so that organizations can meet their unique mental health needs post-migration
(Tinghög et al., 2017). Immigrant youth migrate, often without choice, searching for a better,
safer, more prosperous life, but the long-term effects of the trauma they experience put multiple
obstacles in their way. Failing to address this problem, and remove these obstacles, will lead to
the continued suffering and victimization of immigrant youth, one of the most vulnerable
populations in the world (Magruder et al., 2017).
34

Chapter Three: Methodology
The study aimed to explore how trauma impacts the mental health of immigrant youth
and examine whether a sense of belonging in the country of resettlement mitigates the impact of
trauma. In addition, the study sought to understand what experiences support a sense of
belonging in immigrant youth post-migration. Chapter Three includes a review of the research
questions, an overview of the methodology chosen, the researcher’s background, the data
sources, and the study’s ethical considerations.
Research Questions
The study’s research questions centered around exploring trauma’s impact on mental
health, examining whether increased feelings of belonging post-migration can decrease the
impact of childhood trauma, and determining which post-migration experiences best support
belonging in immigrant youth. The following research questions guided this study:
1. How does exposure to trauma before, during, and after migration impact immigrant
youths’ mental health?
2. How do increased feelings of belonging in the country of resettlement impact
immigrant youths’ long-term well-being and mental health outcomes?
3. What post-migration experiences foster feelings of belonging in immigrant youth?
Overview of Design
The research design for this study utilized qualitative methods, specifically narrative
inquiry. Narrative inquiry research asks participants to share authentic life stories. This study
incorporated data collected through participants’ interviews and then arranged them into a
narrative chronology, which combined the perspective of the participants and the researcher in
collaboration (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). This research design aligned with the focus of the
35

study, which was to explore how trauma impacts mental health, whether a sense of belonging in
the country of resettlement can mitigate the effects of trauma and improve mental health
outcomes, and what experiences support belonging in immigrant youth post-migration. As the
study focused on the participants’ experiences and perspectives to better understand how a sense
of belonging can enhance long-term mental health outcomes post-migration, narrative inquiry
was an appropriate methodology. Table 1 describes the data sources for each research question.

Table 1
Data Sources
Research question Data source
RQ1: How does exposure to trauma before, during, and after
migration impact the mental health of immigrant youth?
Interviews
RQ2: How do increased feelings of belonging correspond
impact immigrant youth’s long-term well-being and
mental health outcomes?
Interviews
RQ5: What post-migration experiences foster belonging in
immigrant youth?
Interviews

Research Setting
The stakeholders who participated in this study were three adults currently living in the
United States who arrived as immigrants during childhood and were either currently enrolled in
post-secondary education or had earned a minimum of a bachelor’s degree. The participants’
current or past enrollment in post-secondary education meant they were reasonably successful
post-migration. Therefore, they had a high level of insight into what experiences helped them
36

feel they belonged in the United States socially and culturally and how pre- and post-migration
experiences impacted their growth, development, and mental health.
The Researcher
As a White American, I was born into a life that afforded me certain privileges. McIntosh
(1988) described White privilege as “an invisible, weightless knapsack” filled with all the
advantages necessary to make life easier (p. 1). These advantages have allowed me to move
through life as part of the dominant group in my country, which provides me with a sense of
safety and security that my participants will not necessarily have experienced. The downside of
my privilege is that it occasionally leads to biases that I must work to counteract. Sue (2005)
noted that no one born and raised in the United States could be completely free from racial bias,
and all White Americans inherit a long history of racist, sexist, and homophobic beliefs, which
impact us from a young age. While I work hard to overcome this history, factors will still affect
my expectations and ability to analyze my data objectively. To mitigate the impact of these
factors, I engaged in critical self-reflection (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) to examine any
assumptions or biases that might have affected my interpretation of the data. Self-reflection and
self-awareness were essential to my study as I focused on participants’ unique perspectives,
which I did not share as I have not shared their lived experiences.
Data Sources
This study collected data through multiple semi-structured interviews lasting
approximately 1 hour each, for 2 to 3 hours per participant. The interview protocol is in in
Appendix B, and the interview questions are in in Appendix C. As noted by Patton (2015),
researchers use interviews when they want to find out what is “in and on someone else’s mind”
(p. 426). In addition, interviewing is useful when the purpose of the study is to complete an
37

intensive case study of a few individuals, which was the case with this study. The researcher
conducted interviews online via Zoom. Conducting interviews over Zoom made running multiple
interviews over a short period easier. Using Zoom also allowed for the verbatim recording and
transcription of discussions to ensure the study obtained accurate and thorough data. When
participants expressed concern over video recording, they participated in an audio-only format.
All participants agreed to the recording of their interviews. The researcher used Zoom or Otter.ai
to create a transcript of each interview and stored data electronically in a password-protected
drive.
Participants
The stakeholders who participated in this study were three adults who arrived as
immigrants during childhood and were either currently enrolled in post-secondary education or
had earned a minimum of a bachelor’s degree. The participants’ current or past enrollment in
post-secondary education meant they were reasonably successful post-migration. Therefore, they
had a high level of insight into what experiences helped them feel they belonged in the United
States socially and culturally and how pre- and post-migration experiences impacted their
growth, development, and mental health.
Data Collection and Analysis
Merriam and Tisdell (2016) define data analysis as making sense of data. This study
analyzed data collected through the interview process using thematic analysis. The thematic
analysis consisted of three steps: sorting data, coding data, and identifying themes. The
researcher initially coded data by hand through open coding, which allowed for receptivity to
various possibilities. The information was then coded through an open coding process to identify
common themes and categories. The themes and categories identified were responsive to the
38

purpose of the research, which was to identify sources of trauma, examine mental health
outcomes, explore feelings of belonging, and determine which experiences supported belonging
post-migration. Additionally, categories and themes were exhaustive, mutually exclusive, and
conceptually congruent. The research used categories and themes to interpret the meaning of the
data collected.
Trustworthiness of the Study
A focus on credibility supported the trustworthiness of this study. A credible research
study is one in which the findings are valid given the data collected (Shenton, 2004). One tenant
of qualitative research is that there is not one fixed reality; instead, truth is multidimensional and
ever-changing based on the experiences and perspectives of individuals. Although finding a
genuinely objective reality is impossible, researchers can use strategies to increase the credibility
of data and findings. One important aspect of credibility is the utilization of procedures that
guarantee the honesty of the participants. In this study, the information sheet informed potential
participants that they could refuse participation or withdraw from the study at any point to ensure
that all those participating were doing so willingly. The information sheet is in Appendix A. The
researcher provided the information sheet and discussed the contents with each participant before
the first interview began. Another aspect of credibility is the extent to which a study’s findings
reflect the participants’ ideas and experiences rather than the researcher’s preferences (Shenton,
2004). This study used probing questions during the interviews to ensure that accurate and
descriptive data were gathered to the point of saturation (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Ethics
While the research focused on uncovering the impact of childhood trauma on mental
health, participants were over 18 to avoid the complicated ethical issue of working with children
39

(Bannister, 2006). Participants were between the ages of 18 and 45 to ensure they were young
enough to remember their migration journey but old enough to understand the research study and
provide consent for their participation (Goodman, 2019). Confidentiality was paramount, and the
researcher used pseudonyms for all participants in the written account of the research. In
addition, the researcher withheld all identifying demographic data to ensure the participants
maintained their anonymity. This study collected data after institutional review board approval.
40

Chapter Four: Findings
This research study aimed to explore how childhood trauma impacts the mental health of
immigrant youth and examine whether a sense of belonging in the country of resettlement
mitigates the impact of migration trauma. In addition, the study sought to understand which
experiences support a sense of belonging in immigrant youth post-migration. This study used
narrative inquiry methodology, specifically in-depth interviews, to better understand the lived
experiences of participants who had immigrated to the United States during childhood. An open
coding process was used to code data and identify common themes and categories. The themes
and categories were responsive to the purpose of the research, which was to identify sources of
trauma, examine mental health outcomes, explore feelings of belonging, and determine which
experiences supported belonging post-migration.
Additionally, categories and themes were exhaustive, mutually exclusive, and
conceptually congruent. The researcher used categories and themes to interpret the meaning of
the data collected. This chapter outlines the following elements of the research study:
participating stakeholders, interview results, and findings. The following research questions
guided this study:
1. How does exposure to trauma before, during, and after migration impact immigrant
youths’ mental health?
2. How do increased feelings of belonging in the country of resettlement impact
immigrant youths’ long-term well-being and mental health outcomes?
3. What post-migration experiences foster feelings of belonging in refugee youth?
41

Participants
The stakeholders participating in this study were three adults who arrived in the United
States as immigrants during childhood. All three entered on temporary visas and later received
permission to remain in the country. Their countries of origin included Libya and Ghana. The
age of the participants ranged from 24 to 42. One participant was male, and the other two were
female. The participants’ educational backgrounds included one currently enrolled in college
pursuing a bachelor’s degree and two who had earned a master’s degree. Each participant
discussed their perspectives and lived experiences through childhood and beyond. Participants
were assigned pseudonyms, and their specific locations were omitted to protect their identities.
Table 2 describes the participants’ demographic information.

Table 2
Demographic Information of Participants
Pseudonym Age Gender Education
Country
of origin
Age at time
of migration
John 24 Male Enrolled in post-secondary education Libya 12
Nanai 42 Female Master’s degree Ghana 15
Trini 39 Female Master’s degree Ghana 11

To fully describe the participants’ lived experiences, it is necessary to build additional
context to support a better understanding of these unique individuals and their perspectives.
42

John
John was born and spent his first 12 years in Tripoli, Libya, before migrating to the
United States in 2011. John grew up middle class. John is unsure of his father’s job before his
migration but knows his mother was a housewife. John’s father is Berber, an ethnic minority
oppressed in Libya under the rule of Muammar Gaddafi from 1969 –2011. John fled Libya with
his mother and his siblings to escape the escalating danger and violence associated with the
overthrow of the Libyan government in October 2011. His father remained in Libya, and Jack
lived without his father for the remainder of his childhood.
Nanai
Nanai was born in Ghana and grew up in Kumasi in a wealthy family. Her father was a
member of the Asante tribe and worked in the government; her mother was a housewife. Nanai
and her mother migrated to escape violence related to a coup d’état that overthrew the Ghanaian
government in 1996, leading to the persecution and oppression of the Asante people. Nanai’s
mother migrated first, and 6 months later, Nanai reunited with her mother for 1 week in New
York City before travelling to Texas to live with her uncle. Nanai remained separated from her
mother and father for the remainder of her childhood.
Trini
Trini is Ghanaian but was born in Libya, where her family lived, due to her father’s job
as a professor. She grew up middle class, and her parents migrated to the United States in 1991
to seek better opportunities, leaving 6-year-old Trini and her siblings behind in Ghana in the care
of an aunt. Trini and her siblings followed their parents 4 years later, after which the family
settled in Texas.
43

Findings for Research Question One
The first research questions focused on the impact of trauma experienced before, during,
and after migration. The experiences of the participants were similar in many ways. Two
experienced danger and violence before migration; all three participants felt powerless or lacked
control over their migration journey. In addition, the participants all experienced family
separation during migration and felt that this was a significant source of childhood trauma. After
migration, the participants experienced social exclusion and discrimination due to their race and
ethnicity, a significant additional source of trauma that negatively impacted their short- and long-
term mental health outcomes.
Theme #1: Violence, Fear, and a Lack of Control
Trauma experienced before and during migration can significantly affect immigrant
youths’ mental health and well-being, impacting their ability to adjust after migration.
Experiencing or witnessing violence and living in constant fear can cause significant trauma and
can negatively impact immigrant youths’ mental health. Two participants in this study, John and
Nanai, witnessed violence or felt fear before migration, affecting their well-being. Feelings of a
lack of control can also be traumatic and can significantly impact immigrant youth, leading to
psychological distress and uncertainty. All three participants in this study felt a lack of control
due to their migration, which led to long-term feelings of vulnerability and anxiety.
John
John’s family left Libya to escape the violence surrounding the fall of Muammar
Gadhafi’s government that was taking place in and around Tripoli at that time:
There was fighting, you know, and my family didn’t want something to happen that we,
the children, would get hurt, you know. There were problems within the country, and my
44

father didn’t want us to get hurt, so he had to make sure that he found a way to make sure
we came over here to be safe and have a good quality of life.
John also remembers feeling a sense of powerlessness during the time right before his migration
because he did not have control over decisions his parents made:
It was not really okay with us. You know all of us, you know, we always cried. We told
my dad, “I’m not going, I’m not going; I don’t want to travel.” We felt like it is causing a
problem, like it wasn’t something that made us happy. Everything changed because we
have been hearing about the distance, you know, that it’s far. So, all we were thinking
was how we are going to miss our loved ones, our friends, our school, our teachers.
Those are the people we always used to be with, and leaving it wasn’t a good impact for
me.
Nanai
Before leaving her home country of Ghana, Nanai witnessed extreme violence after a
coup overthrew the government. She first lost contact with her father when he went to prison for
6 months:
So, when the military coup happened, they went into my city … and pretty much all the
rich men and the rich families started getting attacked, a lot of people got shot, there were
firing squads … so he [the leader of the coup] literally went to one household after
another, and my dad was put in jail … so I remember my dad being taken away, beaten,
and my dad was put in jail for about 6 months.
In addition to witnessing the beating and imprisonment of her father, Nanai was aware of
other violent acts taking place in the areas around Kumasi. She shared, “He just came to my
45

tribe. Oh my god, he killed so many. He even killed pregnant women.” Experiencing this type of
violence left Nanai feeling confused and frightened, as well as betrayed by her country:
I felt we should have fought him away. We should have fought him. We had this, this evil
guy come in, and we just watched him literally kill and kill and kill, and we just, we
forgot who we are. We just, we fought the white people away, we fought the colonists
away, but we watched our own kill each other, and we didn’t do anything.
The coup financially impacted Nanai's family, as the Asante tribe's wealthy members
faced large tax bills and other financial penalties.:
So, he [the coup’s leader] said we had to pay taxes. I mean, who pays taxes in Africa? So,
in 1996, well, it started in 1993, but in 1996 he wanted to get rid of all the rich men in my
tribe. So, my dad was put in jail, and we ended up having to sell everything. We had a
house in London and had to sell that. We had multiple houses in Ghana, and they are all
gone. You can’t imagine how much we lost.
Similar to John, Nanai felt she had little control over her migration experience. After the
leaders of the coup jailed Nanai’s father, Nanai’s mother migrated to the United States alone to
prepare for Nanai’s arrival. After her father’s release from prison, Nanai remembers him telling
her she would have to leave the next day:
I just remember that my dad came and just told me, “Nanai, you are going to America. I
have to hide you.” And I was like, “What?” And he’s like, “You have to go tomorrow. I
have your passport, and everything is ready. You have to go.” And I said wow, would I
have come if I had the choice? Hell no. If I had my way, I would never have come. And
so, it was just a matter of, you go, and you have no choice … you just have to leave, you
46

can’t stay here, because if he [the leader of the coup] can do this, who knows what else he
can do. You just have to leave. So, I came here.
Exposure to traumatic experiences such as violence, persecution, and forced displacement
can significantly impact the mental health of immigrant youth. John and Nanai have been in the
United States for over a decade, yet they still clearly remember the dangers their families faced
before migration. The trauma they experienced pre-migration led to feelings of vulnerability and
uncertainty, which increased when they moved to a new country with little warning and against
their will.
Theme #2: Family Separation
Family separation, especially in the context of migration, can have a lasting impact on
immigrant youth. A sudden separation from one or both parents can cause grief, sadness as well
as depression, and anxiety. Family separation was a source of trauma for all three participants,
and migration’s impact on their family dynamics was significant. Although only one participant,
Nanai, was permanently separated from her parents, all three felt a long-term sense of loss,
disconnection, and estrangement because of family separation.
John
Although he understood why his father had to stay behind in Libya, losing his father had
a profound impact on John:
You know my dad, he couldn’t leave because of his work, and my mom had to leave
because she was always, I mean, a full-time housewife, you know. … So, she had to
accompany us because we were still children … and at the time my dad wasn’t around.
You know, something that I’m always feeling is that space in me that I don’t, I’m always
47

close to my dad, you know, because my dad is someone that always shows love. That’s
why I wasn’t that okay.
John’s perception that losing his father resulted in a loss of love was clear, and he
expressed an awareness of the impact that loss had on his mental health. He shared:
I’m used to that love my dad showed me … so it was something that left a kind of big
black hole for me … you know, I lost my dad, so it’s something that I would feel down
and depressed about.
Once he and his family resettled in the United States, John’s emotions about his father’s
disappearance from his life intensified as he and his siblings struggled to adapt:
My sister, she was just 6 years old at that time, and she always cry, you know, the whole
time she keep crying … and whenever she keep crying you know, I’m her brother, and I
feel so down and depressed at the same time because I feel, I thought, you know, it was
something that feels like, maybe it was a kind of kidnapping.
John’s use of the word kidnapping to describe his migration is significant and speaks to
the lack of control he felt both before and during his migration. Kidnapping implies using force
to take the victim to another location or conceal them, which indicates the depth of trauma John
felt in leaving his country and his father behind.
To John, the physical separation he experienced from his father permanently damaged the
father-son relationship he had enjoyed before migrating:
I don’t really feel that I have that full time with my father, you know, because I believe
you know that a son is always supposed to be with the father, you know, and sometimes
we could always sit down together and have a kind of talk, and the advice, you know, that
you get from your father, the kind of life talk, you know.
48

The loss of this relationship negatively impacted John and caused feelings of loss and
disconnection throughout his life. Conversely, John’s strong and supportive relationship with his
mother helped to mitigate the impact the loss of his father had on his mental health. When he
was asked who he had the most significant relationship with after migration, he answered:
My mom. She was always there for me. She was always there to make sure she provided
for me. She made sure that we were okay, even when we felt we were not. So, my mom
is the main key. She is all in one.
Nanai
Like John, Nanai separated from her father when she traveled to the United States alone,
leaving him and her siblings behind to join her mother in the United States. Nanai was only with
her mother for 1 week before moving to her uncle’s house in Texas. While Nanai felt out of
place and uncomfortable during the short time she was in New York with her mother, being
separated from first her father and then her mother was difficult. The trauma of this separation
was deepened by the intense feelings of isolation and depression that she experienced when she
first arrived at her uncle’s house:
So first, I come, and I think, ok, I’m going to my mom. And then I get there, and she’s
like, “No, Nanai, I can’t take care of you.” So, she shifted me again by myself to Houston
to live with an uncle I didn’t know at all. ... And my uncle didn’t know I could start
school right away, so he made me stay home from October to January. I was just so
depressed; I didn’t know what I felt like, but now I understand what depression is. I felt
very depressed.
In describing her time at her uncle’s house, Nanai makes it clear that although her uncle
was kind to her, he did not take on a parental role in her life:
49

I lived with my uncle for three and a half years … he didn’t know where to begin. You
know, he just came here [to the United States], he works in a warehouse, he’s a first-
generation immigrant. He was just trying to, you know, survive. … I tell my kids all the
time I raised myself. I raised myself.
Nanai’s separation from her family, and especially her mother, left her feeling abandoned
and adrift. She related that after graduating from high school, she had no place to place to call
home:
I was just so focused on surviving. So focused on making sure I got my papers. Because
when I left my uncle’s home at 18 when I went to college, there was no home to come
back to. I didn’t want to go to my mom in New Jersey. And once I left my uncle, he
married, so he had his own family then, and it was a different dynamic. So, I could go if I
really needed to, but I didn’t really belong anymore.
The trauma of her separation from her parents resulted in a long-term impact not only on
her relationship with her mother but also on her own life choices:
I just felt as if I wasn’t raised by anybody. And it caused lasting implications. Because I
always tell my mom, I said, that’s why I married too early. Because I think I was trying
to create that home that I never had, so I got married too early. Nobody gave me a chance
to heal. Nobody gave me a chance to find closure. … So yeah, just learning how to
breathe after this trauma that we went through, you know, it’s just hard to even forgive
my mom. For years I didn’t say much to her, and I realized that I was just so angry with
her that she didn’t take me when I came here.
Although Nanai has reached some level of forgiveness with her mother, she still finds their
relationship difficult:
50

She always tells me now, “Nanai, you wouldn’t be who you are if I had taken you
because I just couldn’t.” So now, you know, she overdoes it. Every opportunity she can
she comes to Houston. She’s looking at the end of her life, like, you know, what did she
do with it … you know, she does all these things, and I know she means it, but there’s a
component to it that I just wish she would know that what a lot of African kids are
wishing for is that their parents would just sit down and talk to them. But that’s the story
of an African immigrant. It’s not easy.
Trini
Trini’s experience was unique in that she and her siblings stayed behind in Ghana and
separated from their parents for 5 years before eventually reuniting in September of 1996. The
initial separation was a challenging time for her and her siblings, and communicating with their
parents was difficult:
Both of them kind of went at the same time. My dad left first, and then my mom followed
after 6 months. It wasn’t an easy transition, and I was only 7 years old at that time. We
had, they communicated with us by phone, but we had to take public transportation to my
other auntie’s house to use the landline to talk to them.
Initially, Trini downplayed the trauma of this separation by noting her parents’ sacrifice
and that her extended family stepped in to help care for her and her siblings:
So, in Africa, there’s a proverb that says it takes a village to raise a kid. So, my
grandmother, my uncles, and my aunties stayed at the house that my father and mom had
built, so they all contributed to taking care of us while they were overseas … and they
will tell us that they are doing all this for a better future for us. They sacrifice for us. And
so, with the help of our auntie and uncle, that we lived away with, and our grandma, they
51

took care of us. So, I can speak for myself that I missed my mom a lot. I missed my dad a
lot. But there weren’t any poor moments because they all stepped in and played a role for
us.
As the conversation continued, it became apparent that the impact of this separation was
significant, and that Trini had felt vulnerable and abandoned during the years her aunt cared for
her:
So, you know, my dad was sending money, especially around Christmas time, and they
give money and send it to my aunt. Whatever my dad would tell us over the phone, that
this belongs to Trini, maybe it is three or four dresses, she [Trini’s aunt] will give me one
and give her daughter the rest. … Instead of paying our tuition or buying us school
clothes or shoes, she would take care of her own family first and give us the leftovers. It
wasn’t anything like a physical poor treatment. It was more like withholding what
belonged to us and giving it to her own family, like withholding love. I was hurt all the
time. you know.
Trini’s aunt’s actions compounded the trauma related to Trini’s separation from her
parents and significantly affected the family dynamics. Trini’s feelings of vulnerability because
of her aunt’s actions led Trini to feel that her parents had abandoned and neglected her during
her childhood:
We were abandoned. We were neglected. So, you cry yourself to sleep at night. You
know, wipe your tears, and say hey, you know, I could do this by myself. I don’t need
validation. But then you are truly empty inside because you are seeking that motherly and
fatherly love that was missing in your formative years.
52

Trini had difficulty finding a connection with her mother after they reunited, and feels
that their relationship was permanently damaged because of the separation she experienced
during childhood, leaving her without a mother figure in life:
I remember my mom wanted me to do something, and she lost her patience, and she
slapped me. I looked at her and asked myself, “Who is this stranger?” It was hard relating
to her as a mom because we were separated for a long period of time. And it was very
hard for her to reconnect with me. And I can’t identify myself too much with my auntie
that played that role because she was hurting me by withholding affection and love and
just giving it to her daughter. So, I was alone.
Similarly, Trini’s relationship with her father deteriorated as he tried to instill traditional
Ghanaian discipline in his daughter, who had grown more independent in his absence. At one
point in her childhood, Trini called the police after her father tried to “whip” her and her siblings:
He was trying to repress or discipline us, to make us the kids that he wants to be, but it
was too late. He is trying to use force, you know, but because we have been educated in
an American school system that doesn’t have those views, we grew wings, basically.
Back home in Ghana, you can do that [beat your children] and go scot-free, but not here,
so we called 911 and the cops came.
The long-term impacts of separation on Trini’s family were significant, and she spoke of
enduring feelings of disconnection and resentment that have continued, even after the death of
her father:
My dad recently passed away on February 11. During the funeral, there was a barrier;
you could tell the disconnect. My mom is on one side. My sister is on the other side. My
brother, at the age of 16, joined the military. He is on another side. We are disconnected.
53

There is no connection and no unity. Everybody’s hurt. … We are hurting, my sister and
I, we don’t have a connection. We don’t have that genuine love; it seems like everybody
is in pain. Because it did something to us. Yes, it was a good thing that we were, the
siblings were still together as far as growing up. But we didn’t have that maternal and
paternal love where we could see it.
The impact of family separation can be significant and long-lasting as immigrant youth
lose the support and stability a family provides. While the effect of separation depends on the
circumstances of migration, the participants in this study all reported a long-term disruption in
family dynamics after separation. The change in dynamics and the loss of one or more parental
relationships led to feelings of loss, abandonment, and anger, and none of the participants fully
healed from the family separation they experienced because of migration.
Theme #3: Post-Migration Discrimination
Post-migration discrimination and prejudice can significantly impact the psychological
well-being of refugee youth. Experiencing discrimination can lead to stress, anxiety, depression,
and isolation. For immigrant youth, discrimination in school can have long-term consequences
for feelings of belonging in their country of resettlement. John, Nanai, and Trini all identified
discrimination as a major source of childhood trauma post-migration.
John
John remembers arriving in central Florida at 12 years old and feeling discriminated
against because of his race and ethnicity. Experiencing discrimination was surprising to John as
he had come from a Berber community in Libya that was majority Black. As a result, he had
never really thought of himself as different:
54

Yeah, you know, my mom and all of us, you know, we faced a situation of
when … discrimination when we came over here, and it really affected us all, you know
t an ’ coming to the United States, you know, it wasn lack man B I first arrived, me being a
ng. I faced some challenges, like discrimination. Because I never thought about easy thi
. So, I felt racial discrimination, you know, from other people [Libya] that in my home
. Black who were not
Many of John’s initial experiences with discrimination occurred in school, where he felt
excluded by the other children, despite his best efforts to make friends:
That was in school, you know, because I was trying to see if I could participate in some
program that had been run in the school. I will tell you, even trying to play with other
kids, you know, they were all White, and I would feel so down, and there was one kid
who would say, “You’re dirty.” I’m dirty because I’m Black.
This type of treatment had an immediate effect on John’s mental health and feelings of
self-esteem and belonging:
So, it was something that was really weighing me down, you know. A White person
trying to tell me I’m dirty, I’m dirty. I cried. I would sit down and cry like my
temperature was going to rise, and it was very hard in such a way that I couldn’t like
myself. That feeling, you know, I really regretted my coming. I felt that I shouldn’t have
come and that my dad should have left me over there. So, it was something that really
wasn’t easy at that point in time. … It was really a lot because, at that point, I felt that I
didn’t really belong. So, it was something that always wore me down, you know.
John used the imagery of being “worn down” throughout the interview, expressing his
perception that discrimination was ongoing throughout his childhood. It was not simply one
55

traumatic event, but something that happened repeatedly, causing more trauma each time. He
shared, “It’s not something that stops. It doesn’t stop. It is something that keeps going every
day.”
The discrimination his mother faced while looking for employment also affected John:
Even my mom to get a job, you know, at that point in time, you know, the person that
was working at an agency, when my mom went in for help, he said, “No, no, no, no, I
can’t do that,” because he has to make sure he gets other clients. … So, all those
experiences, you know, weren’t easy because, at that time, she didn’t have anything she
could do, and my mom was always feeling bad. She’s staying at home, you know, and
she was thinking about how she is going to take care of her kids and all that and pay the
bills. And there were some other expenses because, you know, we had to get here, and
my dad and mom had to take out a loan to process our visas and all that. So, it wasn’t an
easy thing.
As an adult looking back on that time, John realizes how hard it must have been for his
mother to try to help him and his sisters process their experiences with discrimination while also
going through her own difficulties:
You know, she didn’t understand everything. But all that she has done in those last years
to like, you know, help us with everything, you know. She always tried to encourage us,
you know, about everything that was weighing on us. And it was hard for us to
understand what my mom was feeling because, though she was also being affected by
those challenges, you know, that we face in terms of discrimination, she wasn’t really
allowed to show it because she didn’t want us, you know, to feel bad. She was always
trying to make us feel strong even when she was coping with it too.
56

As he grew older, John came to realize that the discrimination that he and his family
members felt was not unique, and he found some comfort in knowing that he was not alone in his
experiences:
So, all those things, you know, it’s something that it’s not just me, you know. It’s all
Black people here. The discrimination is always there … and it was you, you wouldn’t be
happy, you know. It was not something that made me happy. It made me feel sad.
Always.
Nanai
Like John, Nanai also experienced discrimination after she arrived in the United States
and began school, but she was surprised by the source:
My greatest challenge was, what surprised me, was not with the White people. It was
with the Blacks. And a lot of Africans have similar experiences. They [African
Americans] are the ones that are quick to call out our accents. There are the ones that
don’t even want to know us because they hate us. They are the ones that were not
friendly. I came in thinking, “Oh my god, they are Black like us,” I didn’t know the
difference. But they were quick to let me know we weren’t the same. So, every Sunday,
when I had to get ready to go to school on Monday, I would just dread it. I would cry to
my dad on Sundays, and he would just say “You can’t come home, stop crying, you can’t
come home.”
Nanai’s feelings of frustration and anger due to the discrimination she experienced were
compounded by the fact that she had lived a life of wealth and privilege in Ghana before she
migrated to the United States. Nanai’s peers made certain assumptions about her background
57

because of her identity as an immigrant, but she still felt like the person she had been in Ghana,
who had drivers, maids, and mansions:
I think I felt lost most of the time. I didn’t know where I belonged. And I wanted to
scream that I’m not poor or whatever. Scream like, “Hello, I don’t use credit cards, ok?
We pay cash. We have gold. You know, my dad lost a lot in the coup, but we didn’t have
apartments, okay. We had houses. We had mansions. You don’t even know me.”
The discrimination Nanai experienced was traumatic and had a long-term impact on her
mental health and sense of belonging, as the very community she had hoped to find support
within ostracized her:
To this day, I don’t have a single African American friend. Not even one. Because I think
my experience from the beginning, they used to make fun of us, used to talk about our
hair, or that we were too dark, or blah, blah, blah, that we don’t know how to dress or
those things, just because of the way we were treated and the resentment. I remember one
of them told me that we sold them, they suffered, they fought for their freedom, and then
we came to take advantage of what they had worked for. So, you can imagine, it was just
all these emotions. And I was just always like, “Please let me go back,” and my father
always said no.
Trini
Trini’s experiences with post-migration discrimination were like Nanai’s, and her peers
excluded her at school because of her racial and ethnic identity:
We had culture shock because in Ghana, the females, we cut our hair down. They
believe, or the school system believes, that you don’t have time to get your hair done so
they cut your hair down. And so, when we got to school, people were saying I looked like
58

a boy, I looked like a boy. A boy in a dress … and they were making fun of my last
name, “donkey, donkey, donkey” … It was so difficult to fit in from the very beginning.
Because you look different. I was too dark, the color of my skin.
Trini also touched upon the social and cultural gulf between Africans and African
Americans that Nanai had mentioned, and as an adult, strongly identifies as African American
rather than African. In many ways, she seems to have internalized some of the messages she
received during childhood because of the discrimination she experienced from her African
American peers:
These Africans think they are better than African Americans. But I fit in under African
American and have a clear view of that. Don’t get me wrong, I’m African, but I am not
an African. I am African American … and some Africans, they feel like they can come
and just raise money to take back to Africa. And to me, that’s unfair. Because African
Americans sacrificed their lives to make America the way it is now, so you don’t get to
just come and collect money.
She has also internalized negative messages about her home country of Ghana, and
Africa as a whole:
Do I see myself living in Ghana and raising my kids there? No. Nothing works. It doesn’t
work. Their mindsets are so lazy. Their mindset is so different, I’m sorry to say, but you
have to work. You have to pay your bills. And they [Ghanaians] are not going to do
anything. They are not doing anything to better themselves. I’m sorry to say Trump is
right. I’m not a Trump supporter, but Africa? It’s a shithole.
Post-migration discrimination can have significant negative impacts on immigrant youth
who enter the United States having already lived through various forms of trauma before and
59

during their migration. The three participants in this study experienced discrimination after
resettlement, especially from their peers at school. This impact on their well-being was
significant, and they felt angry, confused, and isolated. While the participants all overcame the
lived experience of discrimination, the effects were long-lasting, and the impact of this
experience was evident in their stories. John felt ostracized by the White students at his school,
who told him he was “dirty” because he was Black, leading to depression and grief. Nanai felt
isolated from the African American students at school, who mocked her appearance and her lack
of knowledge about American culture. She continues to feel the impact of her experiences, and
even as an adult has no African American friends. Trini also experienced discrimination from the
African American students at her school, but unlike Nanai, she coped with this by adopting the
attitudes and beliefs of the same peers who shunned her, and today strongly identifies as African
American, not African. She feels strongly that she will never return to Africa, that most Africans
are lazy and opportunistic, and that Ghana is a country built on corruption and, as a result, lacks
the safety and security found in the United States.
Findings for Research Question Two
The participants in this study all experienced trauma and various challenges before,
during, and after migration. Despite these experiences, as their feelings of acceptance and
belonging increased, so did their ability to find happiness and success post-migration. The two
themes developed for this research question were belief in oneself and feeling at home in the
United States.
Theme #1: Belief in Oneself
Believing in yourself can significantly impact various aspects of life and contribute to
well-being by increasing confidence, resilience, perseverance, and motivation. The participants
60

in this study described feeling powerless during their migration process, and their experiences
immediately after migration served to increase the impact of the trauma they felt before and
during migration. These early childhood experiences left them feeling vulnerable and lacking in
self-efficacy. Of vital importance to overcoming this trauma and improving their long-term
mental health outcomes were feelings of self-confidence and a belief in their abilities which
supported increased feelings of belonging post-migration.
John
John felt that the encouragement he received in school was vital to his long-term success,
and he credits his teachers, and especially his mentor, with instilling in him a sense of hope for
the future:
Yeah, you know, the experiences in had in school that were positive, you know, was the
encouragement I used to get from my teachers, which was something that really console
me and made me believe that I can make it, you know, to this point in time that I get to
enroll in the higher institution.
The support John received as a child from the adults in his school led him to see the
power of the opportunities available to him in the United States and to overcome the obstacles in
the way of his success:
And then eventually I tend to understand, you know, that they [the United States
government] provide us with a very powerful quality education here and the education
standard is not to be compared … so I get to understand a lot of things, and I just
compare, and I was like, oh, wow, okay, it’s like life is kind of easier here … and that
helped me academically because I know I will get to improve.
61

Nanai
Nanai also credits a trusted adult at school with helping her feel confident in her ability to
succeed in the United States:
I could actually talk to a counselor because I liked, I really liked education. So, I talked to
her about my dreams and how she was going to help me achieve them even though, at
that time, I didn’t have my paperwork yet … and she was making certain that things were
in place. I felt at first like I didn’t have opportunities at that time, but then the time came
when there were a lot more opportunities. And she helped me realize that my big
advantage was that I had to make sure I succeeded in school, so I aced everything. I
finished high school in 3.5 years instead of 4, took AP classes, and knew I wanted
everything good.
Nanai’s early experiences of academic success helped her to build a successful career in
nursing, and today she is the manager of a county health network in Texas and plans to retire at
60.
Trini
Trini’s sense of self-efficacy and confidence was also positively impacted by her teachers
and college advisor, who regularly told Trini she could succeed. Her college advisor helped Trini
through some difficult challenges when her grades were not as good as she had hoped they
would be:
She would tell me, you know when I got a bad grade, that I will retake it because they
will give me chances to do it. And she told me that I could do anything I wanted and
could be whoever I wanted if I put my mind to it … and I believed what she told me, and
I did retake it. And I did better. And I got my degree.
62

The lessons Trini learned from her guidance counselor had a long-term impact on her
self-confidence and gave her the courage to back to school later in life to earn a second
bachelor’s degree in nursing:
And I always remembered that advice [that she gave me]. Like, you can go back to
school at an old age and be whatever you want to be. If you feel like you made a mistake,
you can do something else that will benefit you. So, I went back to school and got into a
Bachelor’s of Science in nursing program, and I became a nurse right before COVID hit.
Developing confidence and a sense of self-efficacy was essential to the participant’s
success post-migration and led to long-term feelings of accomplishment. Although the
participants arrived in the United States as powerless children, the encouragement they received
from the adults around them allowed them to overcome fear and self-doubt to achieve their
goals. Finding educational and career success has positively impacted their mental health and
well-being.
Theme #2: Feeling at Home
The concept of being at home somewhere can evoke a wide range of emotional
responses. People often associate home with safety and comfort; feeling at home gives
individuals a sense of belonging and familiarity. When asked to describe what it feels like to be
at home somewhere, the study participants answered in various ways that provided insight into
their feelings about their home countries and the United States. Despite two of the participants
still feeling a solid connection to their life and family in their country of origin, all three shared
that they now feel most at home in the United States.
63

John
When John described what it feels like to be at home somewhere, he immediately related
the word back to family:
What it feels like to be at home? You know, with my family? It is something that is a
very great privilege, you know, and a very great thing that you get to be with your loved
ones … If I’m doing anything today, you know I’m doing it for myself and for my
family. If I go to work today, I am working for myself and my family, because I want to
make them to be proud of me.
While John still has many ties back to his home country of Ghana, he does not see
himself moving back there permanently and now considers the United States to be his home:
Now, if I ever had a plan of going back to Libya, you know, I just feel that I would go
back to pay a visit, you know to meet my family over there, like my dad, my uncles. So
just to stay with them, you know, for like maybe a couple of weeks, or a month, and then
come back home [to the United States].
Nanai
Nanai’s description of a home also centered around being with her family, specifically
her husband and her two children, who were both born in the United States:
Currently, for me, being at home is here in Texas with my kids and my husband. We are
at home, we are safe, we are happy. And I can tell you it’s the best thing in my life right
now. So, home for me means having my kids around, my husband around, having peace,
having lights on, having health, all those things complete a home.
64

Although many of Nanai’s siblings, who migrated to the United States after she did, have
returned to live in Ghana, Nanai has not. When given the opportunity to return to her father’s
home after her college graduation, she declined:
I mean, I had just gotten married. My kids were here. And I’m a nurse and as you know,
health care in Africa is bad, and what will I do go make $20 a day? So, my dad wanted
me to come and set up a dialysis clinic, but like I said, I was like 25, I had just come out
of nursing school, I had just gotten married, and my husband didn’t want to leave. My
life had completely changed.
At times, Nanai feels torn between her country of origin and her country of resettlement.
She works hard to hold on to her heritage and pass her culture on to her children:
Sometimes I feel like I should just forget my home and make this my only home. But I
just can’t. I have done my best to teach my children my culture, because I am scared that
they will forget after I die. And that will be the end of us, my generation. So, we listen to
African music, we go to African churches, a lot of Africans do that to try to keep their
culture going … and we go to Africa every three years. We just came back at Christmas.
Despite her continued connection to her African heritage, she does not think she and her husband
will ever live full-time in Ghana again:
And so, you start to realize, I have assimilated so much. I have assimilated so much that
my husband and I have agreed that we will probably do 3 months there and then come
back to the U.S. for 3 months and then maybe go back when it’s cold. But our kids might
need us, who knows, for babysitting someday. And they [her children] will be here. So,
we don’t think anymore that we will live 100% there.
65

Nanai does not always feel that she completely belongs in the United States, but the life
she has built gives her a sense of peace and safety, two things that are very important to her:
I don’t think I’ll ever 100% feel like I belong somewhere, but I will tell you that the one
place that is my safety is when I am home, when I’m with my kids. I’m at peace. So
being in our home, for me, is one of my favorite things to do. And our home is here.
You know, I’ve come to accept the good things in America. And the fact that my children
are here, which gives me so much joy. So, I have come to accept the good things even
though it took me a while. I am learning to see the positives and am learning to forgive
and let go of all the things we went through in that three-year period when the coup
happened. It is progressively getting better. Yes, this is my home.
Trini
Of the three participants, Trini expressed the strongest feelings about choosing the United
States as her home. When asked to describe what it feels like to be “at home” she said, “Home is
where the heart is, where I feel comfortable, peaceful, and safe. I will say my home is in
America. That is where my heart is.”
There are many reasons why Trini feels that the United States is now her home, including
the sense of freedom and order she experiences in her daily life:
It’s the freedom and the peace that comes with it. The law works. You know where I
originated from its anything goes. The rich get away with everything. If you don’t have
money, you die because you have to pay upfront, like there is no insurance system. So,
you can just die from a common cold. I don’t want to be somewhere I can die easily. And
there’s civil war, you know, there are tribal wars … you are not at peace. It’s like a jungle
you know, survival of the fittest.
66

As she continued to describe what it feels like to be at home it became apparent that the
early childhood experiences that left Trini feeling vulnerable and alone had a significant impact
on her long-term well-being:
I want to feel safe. Yes, I want to feel safe. I don’t want to be taken advantage of. Even if
someone tries to break the law, the system is here to make sure you don’t get taken
advantage of … you know, you are not on your own; there are programs in place to
support women and children. But in Ghana, in West Africa, they [men] get away with it.
If he decides he’s not going to take care of his children, there’s nothing you’re going to
do about it … so yeah, my heart is in America.
Trini’s positive views of the level of safety and security in the United States have served
as a protective barrier against the difficulties she encountered due to discrimination or racism:
Well, you know, compared to Ghana, I prefer it here. I mean, nobody is perfect. No place
is perfect. You know, the only thing here is I don’t try and put in my mindset that there is
racism, even though I know it exists, I program my mind in a way that we have to be
treated equally, regardless, so I don’t put it [racism] in my mindset … because I see the
positives are more, they supersede the negative here in America.
Feeling at home in the United States is vital to successfully resetting immigrant youth.
Experiencing a sense of belonging and comfort in their environment increasing immigrant
youths’ feeling of psychological well-being and can increase integration and social connectivity.
The participants in this study had little control over their migration experience and consider their
resettlement in the United States to be something that happened against their will. Despite this,
they have all made a home here and shared that given a choice, they would choose to stay in the
United States rather than return to their home country. Feeling a sense of permanency in the
67

United States has allowed them to build successful lives as adults, attending school, pursuing
their goals, and starting families in the case of two participants.
Findings for Research Question Three
Post-migration feelings of belonging refer to the sense of connection and acceptance
immigrants feel in their country of resettlement. To experience a sense of belonging, immigrant
youth need to feel integrated, included, and valued. As noted in the previous section, the
participants in this study all expressed a sense of belonging in the United States and now
consider the United States their home. There were some common experiences that they felt
helped to build their sense of belonging post-migration.
Theme #1: The Importance of Community
Building a community involves creating a sense of connection and mutual support with
others. As in this study, feelings of unity around shared experiences are often vital in building
community. John, Nanai, and Trini all described times when they felt part of a community,
although the source of these feelings varied.
John
John first felt a sense of community when his mother received employment support from
an African American woman who lived in their neighborhood and worked at The Modern, a
restaurant both John and his mother still work at today:
There was one woman, you know, a lady, an African American, who was, you know,
working at The Modern. I think, at the time, she was the assistant manager. She was the
one who helped my mom. She is the one who helped make sure that my mom was able to
find a job.
68

He also experienced a sense of belonging and support through the identification of shared
experiences with people in the African American community:
One of my Black neighbors came out one day and he was talking to me. He told me a
story that I think he said in 1999 or so, that he had been applying for an agricultural loan
with the United States Department of Agriculture, you know. And a lot of things came
out, you know, and they felt so discriminated [against]. And then one man came with a
lawsuit, you know, trying to fight for them, fight for the Blacks who were being deprived
of their grants. So, all those things, you know, are something that helps me feel like I
belong here because it not just me, you know? The discrimination is there, you know, and
I’m not alone in feeling it.
This experience of unity repeated throughout John’s life. As he developed closer ties to
the African American and African immigrant communities, he felt a sense of profound
connection and acceptance:
They [the Black community] showed me love and care, you know. They took me in as
their brother. They made me understand that no matter what, you can still be loved. So
that love that has been shown to me is something I still appreciate, you know. With them,
I feel I have someone who will always make sure if feel love. They are like family to me.
John also expressed a sense of gratitude for and connection to White Americans who had
tried to make him feel welcome despite the discrimination of others:
It’s not as if, you know, I don’t have some friends who are White. It’s just that some
kinds of feelings take some time to understand. I feel like with them, I feel like I have
someone, some white people, who always make sure I feel that I feel some love too.
69

Because they tend to understand my race, you know, so they don’t discriminate. They
don’t join in with other people.
Nanai
Nanai found acceptance and belonging through her connection to other African
immigrants, specifically by developing relationships with peers who had similar life experiences:
So, when I went to high school, I found a bunch of African people who were in the same
situation. They were all first generation same as me, right? But they came from poor
countries. So, they were even more determined than I was. So, we kind of leaned on each
other a lot. So, you know, whenever we go to class, we always try to sit next to each
other, and also when lunch comes. I never knew who I was going to sit with before that.
Despite being separated from her mother when she was then sent to live with her uncle in
Texas, Nanai also felt a sense of community and belonging at her uncle’s house in the suburbs
due to the similarity of the environment to her home country:
The number one thing is just, I hate to say, that it was the suburbs, you know. Everybody,
you know, having a backyard that belonged to us so that I could go out there … and
having my own room. It reminded me of back home where I had my own compound and
my own privacy and not having neighbors, you know, no sirens at night. So, it just felt
like being back home. I wasn’t scared anymore, and I could just have a normal life.
Trini
Unlike John and Nanai, Trini struggled to find her place during high school and did not
feel a part of a supportive community until a few years after her migration when she graduated
from high school and entered college:
70

After several years, I was able to fit in. And sometimes fitting in requires a lot of
sacrifices. I mean, you have to choose the right people if you want to have a better future
… I went to school in Harlem, then went to City College of New York, which is very
close to Columbia University. I became a senator in the student government. I was the
founder of the Pan African Student Association … so eventually, I did fit in, and I’m not
afraid to speak up. I will speak out when there is an injustice.
When she elaborated on what she meant by the phrase “fit in,” Trini once again stressed
that she identified as African American, not African, to the point that she felt discriminated
against by other African immigrants:
When I say fit in, I mean a sense of belonging—a sense of class. Ok, for instance, they
would refer to me because I grew up here as African American. The Nigerians call it
“Akata”
1
and honestly, when I found out the meaning of “Akata” I was pissed off.
Because it has a meaning like animal … I related better with an African American than
with my sister Africans. That is my mentality, that is where I fit in.
Trini’s experience of community was also related to feelings of safety and security and
the sense of order provided in American society. When asked to describe an experience that
made her feel like she belonged in the United States, Trini interestingly related a story about
being arrested and charged with hit and run. While the charge was eventually dismissed, she
spent 3 days and 2 nights over the weekend in jail before being released. After describing the
details of her arrest and detainment, she shared that upon her release, she felt a strong sense of
safety and belonging in the United States:

1
“Akata” is a derogatory slur used by Nigerians of Yoruba descent to describe native Black
Americans. It can also be used to describe African’s abroad who forget their culture.
71

So, that’s why I had to spend three days. It was terrible … and when I came out, I got to
breathe the fresh air, and it’s so good, and it made me feel safe, and like I belonged here
because the law works, it opens your eyes and says hey, be careful … you don’t get away
with things as you do in Ghana. You don’t get away with even the minor things in
America. So, there is a system in place that works.
Developing a sense of community is crucial to individual and collective well-being.
Community provides social interaction, important relationships, and a sense of support and
belonging. While the participants built their communities differently, they all developed
relationships with others they could identify with. Finding their place in a broader community
gave the participants feelings of acceptance, empathy, and safety, which were essential to their
successful integration into American society.
Theme #2: The Importance of Trusted Adults
One striking similarity across all three interviews was the importance of their relationship
with at least one trusted adult after migration. John, Nanai, and Trini all received support and
encouragement from an educator in their school. They highlighted their relationship with this
person as vital to their post-migration belonging.
John
When asked to describe positive experiences he had post-migration, John spoke of a close
relationship he developed with Mr. Smith, a teacher he met during high school. The support that
John received from Mr. Smith had a significant impact on his sense of belonging and mental
health after migration and helped him overcome the challenges he faced because of
discrimination:
72

He was always encouraging me in such a way that he was always making sure that I
believed in myself. Every time I feel discriminated against, and I feel so bad, he let me
know that everything in this life is not about your skin color; it’s not about being white.
He taught me a lot of things. He made me understand that the President, you know, who
was ruling us at that time was Barack Obama, was a Black man and that before he got to
that point, he had experienced racism and all that, so I shouldn’t feel that because I was
discriminated against that I can’t make it in this life … at that point in time if it wasn’t for
that Black teacher, you know, I would be so sorry, I would feel sorry, and it would have
been very hard.
In many ways, Mr. Smith took on the role of a father figure in John’s life, providing him
with guidance and support when he needed it most:
He was very good to me. He was just like a father to me. He was the one, you know, who
was always advising me, and at that time, you know, I wasn’t good. And he made sure
that he talked about everything with me, and he made me understand what it is like to
move from one place to another. So, then I understand how everything will go. I was a
kid then, you know, I didn’t really understand it all, and that’s when I got to absorb it,
you know, that was when I started to settle down, and I would listen to him, you know. It
was just like a parent, you know, advising a child, and I was able to pull myself together
because I had support from him.
John’s relationship with his former teacher continues to this day, and John often takes the
time to visit him and his family:
Even after high school, you know, he was an advisor to me. He would always pay a visit
to me and give me extra morals, you know, he was always very close to me, and he still
73

gives me advice. You know, I still do visit, just to go, you know, and we talk, and he acts
as a mentor to me. I took him in as mine because he was male. I took him in as if he was
my father.
Nanai
Nanai also developed a supportive and positive relationship with a teacher at her high
school:
She was my pre-calc teacher, Ms. Jones. I don’t know how God let me to know this lady.
She was my rock, she would sometimes, she could tell me that I didn’t know anyone.
And she would say, “Come here Nanai, do you want to eat lunch with me?” She just saw
me, and she took a liking to me. And she would just call me over for lunch whenever she
could see that I was sitting by myself, and she encouraged me and just overall made me
feel that I could do whatever I wanted to do. That I could grow and excel.
Ms. Jones not only impacted Nanai’s school experience but also gave her hope for a
better future after the traumatic experience of migration:
She really made me feel safe and made me look forward to going to school again, to be
honest. She just made me look forward to possibilities, you know, because it made me
feel like ok, if I met this nice person, then maybe along the way, I’ll meet another nice
person and another nice person. So, it just gave me hope.
Nanai also enjoyed a warm and supportive relationship with an aunt who lived close by
during her teenage years:
My aunt lived in Houston, and she was the greatest ally in my life. She was the one that
came and made sure I could go to school. She was like, “No, she has to go to school. We
have to find a way for her to go to school.” She had been in America a while, you know,
74

and she just, she just refused to watch me fail. She refused to watch me be just another
immigrant. She just made sure, you know, she taught me to be strong. She made me
believe I could do it.
Trini
Similarly, to John and Nanai, Trini also identified an educator as someone who had a
significant impact on her life post-migration:
My college advisor, Ms. Thompson. She told me, Trini, you are free-spirited, and you can
be whoever you want to be when you put your mind to it. I’ll go to biology, and I got a D,
and I was like, oh my god, and she said no, that’s not the end of it. You’re going to retake
it because they will give you chances to do it. She made me feel that I could take it again,
and that wasn’t the end of it.
Having at least one trusted adult in their lives is essential for immigrant youths’ growth,
development, and overall well-being. Trusted adults and mentors provide emotional support,
guidance, and inspiration and can also create a secure and safe space during times of adjustment.
All three participants in this study identified an adult in their school as someone who was
essential to their adjustment to the United States post-migration. One of the participants, John,
developed such a strong bond with a male teacher at school that he continues to have a
relationship with him to this day, despite having moved on to post-secondary education. Nanai
and Trini also benefited from the support of an educator, demonstrating that school is a vital
environment in the post-migration life of immigrant youth.
Theme #3: Embracing Opportunity
Having opportunities as an immigrant can be a positive and life-changing experience as it
often means improved living and economic prospects and growth opportunities. The participants
75

in this study noted the positive impact of educational opportunities they experienced post-
migration, which have led to a better quality of life than they would have experienced in their
home countries. Taking advantage of these opportunities has increased their feelings of
belonging in the United States.
John
John shared that despite the discrimination he experienced after migration, he worked
hard and has been able to achieve success and find happiness:
I know that if I came here, and whatsoever I am doing, you know, I make sure that I
chase my dream, take my studies very seriously, you know, and I can achieve the goals I
need. And I’m always living by those rules that he [his mentor] told me because that was
something that really impacted me … no matter where I go to, no matter what
environment I find myself, I tend to pull myself together and whatever goals you want to
achieve in life are possible because your life is in your hands.
John’s continued determination and perseverance help him to continue to strive for the
goals he has set:
You know, now that I’m an adult, I don’t really let anything weigh me down because I
get to understand that in life you need to face challenges before you can get to your better
goals. So, when you stop, you know, halfway, thinking that that’s the end of the journey,
you fail because I believe in life, you know there are stages, you know, you keep going,
climbing, because there is always a light at the end of the tunnel.
As a result of his experiences, John no longer wishes to return home to Libya, and he is looking
forward to completing his last year of college and, after graduation, possibly continuing his
education to earn his master’s degree in business administration.
76

Nanai
Nanai also feels that she has benefitted from the opportunities offered to her in the United
States and, as a result, has come to appreciate life in America:
You know, the opportunities just kept coming and coming and coming. Things I never
even pursued! When was it? Just last week, I was offered a job with the World Health
Organization. So, you know, I guess I’m telling you, like, I’m actually at a point now
where I’m like, I miss home, but not like before. I’ve learned to embrace different
cultures. I have learned to try all kinds of food, to love America, to assimilate.
After graduating from high school, Nanai earned both a bachelor’s degree and a master’s degree
in nursing, and she currently enjoys a successful career as a nurse manager in a county-wide
healthcare system.
Trini
Trini also feels that the opportunities offered to her in the United States were of benefit to
her and her mental health:
The opportunities are here [in America], right? It feels safe. Justice is here and if you
work hard towards your goals, you will make it. You will be the top, one of the top
earners. You can be in the middle class, and I am living that dream right now. You just
have to work hard, and if you work hard, it pays off. We do visit Ghana almost every
year, and it’s nice to travel, but when we come back, we know we have to work hard, and
we don’t take it for granted the opportunities that come to us here in America.
Overall, Trini feels that her life in America is a good one, and that has allowed her to be
able to provide a good life for her five children as well:
77

By God’s grace, I have had a good life. And I think my kids have a much better life than I
did. Because, I mean, I have a live-in nanny. It’s something that I have personally worked
for. So yeah, they are living a better life here too.
Opportunities support refugee youths’ growth and well-being by allowing them to
explore their potential. Having the ability to seize opportunities allows refugee youth the ability
to create better lives for themselves and their families. The three participants of this study
discussed the importance of the opportunities available in the United States. While their paths
were not easy, they could all pursue their educational goals and felt they had options in the
United States that would not have been available in their home countries.
Summary
The data collected during the participants’ interviews demonstrated that migration trauma
can significantly affect immigrants’ mental health and sense of well-being. The most traumatic
event experienced by the three participants was separation from a parent or parents before or
during migration. John experienced the loss of his father when he migrated at 12 years old and
never fully recovered. He still feels a void where his father’s love should be and regrets that they
will never have a full father-son relationship. Nanai lost both parents, first by migration and then
by the fact that her mother could not care for her due to her living circumstances. Her separation
from her mother continues to strain their relationship, and Nanai struggles to forgive her mother
for her abandonment. Trini separated from both parents for 4 years before reuniting with them in
the United States. In many ways, Trini’s trauma seemed to be the most severe. She has been
unable to rebuild a loving relationship with her mother and did not fully reconcile with her father
before his recent death. The lived experiences of John, Nanai, and Trini provide insight into the
78

different ways that families can be separated, and the devastating impact separation can have on
the individual and the family.
Another source of significant trauma was the impact of post-migration discrimination.
John, Nanai, and Trini shared stories of being ostracized by their peers, especially at school. John
recalled classmates telling him he was “dirty” because he was Black; Nanai remembered her
peers mocking her for her lack of knowledge about things such as water fountains and American
food, and Trini’s peers criticized her for her short hair and the pronunciation of her name. While
John was impacted by the discrimination he felt from white individuals, it is interesting to note
that both Nanai and Trini felt that the discrimination they experienced came from African
American students in their schools, who made sure that Nanai and Trini knew they were not part
of the African American community. Nanai responded to this trauma by turning her back on the
community that shunned her and focusing her energy on creating bonds with other immigrants.
Trini did the opposite and today identifies as African American instead of African. The long-
term impact of peer discrimination on the participants in this study was significant. Although
they coped with the effects of discrimination differently, they all were traumatized by the
feelings of isolation and ostracization they experienced during childhood.
Despite the trauma the participants experienced before, during, and after migration, all
three participants in this study now feel they have a stable home in the United States. Feeling at
home in the United States gives them a sense of peace and safety in their lives and allows them
to take advantage of opportunities. John is a junior at a public university in Florida, pursuing a
business degree. He hopes to continue his education after his graduation next year and plans to
earn a master’s degree in business administration. While he hopes to return to Libya for a visit
someday, he has no plans to move back to his former home. Nanai is a successful nurse manager
79

for a county health organization after earning a master’s degree in nursing. She has also built a
stable home for herself and her two children, who are now in their teens. She still feels a strong
connection to Ghana and will be traveling there this fall for her father’s tribal funeral, but her
home is in the United States with her husband and children. Trini also visits Ghana regularly, but
she does not consider moving back to be an option. She considers the systems and structures in
American society too beneficial to consider leaving and identifies the United States as her home.
It is essential to consider why and how the participants have reached the point where they
feel at home in the United States. John, Nanai, and Trini all experienced childhood trauma before
they migrated, in addition to trauma due to discrimination post-migration. Despite these
experiences, they were able to move forward and build successful lives after resettlement. The
first factor impacting their well-being post-migration was their ability to find a sense of
community in the United States. John felt supported by various members of the African
American community. Although he did not speak of a strong peer network, he found a sense of
belonging through his identification with the experiences and perceptions of others. Similarly,
when she began school, Nanai made friends and found a supportive group of peers who shared
her experiences as an African immigrant. Developing strong peer relationships helped her adjust
to her new life more positively. Trini also experienced a strong sense of belonging once she
began to identify with the African American community. Her alignment with this community,
and subsequent rejection of the African community, led her to embrace the United States as her
home fully. Although she does return to Ghana for visits, she will never live there again.
Another significant influence on each participant’s sense of belonging was their
relationship with a trusted adult. John’s trusted adult was a teacher who mentored him
throughout middle and high school. His teacher, who was African American, helped John work
80

through his feelings related to the discrimination he faced at school and gave him the support he
needed to believe in his ability to overcome adversity and accomplish his goals. This relationship
has continued into John’s adult life, and he considers his mentor the central father figure in his
life. Nanai also enjoyed a supportive relationship with a teacher at her high school, Ms.
Thompson. Ms. Thompson provided Nanai with a safe space when she first arrived at school,
inviting Nanai to eat lunch in her office when she saw her alone in the cafeteria. She also
provided the encouragement Nanai needed to make her feel that she could grow and excel in
school and beyond. Nanai also enjoyed a close relationship with a nearby aunt who supported her
assimilation into American culture by taking her out for simple experiences such as a Texas
barbecue and helping her find a prom dress. Trini’s trusted adult was her college advisor, Ms.
Alicia, who supported Trini when she experienced failures, such as earning a D in her biology
class. Ms. Alicia taught Trini to persevere and gave her the skills and mindset she needed to get
her college degree.
John, Nanai, and Trini’s childhood experiences both hurt and helped them. Their
exposure to violence and family separation traumatized them and led to long-term feelings of
fear and vulnerability. Additionally, post-migration discrimination negatively impacted their
mental health and well-being. Mitigating the effects of this trauma were their feelings of
belonging developed through their relationships with their peers, community, and mentors. The
data collected in this study indicated that creating environments that support feelings of
community and encourage relationships with trusted adults can positively impact immigrant
youth’s mental health and long-term well-being. Schools can be a vital point of connection for
immigrant students. The relationships they develop in school with their peers and trusted adults
81

can help mitigate the impact of migration trauma and, as a result, can positively impact their
long-term well-being and mental health outcomes.
82

Chapter Five: Recommendations
The purpose of this study was to generate a better understanding of the impact of trauma
and belonging in immigrant youth. It was essential to conduct because understanding the
experiences and perceptions of immigrant youth is critical to improving the support and services
offered to this vulnerable population. Supporting immigrant youth in recovering from trauma
will be a vital task in the coming decades. International migration is predicted to increase as
economic pressures and population growth continue to drive movement around the globe.
Climate change will also contribute to an increase in migration as warming temperatures, rising
sea levels, and extreme weather impact the livelihoods of millions (Oltmer & Ingalls, 2013). An
increase in the number of people displaced by climate-related issues will raise complex
challenges, as there is currently no specific framework for defining and protecting climate
refugees. As a result, these individuals are not recognized by existing legal structures, leaving
them without adequate support. Determining how to best support immigrant youth now will help
organizations be prepared for future crises, allowing them to be proactive instead of reactive.
This study gave voice to three participants who had never shared their stories, allowing
insight into the impact of migration and post-migration experiences on their lives. It is important
to consider that the participants all migrated under relatively positive circumstances. They had
the money and the resources to arrive on temporary visas and were eventually able to gain
permission to reside permanently in the United States. Many people migrate under much more
challenging circumstances; therefore, it is vital to better understand participants’ perspectives.
Allowing immigrants from a variety of backgrounds to tell their stories will help educational
organizations that support immigrant youth provide more effective programming and services.
This chapter includes a discussion of the findings linked back to the data and the conceptual
83

framework. It also discusses the study’s limitations, recommendations for practice, and
suggestions for future research. Finally, this chapter will close with the study’s conclusions.
Discussion of the Findings
This study’s findings align with the literature reviewed and the conceptual framework
created to serve as the lens to guide this body of research. The first research question examined
the impact of childhood trauma on immigrant youth, while the second and third questions
considered how feelings of belonging mitigate trauma and which post-migration experiences
increase belonging in refugee youth. This section addresses the findings, aligning with the
literature reviewed in Chapter Two. In general, the findings and results were like those of other
studies. Still, they contributed valuable information on how primary dyads developed outside of
the home with trusted adults in the school environment positively impact feelings of belonging in
immigrant youth.
The Impact of Family Separation
Based on this study’s participants, the traumatic impact of family separation during
migration was severe and long-lasting. The three participants shared feelings of grief and loss;
two also felt anger and resentment toward their parents because of their separation. While the
immediate trauma of separation was severe, the participants also reported the significant long-
term impact that losing one or both parents had on their lives. John, the only participant not
separated from both parents, still feels the loss of his father despite having found other father
figures in his life. Nanai and Trini, who lived without both parents for a significant amount of
time, never fully repaired their relationships with their parents and still feel a deep sense of loss
because of their family’s estrangements. The participants’ experiences aligned with the literature
on this topic, demonstrating that family separation is a significant source of trauma for refugee
84

youth (Fazel et al., 2012; Joseph, 2018). The trauma the participants reported experiencing
because of family separation also aligns with the conceptual framework guiding this study, based
on Urie Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, which argues that a critical aspect of an
immigrant youth’s development is the maintenance of healthy primary dyads within the
microsystem. Losing a parental relationship is a severing of the most crucial primary dyad in a
child’s life; therefore, the expected impact would be severe.
The Impact of Discrimination
Another significant source of trauma was the discrimination the participants experienced
post-migration. Discrimination led to feelings of social isolation, loneliness, shame, and a sense
of injustice. The three participants experienced peer discrimination, severely impacting their
sense of belonging and overall well-being. The experiences of discrimination shared by the
participants are not unusual, and the literature reviewed suggests that discrimination after
resettlement is a leading factor for post-migration trauma and is also the strongest predictor of
depressive symptoms in adolescent immigrants (Alemi et al., 2017; Ellis et al., 2008). The
participants shared feelings of sadness and loneliness due to discrimination, aligning with Stark
et al.’s (2015) assertion that perceived discrimination can lead to feelings of low self-worth,
emotional and social withdrawal from school, and feelings of exclusion in the country of
resettlement. The participants’ experiences with discrimination also align closely with the
conceptual framework for this study, which focuses on the potential for relationships within the
microsystem to either support or detract from feelings of belonging and well-being post-
migration. Many immigrant youth can recover from trauma exposure with the help of trusted
adults, peers, and family members. Conversely, unhealthy, and destructive relationships and
experiences such as discrimination can deepen the impact of trauma.
85

The Importance of Belonging Post-Migration
The participants in this study reported a positive increase in overall well-being after
making friends and developing a sense of community in the United States. Building relationships
with peers was the first step in their acculturation to their new environment. Finding support
from others who had lived through similar experiences helped them develop a sense of safety
and belonging post-migration. Being a part of a community allowed them to take risks and build
a stronger sense of self-efficacy, leading them to embrace opportunities for growth and
education. Over time, the participants’ feelings of belonging increased, and as a result, two have
married and are raising families in the United States. All now feel that the United States is their
home. These findings align with data that show that belonging is one of the most crucial factors
impacting the post-resettlement well-being of immigrant youth (Kia-Keating, 2007; Rousseau et
al., 2004). The data collected also align with the conceptual framework, which grounds itself in
the belief that developing positive relationships through primary and secondary dyads can
increase feelings of belonging and improve long-term mental health outcomes in immigrant
youth. Building solid relationships with individuals in their family, community, and school play
an integral role in immigrant youths’ ability to adapt post-migration (d’Abreu et al., 2019).
The Importance of a Trusted Adult
A significant finding of this study is that the participants all felt that a teacher or other
trusted adults in their school was vital to their mental health post-migration. The impact of the
relationships developed in this context was significant. The participants’ initial encounter with
their trusted adult was the first time they felt a sense of hope for their future after migrating.
Their experiences align with the literature on ecological systems theory, which indicates that a
critical aspect of a child’s healthy growth is the development of primary dyads with individuals
86

in the microsystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The development and maintenance of primary dyads
is essential to the well-being of immigrant youth, especially those who have experienced family
separation. The severing of a primary dyad with a parent is a significant trauma, so it is
reasonable to argue that creating a primary dyad with an adult outside the home can help mitigate
that trauma.
Recommendations for Practice
This study aimed to provide educational organizations that support immigrant youth with
information and support in offering more effective care to immigrant youth post-migration. A
narrative inquiry methodology examined the effects of trauma exposure on immigrant youth,
explored whether increased feelings of belonging in the United States mitigate the impact of
trauma, and determined what experiences best supported feelings of belonging post-migration. A
focus on participants’ childhood experiences before, during, and after migration endorsed the
mission of the study, which was to gather data regarding the impact of belonging on trauma
recovery. The following research questions guided this study:
1. How does exposure to trauma before, during, and after migration impact immigrant
youths’ mental health?
2. How do increased feelings of belonging in the country of resettlement impact
immigrant youths’ long-term well-being and mental health outcomes?
3. What post-migration experiences foster feelings of belonging in refugee youth?
Recommendation 1: School-Based Family Counseling
Changing family dynamics, including separation from at least one parent before, during,
or after migration, strongly impacted the participants of this study. In the context of the
microsystem, the development and maintenance of a healthy parent-child dyad is vital to the
87

growth and development of the individual (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The two most influential
microsystems impacting immigrant youth are the school and the family, and both can support
and influence a child’s development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Gerrard et al., 2023). Creating a
safe space in the school for families to seek help and support will increase immigrant youths’
chances for success and will strengthen and deepen family relationships.
Investing in the development of school-based counseling services for immigrant families
will provide them with the support necessary to maintain healthy parent-child relationships post-
migration. School-based family counseling is an integrated systems approach, allowing children
to succeed academically by linking home, school, and community resources (Gerrard et al.,
2023). In situations where a parent cannot be present, school-based family counseling can
involve the child’s guardian or caregiver. Another alternative is to use technology to facilitate
counseling sessions which would allow parents separated from their children during migration to
participate actively in their lives. Providing mental health services in school supports the
development of relationships across the school and home microsystems, strengthening the
connections in the mesosystem. Additionally, research shows that access to school health
services improved the health and academic achievement of students with chronic issues, such as
post-traumatic stress disorder and depression (Mays, 2020).
To achieve this recommendation, federal and state funding should be allocated to high-
need school districts to hire well-qualified family counselors specializing in trauma-informed
care to serve the needs of immigrant families and ensure adequate resources are available for
immigrant parents. When hiring a full-time in-person counselor is not possible, schools should
partner with an organization providing telehealth counseling services and should support families
in participating in counseling sessions during school hours. Funding for health programs in
88

schools may be available through the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), which
provides reimbursement for health services provided to any Medicaid-enrolled student, including
mental health services (Mays, 2020).
Recommendation 2: Mentorship Programs
The participants in this study identified a relationship with a teacher or other school-
based trusted adult as essential to their successful integration post-migration. Although
immigrant youth often experience systemic barriers in their education, relationships within the
school environment may serve as a resource to promote positive development (Bronfenbrenner,
1979). One such relationship is a natural mentoring relationship with a teacher, organically
formed between a student and a teacher or other faculty member who provides nurturing and
guidance (Zimmerman et al., 2005). Natural mentors offer support, role modeling, and advocacy
to vulnerable immigrant students, increasing their odds of successful integration into their
country of resettlement.
While natural mentors are preferable, these organic relationships do not always develop;
therefore, schools serving immigrant youth should implement more formal mentorship programs.
When young people have at least one trusted adult at school, they are more likely to engage with
their education and experience better mental health (Meltzer, 2016). An appropriate mentorship
program for at-risk youth should include mentors who can act as first responders during times of
crisis, conduct a daily check-in/check-out, support the development of positive child-teacher
relationships within the school environment, and act as advocates for the needs of the at-risk
immigrant student (Owora et al., 2018).
To achieve this recommendation, school districts with high immigrant populations should
hire at least one designated school mentor, specifically trained for this work, per 25 immigrant
89

students. In addition, teachers and other school personnel should receive training in culturally
aware risk identification to ensure the referral of students to the designated mentor when
appropriate (Owora et al., 2018). If an in-person mentoring program is not possible, schools
should partner with organizations such as Refugee Response in Cleveland, Ohio, that offer
virtual mentoring services.
Recommendation 3: Invest in Technology
Technology can play a significant role in providing educational, emotional, and social
support to refugee youth. Adjusting to the COVID-19 pandemic gave educators new insight into
the possibilities of online learning. The lessons learned from the pandemic can be applied to
creatively support students various learning environments (Peimani & Kamalipour, 2021).
Online learning platforms such as Khan Academy and edX are now common and offer a wide
range of educational resources such as videos and interactive lessons. These platforms can help
immigrant children catch up on missed education and build essential skills, allowing them to
succeed in the classroom. Online tutoring programs, such as Tutor.com, that provide homework
help and one-on-one support to students who need extra assistance could also support learning.
Online supports such as these would increase immigrant youths’ ability to successfully integrate
into the education system in their country of resettlement.
Additionally, technology can support immigrant youths’ language learning and
development. One of the essential building blocks to building trust and belonging is the use of a
shared language. Language learning apps such as Duolingo and Babbel can help immigrant
youth learn the language of their new country. These applications are especially suited to
younger immigrants as they often use gamified approaches to make language learning fun and
interactive. Language also builds understanding, and digital storytelling tools can empower
90

immigrant youth to tell their stories and express themselves creatively, allowing them to develop
connections with individuals in the microsystem.
Achieving this recommendation requires continued investment in developing and
adapting technology that can be used in the classroom and beyond. Focusing on finding ways to
support immigrant youth using digital tools will make it possible to reach more students in a
wider range of settings. With recent advances in areas such as artificial intelligence there is
increased potential for technology to improve the lives of immigrant youth and their families.
Limitations and Delimitations
A study’s limitations and delimitations are the design or methodology characteristics that
impact or influence the findings (Price & Murnan, 2004). Limitations are those characteristics
that are out of the researcher’s control, such as how many people volunteer to participate.
Delimitations are the researcher’s decisions, such as the methods used to collect data, which
introduce additional limitations.
This study’s most significant limitation was the participant sample size. A potential
partnership with an organization whose mission is to support refugee and immigrant college
students did not come to fruition. Therefore, despite targeted recruitment through various
avenues, it was challenging to identify and recruit participants willing to share their stories. The
complicated recruitment process was not surprising given the personal nature of the questions,
designed to lead the participants to think about how migration trauma affected their mental
health. Still, a larger sample size would have been beneficial to the validity and transferability of
the study.
Another limitation was the malleability of the participants’ memories. Trauma memories
are prone to distortion, and people sometimes remember trauma as more severe than it was
91

(Strange & Takarangi, 2015). In addition, research demonstrates that over time, trauma victims
report exposure to traumatic events they did not initially report experiencing (Bolton, 2006).
Conversely, people who have received messages from others that downplay their trauma tend to
minimize the impact of traumatic experiences, and social feedback from parents or other family
members can cause children to suppress the memory of traumatic experiences (Takarangi et al.,
2014). Therefore, when exploring the impact of trauma on mental health, it is essential to
consider memory limitations when analyzing the data.
A third limitation of this study is the truthfulness of the participants. The interview
questions asked participants to reflect on traumatic childhood experiences. False denials can
become a primary coping skill in people who have experienced trauma and can lead to the
omission of details and denial-induced forgetting (Bucken et al., 2022). While a participant
might try to be as honest as possible, a history of denial may cause participants to forget or
misremember the details of traumatic events.
In addition, the time frame of a study might have affected the results (Theofanidis &
Fountouki, 2019). This study consisted of two interviews over 2 weeks. A longer time frame
would have allowed for additional discussions and a more profound data collection, but this was
not possible with the challenges encountered during the recruitment process. The delay in finding
participants made it difficult to extend the study’s timeline while still allowing time for thorough
data analysis.
A delimitation was the method used to conduct interviews. Due to time constraints and
the locations of the participants, in-person interviews were not feasible. As a result, this study
utilized Zoom to conduct virtual interviews. While using Zoom allowed for collecting rich verbal
data, the three participants requested to keep their cameras off during the interviews. Allowing
92

participants to turn off their cameras increased their comfort level and willingness to tell their
stories but also removed the possibility of collecting additional visual data, including facial
expressions and body language. Additionally, the lack of face-to-face contact decreased the
possibility of a deeper connection between the researcher and the participants.
Recommendations for Future Research
The first recommendation is to replicate this study with a larger and more diverse sample
size to increase the breadth of the data collected. Increasing and diversifying the sample size will
allow researchers to explore whether the country of origin, gender, or age at the time of
migration impacts the development of belonging in the country of resettlement. Leveraging a
larger sample size of participants from various backgrounds would provide a deeper
understanding of the immigrant experience. It would allow researchers to explore what
similarities and dissimilarities emerge and if the participants’ perceptions of trauma and
belonging align with this study’s findings.
The second recommendation is to replicate this study with younger participants who have
recently immigrated. As noted previously, a limitation of this study was the malleability of the
participants’ memories. Interviewing recently migrated children would allow the collection of
more authentic data as the time between migration and participant interviews would be shorter.
The third recommendation is to work with federal agencies that support immigrant youth
in the United States to expand the premise of this study and design a mixed methods study to
collect both quantitative and qualitative data from immigrants across the United States. This
recommendation would provide a higher-level overview of immigrants’ experiences with trauma
and belonging post-migration. Researchers could then share data with state agencies and non-
profit organizations to better inform their strategies for supporting immigrant youth.
93

In summary, there are many ways this study can inform future research. The data
collected illustrates the importance of developing a deeper understanding of the needs of
immigrant youth. The recommendations offer a way to examine the study’s findings from
various points of view and further inform how schools and other organizations can serve the
needs of immigrant youth in the United States.
Conclusion
This study focused on prioritizing the participants’ voices to generate a deeper
understanding of the experiences of immigrant youth, one of the most vulnerable populations in
the world. A large body of existing research focuses on the impact of childhood trauma on
immigrant youth, but much less is known about how to best support their recovery and growth
after resettlement. Allowing immigrant youth to share their stories is critical to determining how
organizations and individuals can create programs, policies, and environments to support
increased belonging and more positive long-term mental health outcomes. Prioritizing the voices
of immigrant youth in an overwhelming climate of political, cultural, and social anti-immigrant
rhetoric is vital to understanding their needs and supporting their long-term success. May this
research be part of the conversation for moving forward on the effort to keep immigrant youth in
the United States safe, healthy, and well.

94

References
Abu Suhaiban, H., Grasser, L. R., & Javanbakht, A. (2019). The mental health of refugees and
torture survivors: A critical review of prevalence, predictors, and integrated care.
International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 16(13).
https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16132309
Ager, A., & Strang, A. (2008). Understanding integration: A conceptual framework. Journal of
Refugee Studies, 21(2), 166–191. https://doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fen016
Ahmadzadeh, H., Corabatir, M., Husseini, J., Hashem, L., & Wahby, S. (2014). Ensuring a
quality education for young refugees from Syria. Refugee Studies Center.
https://www.unhcr.org/584698257.pdf
Alberg, L. J., & Castro-Olivo., S. (2014). The relationship between mental health, acculturative
stress, and academic performance in a Latino middle school sample. Contemporary
School Psychology, 18(3), 178 –186. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40688-014-0010-1
Alemi, Q., Siddiq, H., Baek, K., Sana, H., Stempel, C., Aziz, N., & Montgomery, S. (2017).
Effect of perceived discrimination on depressive symptoms in 1st- and 2nd-generation
Afghan Americans. Journal of Primary Prevention, 38(6), 613 –626.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10935-017-0492-5
Allsop, J., Sigona, N., & Phillimore, J. (2014). Poverty among refugees and asylum seekers in
the U.K. An evidence and policy review. Iris Working Paper Series (1), 1 –46.
https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/documents/college-social-sciences/social-
policy/iris/2014/working-paper-series/iris-wp-1-2014.pdf
Almqvist K, & Broberg, A. G. (1999). Mental health and social adjustment in young refugee
children 3 1/2 years after their arrival in Sweden. Journal of the American Academy of
95

Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 38(6), 723–730. https://doi.org/10.1097/00004583-
199906000-00020
Altschuler, J. (2016). Migration, illness, and healthcare. Palgrave.
American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders
(5th ed.). APA.
Arslan, G. (2017). Psychological maltreatment, social acceptance, social connectedness, and
subjective well-being in adolescents. Journal of Happiness Studies, 19(4), 983 –1001.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10902-017-9856-z
Arslan, G. (2021). School belongingness, well-being, and mental health among adolescents:
Exploring the role of loneliness. Australian Journal of Psychology, 73(1), 70 –80.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00049530.2021.190449
Bakhtin, M. M. (1981). The dialogical imagination. The University of Texas Press.
Ballard-Kang, J. L. (2017). Using culturally appropriate, trauma-informed support to promote
bicultural self-efficacy among resettled refugees: A conceptual model. Journal of Ethnic
& Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 29(1–3), 23 –42.
https://doi.org/10.1080/15313204.2017.1409676
Ballentyne, S., Drury, J., Barrett, E., & Marsden, S. (2021). Lost in transition: What refugee
post-migration experiences tell us about processes of social identity change. Journal of
Community & Applied Social Psychology, 31(5), 501 –514.
https://doi.org/10.1002/casp.2532
Bannister, E., Benoit, C., Leadbeater, B., Jansson, M., Marshall, A., & Riecken, T. (2006).
Ethical issues in community-based research with children and youth. University of
Toronto Press. https://doi.org/10.3138/9781442674653
96

Barton, A., Novoa, O., Sanchez, M., Romano, E., & Cano, M. (2022). Impact of pre-migration
assets and pre-migration trauma on acculturative stress among recent Latinx immigrant
young adults. Ethnic Health, 27(6), 1410 –1427.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13557858.2021.1881766
Bath, H. (2016). The three pillars of transforming care: Trauma and resilience in the other 23
hours. Faculty of Education Publishing, University of Winnipeg.
Baumeister, R. F. (2012). Need-to-belong theory (Vol. 2). Sage Publications Ltd.
Beaton, A., Musgrave, A., & Liebl, J. (2018). Safe but not settled: The impact of family
separation on refugees in the U.K. https://www.refugeecouncil.org.uk/wp-
content/uploads/2019/03/Safe_but_not_settled.pdf
Beiser, M., & Hou, F. (2016). Mental health defects of premigration trauma and postmigration
discrimination on refugee youth in Canada. Journal of Nervous & Mental Disease,
204(6), 464 –470. https://doi.org/10.1097/nmd.0000000000000516
Beiser, M., & Hou, F. (2017). Predictors of positive mental health among refugees: Results from
Canada’s General Social Survey. Transcultural Psychiatry, 54(5 –6), 675 –695.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1363461517724985
Benight, C. C., Shoji, K., James, L. E., Waldrep, E. E., Delahanty, D. L., & Cieslak, R. (2015).
Trauma coping self-efficacy: A context-specific self-efficacy measure for traumatic
stress. Psychology & Trauma, 7(6), 591 –599. https://doi.org/10.1037/tra0000045
Bernstein, M. S. (2016). Research in social psychology: Consequences of short- and long-term
social exclusion. Springer eBooks. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-33033-4_3
Berry, J. W. (1992). Acculturation and adaptation in a new society. International Migration, 30,
69–85.
97

Berthold, M. (1999). The effects of exposure to community violence on Khmer refugee
adolescents. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 12(3).
https://doi.org/10.1023/a:1024715003442
Bhatia, S., & Ram, A. (2009). Theorizing identity in transnational and diaspora culture: A critical
approach to acculturation. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 33, 140–149.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2008.12.009
Bianchini, K. (2011). Unaccompanied asylum seeker children: Flawed processes and protection
gaps in the U.K. Forced Migration Review, 37, 52–53. https://www.fmreview.org/non-
state/Bianchini
Bloch, A. (2007). Refugees in the U.K. labour market: The conflict between economic
integration and policy-led labour market restriction. Journal of Social Policy, 37(1), 21 –
36. https://doi.org/10.1017/s004727940700147x
Bolter, J. (2019). Explainer: Who is an immigrant? Migration Policy Institute.
https://www.migrationpolicy.org/content/explainer-who-immigrant
Bolton, E., Gray, M., & Litz, B. (2006). A cross-lagged analysis of the relationship between
symptoms of PTSD and retrospective reports of exposure. Journal of Anxiety Disorders,
20, 877–895. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.janxdis.2006.01.009
Boss, P. (2000). Ambiguous loss: Learning to live with unresolved grief. Harvard University
Press.
Bowen, K. A., & Marshall, W. N. (2008). Deaths of Mexican and Central American children
along the U.S. border: The Pima County Arizona experience. Journal of Immigrant and
Minority Health, 10(1), 17 –21. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10903-007-9052-z
98

Brennan, M. A. (2008). Conceptualizing resiliency: An interactional perspective for community
and youth development. Child Care in Practice, 14(1), 55 –64.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13575270701733732
Briere, J., & Jordan, C. (2009). Violence against women: Outcome complexity and implications
for assessment and treatment. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 19(11), 1252 –1276.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260504269682
Briere, J., & Scott, C. (2006). Principles of trauma therapy: A guide to symptoms, evaluations,
and treatment. SAGE.
Briggs-Gowan, M., Carter, A., & Ford, J. (2011). Parsing the effects of violence exposure in
early childhood: Modeling developmental pathways. Journal of Pediatric Psychology,
37(1), 11 –22. https://doi.org/10.1093/jpepsy/jsr063
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development. Harvard University Press.
Bronstein, I., & Montgomery, P. (2011). Psychological distress in refugee children: A systematic
review. Clinical Child & Family Psychology Review, 14(1), 44 –56.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10567-010-0081-0
Bruhn, M., Rees, S., Mohsin, M., Silove, D., & Carlsson, J. (2018). The range and impact of
postmigration stressors during treatment of trauma-affected refugees. Journal of Nervous
& Mental Disorders, 206(1), 61 –68. https://doi.org/10.1097/NMD.0000000000000774
Bucken, C. A., Mangiulli, I., Uzun, S., & Otgaar, H. (2022). False denials increase false
memories for trauma-related discussions. Memory, 30(9), 1158 –1171.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09658211.2022.2094964
99

Caputo, R. K. (2003). The effects of socioeconomic status, perceived discrimination, and
mastery on health status in a youth cohort. Social Work Health Care, 37(2), 17 –42.
https://doi.org/10.1300/J010v37n02_02
Cardeli, E., Phan, J., Mulder, L., Benson, M., Adhikari, R., & Ellis, B. H. (2020). Bhutanese
refugee youth: The importance of assessing and addressing psychosocial needs in a
school setting. Journal of School Health, 90(9), 731–742.
https://doi.org/10.1111/josh.12935
Cardoso, J. B., Brabeck, K., Stinchcomb, D., Heidbrink, L., Price, O. A., Gil-Garcia, O. F., Crea,
T. M., & Zayas, L. H. (2019). Integration of unaccompanied refugee youth in the United
States: A call for research. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 45(2), 273 –292.
https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2017.1404261
Care International. (2018). Eight years into exile. https://www.care-
international.org/files/files/publications/reports-issue-
briefs/2018_CARE_Needs_Assessment_Summary_web_final.pdf
Cavanaugh, A. M., & Buehler, C. (2015). Adolescent loneliness and social anxiety. Journal of
Social and Personal Relationships, 33(2), 149–170.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0265407514567837
Caxaj, C. S., & Berman, H. (2010). Belonging among newcomer youths: Intersecting
experiences of inclusion and exclusion. Advances in Nursing Science, 44(4), 17 –30.
https://doi.org/10.1097/ans.0b013e3181fb2f0f
Chandler, H., Boothby, N., McNatt, Z., Berrigan, M., Zebib, L., Freels, P. E., Alshannaq, H.,
Majdalani, N., Mahmoud, A., & Majd, E. (2020). Causes of family separation and
100

barriers to reunification: Syrian refugees in Jordan. Journal of refugee studies, 33(2),
371–389. https://doi.org/10.1093/jrs/feaa033
Chavez, C., Gonzales-Backen, M. A., & Grzywacz, J. G. (2021). Work, stressors, and
psychosocial adjustment of undocumented Guatemalan adolescents in United States
agriculture: A mixed-methods approach. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 31(4),
1218–1234. https://doi.org/10.1111/jora.12640
Chen, A., Panter-Brick, C., Hadfield, K., Dajani, R., Hamoudi, A., & Sheridan, M. (2019).
Minds under siege: Cognitive signatures of poverty and trauma in refugee and non-
refugee adolescents. Child Development, 90(6), 1856 –1865.
https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.13320
Chen, S., & Schweitzer, R. D. (2019). The experience of belonging in youth from refugee
backgrounds: A narrative perspective. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 28(7), 1977 –
1990. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10826-019-01425-5
Choi, G. (1997). Acculturative stress, social support, and depression in Korean American
families. Journal of Family Social Work, 21(1), 81 –97.
https://doi.org/10.1300/j039v02n01_06
Chung, M. C., & Shakra, M. (2022). The association between trauma centrality and
posttraumatic stress among Syrian refugees: The impact of cognitive distortions and
trauma-coping self-efficacy. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 37(3–4), 1852 –1877.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260520926311
Chynoweth, S. K., Buscher, D., Martin, S., & Zwi, A. B. (2020). A social-ecological approach to
understanding service utilization barriers among male survivors of sexual violence in
101

three refugee settings: A qualitative exploratory study. Conflict and Health, 14, 43.
https://doi.org/10.1186/s13031-020-00288-8
Correa-Velez, I., Gifford, S. M., & Barnett, A. G. (2010). Longing to belong: Social inclusion
and well-being among youth with refugee backgrounds in the first three years in
Melbourne, Australia. Social Science & Medicine, 71(8), 1399 –1408.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2010.07.018
Courtois, C. A. (2004). Complex trauma, complex reactions. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research,
Practice, Training, 41(4), 412 –425. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-3204.41.4.412
Crawley, H. (2017). Migration: Refugee economics. Nature, 544, 26 –27.
https://doi.org/10.1038/544026a
Creswell, J. W., & Creswell, J. D. (2018). Research Design (5th ed.). SAGE
Crisp, J. (2000). A state of insecurity: The political economy of violence in Kenya’s refugee
camps. African Affairs, 99, 601–632. https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/99.397.601
d’Abreu, A., Castro-Olivo, S., & Ura, S. K. (2019). Understanding the role of acculturative stress
on refugee youth mental health: A systematic review and ecological approach to
assessment and intervention. School Psychology International, 40(2), 107 –127.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0143034318822688
Dhesi, S., Isakjee, A., & Davies, T. (2017). Public health in the Calais refugee camp:
Environment, health, and exclusion. Critical Public Health, 28(2), 140 –152.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09581596.2017.1335860
Diab, S. Y., Palosaari, E., & Punamaki, R. L. (2018). Society, individual, family, and school
factors contributing to child mental health in war: The ecological-theory perspective.
Child Abuse and Neglect, 84, 205 –216. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2018.07.033
102

Dobricki, M., Komproe, I. H., de Jong, J. T., & Maercker, A. (2010). Adjustment disorders after
severe life events in four post-conflict settings. Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric
Epidemiology, 45(1), 39 –46. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00127-009-0039-z
Dromgold-Sermen, M. S. (2020). Forced refugees and secure belonging: A case study of Syrian
refugees resettled in the United States. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 48(3),
635–654. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.2020.1854087
Dye, H. (2018). The impact and long-term effects of childhood trauma. Journal of Human
Behavior in the Social Environment, 28(3), 381–392.
https://doi.org/10.1080/10911359.2018.1435328
Edge, S., Newbold, K. B., & McKeary, M. (2014). Exploring socio-cultural factors that mediate,
facilitate, & constrain the health and empowerment of refugee youth. Social Science &
Medicine, 117, 34–41. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2014.07.025
Edwards, V., Hoden, G., Feletti, V., & Anda, R. (2003). Relationships between multiple forms of
childhood maltreatment and adult mental health in community respondents: Results from
the adverse childhood experiences study. The American Journal of Psychiatry, 160(8),
1453–1460. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.ajp.160.8.1432
Ehntholt, K., & Yule, W. (2006). Practitioner review: Assessment and treatment of refugee
children and adolescents who have experienced war-related trauma. Journal of Child
Psychology and Psychiatry, 47(12), 1197 –1210. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-
7610.2006.01638.x
Ehrensaft, E. (2008). “Of what might we speak?” Psychotherapy of a refugee survivor of torture
foster youth. Journal of Infant, Child, and Adolescent Psychotherapy, 7(2), 121 –144.
https://doi.org/10.1080/15289160802142465
103

Ekblad, S. (1993). Psychosocial adaptation of children while housed in a Swedish refugee camp:
The aftermath of the collapse of Yugoslavia. Stress Medicine, 9(3), 159 –166.
https://doi.org/10.1002/smi.2460090306
El Zaatari, W., & Maalouf, I. (2022). How the Bronfenbrenner bio-ecological systems theory
explains the development of students’ sense of belonging to school. SAGE Open, 12(4).
https://doi.org/10.1177/21582440221134089
Ellis, B. H., Abdi, S. M., Miller, A. B., White, M. T., & Lincoln, A. K. (2015). Protective factors
for violence perpetration in Somali young adults: The role of community belonging and
neighborhood cohesion. Psychology of Violence, 5(4), 384 –392.
https://doi.org/10.1037/a0039610
Ellis, B. H., MacDonald, H. Z., Lincoln, A. K., & Cabral, H. J. (2008). The mental health of
Somali adolescent refugees: The role of trauma, stress, and perceived discrimination.
Journal of Consulting Clinical Psychology, 76(2), 184 –193.
https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-006X.76.2.184
Eriksson, R., & Hedberg Rundgren, Å. (2018). Coping with life in a new country – Affect
regulation based on unaccompanied refugee minors’ needs. European Journal of Social
Work, 22(6), 1012 –1024. https://doi.org/10.1080/13691457.2018.1469469
Fabbri, C., Powell-Jackson, T., Leurent, B., Rodrigues, K., Shayo, E., Barongo, V., & Devries,
K. M. (2022). School violence, depression symptoms, and school climate: A cross-
sectional study of Congolese and Burundian refugee children. Conflict and health, 16(1),
1–42. https://doi.org/10.1186/s13031-022-00475-9
104

Fazel, M., Reed, R. V., Panter-Brick, C., & Stein, A. (2012). The mental health of displaced and
refugee children resettled in high-income countries: Risk and protective factors. The
Lancet, 379, 266–282. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(11)60051-2
Forrest-Bank, S. S., Held, M. L., & Jones, A. (2019). Provider perspectives of services
addressing the mental health needs of resettled refugee youth. Child and Adolescent
Social Work Journal, 36(6), 669 –684. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10560-019-00602-1
Fried, E. I., Eidhof, M. B., Palic, S., Costantini, G., Huisman-Van Dijk, H. M., Bockting, C. L.
H., Engelhard, I., Armour, C., Nielsen, A. B. S., & Karstoft, K. I. (2018). Replicability
and generalizability of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) networks: A cross-cultural
multisite study of PTSD symptoms in four trauma patient samples. Clinical
Psychological Science, 6(3), 335 –351. https://doi.org/10.1177/2167702617745092
Fuchs, L. M., Jacobsen, J., Walther, L., Hahn, E., Ta, T. M. T., Bajbouj, M., & von Scheve, C.
(2021). The Challenged Sense of Belonging Scale (CSBS) —A validation study in
English, Arabic, and Farsi/Dari among refugees and asylum seekers in Germany.
Measurement Instruments for the Social Sciences, 3(1). https://doi.org/10.1186/s42409-
021-00021-y
Fuller-Rowell, T. E., Ong, A. D., & Phinney, J. S. (2013). National identity and perceived
discrimination predict changes in ethnic identity commitment: Evidence from a
longitudinal study of Latino college students. Applied Psychology, 62(3), 406 –426.
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-0597.2012.00486.x
Geltman, P. L., Grant-Knight, W., Ellis, H., & Landgraf, J. M. (2008). The “lost boys” of Sudan:
Use of health services and functional health outcomes of unaccompanied refugee minors
105

resettled in the U.S. Journal of Immigrant Minor Health, 10(5), 389 –396.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10903-007-9110-6
Gerrard, B., Hernandez, E., & Deb, S. (2023). The school-based family counseling approach to
strengthening families and schools in crisis and disaster. In B. A. Gerrard, E. J.
Hernandez, & S. Deb (Eds.), School-based family counseling for crisis and disaster:
Global perspectives (1st ed., pp. 3 –13). Routledge.
Goodenow, C. (1993). The psychological sense of school membership among adolescents: Scale
development and educational correlates. Psychology in the Schools, 30(1), 79–90.
https://doi.org/10.1002/1520-6807(199301)30:1<79:AID-PITS2310300113>3.0.CO;2-X
Goodman, G. S., Quas, J. A., Goldfarb, D., Gonzalves, L., & Gonzalez, A. (2019). Trauma and
long‐term memory for childhood events: Impact matters. Child Development
Perspectives, 13(1), 3 –9. https://doi.org/10.1111/cdep.12307
Grayson, C.-L. (2017). Children of the camp: The lives of Somali youth raised in Kakuma
Refugee Camp. Berghahn Books.
Grüttner, M. (2019). Belonging as a resource of resilience: Psychological well-being of
international and refugee students in study preparation at German higher education
institutions. Student Success, 10(3), 36 –44. https://doi.org/10.5204/ssj.v10i3.1275
Heptinstall, E., Sethna, V., & Taylor, E. (2004). PTSD and depression in refugee children:
Associations with pre-migration trauma and post-migration stress. European Child &
Adolescent Psychiatry, 13(6), 373 –380. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00787-004-0422-y
Hodes, M., & Vostanis, P. (2019). Practitioner Review: Mental health problems of refugee
children and adolescents and their management. Journal of Child Psychology &
Psychiatry, 60(7), 716–731. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcpp.13002
106

Hodges, A., Cordier, R., Joosten, A., Bourke-Taylor, H., & Speyer, R. (2018). Evaluating the
psychometric quality of school connectedness measures: A systematic review. PloS One,
13(9), e0203373–e0203373. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0203373
Ibrahim, H., & Hassan, C. Q. (2017). Posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms resulting from
torture and other traumatic events among Syrian Kurdish refugees in Kurdistan Region,
Iraq. Frontiers Psychology, 8, 241. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2017.00241
Ingvarsson, L., Egilson, S. T., & Skaptadottir, U. D. (2016). “I want a normal life like everyone
else”: Daily life of asylum seekers in Iceland. Scandinavian Journal of Occupational
Therapy, 23(6), 416 –424. https://doi.org/10.3109/11038128.2016.1144787
International Journal of Refugee Law. (2017). Unlawful Death of Refugees and Refugees, 29(4),
668–695. https://doi.org/10.1093/ijrl/eey002
Jafari, H., Kassan, A., Reay, G., & Climie, E. A. (2022). Resilience in refugee children and
youth: A critical literature review. Canadian Psychology / Psychologie Canadienne.
https://doi.org/10.1037/cap0000320
James, P., Iyer, A., & Webb, T. L. (2019). The impact of post‐migration stressors on refugees’
emotional distress and health: A longitudinal analysis. European Journal of Social
Psychology, 49(7), 1359 –1367. https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.2589
Joseph, S. (2018). Arab family studies: Critical reviews. University Press.
Juang, L. P., Simpson, J. A., Lee, R. M., Rothman, A. J., Titzmann, P. F., Schachner, M. K.,
Korn, L., Heinemeier, D., & Betsch, C. (2018). Using attachment and relational
perspectives to understand adaptation and resilience among immigrant and refugee youth.
American Psychologist, 73(6), 797–811. https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0000286
107

Juang, L. P., Syed, M., & Takagi, M. (2007). Intergenerational discrepancies of parental control
among Chinese American families: Links to family conflict and adolescent depressive
symptoms. Journal of Adolescence, 30(6). 965–975.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.adolescence.2007.01.004
Kaplan Toren, N., & Weiss, J. (2023). Strengthening families during a crisis through teacher-
parent engagement. In B. A. Gerrard, E. J. Hernandez, & S. Deb (Eds.), School-based
family counseling for crisis and disaster: Global perspectives (1st ed., pp. 277–291).
Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003201977
Kavian, F., Mehta, K., Willis, E., Mwanri, L., Ward, P., & Booth, S. (2020). Migration, stress,
and the challenges of accessing food: An exploratory study of the experience of recent
Afghan women refugees in Adelaide, Australia. International Journal of Environmental
Research of Public Health, 17(4). https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17041379
Kessler, R. C., Aguilar-Gaxiola, S., Alonso, J., Benjet, C., Bromet, E. J., Cardoso, G.,
Degenhardt, L., de Girolamo, G., Dinolova, R. V., Ferry, F., Florescu, S., Gureje, O.,
Haro, J. M., Huang, Y., Karam, E. G., Kawakami, N., Lee, S., Lepine, J., Levinson, D., &
Koenen, K. C. (2017). Trauma and PTSD in the WHO world mental health surveys.
European Journal of Psychotraumatology, 8(5), 1353383.
https://doi.org/10.1080/20008198.2017.1353383
Keygnaert, I., & Guieu, A. (2015). What the eye does not see: a critical interpretive synthesis of
European Union policies addressing sexual violence in vulnerable refugees. Reproductive
Health Matters, 23(46), 45–55. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.rhm.2015.11.002
Keygnaert, I., Vettenburg, N., Roelens, K., & Temmerman, M. (2014). Sexual health is dead in
my body: Participatory assessment of sexual health determinants by refugees, asylum
108

seekers and undocumented refugees in Belgium and the Netherlands. BMC Public
Health, 14(416), 2 –13. https://doi.org/10.1186/1471-2458-14-416
Khanlou N., Koh, J. G., & Mill C. (2008). Cultural identity and experiences of prejudice and
discrimination of Afghan and Iranian immigrant youth. International Journal of Mental
Health and Addiction, 6(4), 494 –513. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11469-008-9151-7
Kia-Keating, M., & Ellis, B. H. (2007). Belonging and connection to school in resettlement:
Young refugees, school belonging, and psychosocial adjustment. Clinical Child
Psychology & Psychiatry, 12(1), 29 –43. https://doi.org/10.1177/1359104507071052
Kim, D., Subramanian, V., & Kawachi, I. (2006). Bonding vs. bridging social capital and their
associations with self-rated health: A multilevel analysis of 40 U.S. communities. Journal
of Epidemiology and Community Health, 60(2), 116 –122.
https://doi.org/10.1136/jech.2005.038281
Kim, E., Yun, M., Jun, J. Y., & Park, W. S. (2019). Pre-migration trauma, repatriation
experiences, and PTSD among North Korean refugees. Journal of Immigration & Minor
Health, 21(3), 466 –472. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10903-018-0742-5
Kim, I. (2016). Beyond trauma: Post-resettlement factors and mental health outcomes among
Latino and Asian refugees in the United States. Journal of Immigration & Minor Health,
18(4), 740 –748. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10903-015-0251-8
Kim, I., Chen, J., & Spencer, M. (2012). Social determinants of health and mental health among
Asian Americans in the United States. Journal of Social Work, 3, 346 –361.
https://doi.org/10.5243/jsswr.2012.21
Kim, J., & Kaplan, R. (2004). Physical and psychological factors in sense of community.
Environment and Behavior, 36(3), 313 –340. https://doi.org/10.1177/0013916503260236
109

Kim, Y. K., Okumu, M., Small, E., Nikolova, S. P., & Mengo, C. (2018). The association
between school bullying victimization and substance use among adolescents in Malawi:
The mediating effect of loneliness. International Journal of Adolescent Medicine &
Health, 32(5). https://doi.org/10.1515/ijamh-2017-0229
Kitchen, P., Williams, A., & Chowhan, J. (2011). Sense of community belonging and health in
Canada: A regional analysis. Social Indicators Research, 107(1), 103 –126.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11205-011-9830-9
Korjonen-Kuusipuro, K., & Kuusisto, A.-K. (2019). Socio-material belonging – Perspectives for
the intercultural lives of unaccompanied refugee minors in Finland. Journal of
Intercultural Studies, 40(4), 363 –382. https://doi.org/10.1080/07256868.2019.1628725
Kuper, J. L., & Turanovic, J. J. (2022). Trauma made in America: The consequences of violent
victimization for immigrant youth in early adulthood. Journal of Research on
Adolescence, 32(4), 1484 –1499. https://doi.org/10.1111/jora.12718
La Cascia, C., Cossu, G., Lindert, J., Holzinger, A., Zreik, T., Ventriglio, A., & Bhugra, D.
(2020). Migrant women experiences from the Mediterranean region. Clinical Practice in
Epidemiology and Mental Health, 16(1), 101 –108.
https://doi.org/10.2174/1745017902016010101
Lakhani, N. (2019). ‘Everyone gets paid’: Mexico’s migration networks thriving despite
crackdown. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/sep/12/mexico-
people-smugglers-migrants-coyotes-guatemala
LeMay, M. C. (2015). Doctors at the borders: Immigration and the rise of public health.
Bloomsbury Publishing.
110

Li, M. (2015). Pre-migration trauma and post-migration stressors for Asian and Latino American
immigrants: Transnational stress proliferation. Social Indicators Research, 129(1), 47 –
59. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11205-015-1090-7
Lincoln, A. K., Lazarevic, V., White, M. T., & Ellis, B. H. (2016). The impact of acculturation
style and acculturative hassles on the mental health of Somali adolescent refugees.
Journal of Immigrant & Minority Health, 18(4), 771 –778.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10903-015-0232-y
Lustig, S. L., Kia-Keating, M., Knight, W. G., Geltman, P., Ellis, H., Kinzie, J. D., Keane, T., &
Saxe, G. N. (2004). Review of child and adolescent refugee mental health. Journal of the
American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 43(1), 24 –36.
https://doi.org/10.1097/00004583-200401000-00012
Magruder, K. M., McLaughlin, K. A., & Elmore Borbon, D. L. (2017). Trauma is a public health
issue. European Journal of Psychotraumatology, 8(1), 1375338.
https://doi.org/10.1080/20008198.2017.1375338
Mallet-García, M. L., & García-Bedolla, L. (2021). Immigration policy and belonging:
Ramifications for DACA recipients’ sense of belonging. American Behavioral Scientist,
65(9), 1165 –1179. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764221996777
Mancini, M. A. (2019). A pilot study evaluating a school-based, trauma-focused intervention for
immigrant and refugee youth. Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal, 37(3), 287 –
300. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10560-019-00641-8
Mayadas, N. S., & Segal, U. A. (2000). Refugees in the 1990s: A U.S. perspective. Social work
Practice with Immigrants and Refugees, 198–227. Columbia University Press.
111

Mays, A. (2020). Advancing student health and achievement through Medicaid: Lessons learned
from state efforts to expand Medicaid-funding school health services. Journal of School
Health, 90, 918–922. https://doi.org/10.1111/josh.1296
McIntosh, P. (1989). White privilege: Unpacking the invisible knapsack. Peace and Freedom
Magazine, 10–12.
McMahon, S., & Sigona, N. (2020). Death and migration: Refugee journeys and the governance
of migration during Europe’s “Migration Crisis.” International Migration Review, 55(2),
605–628. https://doi.org/10.1177/0197918320958615
Meltzer, A., Muir, K., & Craig, L. (2018) The roles of trusted adults in young people’s social and
economic lives. Youth & Society, 50(5), 575 –592. https://doi-
org.libproxy2.usc.edu/10.1177/0044118X16637610
Merriam, S. B., & Tisdell, E. J. (2016). Qualitative research: A guide to design and
implementation (4th ed.). Jossey-Bass, a Wiley Brand.
Mertens, D. M. (2007). Transformative paradigm. Journal of Mixed Methods Research, 1(3),
212–225. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1177/1558689807302811
Molla, T. (2019). Educational aspirations and experiences of refugee-background African youth
in Australia: A case study. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 25(8), 877 –895.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13603116.2019.1588924
Molsa, M., Kuittinen, S., Tiilikainen, M., Honkasalo, M. L., & Punamaki, R. L. (2017). Mental
health among older refugees: The role of trauma, discrimination, and religiousness. Aging
& Mental Health, 21(8), 829–837. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2016.1165183
112

Montoya-Galvez, C. (2022, December 30). ICE immigration arrests and deportations in the U.S.
interior increased in fiscal year 2022. CBS News. https://www.cbsnews.com/news/ice-
immigration-arrests-and-deportations-us-interior-increased-fiscal-year-2022/
Morina, N., Schnyder, U., Schick, M., Nickerson, A., & Bryant, R. A. (2016). Attachment style
and interpersonal trauma in refugees. Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry,
50(12), 1161 –1168. https://doi.org/10.1177/0004867416631432
Morville, A. L., Erlandsson, L. K., Danneskiold-Samsoe, B., Amris, K., & Eklund, M. (2015).
Satisfaction with daily occupations amongst asylum seekers in Denmark. Scandinavian
Journal of Occupational Therapy, 22(3), 207 –215.
https://doi.org/10.3109/11038128.2014.982702
Muir, J., & Gannon, K. (2016). Belongings beyond borders: Reflections of young refugees on
their relationships with location. Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology,
26(4), 279 –290. https://doi.org/10.1002/casp.2260
Mulligan, C. J., Clukay, C. J., Matarazzo, A., Hadfield, K., Nevell, L., Dajani, R., & Panter-
Brick, C. (2022). Novel GxE effects and resilience: A case-control longitudinal study of
psychosocial stress with war-affected youth. PLoS One, 17(4).
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0266509
Mulongo, P., McAndrew, S., & Ayodeji, E. (2021). Resettling into a new life: Exploring aspects
of acculturation that could enhance the mental health of young refugees resettled under
the humanitarian programme. International Journal of Mental Health Nursing, 30(1),
235–248. https://doi.org/10.1111/inm.12777
113

Nelson, L., & Hiemstra, N. (2008). Latino immigrants and the renegotiation of place and
belonging in small-town America. Social & Cultural Geography, 9(3), 319 –342.
https://doi.org/10.1080/14649360801990538
Nwosu, I., Eten, M., Ekpechu, J., Nnam, M., Ukah, E., & Orakwe, E. (2022). Poverty and youth
migration out of Nigeria. SAGE Open, 12(1).
https://doi.org/10.1177/21582440221079818
Office of the Representative for Children and Armed Conflict. (2019, March 5). Human Rights
Council: Annual report presentation by the special representative for the Secretary-
General for children and armed conflict [Symposium]. United Nations.
https://childrenandarmedconflict.un.org/2019/03/presentation-of-the-report-of-the-
special-representative-of-the-secretary-general-for-children-and-armed-conflict-to-the-
human-rights-council/
Oikonomidoy, E. (2010). Zooming into the school narratives of refugee students. Multicultural
Perspectives, 12(2), 74 –80. https://doi.org/10.1080/15210960.2010.481186
Oltmer, J., & Ingalls, J. (2013). The Future of Migration. Transit (Berkeley,
Calif.), 9(1)10.5070/T791022650
Osterman, K. F. (2000). Students’ need for belonging in the school community. Review of
Educational Research, 70(3), 323 –367. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543070003323
Owora, A. H., Salaam, N., & Leed, S. H. R. (2018). Culturally congruent mentorship can reduce
disruptive behavior among elementary school students: Results from a pilot study. Pilot
and Feasibility Studies, 4(1), 141 –147. https://doi.org/10.1186s40814-018-0339-8
114

Palacious, J. (2023, June 28). 4 more arrests are made a year after 53 migrants died in a
sweltering tractor trailer. NPR. https://www.npr.org/2023/06/28/1184726266/4-more-
arrests-are-made-a-year-after-53-migrants-died-in-a-sweltering-tractor-tr
Patton, M. Q. (2002). Qualitative research and evaluation methods (3rd ed.). Sage
Paxton, G., Smith, N., & Win, K. (2011). Refugee status report: A report on how refugee
children and young people in Victoria are faring. State of Victoria: Department of
Education and Early Childhood Development.
https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/research/refugeestatusreport.pdf
Peimani, N., & Kamalipour, H. (2021). Online Education in the Post COVID-19 Era: Students’
Perception and Learning Experience. Education Sciences, 11(10), 633.
10.3390/educsci11100633
Porter, M., & Haslam, N. (2005). Pre-displacement and post-displacement factors associated
with the mental health of refugees and internally displaced persons: A meta-analysis.
Journal of the American Medical Association, 294, 602 –612.
https://doi.org/10.1001/jama.294.5.602
Portes, A., & Rumbaut, R. G., (2001) Legacies: The story of the immigrant second generation.
University of California Press.
Price, J., & Murnan, J. (2004). Research limitations and the necessity of reporting them.
American Journal of Health Education, 35, 66 –67.
https://doi.org/10.1080/19325037.2004.10603611
Quinn, N. (2013). Participatory action research with asylum seekers and refugees experiencing
stigma and discrimination: The experience from Scotland. Disability & Society, 29(1),
58–70. https://doi.org/10.1080/09687599.2013.769863
115

Rasmussen, A., Verkuilen, J., Ho, E., & Fan, Y. (2015). Posttraumatic stress disorder among
refugees: Measurement invariance of Harvard Trauma Questionnaire scores across global
regions and response patterns. Psychological Assessment, 27(4), 1160 –1170.
https://doi.org/10.1037/pas0000115
Reed, R. V., Fazel, M., Jones, L., Pante-Brick, C., & Stein, A. (2012). Mental health of displaced
and refugee children resettled in low income and middle-income countries: Risk and
protective factors. Lancet, 379, 250 –265.
https://doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(11)60050-0
Rees, S., Silove, D. M., Tay, K., & Kareth, M. (2013). Human rights trauma and the mental
health of West Papuan refugees resettled in Australia. The Medical Journal of Australia,
199(4), 280 –283. https://doi.org/10.5694/mja12.11651
Roth, G., & Ekblad, S. (2006). A longitudinal perspective on depression and sense of coherence
in a sample of mass-evacuated adults from Kosovo. Journal of Nervous and Mental
Disease, 194(5), 378 –381. https://doi.org/10.1097/01.nmd.0000217882.70120.38
Rousseau, C., Drapeau, A., & Platt, R. (2004). Family environment and emotional and
behavioral symptoms in adolescent Cambodian refugees: Influence of time, gender, and
acculturation. Medicine, Conflict and Survival, 20(2), 151 –165.
https://doi.org/10.1080/1362369042000234735
Rumbaut, R. G. (2007). Turning points in the transition to adulthood: Determinants of
educational attainment, incarceration, and early childbearing among children of
immigrants. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 28(6), 1041 –1086.
https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870500224349
116

Rush, N. (2022) Extending ORR Benefits and Beneficiaries. Center for Immigration Studies.
https://cis.org/Rush/Extending-ORR-Benefits-and-
Beneficiaries#:~:text=Resettlement%20is%20the%20transfer%20of,continued%20confli
ct%2C%20wars%20and%20persecution.
Salami, B., Yaskina, M., Hegadoren, K., Diaz, E., Meherali, S., Rammohan, A., & Ben-Shlomo,
Y. (2017). Migration and social determinants of mental health: Results from the Canadian
Health Measures Survey. Canadian Journal of Public Health, 108(4), e362 –e367.
https://doi.org/10.17269/cjph.108.6105
Sangalang, C. C., Becerra, D., Mitchell, F. M., Lechuga-Pena, S., Lopez, K., & Kim, I. (2019).
Trauma, post-migration stress, and mental health: A comparative analysis of refugees and
immigrants in the United States. Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health, 21(5), 909 –
919. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10903-018-0826-2
Seat, R. (2000). Factors affecting the settlement and adaptation process of Canadian adolescent
newcomers 16 –19 years of age. Citizenship and Immigration Canada and the Ontario
Administration of Settlement and Integration Services.
http://atwork.settlement.org/downloads/Adolescent_Newcomers_16_19.pdf
Şeker, B. D., & Sirkeci, I. (2015). Challenges for refugee children at school in eastern Turkey.
Economics & Sociology, 8(4), 122 –133. https://doi.org/10.14254/2071-789x.2015/8-4/9
Shalka, T. R., & Leal, C. C. (2022). Sense of belonging for college students with PTSD: The role
of safety, stigma, and campus climate. Journal of American College Health, 70(3), 698 –
705. https://doi.org/10.1080/07448481.2020.1762608
117

Shaw, S. A., & Wachter, K. (2022). “Through social contact, we’ll integrate:” Refugee
perspectives on integration post-resettlement. Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies,
1–14. https://doi.org/10.1080/15562948.2021.2023719
Shenton, A. (2004). Strategies for ensuring trustworthiness in qualitative research projects.
Education for Information, 22, 63 –75. https://doi.org/10.3233/efi-2004-22201
Sigvardsdotter, E., Vaez, M., Rydholm Hedman, A., & Saboonchi, F. (2016). Prevalence of
torture and other war-related traumatic events in forced refugees: A systematic review.
Torture, 26(2), 41 –73. https://doi.org/10.1163/2210-7975_hrd-9921-2016014
Silove, D. (1999). The psychosocial effects of torture, mass human rights violations, and refugee
trauma. The Journal of Nervous & Mental Disease, 187(4), 200–207.
Sleijpen, M., Mooren, T., Kleber, R. J., & Boeije, H. R. (2017). Lives on hold: A qualitative
study of young refugees’ resilience strategies. Childhood, 24(3), 348 –365.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0907568217690031
Sonderegger, R., & Barrett, M. (2004). Patterns of cultural adjustment among young refugees to
Australia. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 13(3), 341 –356.
Soto, G. (2022). The time of agony. Current Anthropology, 63(3), 239 –269.
https://doi.org/10.1086/720205
Stark, L., DeCormier Plosky, W., Horn, R., & Canavera, M. (2015). ‘He always thinks he is
nothing’: The psychosocial impact of discrimination on adolescent refugees in urban
Uganda. Social Science & Medicine, 146, 173 –181.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2015.10.045
118

Straiton, M. L., Aambo, A. K., & Johansen, R. (2019). Perceived discrimination, health, and
mental health among immigrants in Norway: The role of moderating factors. BMC Public
Health, 19(1), 325. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-019-6649-9
Strange, D., & Takarangi, M. K. (2015). Memory distortion for traumatic events: The role of
mental imagery. Front Psychiatry, 6, 27. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2015.00027
Sue, D. W. (2005). Racism and the conspiracy of silence. The Counseling Psychologist, 33(1).
https://doi.org/100-114.10.1177/0011000004270686
Takarangi, M. K. T., Segovia, D. A., Dawson, E., & Strange, D. (2013). Emotional impact
feedback affects how people remember an analogue trauma event. Memory, 22(8), 1041 –
1051. https://doi.org/10.1080/09658211.2013.865238
Teicher, M. H. (2018). Childhood trauma and the enduring consequences of forcibly separating
children from parents at the United States border. BMC Med, 16(1), 146.
https://doi.org/10.1186/s12916-018-1147-y
Theofanidis, D., & Fountouki, A. (2019). Limitations and delimitations in the research process.
Perioperative Nursing, 7(3), 155 –162.
https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2552022
Tinghög, P., Malm, A., Arwidson, C., Sigvardsdotter, E., Lundin, A., & Saboonchi, F. (2017).
Prevalence of mental ill health, traumas, and postmigration stress among refugees from
Syria resettled in Sweden after 2011: A population-based survey. BMJ Open, 7(12),
e018899. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2017-018899
Titzmann, P. F. (2012). Growing up too soon? Parentification among immigrant and native
adolescents in Germany. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 41(7), 880 –893.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-011-9711-1
119

Tolentino, J. C., & Schmidt, S. L. (2018). DSM-5 criteria and depression severity: Implications
for clinical practice. Frontiers in Psychiatry, 9, 450.
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2018.00450
Torgerson, C. N., Love, H. A., & Vennum, A. (2018). The buffering effect of belonging on the
negative association of childhood trauma with adult mental health and risky alcohol use.
Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment, 88, 44 –50.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jsat.2018.02.005
Trilling, D. (2018, June 28). The irrational fear of refugees carries a deadly price for Europe. The
Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/jun/28/refugees-europe-eu-
italy-matteo-salvini
Tummala-Narra, P. (2014). Cultural identity in the context of trauma and immigration from a
psychoanalytic perspective. Psychoanalytic Psychology, 31, 396 –409.
https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036539
Turner, H., Finkelhor, D., Ormrod, R., Hamby, S., Leeb, R., Mercy, J., & Holt, M. (2012).
Family context, victimization, and child trauma symptoms: Variations in safe, stable, and
nurturing relationships during early and middle childhood. American Journal of
Orthopsychiatry, 82, 209 –219. https://doi.org/doi:10.1111/j.1939-0025.2012.01147x
Twenge, J. M., & Campbell, W. K. (2003). “Isn’t it fun to get the respect that we’re going to
deserve?” Narcissism, social rejection, and aggression. Personality and Social
Psychology Bulletin, 29(2), 261 –272. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167202239051
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2007). Through the eyes of a child: Refugee
children speak about violence.
120

https://www.unhcr.org/protection/children/47c804682/eyes-child-refugee-children-speak-
violence-report-participatory-assessments.html
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2016). Missing out: Refugee education in
crisis. https://www.unhcr.org/57d9d01d0
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2021). Global report 2021: The stories
behind the numbers. https://reporting.unhcr.org/document/2617
U.S. Customs and Border Protection. (2023). Border rescues and mortality data.
https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/border-rescues-and-mortality-data
Van der Boor, C. F., Dowrick, C., & White, R. G. (2020). ‘Good life is first of all security, not to
live in fear’: A qualitative exploration of female refugees’ quality of life in the United
Kingdom. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 48(3), 710 –731.
https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.2020.1852074
Van Heemstra, H. E., Scholte, W. F., Nickerson, A., & Boelen, P. A. (2021). Can circumstances
be softened? Self-efficacy, post-migratory stressors, and mental health among refugees.
International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(4).
https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18041440
Vasileiou, K., Barnett, J., Thorpe, S., & Young, T. (2018). Characterizing and justifying sample
size sufficiency in interview-based studies: Systematic analysis of qualitative health
research over 15 years. BMC Medical Research Methodology, 18(1), 148.
https://doi.org/10.1186/s12874-018-0594-7
Verma, R. (2013). Sikh temple carnage. A message lost. Sikh Formations, 9(2), 259 –262.
https://doi.org/10.1080/17448727.2013.828863
121

Vervliet, M., Lammertyn, J., Broekaert, E., & Derluyn, I. (2014). Longitudinal follow-up of the
mental health of unaccompanied refugee minors. European Child & Adolescent
Psychiatry, 23(5), 337–346. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00787-013-0463-1
Vossoughi, N., Jackson, Y., Gusler, S., & Stone, K. (2018). Mental health outcomes for youth
living in refugee camps: A review. Trauma, Violence & Abuse, 19(5), 528 –542.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1524838016673602
Walseth, K. (2006). Sport and belonging. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 41(3),
447–464.
Wilde, L. (2022). Background feelings of belonging and psychological trauma.
Psychopathology, 55(3–4), 190 –200. https://doi.org/10.1159/000518327
Williams, N. (2010). Establishing the boundaries and building bridges: A literature review on
ecological theory: Implications for research into the refugee parenting experience.
Journal of Child Health Care, 14(1), 35 –51. https://doi.org/10.1177/1367493509347116
Wilmsen, B. (2011). Family separation: The policies, procedures, and consequences for refugee
background families. Refugee Survey Quarterly, 30(1), 44 –64.
https://doi.org/10.1093/rsq/hdq045
Yaylaci, F. (2018). Trauma and resilient functionig among Syrian refugee children. Development
and Psychopathology, 30(5), 1923 –1936. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0954579418001293
Yohani, S. (2013). Educational cultural brokers and the school adaptation of refugee children and
families: Challenges and opportunities. Journal of International Migration and
Integration, 14(1), 61 –79. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-011-0229-x
Yohani, S. C., Poirier, K., & Brar, N. (2013). The ADAPT Model: Application toward the post-
settlement relationships of refugee youth. Alberta Counsellor, 32(2), 21 –32.
122

Yuval-Davis, N. (2006). Belonging and the politics of belonging. Patterns of Prejudice, 40(3),
197–214. https://doi.org/10.1080/00313220600769331
Zarbafi, A. (2020). Language, politics, and dreams: The challenges of building resilience in
refugees. Journal of Analytical Psychology, 65(2), 281 –299.
https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-5922.12592
Ziaian, T., Puvimanasinghe, T., Miller, E., De Anstiss, H., Esterman, A., & Dollard, M. (2021).
Identity and belonging: Refugee youth and their parents’ perception of being Australian.
Australian Psychologist, 56(2), 123 –136.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00050067.2021.1893601
Zimmerman, M., Bringenheimer, J., & Behrendt, D. (2005). Natural mentoring. In D. L. Duboise
& M. S. Karcher (Eds.), Handbook of youth mentoring (143 –157). Sage Publication, Inc.
https://doi.org/10.4135/9781412976664
Zwi, K., Rungan, S., Woolfenden, S., Woodland, L., Palasanthiran, P., & Williams, K. (2017).
Refugee children and their health, development, and well-being over the first year of
settlement: A longitudinal study. Journal of Pediatrics and Child Health, 53(9), 841 –849.
https://doi.org/10.1111/jpc.13551

123

Appendix A: Information Sheet
INFORMATION SHEET FOR EXEMPT RESEARCH

STUDY TITLE: Causalities of Conflict: Trauma and Belonging in Immigrant Youth

PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Wesley Simon

FACULTY ADVISOR: Monique Datta, EdD

You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This document
explains information about this study, and you should ask questions about anything unclear to
you.
PURPOSE
This study aims to explore the effects of childhood trauma on mental health and whether
increased feelings of belonging post-migration can decrease the effects of childhood trauma in
immigrant populations. We also want to learn what experiences help to improve belonging, and
how organizations can better meet mental health needs and reduce the post-migration stress of
immigrant youth in various settings. You have been invited to participate because your
experiences as someone who came to the United States as an immigrant during childhood give
you a valuable and unique perspective on the studied topic.
PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
You will be asked to participate in two to three one-hour interviews over the course of one
month. Interviews will be conducted via Zoom and scheduled at a time that is convenient for
you. You will be asked questions related to your childhood experiences before, during, and after
migration, will be asked to share how those experiences impacted your mental health and sense
of well-being. You will also be asked to share information about your feelings of belonging in
124

the United States post-migration and reflect on whether feelings of belonging positively
impacted your mental health. Interviews will be conducted via zoom, and you can decline to be
recorded if you choose. You can discontinue your participation at any time during the research
process.
CONFIDENTIALITY

The members of the research team and the University of Southern California Institutional
Review Board (IRB) may access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects. Confidentiality will be paramount, and you
will be given a pseudonym in the written account of the research. Key demographic data will be
withheld to ensure you can maintain your anonymity. Collected data will be stored in a
password-protected drive and kept for the period necessary to complete the study and the
researcher’s dissertation. You have the right to review/edit the interview transcripts to ensure
your perspective is accurately represented.
INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact Wesley Simon, the principal
researcher, at wksimon@usc.edu or Monique Datta, the faculty advisor, at mdatta@usc.edu.
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please get in touch with the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
irb@usc.edu.

125

Appendix B: Interview Protocol
Research Questions:
1. How does exposure to trauma before, during, and after migration impact an
immigrant’s mental health?
2. What post-migration experiences foster feelings of belonging in immigrant youth?
3. How do increased feelings of belonging in the country of resettlement impact
immigrant youth’s long-term well-being and mental health outcomes?
Respondent Type:
Respondents will be three to five young adults currently enrolled in post-secondary education
who arrived as immigrants in the United States during childhood.
Introduction to the Interview:
Thank you for agreeing to participate in my study. I appreciate the time you have set
aside to answer my questions. As I mentioned when we last spoke, the interview should take
about an hour. Does that still work for you?
Before we start, I want to remind you about this study, the overview of which I provided
to you in the Study Information Sheet and answer any questions you have about participating in
this interview. I am a student at USC and am conducting a study on the impact of childhood
trauma on immigrant youth, to explore whether increased feelings of belonging can help to
mitigate the effects of that trauma. I am particularly interested in understanding what post-
migration experiences can help increase feelings of belonging and how school or community-
based programs might better foster those experiences to ensure they are doing their best to help
immigrant youth succeed after resettlement. Sharing your experiences as an immigrant who
126

arrived in the United States during childhood will allow me to learn more about this, and my goal
is to understand your perspective.
As stated in the Study Information Sheet, this interview is confidential. That means your
name will not be shared with anyone outside the research team. The interview data will be stored
on a password-protected hard drive and then compiled into a report, which will be included in
my dissertation. While I plan on using some of what you say as direct quotes, none of this data
will be attributed directly to you. I will use a pseudonym to protect your confidentiality and will
try my best to de-identify any of the data I gather from you. You will have the opportunity to
review my interpretation of the data collected before it is included in my dissertation so that we
can work together to ensure I am accurately conveying your thoughts and perspective.
Do you have any questions about the study before we get started? I will be recording our
interview via the zoom recording feature. The recording is solely for my purposes to capture
your perspectives best and will not be shared with anyone outside the research team. May I have
your permission to record the interview?
Interview Questions:
1. Can you discuss why your family decided to leave (home country) and migrate to the
United States?
• [Ask, if needed] Tell me more about that. Can you describe how that made you
feel? How did that come about? Can you discuss how that impacted you over the
long-term?
2. Can you discuss which members of your family came with you and why?
• [Ask, if needed] How did you feel about that? Tell me more about that? Can you
discuss what impact that had on your family?
127

3. Can you discuss which members of your family did not come with you and why?
• [Ask, if needed] How did you feel about that? Tell me more about that? What
impact did that have on your family?
4. Can you describe some specific experiences that you remember from during the time you
were migrating from your home country to the United States?
• [Ask, if needed] When did that happen? Where were you when that happened?
Who else was involved? How did you feel about that experience? How do you
think that impacted your mental health?
5. Can you describe some of your experiences in the first few months after you arrived in
the United States?
• [Ask, if needed] How did you feel about that? What else do you remember from
that time? Could you say some more about that? How did those experiences
impact your feelings about the United States/the community/etc.?
6. Can you describe to me what it feels like to you to be “at home” somewhere?
• [Ask, if needed] Tell me more about that? Why do you think that is? I want to
make sure I understand what you mean. Could you say a bit more about that?
7. Can you discuss how that feeling applies to your experiences in the United States after
you migrated?
• [Ask, if needed] How did you feel about that? Why do you think that experience
made you feel that way? How would you describe your overall experience in the
United States?
8. Think back to a time when you felt that you belonged. Can you discuss how that
experience made you feel that way?
128

• [Ask, if needed] What impact did that have on you? Tell me more about that.
What else do you remember about that?
9. Can you describe an experience you had post-migration that made you feel that you
belonged here?
• [Ask, if needed] What happened next? Who was with you? Where were you when
this happened? How did you feel about that?
10. Can you describe a post-migration experience that made you feel as if you did not
belong?
• [Ask, if needed] What do you think made you feel that way? What would have
made that situation a more positive one? Looking back, how do you think that
impacted you?
11. Can you discuss which individual(s) had the most significant impact on your life post-
migration?
• [Ask, if needed] Why were they so important to you? Can you tell me more about
that? Can you describe how that made you feel?
Conclusion to the Interview:
Thanks so much for sharing your thoughts with me today. I appreciate your time and your
willingness to share your experiences. The information you provided will benefit my study, and I
appreciate your contribution. If I find myself with a follow-up question, can I contact you, and if
so, is email okay? Great. Thanks again for your time.
129

Appendix C: Interview Questions
Question Probes RQ Concept addressed
1. Can you discuss why
your family decided to
leave (home country)
and migrate to the
United States?
[Ask, if needed] Tell me more about
that. Can you describe how that
made you feel? How did that
come about? Can you discuss
how that impacted you over the
long-term?
1 Effects of trauma
2. Can you discuss which
members of your family
came with you and
why?
[Ask, if needed] How did you feel
about that? Tell me more about
that? Can you discuss what
impact that had on your family?
1 Effects of trauma
3. Can you discuss which
members of your family
did not come with you
and why?
[Ask, if needed] How did you feel
about that? Tell me more about
that? What impact did that have
on your family?
1 Effects of trauma
4. Can you describe some
specific experiences that
you remember from
during the time you
were migrating from
your home country to
the United States?
[Ask, if needed] When did that
happen? Where were you when
that happened? Who else was
involved? How did you feel about
that experience? How do you
think that impacted your mental
health?
1, 2 Effects of trauma
130

Question Probes RQ Concept addressed
5. Can you describe some
of your experiences in
the first few months
after you arrived in the
United States?
[Ask, if needed] How did you feel
about that? What else do you
remember from that time? Could
you say some more about that?
How did those experiences
impact your feelings about the
United States/the
community/etc.?
1, 2 Effects of trauma,
Sense of belonging
6. Can you describe to me
what it feels like to you
to be “at home”
somewhere?
[Ask, if needed] Tell me more about
that? Why do you think that is? I
want to make sure I understand
what you mean. Could you say a
bit more about that?
3 Sense of belonging
7. Can you discuss how
that feeling applies to
your experiences in the
United States after you
migrated?
[Ask, if needed] How did you feel
about that? Why do you think
that experience made you feel
that way? How would you
describe your overall experience
in the United States?
2, 3 Sense of belonging
8. Think back to a time
when you felt that you
belonged. Can you
discuss how that
experience made you
feel that way?
[Ask, if needed] What impact did
that have on you? Tell me more
about that. What else do you
remember about that?
2, 3 Sense of belonging
131

Question Probes RQ Concept addressed
9. Can you describe an
experience you had
post-migration that
made you feel that you
belonged here?
[Ask, if needed] What happened
next? Who was with you? Where
were you when this happened?
How did you feel about that?
4 Sense of belonging
10. Can you describe a
post-migration
experience that made
you feel as if you did
not belong?
[Ask, if needed] What do you think
made you feel that way? What
would have made that situation a
more positive one? Looking back,
how do you think that impacted
you?
1–3 Effects of trauma,
Sense of belonging
11. Can you discuss which
individual(s) had the
most significant impact
on your life post-
migration?
[Ask, if needed] Why were they so
important to you? Can you tell
me more about that? Can you
describe how that made you feel?
2, 3 Sense of belonging

Abstract (if available)

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Impact of training on leader's ability to effectively lead during a crisis

PDF

Leadership in turbulent times: a social cognitive study of responsible leaders

PDF

Understanding cross-cultural knowledge sharing in Ghana’s energy sector: an exploratory study

PDF

Employee engagement in a post-COVID era: the mediating role of basic psychological need satisfaction in remote and hybrid work environments

PDF

Chameleons and kungas: the perceptions and experiences of military veteran faculty members in their transitions to academic service

PDF

Belonging matters: exploring the impact of social connectedness on the academic success of immigrant and refugee children in the American school system

PDF

Organizational model of individuation and employee retention

PDF

Knowledge, motivation, and organizational influences within leadership development: a study of a business unit in a prominent technology company

PDF

A qualitative study that examines the transformational factors that prevent cybersecurity from being a funding priority in healthcare organizations

PDF

Belonging in America: Black Muslim refugee women’s’ trials and triumphs in the workplace

PDF

Silencing to belonging: the institutionalization of Black girls in public schools

PDF

Assessing administrators’ perceptions of implementing trauma-informed care in K−12 schools

PDF

IT belongingness: from outcasts to technology leaders in higher education – a promising practice

PDF

Cultivating workplace belonging through managerial impact

PDF

“Black” workplace belonging: an examination of the lived experiences of Black faculty sense of belonging factors in community colleges

PDF

Secrets from the C-suite: women leaders on the bridging gap

PDF

Experience of belonging for full-time hybrid physical therapy faculty

PDF

The organizational impacts of executive technology leadership role proliferation

PDF

Factors related to transfer and graduation in Latinx community college students

PDF

Life sciences executive leadership’s perspective on organizational change

Asset Metadata

Creator Simon, Wesley K. (author)

Core Title Casualties of conflict: trauma and belonging in refugee and immigrant youth

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-08

Publication Date 08/28/2023

Defense Date 08/10/2023

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag belonging,immigrant youth,Mental Health,migration,OAI-PMH Harvest,refugee youth,school belonging,trauma

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Datta, Monique (committee chair), Maddox, Anthony (committee member), Pritchard, Marc (committee member)

Creator Email wesley.simon1017@outlook.com,wksimon@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113302371

Unique identifier UC113302371

Identifier etd-SimonWesle-12286.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-SimonWesle-12286

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Simon, Wesley K.

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20230830-usctheses-batch-1088 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu