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Persistence factors: the lived experiences of Black women at a California community college

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Content Persistence Factors: The Lived Experiences of Black Women at a California Community
College
by
Tonia Knott
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2024

© Copyright by Tonia Knott 2024
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Tonia Knott certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Alan Green
Deshunna Ricks
Darline Robles, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024

iv
Abstract
This phenomenological qualitative study centered the voices and lived experiences of Black
women and explored the factors that contributed to their persistence at a California community
college. The intricacies within the achievements of Black women college students highlight the
importance of gaining an insight into how these women navigate, persist, and graduate from
college while living at the intersections of race and gender in our society (Commodore et al.,
2018; Porter & Byrd, 2021). The absence of qualitative research on Black women hinders
genuine attempts to address educational disparities for Black students and further perpetuates the
marginalization of this population (Espinosa et al., 2019). Kimberlé Crenshaw’s intersectionality
and the RP Group’s six success factor theoretical frameworks were used to support Black
women’s experiences and identify the institutional factors that influence their persistence. Using
a semi-structured interview protocol, the researcher interviewed nine Black women, ages 18–24,
who attended a California community college. Findings from this study indicated that selfmotivation, environmental factors, institutional support, and cultural relevance and belonging
contributed to Black women’s persistence. Recommendations for higher education institutions
and policymakers are provided for future research and practice.
Keywords: Black women, persistence, intersectionality, factors, lived experiences

v
Dedication
To my grandmother, whose spirit, grace, and strength left an indelible impression upon my heart.
Although you are walking the streets of gold, I aspire to walk in your legacy of service, kindness,
and purpose. Growing up in an era when education was not always accessible, you always stated
and expressed the importance of “getting an education.” This is for you.
To my parents, wow—what can I say? Your sacrifice touches me deeply and immeasurably. You
exemplify what commitment, courage, and faith look like, and this journey was possible only
because of your encouragement, support, and love. Ubuntu: I am because you are. Love you.

vi
Acknowledgments
To my gracious and heavenly Abba, father, your love, and faithfulness never cease to
amaze me. None of this would have been possible without your strength and provision.
To my dissertation committee members: Dr. Ricks, your lived example, support,
guidance, and consultations ushered me through this process and toward completion. To Dr.
Green, your feedback and input inspired me to go deeper and critically think and analyze the
what and why of my study. To my chair, Dr. Robles, when I was unsure about the who, what,
and why of my dissertation topic, you encouraged and steadfastly reassured me that it would
come. Your belief and collaborative support propelled me to the end. I sincerely appreciate the
three of you for your commitment and investment in my growth and development throughout
this journey.
To Auntie Robin, your support was foundational in my applying to, being accepted into,
and throughout the doctoral program process. Myles’ also loves and appreciates you. To my
nephew, Joshua, auntie is so proud of you graduating from college. We are the Class of 2024. To
all my family and friends who checked on me, shared their time, provided words of
encouragement, and believed in me, I appreciate you.
To the participants, please continue to strive, thrive, and walk in your determination and
strength. Your life has purpose and meaning and will impact current and future generations to
come.
Thank you, thank you, thank you to all. I am Dr. Tonia Knott because of you.

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract iv
Dedication v
Acknowledgments vi
List of Tables x
List of Figures xi
Chapter One: Introduction 1
Background of the Problem .............................................................................................2
Problem Statement...........................................................................................................4
Purpose of the Study........................................................................................................5
Research Question ...........................................................................................................4
Significance of the Study.................................................................................................5
Limitations......................................................................................................................6
Delimitations...................................................................................................................7
Definitions of Terms........................................................................................................7
Organization of the Study................................................................................................8
Chapter Two: Literature Review 10
Introduction...................................................................................................................11
Historical Background of California Community Colleges ............................................13
Black Women................................................................................................................16
Experiences of Black Women at California Community Colleges..................................27
Persistence of Black Women in California Community Colleges...................................29
Theoretical Framework..................................................................................................30
Conceptual Framework..................................................................................................35
Conclusion ....................................................................................................................39

viii
Chapter Three: Methodology 40
Purpose of the Study......................................................................................................40
Sample and Population ..................................................................................................43
Instrumentation..............................................................................................................43
Data Collection..............................................................................................................44
Data Analysis................................................................................................................45
Summary.......................................................................................................................45
Chapter Four: Findings 47
Data Analysis................................................................................................................47
Participants....................................................................................................................48
Research Question .........................................................................................................53
Black Women Centered.................................................................................................54
Self-Motivation .............................................................................................................55
Environmental Factors...................................................................................................56
Institutional Supports.....................................................................................................57
Cultural Relevance and Belonging.................................................................................62
Outlier...........................................................................................................................69
Summary.......................................................................................................................70
Chapter Five: Discussion 71
Purpose of the Study......................................................................................................71
Theoretical and Conceptual Frameworks.......................................................................72
Methodology .................................................................................................................72
Discussion of Findings ..................................................................................................72
Implications for Practice................................................................................................79
Recommendations for Future Research..........................................................................85

ix
Conclusions...................................................................................................................86
References 87
Appendix A: Interview Protocol 108
Appendix B: Information Sheet 112
Appendix C: Recruitment Email 114
Appendix D: Recruitment Flier 115
Appendix E: Definition of Programs 118

x
List of Tables
Table 1: Participant Demographics 49
Table 2: Themes and Subthemes: Participant-Reported Factors Contributing to Persistence 53

xi
List of Figures
Figure 1: RP Group Six Success Factors 32
Figure 2: Knott’s Intersectional Identity Persistence Conceptual Framework 36

1
Chapter One: Introduction
Community colleges are seen as a primary entry point to education for Black students
(Camardelle et al., 2022) and play a vital role in ensuring that Black students acquire the skills
and education to participate and advance in the local workforce and economy (Gonzales, 2023).
Although community colleges open doors of education for Black students in the United States,
equal access does not always translate to equity in enrollment, completion, transfer, debt, and
income outcomes (Camardelle et al., 2022).
Only 8% of Black men and 10% of Black women who enrolled in California Community
Colleges (CCCs) during the 2016–17 academic school year completed a degree or certificate
within 4 years, and 17% of Black men and 18% of Black women successfully transferred within
the same timeframe (Campaign for College Opportunity, 2021). In terms of student persistence
at community colleges, African American women enrolled at higher rates compared with their
male and other female counterparts; however, Black women’s persistence rates were
significantly lower (Walpole et al., 2014). Blevins (2018) emphasized that although African
American women often start their careers at community colleges and outnumber their peers, little
empirical evidence exists about their experiences on these campuses.
The discourse about the success of Black women in education has been incomplete and
lacks comprehensive information beyond numerical figures on access, retention, and graduation
rates (Patton & Croom, 2017). It is crucial to investigate how institutions support Black women
in college to ensure they achieve academic success and further studies are needed to explore the
lived experiences of Black women and address the systemic inequalities they are confronted with
throughout their collegiate journey. Research that identifies strategies on how to promote the

2
achievement of Black women could offer valuable insights for improving the educational
experiences of this student population as well as others (Winkle-Wagner, 2020).
African American women occupy a unique position as individuals belonging to two
groups that have been historically marginalized in higher education (Moses, 1989). They
represent a vulnerable group due to societal norms that undervalue both African Americans and
women (hooks, 1991), and given the intersection of race and gender, it is critically important to
focus on the social and political circumstances of African American women in higher education
(Zamani, 2003). The intersectional lens of being Black and a woman, and understanding the
lived experiences, challenges, and barriers of attending a CCC, may provide a different and
varied perspective into how these women view the contributing factors toward their persistence.
Background of the Problem
In California, 15% of working-age adults, totaling 4.5 million people, attended a higher
educational institution but did not complete their program of study (Foundation for California
Community Colleges [FCCC], 2017). The FCCC (2017) found that completion rates are notably
lower among African American students (36%), American Indian/Alaskan students (38%), and
Hispanic and Pacific Islander students (43%) compared with Asian students (65%), Filipino
students (57%), and White students (54%). According to Strayhorn and Johnson (2014), 81% of
beginning community college students intended to obtain a bachelor’s degree; however, only
12% reached that milestone. Additionally, only one third of Black community college students
earned a certificate or degree or were prepared to transfer to a 4-year institution within 6 years of
starting college (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021). Also, accentuating the fact that high numbers of
students of color are not accessing education and training at CCCs, nor transferring to a
California State University (CSU) or a University of California (FCCC, 2017).

3
California is projected to face a shortage of workers needed to sustain its future economy
(FCCC, 2017) and consequently, Bryant (2015) highlighted that obtaining a college degree is
seen as a principal solution to diminish poverty and bridge wealth disparities between people of
color and Whites in the United States. Degree and certificate completion in higher education,
increases the possibilities and opportunities for future employment viability.
Most of the research on the experiences of Black women in academia has predominantly
focused on personal factors affecting their success in college rather than considering broader
institutional or societal issues such as race, class, and gender disparities (Winkle-Wagner, 2015).
Black women face challenges rooted in historical and systemic oppression that shape their
college experiences and contribute to their simultaneous visibility and invisibility (Porter &
Byrd, 2021). As referenced by Howard-Hamilton (2003), persistent stereotypes and inequalities
present obstacles as Black women strive for economic equality and parity. The current inequities
faced by Black women are a longstanding legacy within the higher education system intertwined
with racial colonial capitalism (Stein, 2018), and according to Bonilla-Silva (2009), the
persistence of racial stratification relies on the presence of individual and institutional racism.
Harper (2012) stated that, “Racism is a permanent fixture in U.S. social institutions, including
colleges and universities” (p. 15). Efforts to study race without addressing racism are unlikely to
promote equality or deeper insights into marginalized populations in education settings, and
studies have indicated that experiences of racism can make students of color feel alienated in
environments at predominantly White institutions (PWIs), leading to disengagement,
underperformance, and high dropout rates among marginalized student populations (Banks &
Dohy, 2019).

4
Problem Statement
Historically, African Americans have been under-researched, underrepresented, and
underserved in research (Johnson & Reynolds, 2018). There is an absence of qualitative studies
that provide subjective accounts from Black women about their motivations, academic selfperception, and stressors, and most notable are how few studies highlight the role that higher
education institutions play in supporting the success of Black women (Winkle-Wagner, 2015).
The success journey of Black women in college highlights the importance of understanding how
they navigate challenges related to race and gender in a society filled with White supremacy and
sexism (Commodore et al., 2018; Porter & Byrd, 2021) and despite its complexity, the academic
success of Black women remains a neglected area of study due to the tendency of research to
examine students of color as a group at the aggregate level instead of examining Black women
individually (Winkle-Wagner, 2015). This has hindered efforts to address equity gaps, which has
sustained the ongoing marginalization of this group. The experiences and opportunities that
contribute to Black women’s retention and college experiences remain largely unexplored
(Patton & Croom, 2017) and, as suggested by Tinto (2017a), “Universities have to see the issue
of persistence through the eyes of their students, hear their voices, engage with their students as
partners, learn from their experiences, and understand how those experiences shape their
responses to university policies” (p. 6). Only then can universities further improve persistence
and completion rates while also closing the historical and systemic equity gaps that have plagued
our societies.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this phenomenological qualitative study was to explore the factors that
influenced Black women’s persistence at a 2-year California community college. The study

5
focused on the internal and external contributing factors of African American women’s
persistence in a California community college. Phenomenology is particularly suited to describe
aspects of African American women’s lives because it explores the underlying meaning of
individual and group experiences in an unbiased manner (Creswell, 2013; Merriam, 2009) and
allows for unique first-person accounts by the participants (Hannon et al., 2016).
Research Question
The research question for this phenomenological qualitative study asked the following:
What factors do African American/Black women attribute to their persistence at a California
community college?
Significance of the Study
Much of the retention and persistence research has placed the onus or deficiency of
success on the students. Studies that have aimed to highlight the deficiencies of students of
color—specifically, Black women and girls—have been the target of deficiency approaches,
which have been detrimental to the research process concerning the experiences of Black women
(Winkle-Wagner et al., 2020). This study was conducted through an assets-based approach by
how the questions were framed, asked, and interpreted to identify strengths of African American
women. Viewing students of color from an assets-based lens emphasizes contributions and
possibilities that they bring with them to college (Winkle-Wagner et al., 2020).
This research study added to the research on how students, institutions, policymakers,
and researchers view African American women’s experiences and perceptions on persistence
factors. Porter et al. (2020) postulated that in order to best assist Black women’s needs, it is
essential for those who work with and alongside this student population to (a) understand the
multiple dimensions of their individual and communal socialization processes; (b) identify the

6
wider system(s) of discrimination such as racism, sexism, heterosexism, and classism in which
Black women are located; and (c) make sense of the diverse ways they engage their identities.
This study amplified African American women’s voices, provided access into their lived
experiences, gave a first-hand account of their reality and existence as Black women, and gained
insight into factors that contributed to their persistence on a CCC campus. Scholarly literature
has generally neglected to assess and evaluate the factors that influence Black women’s college
success (Winkle-Wagner, 2015) and has traditionally focused on women as a group of
community college students without specifically examining their experiences and success by
racial groups (Walpole et al., 2014). Students’ voices, input, and experiences add context and
meaning to how higher educational institutions, policies, practices, funding, and policymakers
served them, were committed to closing equity gaps, and were intentional about implementing
practices that dismantled and disrupted the status quo and hegemonic practices and ways of
being.
Limitations
This qualitative study’s limitations included the study of a single institution and a small
sample size of shared experiences and perspectives of African American/Black women. Only
African American/Black women were identified through snowball sampling, which may have
produced a risk of sample bias or margin error. There was limited access to institutional and
participant information due to privacy requirements, and requests were made through the
Institutional Research, Planning and Effectiveness Department. All these identified areas created
potential limitations for the study.

7
Delimitations
The topic and goal of the study was to explore the intersectionality of African
American/Black women who attended a CCC and the factors that influenced their persistence.
The study also focused on 18- to 24-year-old Black women in their second year of college. Due
to the limited research on African American/Black women’s persistence at CCC, this created an
opportunity to identify literature gaps and the need for a future study. The questions asked
spotlighted the personal accounts and narratives told by Black women and their lived
experiences.
Definitions of Terms
The following terms were utilized in this study to better understand the experiences of
Black women within the California community college system.
An associate degree is a degree granted for the successful completion of a subbaccalaureate program of studies, usually requiring at least 2 years (or the equivalent) of fulltime college-level study (Hussar & Bailey, 2014).
Black or African American describes a person having origins in any of the Black racial
groups of Africa. It is used interchangeably with the shortened term Black (NCES, 2022).
California Community Colleges serve 1.8 million students at 116 colleges. The California
Community Colleges is the largest system of higher education in the country (CCC, 2023b).
A certificate is a formal award certifying the satisfactory completion of a postsecondary
education program. Certificates can be awarded at any level of postsecondary education and
include awards below the associate degree level (NCES, 2022).

8
A college is a postsecondary school that offers general or liberal arts education, usually
leading to an associate’s, bachelor’s, master’s, or doctoral degree. Junior colleges and
community colleges are included under this terminology (NCES, 2022).
Enrollment refers to the total number of students registered in a given school unit at a
given time, generally in the fall of a year. At the postsecondary level, separate counts are also
available for full-time and part-time students, as well as full-time-equivalent enrollment (NCES,
2022).
Graduation rates measure the percentage of first-time, full-time undergraduate students
who complete their program at the same institution within a specified period of time (NCES,
2022).
Persistence measures the rate of students who stay in college from term to term.
Persistence can be measured from fall term to fall term (across 2 academic years) or fall term to
spring term (within an academic year; Research and Planning Group for California Community
Colleges [RP Group], 2011).
Retention rates measure the percentage of first-time undergraduate students who return to
the same institution the following fall (NCES, 2022).
Organization of the Study
The purpose of this study was to explore the lived experiences of African American
women who attended a California community college and hear their voices and perspectives on
how and what practices and factors they employed to persist. Chapter One provided a synopsis of
the introduction, background, statement of the problem, purpose, and significance of the study.
Chapter Two elucidates the literature, the conceptual framework, and the study’s underpinnings,
with an overview of persistence theories and factors and how they contribute to the persistence

9
of African American women who attend a CCC. Chapter Three explains the methodology of
conducting interviews and methods employed to gather data to support the study. Chapter Four
discusses and reflects on the findings of the qualitative research, and Chapter Five summarizes
the conclusions and implications for this and future studies on how to understand and close the
persistence gaps for African American/Black women in community college.

10
Chapter Two: Literature Review
As the number of Black women on college campuses has continued to increase, there has
been a lack of information about their unique experiences (Kelly et al., 2021; Stewart, 2017;
Winkle-Wagner, 2015): “The literature on retention is copious, yet there is a paucity of
information specific to the retention of Black/African American college students, especially in
the neglect of the factors affecting Black students’ persistence to graduation from college”
(Robinson, 1990, p. 207). According to Tinto (2017b), when viewing institutional action and
asking what institutions can do to retain their students, students have responded that they do not
seek to be retained but to persist.
The purpose of this literature review was to explore four areas related to Black women’s
persistence and retention. These areas included (a) the historical context of California
Community Colleges, (b) the essence and nuances of Black women related to race and gender,
(c) the confluence of Black women’s lived experiences at a CCC, and (d) the factors that
influence Black women’s persistence. The RP Group’s six success factors framework was
combined with Kimberlé Crenshaw’s intersectionality framework to provide context into the
diverse nature and understanding of how Black women who attended higher educational
institutions interpreted their experiences as a student and the supports and services CCCs
provided that promoted or impeded their persistence and retention.
Through a phenomenological qualitative approach, this study attempted to provide a
deeper, more personal perspective into the experiences of 18- to 24-year-old Black women who
were in their second year at a CCC and their perceptions of persistence factors that contributed to
the attainment of their educational goals. This chapter provides an overview of the history of
California Community Colleges; offers insight into the societal, environmental, and

11
intersectional lived experiences of Black women in the United States who attended higher
educational institutions; defines persistence; and outlines the theoretical/conceptual framework
that supported and guided the study.
Introduction
In the United States, social mobility is predominantly achieved through the education
system and promotes individuals’ social mobility and capital (Ebanks & Francois, 2023).
California is home to the fifth largest Black population in the nation and although more Black
Californians are completing high school, pursuing higher education, and earning degrees, there
are still too many talented Black students who are being left behind (Campaign for College
Opportunity, 2019). Observing that progress toward increased degree completion rates has not
been as substantial (Ebanks & Francois, 2023).
California’s community colleges are the largest system of public higher education in the
United States (Boggs & Galizio, 2021), and as the largest higher education system in the state of
California, the CCCs serve most undergraduate students across all racial and ethnic groups
(Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021). More than 75% of college students in California attend community
colleges (Boland et al., 2018). Boggs and Galizio (2021) noted that the highest-priority and
primary function of the CCCs is the provision of rigorous, high-quality lower-division
instruction for students who wish to obtain an associate degree, transfer to a 4-year institution, or
prepare for an occupation. Community colleges have multiple competing missions, but two key
objectives are graduating students from terminal programs that lead to jobs without a bachelor's
degree and preparing them for transfer to 4-year degree programs (Camardelle et al., 2022). The
current goals of the CCCs were established in 1960 by California’s Master Plan for Education,
when opportunities for professional mobility were more accessible (FCCC, 2017).

12
California Community College students are diverse in many ways. They vary in age, with
25% fresh out of high school, one third between the ages of 20 and 24, a quarter between 25 and
39 years old, and about 16% over the age of 40 (FCCC, 2017). CCCs have a track record of
providing accessible higher education with affordable tuition with an annual rate of $1,380 for a
full-time course load. Nevertheless, despite having low tuition rates compared with other states,
CCCs can be more costly than they seem (FCCC, 2017). The overall expenses incurred by
students and taxpayers in achieving a goal at a community college can be substantial due to
extended completion times, accumulation of excess units, and the high cost of living in
California (FCCC, 2017).
The Institute for College Access and Success investigated college expenses across the
state and discovered that after factoring in aid, community college was more expensive than a
UC or CSU in seven out of nine regions studied (FCCC, 2017). This situation creates a dilemma
for students who must work and cannot enroll in full-time courses, which leads to an extended
education journey, loss of certain financial aid benefits, and a decline in focus and motivation
(FCCC, 2017). Ebanks and Francois (2023) also revealed that financial difficulties serve as
barriers, including caring for families, paying for school, accessing education, and achieving
goals, causing many to remain in poverty with restricted access to resources. Many students and
their families are unaware of the financial resources needed and available to cover costs.
Samad (2009) posited that within current examinations of racism and racial oppression,
the most prominent manifestations of limited opportunities leading to social and economic
disparities can be observed in the realms of employment and education. Patel (2021) indicated
that Black students are more likely to default on student loan debt, because of the lack of
generational wealth and job opportunities, in addition to inequitable pay practices. Therefore,

13
opportunity and wealth gaps that continue in African American communities have deep impacts
on educational attainment and achievement (Ebanks & Francois, 2023; Noguera, 2017).
Historical Background of California Community Colleges
History of CCC
California Community Colleges can be traced back to 1862 with the enactment of the
Morrill Act by President Lincoln, which established Land Grant colleges and universities,
expanded access to education, and promoted institutions focused on agriculture and the
mechanical arts (Boggs & Galizio, 2021). It led to the establishment of the California Normal
School, which was founded May 2, 1862, and was dedicated to training teachers for the state’s
children (Boggs & Galizio, 2021). The second Morrill Act, passed in 1890, aimed to increase
opportunities for African Americans. The first junior college founded in 1910, in Fresno,
California, (Fresno High School) offered a variety of classes including English, math, history,
Latin, economics, modern languages, and technical courses to prepare students for careers in
agriculture or local industries (Boggs & Galizio, 2021). As reported by Boggs and Galizio (2021)
a 2-year education at a junior college was seen as an extension of a high school education that
offered college preparatory courses along with remedial and vocational education.
The Donahoe Higher Education Act of 1960 established a three-tier structure to achieve
the principles of excellence and access (Marginson, 2017) and maintain a firm division of labor
among research universities, state colleges, and 2-year community colleges (Marginson, 2016).
This three-tiered system of education also introduced changes that stipulated that high school
graduates with a B grade average would no longer be automatically admitted to the University of
California, and admissions would be limited to freshmen in the top 12.5% of high school
graduates (Boggs & Galizio, 2021).

14
The architects of the Master Plan believed that one of the CCCs’ most important
functions was the transfer of students to 4-year institutions (Boland et al., 2018). However, Kerr
(1978), the University of California president, stated that even as the plan expanded opportunity,
it was never meant to diminish social difference or eliminate inequality of outcomes. The three
tiers upheld a social and political hierarchy that reinforced hegemonic institutional structures.
Institutional classification helped maintain a hierarchy by connecting social backgrounds and
academic achievements to specific social outcomes, similar to how a free market operates but
with more predictability (Marginson, 2016).
Following the era of opportunity in the 1960s, California’s demographic landscape
changed when the Master Plan’s foundation was laid, and the population grew larger and more
ethnically diverse (Marginson, 2016). In the 1970s, California’s population was 77% White, 12%
Latino, 7% African American, and 3% Asian or Pacific Islander. By 2010, the demography of
California changed to 40% White, 38% Latino, 13% Asian/Pacific Islander, 6% African
American, and 0.4% First Nations Americans (Marginson, 2016). California became more
diverse in terms of race and economics (Boland et al., 2018), and the Master Plan shifted from
being a tool for opportunities to a mechanism that controlled access to positions based on race
and social status. The rise in education participation in the United States coincided with a
competitive hierarchy, but this did not necessarily result in enhanced equality of opportunity
(Marginson, 2016). Boland et al. (2018) sought to investigate the relevance of the California
Master Plan in today’s education system, and as evidenced by Marginson (2016), history had the
potential to either promote equality or exacerbate inequality in higher education.

15
Historical and Systemic Barriers
Students of color often feel that their histories, experiences, cultures, and languages are
devalued, misinterpreted, disrespected, and omitted in educational settings (Delgado Bernal,
2002). The racial and colonial roots of U.S. universities have led to challenges in higher
education today (Stein, 2018). Mary Jane Patterson became the first Black woman in the United
States to earn an AB degree from Oberlin College in 1862; however, the journey for Black
women seeking higher education has been paved and continues to be paved with struggle (Henry
et al., 2011). In 1940, only 1.2% of Black women aged 25 and above held a bachelor’s degree or
higher, and by 2005, this figure had increased to 18.9% (Henry et al., 2011).
Understanding settler colonialism as an ongoing structure provides a more robust route to
understanding how various populations have experienced distinct but deeply connected forms of
marginalization from formal institutions in the United States, including higher education (Patel,
2021). Patel (2021) hypothesized that higher education has long been both a construct of
colonialism and a hierarchy, but even the existence of racism, a durable global phenomenon,
does not alone provide a robust enough explanation for the practices and habits of thought that
bolster many of higher education’s problems, including rising tuitions, soaring student loan debt
(more so for Black students), an imbalanced Eurocentric curriculum, and the shrinking number
of faculty jobs in favor of low-paid adjunct faculty.
Although community colleges play a role in offering equitable postsecondary education
opportunities to minoritized communities, they have faced criticism for perpetuating existing
inequalities rather than dismantling them (Patton & Croom, 2017). Despite the belief that higher
education promotes meritocracy and equal opportunities, California’s education system reveals
and continues to produce values of social stratification (Boland et al., 2018).

16
FCCC (2017) highlighted that many agree that California's public education system is not
adequately preparing students for the workforce’s needs. Students who complete an associate
degree on average take 5.2 years to do so (the median time is 3.8 years), and the average time
across the entire system envisioned by the system architects is significantly longer than the
originally 2-year timeframe for degrees and transfer readiness anticipated by many students and
their parents today (FCCC, 2017). Black students, in particular, experience barriers that promote
disproportionate levels of unemployment, housing instability, food insecurity, incarceration
rates, and poverty (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021). Community colleges have failed to deliver
equitable outcomes for Black students in terms of completion rates and future earning potential
(Camardelle et al., 2022).
Black Women
Societal Factors
According to Wagmiller and Adelman (2009), future generations of Black women and
their families face higher poverty rates. Education and income play significant roles in
individuals lifting themselves out of poverty (Ebanks & Francois, 2023) and data from the U.S.
Census Bureau (2020) revealed disparities with the rate of Black people in poverty being 1.8
times higher than that of the general population: Black people represent 13.2% of the total
population in the United States but 23.8% of the poverty population. The median household
income for Black families was $45,438, compared with $56,113 for Hispanic families, $76,057
for non-Hispanic White families, and $98,174 for Asian families (U.S. Census Bureau, 2020).
Consequently, Black women continue to experience the effects of a social stratification and a
hierarchical caste system that leads to inequitable outcomes.

17
Black Feminist Thought
Black feminist thought (BFT) is an illuminating theoretical framework that emphasizes
the importance of considering the intersectionality of Black women’s race, gender, sexual
orientation, class, religion, and other identities while simultaneously exploring how Black
women have historically been portrayed, studied, and perceived within the larger sociopolitical
structures in which women are embedded (Winkle-Wagner, 2015). BFT specializes in
formulating and rearticulating the distinctive, self-defined standpoint of African American
women and attempts to confront the broad range of oppression and social injustices of African
American women by utilizing an intellectual platform necessary to voice their lived realities in
U.S. society (Porter & Dean, 2015).
BFT asserts that Black women’s social location, as racialized and gendered Others,
makes them outsiders within a social world that privileges White, masculinist, cis- and
heterosexist, and middle-class ways of knowing (Haynes et al., 2020). Black women have been
keenly aware of their positionality as an outsider in White spaces and even when they are in
White spaces (e.g., working in White households or White-dominated organizations), they still
find themselves operating on the periphery of power and enduring marginalization (Keaton,
2022). Hence, the cultural and social experiences and identities of Black women are arduous and
disparate.
Critical Race Theory
Critical race theory (CRT) is a framework developed by scholars with expertise in law
who were concerned with racial subjugation and oppression within society (Howard Hamilton,
2003). Studies conducted by these scholars unveiled how those in positions of authority created
laws and policies that purported to be unbiased but still upheld ethnic discrimination (Howard

18
Hamilton, 2003). CRT highlights the significance of examining policies and policymaking
within their cultural contexts to unravel their racialized aspects, and applications of CRT
principles to shed light on inequalities and hierarchies that may lead to positive transformations
in colleges and universities (Patton et al., 2007).
CRT’s six principles offer a perspective that can guide research in communities of color
by questioning deficit-based theories and data that may overlook the perspectives and voices of
people of color (Yosso, 2005). Matsuda et al. (1993) identified six defining elements
representing primary themes of CRT scholarship: (a) CRT acknowledges the presence of racism
in society; (b) CRT questions the credibility of prevailing notions such as neutrality, objectivity,
color blindness, and meritocracy; (c) CRT challenges the absence of historical context; (d) CRT
affirms the information of racial backgrounds; (e) CRT moves in an heterogeneous approach;
and (f) CRT aims to combat oppression as part of an agenda to eliminate all forms of oppression.
CRT also employs counter stories through discussions, archives, and personal testimonies
to acknowledge that marginalized individuals often share alternative narratives based on their
experiences that differ from those upheld by the dominant group (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001;
Howard Hamilton, 2003; Villalpando & Delgado Bernal, 2002). Stories, beliefs, and viewpoints
on race and gender in the United States often overlook the narratives, beliefs, perspectives, and
life experiences of individuals from different backgrounds, particularly women of color (Delgado
Bernal, 2002). Delgado Bernal (2002) argued that these counter stories reveal how students
develop coping mechanisms for navigating a system that frequently excludes and silences them.
By sharing counter narratives and gaining an insight into the intersections of identities, a range of
perspectives can be presented to support a progressive political movement committed to
meaningful change (hooks, 1990; Patton et al., 2007).

19
Community Cultural Wealth
Viewed through a race theory lens, the cultures of students from their racial backgrounds
can provide them with nurturing and empowering environments (Delgado Bernal, 2002; Yosso,
2005). Focusing research on the experiences of individuals from racial backgrounds within a
critical historical context reveals the strengths and resources present in the histories and lives of
these communities (Yosso, 2005). A critical race theory perspective acknowledges that
communities of color cultivate wealth through forms of capital: aspirational, navigational, social,
linguistic, familial, and resistant (Yosso, 2005). These types of capital are dynamic and can
overlap, showing how they interact as part of community wealth (Yosso, 2005). Yosso (2005)
described each type of capital as follows:
● Aspirational capital is the ability to hold onto hopes and dreams for the future when
faced with challenges.
● Familial capital involves knowledge passed down within families carrying a sense of
community history and cultural intuition (Delgado Bernal, 2002; Yosso, 2005).
● Social capital refers to networks of people and community resources.
● Navigational capital relates to the skills needed to navigate social institutions.
Historically, this has meant maneuvering through systems that were not initially
designed with communities of color in mind.
● Resistant capital pertains to knowledge and skills developed through actions that
challenge inequality (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001).
● Linguistic capital encompasses social skills acquired through communication
experiences, in languages or styles (Faulstich Orellana, 2003).

20
Epistemology
Delgado Bernal (2002) proposed that aspects of CRT helped to build the foundation of
CRT and provided an illustration of raced-gendered epistemologies that were supported by
raced-gendered ideas. Raced-gendered epistemologies, the “ways of knowing,” in contradiction
to Eurocentrism’s dominant epistemologies, were only justifiable because their ways of knowing
were based on histories of racism, sexism, and classism and a variety of other forms of
subordination (Bernal, 2002; Ladson-Billings, 2000). Epistemology involved power and was not
neutral, and in the social construction of education, it played a key role (Delgado Bernal, 2002).
Cho et al. (2013) suggested that intersectionality research demonstrated several different
orientations in terms of the relative importance and centrality of societal levels from the
individual to the institutional concerning the ontological and epistemological bases of the
intersectional approach.
Stereotyping
Limited awareness and understanding exists regarding the stereotypes faced by groups
with marginalized identities, such as Black women (Rosenthal & Lobel, 2016). Consequently,
Black women often find themselves navigating margins while challenging expectations placed
upon them (Porter & Byrd, 2021). The persistent archetypes associated with women remain
prevalent, and studies have indicated that contemporary stereotypes of women are rooted in
historical portrayals or images (Rosenthal & Lobel, 2016). Reports from Black female students
at a predominantly White university revealed experiences with “microaggressions,” or subtle
forms of discrimination such as insensitive remarks from peers and awareness of the prevailing
angry Black woman stereotype (Lewis et al., 2016; Motro et al., 2022). Black women who

21
internalize this label often find strength in self-reliance and self-authorship; they redefine the
concept of womanhood as a shield against societal pressures (Winkle-Wagner, 2008).
Microaggressions
Solórzano et al. (2000) explored microaggressions within social settings. Contemporary
scholars studying race have noted that African Americans often experience forms of prejudice
and discrimination known as microaggressions, and these manifestations include behavioral
slights that convey hostile racial messages to individuals or groups (Leath & Chavous, 2018; Sue
et al., 2008). Black women also face increased visibility when they encounter microaggressions,
feel disrespected for using their voices, or are singled out as the only Black women in a class
(Newton, 2023). These subtle acts were rooted in ideas about the expected behavior of Black
women encased in a history of marginalization in society (Collins, 1990, 2000; hooks, 1981) and
cultural influences like sexism and misogyny perpetuated through various channels such as hiphop culture (Henry, 2010; Porter & Byrd, 2021).
Studies have shown that microaggression negatively affects students’ academic and
social lives, leading to the development of shared spaces and safe havens for social interaction
(Howard Hamilton, 2003). Research has highlighted that Black college students commonly
experience discrimination through microaggressions, interpersonal bias, and exclusion from
campus activities (Chang et al., 2011). Investigations into microaggressions have revealed that
students of color often encounter these forms of discrimination in various campus settings, such
as classrooms and residence halls that impact students’ self-doubt, academic performance, and
mental health (Harwood et al., 2012; Lewis et al., 2016; Solórzano et al., 2000). Thus, Black
women find themselves on the defensive when encountering everyday racial microaggressions in

22
predominantly and historically White spaces such as higher education institutions (Porter &
Byrd, 2021).
Race and Racism Defined
Huber (2010) stated that scholars agree that race is socially, not biologically, constructed,
and as a result, racial constructs have been used to uphold and maintain not only forms of racism
but specifically institutional racism, which created inequality in the form of a racial hierarchy.
The racism and sexism that Black women endure, render them invisible on college campuses
(Porter & Byrd, 2021; Zamani, 2003) and race becomes apparent when students experience
cultural threats such as discrimination and stereotyping (Patton et al., 2007).
Gender Racism
The effects of discrimination and gendered racism transcend academic majors to
encompass participation and the lack of support for the diverse experiences of Black women on
college campuses (Porter & Byrd, 2021). In a study of gendered racism experiences, Black
female college students shared various experiences connected to their racial and gender identities
(Lewis et al., 2013), One individual spoke about choosing her battles with a professor to avoid
conforming to the stereotype of an “angry Black woman” (Leath & Chavous, 2018). Another
participant recounted receiving unsolicited negative feedback from White peers regarding her
decision to embrace her natural hair texture instead of chemically straightening it (Leath &
Chavous, 2018).
Porter and Byrd (2021) suggested that the way Black women develop and navigate
campus life is shaped by how others perceive them, what kind of interactions are expected from
them, and whether they feel supported when incidents occur. Exploring the experiences of Black
women in terms of race and gender through intersectionality reveals the challenges of

23
marginalization, oppression, and isolation within various institutions (Collins, 1990; Porter et al.,
2020). Gender dynamics need to be examined within the framework of power dynamics, in
social identities (Collins, 1990, 2000; Shields, 2008).
Sense of Belonging
Sense of belonging refers to the social connections and sense of community that
individuals develop within a setting, as well as with the various forms of support they obtain
within their social networks (Leath et al., 2022). Banks and Dohy (2019) stated that feelings of
belonging are strongly linked to engagement and retention rates, as evidenced by research. It is
in these and other situations that engagement with other people matters (Komarraju et al., 2010).
But it is not engagement per se that matters—though some engagement is better than none—as
much as it is the students’ perception of those engagements and the sense of belonging, they
derive from them and unfortunately, not all engagements positively influence students’ sense of
belonging (Tinto, 2017a). In addition to the typical college adjustment issues such as adapting to
academic rigor that is different from high school and navigating an unfamiliar campus
community away from home, some researchers highlighted the increased psychological stress
that many Black women experience when attempting to situate themselves into the social fabric
of the community at a PWI (Miller, 2017).
Developing a sense of institutional belonging is an important and multifaceted
component of Black students’ adjustment to college (Hunter et al., 2019; Leath et al., 2022).
Black students who attended predominantly White institutions reported challenging experiences
with discrimination on campus that hindered their sense of belonging through academic
exclusion (Mills, 2020) and social isolation (Leath et al., 2022). Students must become engaged
and come to see themselves as a member of a community of other students, academics, and

24
professional staff who value their membership—in other words, that they matter and belong—
and as a result, a sense of belonging is developed (Tinto, 2017a).
Tinto (2017a) suggested that a sense of belonging is most directly shaped by the broader
campus climate and students’ daily interactions with students, academics, professional staff, and
administrators, whether on campus or online. The onus of minimizing feelings of loneliness on
campus should not fall entirely on those who are marginalized (Banks & Dohy, 2019). Students
who perceived themselves as belonging to a specific group or the institution generally were more
likely to persist because it led not only to enhanced motivation but also a willingness to become
involved with others in ways that further promoted persistence. According to Tinto (2017a),
feelings of not belonging in the classroom or program can lead to withdrawal from learning
activities that undermines motivation to persist and motivation to learn.
Self-Motivation
Traditional academic motivation research and theory have not adequately investigated the
motivational and educational characteristics and factors of African American students (Freeman
et al., 2021). The primary aim of the studies in this domain has been to explore motivation
aspects of students, and more specifically, students without considering their ethnicity, yet there
have been several studies indicating that the associations between self-concept, academic
motivation, and achievement in African American college students differed from those in
European American or other ethnic students (Cokley, 2003; Martin, 2012). Researchers have
lacked knowledge and a deep understanding about the development of African American
students’ academic motivation across the life span in different educational environments
(Freeman et al., 2021), and research in this domain has also failed to discuss how the needs of
African American college students can be addressed (Martin, 2012).

25
Environmental Factors
Black women balance extensive responsibilities and multiple roles, including leadership
within their family, extended family, and community (Rosales & Person, 2003). Many African
American female students come from economically stressed environments where accessing
resources is difficult and cumbersome (Ebanks & Francois, 2023). The underrepresentation of
Black students at PWIs, which has been referred to as a lack of critical mass, has been reported
as an acute environmental issue that threatens the persistence of Black women in college (Henry
et al., 2011). As a testament to their agency amid disadvantage, many Black women manage to
avoid psychologically succumbing to structural inequality (Erving et al., 2021). In addition to
juggling the demands of academic courses, serving as caregivers, and navigating gendered
racism, Black women in community colleges are struggling to fulfill their basic needs (Porter &
Byrd, 2021).
Primary Breadwinner
Many African American women in college are balancing the responsibilities of caring for
family members, being the primary breadwinner and dedicated community member (Blevins,
2018; Rosales & Person, 2003). Nearly 80% of Black mothers are key breadwinners for their
families and nearly 30% of those households live below the poverty level (Latham, 2021).
Although there have been advances in socioeconomic status for Black women, the financial
disparity between Black women and their non–African American female counterparts persist and
ad a result, African American women are likely to view a college education as desirable for both
personal and community economic improvement (Hamilton, 1996; Rosales & Person, 2003). The
employment levels of Black students are comparable to those of other racial groups, as 79% of
community college students held a job at some point during the school year (Camardelle et al.,

26
2022). Black women must procure multiple employment opportunities that consequently lead to
limited access to educational attainment.
Childcare
About 40% of Black women and 21% of Black men in college are parents (Radwin et al.,
2018). Parents, regardless of single-parent or dual-income status, need childcare while they
attend school or work, and providing day care on campus can increase students’ retention and
transfer rates (Blau, 1999; Walpole et al., 2014; Wilson & Cox, 2011). The childcare challenge
disproportionately affects female students because of their preeminence as child caretakers
(Walpole et al., 2014). While each of those factors can certainly impact the likelihood of a
student’s persistence, their saliency regarding the life of Black women community college
students is heightened by the overexposure to failing elementary and secondary schools,
overrepresentation in the lowest socioeconomic quartile, exacerbated need to be employed, and
childcare responsibilities (Valadez, 2000; Walpole et al., 2014).
Some studies have found that the role of parenthood can also affect Black women’s
success in college (Sealey-Ruiz, 2007; Sibulkin & Butler, 2005). Congress authorized Childcare
Access Means Parents in School (CCAMPIS) funding in 1998 in an amendment to the Higher
Education Act of 1965 (Miller et al., 2011). The program’s goal is to support institutions in the
design and implementation of campus-based childcare options for low-income student parents
(Miller et al., 2011). Currently, fewer than half of community colleges offer campus-based care
(Camardelle et al., 2022). Similarly, without support, this creates another barrier for Black
women and their educational pursuits.

27
Experiences of Black Women at California Community Colleges
There has been little research focused on community college women within the African
American community (Walpole et al., 2014). Black women’s experiences of developmental
processes such as identity development and academic development, throughout their collegiate
experience, are influenced by how they make meaning of who they are, who they are becoming,
and whether they deem what they did in college as a success (Porter & Byrd, 2021). These
processes are influenced by interactions with other people (e.g., faculty, staff, and other
students), institutional context (e.g., academic major and/or institutional type), and
sociohistorical situatedness in society (e.g., experience with oppression and erasure; Porter &
Byrd, 2021). Students from marginalized communities (particularly Black women) may often
feel retraumatized in academic settings where debates and critiques can be uncomfortable,
isolating, and sometimes even perceived as violent (Richardson, 2018). Given the significance of
both race and gender in the lives of Black women it is essential for professionals in student
affairs to comprehend the distinct challenges faced by African American women in college
environments (Hannon et al., 2016).
Commonalities exist among Black women in college; however, they experience life
differently within various contexts based on their social identities (e.g., race, gender identity,
sexuality, and class) and diversity of experiences (e.g., institutional type, academic discipline,
personal foundations, and socialization; Porter et al., 2020). Black women who experienced
institutional erasure were continually reminded their success and development were less valuable
than those of their peers and, in some cases, unimportant (Blevins, 2018; Porter & Byrd, 2021).
The evidence surrounding college experiences for Black students at PWIs established that these

28
students often face a hostile racial environment on campuses, rife with isolation, alienation, and
racism (Moses, 1989; Solórzano et al., 2000; Winkle-Wagner, 2015).
Studies have indicated that racism experiences made students of color feel excluded from
education institutions at predominantly white institutions (PWIs) resulting in disengagement,
lower academic performance, and increased dropout rates. (Banks & Dohy, 2019). Many
institutions have approached disproportionate impact (both historically and contemporarily) by
enacting interventions that target students (e.g., mentoring programs and student clubs) rather
than building the institutional capacity necessary to redress the myriad of practices and climate
issues that systematically inhibit student success (Bensimon, 2007; Harris et al., 2017).
Academic and College Preparedness
High School
The disparities occurring in primary and secondary educational settings have left many
students unprepared, resulting in enrollment in remedial classes (Ebanks & Francois, 2023;
Walpole et al., 2000). Recent high school graduates entering a community college for the first
time were surprised to learn that they were not considered ready for entry into collegiate-level
coursework, despite perhaps having passed A-G courses in high school or scoring “college
ready” on their 11th grade assessment. Often, the problem leading to the situation was the failure
of institutions to align their definitions and expectations, not a failure of the student (FCCC,
2017).
College
Students’ success, academic readiness, and performance at school are closely tied to how
students perceive their experience at community college, and satisfaction at community colleges
largely hinges on Black students’ confidence in their abilities to excel and achieve their goals

29
(Strayhorn & Johnson, 2014). Several factors contribute to the dropout, transfer, and graduation
rates at community colleges (Walpole et al., 2014). The first is that many students attending
these institutions are academically underprepared and lack knowledge about college admissions
and transfers (Walpole et al., 2014). Second, these students often come from low socioeconomic
(SES) families and have received inadequate high school preparation (Walpole et al., 2014).
Although substantial hurdles for Black student success have been eliminated, K–12
schools must work to ensure that more Black students are prepared for college and pursue
education after graduating (Reddy & Siqueiros, 2021). In California, there is a call to increase
the enrollment of students in college within a year of completing high school so that by 2030
60% of Black Californians will attain a college degree or a valuable certification (Reddy &
Siqueiros, 2021).
Persistence of Black Women in California Community Colleges
Persistence and Retention Defined
The Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS) is a set of interconnected
surveys carried out annually by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) under the
U.S. Department of Education. NCES collects data from all colleges, universities, and technical
institutions to assess student persistence and retention, which measures the proportion of firstyear students who continue or finish their program a year later (NCES, 2023). This data
collection has been ongoing since 2003. According to Tinto (2017a), persistence or the act of
persisting can be seen as a form of motivation that enables individuals to pursue their goals
despite facing challenges.
Persistence can be viewed as one’s capacity to remain enrolled (retention) or complete a
degree at an education institution (Bank & Dohy, 2019). In one study, CCC identified

30
persistence as tracking students’ continuity from one term to another within a year or across 2
years, and retention as students staying in a course until its completion and receiving a grade.
The Research Planning Group (RP Group, 2011) created these definitions to help with data
analysis and compare them with California community colleges.
Theoretical Framework
Theory provides a strong basis for knowledge, expertise, and practice and serves as a
foundation with an overarching perspective about a certain trend or set of phenomena (Patton et
al., 2007). Traditional theories used in student affairs practice, for example, are very general and
have missed important issues encountered or attributes embodied by African American women
(Howard-Hamilton, 2003). Educators, administrators, and researchers rely on theories of
retention and student success, organizational development, learning, and campus environments
in their efforts to understand diverse groups of students (McEwen, 2003). Although these
theories have contributed substantially to higher education and student affairs, they have been
limited in their use of language about race and considerations of the roles of racism in students’
development and learning (Patton et al., 2007).
Race, racism, and racial realities generally have been ignored among the
interrelationships and phenomena incorporated in theories pertaining to students and their
development (Patton et al., 2007; Torres et al., 2003). Anzaldúa (1990) urged the generation of
theories based on those whose knowledge is traditionally excluded from and silenced by
academic research. Beyond creating theories, “We need to find practical application for those
theories and de-academize theory and to connect the community to the academy” (Anzaldúa,
(1990, p. xxv).

31
Brown et al. (2007) suggested that the roles of race and racism, as well as power and
privilege, within a theory be considered. Patton et al. (2007) also recommended that researchers
examine how well a theory applies to the experiences of Black women. Selecting appropriate
theories for understanding the needs of African American women should, however, be based on
their cultural, personal, and social contexts, which clearly differ significantly from those of men
and women who have not experienced racial and gender oppression (Howard-Hamilton, 2003).
This study was grounded in the RP Group’s six success factors framework (RPGSSF)
and shared underpinnings of Crenshaw’s intersectionality framework (IF). These theories
address the plights faced by African American women (Collins, 1990, 1998, 2002; HowardHamilton, 2003) and the institutional supports available that lead to positive and productive
persistence outcomes. These frameworks were adapted to create Knott’s intersectional identity
persistence conceptual framework, which guided the research and bridged the gap between
understanding Black women’s lived experiences and the factors that fostered a system of support
that led to persistence and educational goal attainment.
Student Support (Re)defined: Six Success Factors Framework
From 2011 to 2014, the RP Group conducted a study on student support services inside
and outside of the classroom with the methodological purpose of placing the study in the context
of existing research and current initiatives to strengthen the provision of student supports (RP
Group, 2013a). The RP Group established a framework that served as the foundation for
exploration of what CCC students say they needed to succeed, as outlined in Figure 1 (RP
Group, 2013a). Research indicated that student support must be (a) integrated into students’ daily
experience and (b) included in the overall curriculum. This research also demonstrated that

32
students were more likely to succeed when they were directed, focused, nurtured, engaged,
connected, and valued (RP Group, 2013a).
Figure 1
RP Group Six Success Factors
Student Support (Re)defined was a multi-year study that asked almost 900 students from
13 California community colleges what they thought supported their educational success, paying
special attention to the factors African Americans and Latinos cited as important to their
achievement (RP Group, 2013c). The Research and Planning Group for California Community
Colleges (RP Group, 2013c) conducted this research to understand how community colleges can
feasibly deliver support both inside and outside the classroom to improve success for all
students. Through a review of leading studies on effective support practices and interviews with

33
practitioners and researchers, the RP Group determined that six success factors (SSF) contributed
to students’ success. These are outlined in Figure 1. The RP Group (2017) defined the factors as
follows:
● Directed: helping students clarify their aspirations, develop an educational focus they
perceive as meaningful, and develop a plan that moves them from enrollment to
achievement of their goals
● Focused: fostering students’ motivation and helping them develop the skills needed to
achieve their goals
● Nurtured: conveying a sense of “authentic caring” where students’ success is
important and expected
● Engaged: actively involving students in meaningful and authentic educational
experiences and activities inside and outside the classroom
● Connected: creating connections between students and the institution and cultivating
relationships that underscore how students’ involvement with the college community
can contribute to their academic and personal success
● Valued: providing students with opportunities to contribute to and enrich the college
culture and community
Intersectionality—The Whole Me
Grounded in critical race and Black feminist epistemologies, intersectionality is a
mechanism or tool of analysis wherein researchers can examine and name the relationship(s)
between Black women’s multiple marginalized identities and systemic oppression (Anzaldúa,
1987; Crenshaw, 1989; Porter & Byrd, 2021). Intersectionality describes the significance of
belonging to multiple social categories for the individual, the ways they are perceived, and their

34
experiences in the world (Billups et al., 2022). Crenshaw’s pioneering work provided a succinct
language for Black women being simultaneously marginalized at the intersection of race, gender,
and other social identities such as class (Keaton, 2022). Extending the perspective that identity at
the individual level embodies multiple social locations that interact with and influence each other
to larger social systems allows us to see how forms of oppression interface, support, and
reinforce each other, as well as the experience of individual people based on their respective
identities (Wijeyesinghe & Jones, 2014).
Intersections refers to the examination of race, sex, class, national origin, and sexual
orientation and how their combination plays out in various settings (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001;
Patton et al., 2007). Patton et al. (2007) submitted that it is important to recognize the multiple
identities that make up one’s entire persona. Addressing issues of race only and ignoring the fact
that an individual is a woman, a lesbian, and from a low socioeconomic status is oppressive
because parts of her identity are pushed to the margins. Embodying two disadvantaged social
categories (Crenshaw, 1991) renders Black women invisible as they represent the prototypical
example of neither their race (i.e., Black men) nor their gender (i.e., White women; Billups et al.,
2022).
Black women’s identities are inextricably linked to one another and cannot be discussed
as single-axis identities or without contextualizing the historical legacy of sexism and racism in
the United States (hooks, 1981; Porter & Byrd, 2021). The intersectional nature of Black
women’s experiences as Black and woman makes it impossible to place saliency on one singular
identity because a singular identity does not exist; singular oppressions do not exist either (Porter
& Byrd, 2021). Seeing an African American woman from a unitary lens of race only, and not
considering gender or class, obscures the identities and submerges the perspectives of women

35
who differ from the norm (Patton et al., 2007). Therefore, when the multiple identities of
individuals are recognized and it is understood that salience transcends race, then educators and
administrators in higher education can create interventions that are inclusive rather than
delimited based on a monolithic perspective of race (Patton et al., 2007).
Rooted in Black feminism, intersectionality is structural, political, and representational.
Structural intersectionality reflects the ways in which the individual’s legal status or social needs
marginalize them, specifically because of the convergence of identity statuses (Shields, 2008).
Political intersectionality, in contrast, highlights the different and possibly conflicting needs and
goals of the respective groups from which an individual draws her or his identity (Shields, 2008).
Representational intersectionality occurs when one type of discourse fails to acknowledge the
importance of another type of discourse, the positions of power against which are both directed
and strengthened, which can contribute to its weakening and the strengthening of the discourses
against it (Smrdelj & Pajnik, 2022). Intersectionality has emerged as a key concept, in feminist
thought (McCall, 2005) and others argue that it represents an advancement, in our
comprehension of gender dynamics (Shields, 2008).
Conceptual Framework
Knott’s Intersectional Identity Persistence Conceptual Framework
Figure 2 provides an illustration of how the overarching framework of intersectionality
(Huber, 2010) and the RP Group’s six success factors were applied together to arrive at the
conceptual framework of Knott’s intersectional identity persistence conceptual framework
(KIIPCF). KIIPCF connects Crenshaw’s intersectionality framework to the RP Group’s six
success factors to illuminate the foundational cultural component, which provided a lens into the
environmental and institutional factors that contributed to the essence and intersectional

36
existence of Black women’s lived experiences related to their persistence through community
college. It employed existing knowledge and theory and developed a holistic framework that
revealed the nested nature and dynamics of Black women’s lived experiences and the social,
societal, and institutional factors that influenced their progress toward persisting at a California
community college.
Figure 2
Knott’s Intersectional Identity Persistence Conceptual Framework
The Venn diagram in Figure 2 centers Black women and connects the intersectional
relationship of race and gender (R&G), which encapsulates the multidimensional identity and
social status as influenced by social systems and structures and power relations that lead to
various forms of oppression, discrimination, and marginalization. Intersectionality centers the
voices of people and groups previously overlooked or excluded, especially in the analysis of

37
inequality and efforts to remedy specific social problems (Wijeyesinghe & Jones, 2014). A
person can simultaneously experience both power and oppression in varying contexts, at varying
times (Collins, 1990; Hankivsky, 2022), and, as suggested by Wijeyesinghe and Jones (2014), an
intersectional perspective of identity requires the connecting of individual lived experience (LE)
to larger structures of privilege and oppression. Black women often work to balance “multiple
loyalties” (race and gender) to thrive in dominant environments (Miller, 2017).
Environmental factors (EF) represent social and societal factors that influence Black
women’s individual responsibilities and are not limited to the responsibilities as breadwinner,
caretaker, parent, spouse, friend, community member, student, employee, and church member.
Institutional support (IS) represents the organization’s role to provide resources and services that
serve the needs of all students. These supports include but are not limited to counselors, advisors,
instructors, administration, faculty, financial aid, and the RP Group’s six success factors. The six
success factors represent institutional support that promotes retention and persistence. All factors
are interconnected and lead to persistence.
The conceptual framework presents an alternative to how Black women who attend a
CCC are viewed and provides a contrasting perspective into the nuanced experiences and
multiple identities that embody their humanity. As stated by Hankivsky (2022), intersectionality
is uniquely positioned to interrogate and understand human differences (in addition to
understanding similarities across groups that can be overlooked). This multi-level dimension of
intersectionality also requires addressing processes of inequity and differentiation across levels
of structure, identity, and representation (Hankivsky, 2022). Intersectionality emphasizes the
importance of time and space in any analysis given that time and space are not static, fixed, or
objective dimensions and/or processes, but are fluid, changeable, and experienced through our

38
interpretations, senses, and feelings, which are, in turn, heavily conditioned by our social
position/location, among other factors (Hankivsky, 2022). Intersectionality is useful as an
awareness-building tool, in that through it, people’s experiences transcend the lens of individual
and personal, to that of a socially constructed group, differentially influenced by access to power
and privilege (Wijeyesinghe & Jones, 2014).
This framework is designed to characterize Black women neither as mere victims of
systemic oppression nor as resilient superwomen who could singlehandedly mute its pernicious
effects (Erving et al., 2021). Instead, this model offers a balanced perspective (Erving et al.,
2021) focusing on Black women’s intersectional identities that are often ignored and are affected
by social and historical marginalization and institutional supports that influence their persistence
at CCC. It is a conceptualization for researchers, higher educational institutions, and stakeholders
to view, identify, and assess their reflexive narratives, understanding, and organizational
practices as they pertain to Black women and their educational pursuits that led to positive
outcomes. Linking personal identity narratives to larger systems of domination helps individuals
understand the connection between the social groups they inhabit and their day-to-day
experiences within society, as well as concepts of privileged and marginalized positions
(Wijeyesinghe & Jones, 2014). Disciplines/specializations whose conventional methodologies
embrace multidimensionality and the capacity to represent complex and dynamic relationships
among variables are more open to the intersectionality perspective (Shields, 2008). A
contemporary Black feminist ethos calls for disrupting, challenging, and radicalizing intellectual
production through centering the voices, stories, experiences, and standpoints of Black women
(Richardson, 2018).

39
Conclusion
Although a small body of work has begun to consider how Black women experience
unique stressors based on the intersections of their racial and gender identity (Lewis et al., 2016;
McCabe, 2009), there is a relative absence of research focusing on the heterogeneity of
experiences for Black women college students, which might help one to better understand the
differing educational pathways and outcomes for this population (Leath & Chavous, 2018).
Because institutions have not accounted for the systemic barriers perpetuated by the
intersectional oppression Black women face, they have failed to see the full picture (Porter &
Byrd, 2021). As stated by Boland et al. (2018), the U.S. postsecondary education has continued
to stratify student experiences and outcomes by race and ethnicity and socioeconomic
background, which in part explains why gaps in participation, persistence, and completion rates
based on socioeconomic background and race and ethnicity have endured.
The literature review explored the historical context of community colleges, Black
women’s multilayered existence, how societal and environmental factors influence their daily
lives, and how the research has provided insight into which factors influence Black women’s
experiences and persistence at California Community Colleges. Chapter Three examines the
methodology, design, approaches, and analysis of the study.

40
Chapter Three: Methodology
The overview of the literature on Black women’s lived experiences (Keaton, 2022) and
factors that influence their persistence at a CCC introduced the theoretical lens guiding this work
and offered critical attributes of the methodology and data analysis technique. Commodore et al.
(2018) conceptualized a model of college success for Black women that described a theoretical
process by which Black women persisted through college leading to success that goes beyond
earning a degree. Despite the rise in Black women's enrollment in college (Bennett & Lutz,
2009) there hasn't been a proportional increase in graduation rates indicating degree completion
challenges still exist (Harper et al., 2009; Winkle-Wagner, 2015). There is an exhaustive amount
of literature and research on retention and persistence in higher education; however, there is a
limited body of scholarship on the intersectional identities and lived experiences of Black
women who attended higher educational institutions and the factors they attributed to their
persistence.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study was to understand a real-world problem and build knowledge by
exploring the factors that influenced Black women’s persistence at a 2-year California
community college, centering their voices and lived intersectional experiences. The following
research question guided this study: What factors do African American/Black women attribute to
their persistence at a California community college?
Qualitative research is an inquiry process of understanding based on distinct
methodological traditions of inquiry that explore a social or human problem while the researcher
builds a complex and holistic picture, analyzes words, reports details of participants, and
conducts the study in a natural setting (Creswell & Tashakkori, 2007). This qualitative

41
phenomenological study sought to explore the multilayered lived experiences of African
American women ages 18–24 who attended a California community college and gain insight into
factors that influenced their persistence. As asserted by Kelly et al., (2021) qualitative research
design honors the stories of a historically marginalized population, Black women, and sees these
stories as valid pieces of data.
Qualitative researchers seek to understand the meaning people construct and make sense
of their world and experiences (Merriam, 2009). I engaged with women who identified as Black
by asking open-ended questions to gain and discover meaningful and culturally salient
information as the participants shared their stories and rich experiences with the allencompassing focus and purpose to “do no harm” and create an environment for a conversational
partnership. As suggested by Palaganas et al. (2017), the research was a dialogue and Busetto et
al. (2020) noted that qualitative interviews have the advantage of being interactive and allow for
unexpected topics to emerge and to be taken up by the researcher. I engaged in reflexive
practices to assess positionality and epistemological interpretations. Reflexivity means turning
the researcher’s lens back onto oneself to recognize and take responsibility for one’s own
situatedness within the research and the effect that it has on the setting and people being studied,
questions being asked, data being collected, and interpretations (Berger, 2015; Dodgson, 2019).
Phenomenological research seeks to make sense of lived experiences by studying
phenomena intimately with attention being given to the meaning of lived experiences (Keaton,
2022). Solórzano & Yosso (2001) identified that first-person narratives use stories that privilege
the voices of those on the margins of society while at the same time providing the opportunity to
reflect, critique, analyze, and build a new reality. I adopted interviews, observations, and
discussions as data collection strategies within a phenomenological method of inquiry, and the

42
data collection and analysis took place side by side to illuminate the specific experience and
identify the phenomena perceived by the actors in a particular situation (Qutoshi, 2018).
Research Site
The research was conducted at a California community college that was assigned the
pseudonym Blaze City Community College (BCCC). BCCC is a Hispanic-serving institution
(HSI) within a multi-college district with one newly opened satellite campus. Approximately
23,500 students were enrolled at BCCC, and the listed student demographic information included
gender, ethnicity, and age. At the time of the study, the student body was 56.3% female, 41.3%
male, 3.9% African American, 9.6% Asian, 64% Hispanic, 17.3% White, 52.8% 18–24 years
old, and 25.6% 25–49 years old. There were 2.5% African American females and 1.4% African
American males enrolled. The BCCC course retention rate for all genders and ethnic groups was
93%. The course retention rate for African American females was 87.7%, and their course
success rate was 63.8%. African American women had the lowest retention rate of all gender and
ethnic groups. For the years 2020–2022, 149 African American students out of a total of 2,664
BCCC students transferred to a 4-year institution. No disaggregated transfer data between
African American males and females were monitored.
BCCC defined retention rate as the number of students staying in the course to the end of
the term and receiving a grade; success rate as the number of students successfully completing
the courses and receiving a grade of A, B, C, or P (Cr); and persistence as measuring the rate of
students who stayed in college from term to term. Persistence was measured from fall term to fall
term (across 2 academic years) or fall term to spring term (within an academic year). The data
listed here were gathered from the BCCC Analytics Tableau, Institutional Research and

43
Effectiveness Office (IREO), and website. I am currently employed as an adjunct counselor at
BCCC and worked with IREO on campus to gain permission to conduct the study.
Sample and Population
This human subject research study received permission from the USC Institutional
Review Board before the study was conducted. In qualitative inquiry, the intent is not to
generalize to a population, but to develop an in-depth exploration of a central phenomenon
(Creswell, 2012). One-on-one in-depth interviews were conducted with nine women who selfidentified as African American women, ages 18–24, in their second consecutive year of
attendance at BCCC. I recruited students electronically via email through a student listserv
compiled by the Institutional Research and Effectiveness Office (see Appendix C) and a
recruitment flier (see Appendix D). Purposive snowball sampling was employed in the inclusive
participant selection criteria and utilized to recruit a group of individuals representing racial and
ethnic backgrounds. This approach involved participants and key contacts that helped to identify
participants, creating a network that expanded the pool of study participants (Mack &
Woodsong, 2005).
Instrumentation
The study consisted of one 60-minute, open-ended, in-depth semi-structured interview
with each participant. The in-depth interview was a technique designed to elicit a vivid picture of
the participant’s perspective on the research topic and was useful for learning about the
perspectives of individuals (Mack & Woodsong, 2005). Semi-structured interview participants
were asked open ended questions and followed an interview guide that outlined the main topics
of discussion sometimes with additional sub questions (Busetto et al., 2020). The interview
protocol is included in Appendix A. The features of in-depth interviews were used as open-ended

44
(though not necessarily unscripted) questions, which were followed up with probes in response
to participants’ answers (Merriam, 2009). Probes are neutral questions, phrases, sounds, and
even gestures interviewers use to encourage participants to elaborate on their answers and
explain why or how (Mack & Woodsong, 2005). These were followed up with questions that
were important to include in the interview process when information needed to be clarified
(Merriam, 2009).
Data Collection
A qualitative research design entails the procedures of the study and introduces the
methods of data collection through which analyses occurred (Creswell, 2009). The in-depth,
semi-structured individual interviews were conducted via Zoom or in person, and the 60-minute
sessions were audio-recorded. Each participant received an information sheet (see Appendix B)
about the process and format of the sessions. Managing the interview effectively involved clearly
explaining to participants the purpose and format of the interview and taking the time to explain
how the interview worked (Mack & Woodsong, 2005). Throughout the process, I was intentional
about building trust with the participants through transparent dialogue, information sharing, and
creating an atmosphere of comfort and ease.
Informed consent (see Appendix B) was explained, provided, and collected prior to the
interview process and as defined by Mack and Woodsong (2005) it serveed to make sure
individuals grasped the implications of taking part in a research project allowing them to decide
on their participation. Confidentiality was held to the highest standard, and participants and the
organization’s anonymity were protected by assigning pseudonyms and withholding descriptors.
As referenced by Creswell (2012) researchers must safeguard the privacy of participants by

45
assigning numbers or aliases for use, during data analysis and reporting. All physical data were
locked in a secure location, and interview protocols were followed.
Data Analysis
The qualitative data analysis portion was conducted through a multi-step process, which
included preparing, organizing, exploring, and coding the data (Creswell, 2012). After the audiorecorded data were transcribed, they were organized and arranged by findings, patterns, and
themes, and then thematic analysis was clustered, categorized, and sorted into a table and
arranged into a computer document and placed into folders. Audio-recordings were transcribed
into protocols, and transcripts were coded.
Researcher Positionality
Researchers' perspectives on the world are often shaped by their position within it,
influencing how they engage with and analyze their studies (Jacobson & Mustafa, 2019; King,
2023). I identify as a Black/African American woman who graduated from and worked as a
college counselor at BCCC. There was potential risk of researcher bias for me as a staff member
and alumna of BCCC, which provided proximity to the institution and student population. My
experience, skill, and administration of the study also may have created possible limitations to
the qualitative research.
Summary
This chapter described the research methodology, sample and population,
instrumentation, data collection, and data analysis by using a qualitative phenomenological
approach. By using in-depth, one-on-one, open-ended questioning techniques, the goal was to
establish a research methodology that provided an opportunity to explore and hear the voices and
experiences of Black women in higher education as it pertained to their persistence with the

46
purpose of creating a personal and intersectional narrative and understanding of Black women
that illuminated their voice and visibility. This was an iterative process. Good qualitative
research is iterative in nature (Busetto et al., 2020). The findings of this study are presented in
Chapter Four, with a discussion of the findings in Chapter Five.

47
Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this phenomenological qualitative research study was to center the voices
and lived intersectional experiences of Black women and expand the existing research by
exploring the factors that influenced their persistence at a 2-year California community college.
The study focused on the internal and external contributing factors of Black women’s persistence
in a CCC and was guided by Knott’s intersectional identity persistence conceptual framework,
which nested Crenshaw’s intersectionality framework within the RP Group’s six success factors.
The goal was to illuminate the foundational cultural component, providing a lens into the
environmental and institutional factors that contributed to the essence and intersectional
existence of Black women’s lived experiences related to their persistence in community college.
Two of the six tenets of CRT (intersectionality and experiential knowledge) were employed to
illuminate the experiences and narrate the stories of the participants’ experiences. The following
research question guided this study: What factors do African American/Black women attribute to
their persistence at a California community college?
Data Analysis
To gain a deeper understanding of the data, a combination of inductive and deductive
coding was used to find themes and patterns. A theme captures something important about the
data in relation to the research question and represents some level of patterned response or
meaning within the data set (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Deductive coding was used with a
predetermined set of identified codes from the RP Group’s six success factors framework:
directed, focused, nurtured, valued, connected, and engaged. Inductive coding was used to
decode nuanced responses and analyze and derive codes to create themes from Knott’s
intersectional identity persistence framework and the lived experiences of the participants. I

48
engaged in analysis and iterative readings of the transcripts, primarily focusing on aligning the
RQ, problem and purpose statements, and theoretical and conceptual frameworks. Corbin and
Strauss’s (2014) three-stage process of open (key phrases and words), axial (overarching
themes), and selective (core themes) coding was applied.
Participants
One 60-minute, one-on-one, open-ended, semi-structured interview was conducted with
nine women who self-identified as African American/Black women, ages 18–24, in their second
consecutive year of attendance at Blaze City Community College (pseudonym). I incorporated
probing questions throughout the interview process to elicit a more in-depth understanding of the
participants’ experiences. I recruited students electronically via a recruitment flier and student
listserv email compiled and sent out by BCCC’s Institutional Research and Effectiveness Office.
Five participants responded via email, and four agreed to participate via the purposive
snowballing method. I intended to interview 12 participants; however, due to time constraints,
nine women were interviewed. Five interviews were conducted via Zoom, and four were in
person. Pseudonyms were used to protect the identity, confidentiality, and privacy of all
participants and the institution. Table 1 presents an overview of the participants’ demographic
information.

49
Table 1
Participant Demographics
Participant Age Major Expected
completion
Enrollment
status
Receiving
financial aid
1st
gen
Aaliyah 20 kinesiology spring 2024 full-time yes yes
Anita 24
*child development
*child & adolescent
development
spring 2024 full-time yes no
Avery 23 psychology fall 2025 full-time yes yes
Janelle 22
*pre-allied health
*radiologic
technology
spring 2024 full-time yes yes
Janet 20
*pre-allied health
*public health science
*sociology
graduated
2023
spring 2025
full-time yes no
Kelly 19 biology spring 2024 full-time yes no
Patti 22 American Sign
Language fall 2025 full-time yes yes
Toni 23 psychology fall 2025 full-time no no
Zhane 20 theatre arts fall 2024 full-time yes yes
Note. *Denotes that the participant is pursuing more than one major.
Aaliyah
Aaliyah was a 20-year-old Black female student who worked for the Extended
Opportunity Programs and Service (EOPS) program on campus through the Federal Work Study
program and was majoring in kinesiology at BCCC with a goal of transferring to Blaze State
University (pseudonym) and earning a bachelor’s and master’s degree to become a physician’s
assistant for the National Football League (NFL). Initially, she wanted to work in an emergency
room, become a travel-based physician’s assistant, and then work for the NFL. Prior to enrolling

50
at BCCC, she attended University of California Zeta (pseudonym) for 1 year and shared an
experience about feeling stereotyped:
When I went to UC Zeta, I had a roommate that did not know me, we never met, and she
just made these stereotypical assumptions about me. Such as, thinking that I was mean,
angry, or looking like I had been in a fight. I told her that I had never been in a fight, and
she said, I thought you were mean. It was a negative stereotype.
Anita
Anita was a 24-year-old Black female student from southern California who was
pursuing two associate degrees and three certificates in child development with a goal of
becoming a child psychologist. She volunteered at the BCCC Child Development Center and had
a 4-year-old daughter.
Avery
Avery was a 23-year-old Black female student majoring in psychology who planned to
transfer to a Historically Black College and University (HBCU) and become a child
psychologist. Avery stated, “I started my educational journey a little bit later than some of the
other students, and it made me feel like I was behind.” After high school, she worked various
jobs before starting college. She shared, “Something I always wanted to do was open an allBlack nonprofit psychology office and have all different types of psychologists, whether it is
marriage, grief counseling, or whatever they specialized in, to have impact in the Black
community.”
Janelle
Janelle was a 22-year-old Black female student from a southern state pursuing a
radiologic technology degree who planned to become a travel ultrasound technician. She

51
completed a pre-allied health degree in May 2024 and applied for the radiologic technology
program at BCCC for spring 2025.
Janet
Janet was a 20-year-old Black female honors student who graduated May 2024 with an
associate degree in pre-allied health and was pursuing two other degrees in public health science
and sociology. She planned to earn a Bachelor of Arts degree with the goal of working in public
housing. She stated, “I feel like people should not have to sacrifice affordable housing, and they
should not have to sacrifice their safety for affordable housing. So, I wanted to do more research
and get into the realm of county work.” Janet started her college journey by taking dual
enrollment courses while in high school and felt that the dual enrollment program gave her a
mind map and an idea about how college would be. She was accepted into three of her top
universities when she graduated from high school but ended up not going because she did not
want to leave her family and be alone in another city.
Kelly
Kelly was a 19-year-old Black female student majoring in biology who worked as a
biology tutor on campus. She planned to get a Bachelor of Science degree in microbiology, start
medical school, and become an emergency room doctor. She stated that her interest in medicine
was piqued when she was younger:
My brother had sickle cell anemia, so we were always in the hospital. He became friendly
with a lot of the doctors in the hospital, and I liked the environment. So, I always wanted
to become a doctor because I was always helping him.
She started her college journey as a dual enrollment student during high school.

52
Patti
Patti was a 22-year-old Black female student majoring in American Sign
Language/English interpreting, with plans to obtain a Bachelor of Arts degree in social work.
Her goal was to become a social worker for deaf and hard-of-hearing children. She also worked
for EOPS at BCCC and was the former president of the Pan African Student Union (PASU) club.
Toni
Toni was a 23-year-old student majoring in psychology with plans to become a police
psychologist. She said,
I wanted to work within law enforcement, like a mental health advocate that you call for
5150s or if there is a mental health emergency when the person is a danger to themselves
or others. Essentially, the person you call to deescalate the situation and provide
resources for the person to get help.
She became interested in becoming a police psychologist because of a personal connection: “My
aunt suffers from schizophrenia, and she had a situation where she was arrested, and it was not
her fault. She was under an episode, and the police did not know how to properly handle the
situation.” Toni was also a part of the BCCC dance community and stated that she was excited to
see where that journey would take her. “I never liked dancing or moving my body, but I tried a
BCCC course, and I ended up really enjoying what I had learned.”
Zhane
Zhane was a 20-year-old Black female student majoring in theatre arts with plans to
transfer to a 4-year college, earn a bachelor’s degree, and pursue a career in acting or theater
education.

53
Research Question
This study was guided by the following research question: What factors do African
American/Black women attribute to their persistence at a California community college? The
purpose of this research question was to explore the lived experiences of Black women, ages 18–
24, who attend a California community college and understand the factors they attribute to their
persistence. During the interview process, participants shared personal experiences, and this
chapter elucidates the connections and findings. Four main themes and several sub themes
emerged from the data. Self-motivation, environmental factors, institutional support, and cultural
relevance and belonging surfaced as the four main themes. See Table 2.
Table 2
Themes and Subthemes: Participant-Reported Factors Contributing to Persistence
Themes Subthemes
No. of
participant
s
self-motivation self/independent 7
goal to complete/graduate 6
environmental factors family 9
institutional supports support services/resources 9
teachers 7
recognition/being seen 5
cultural relevance and belonging cultural events/activities 8
specialty/affinity program services (Umoja) 7
Umoja & EOPS counselors 7
representation (Black women) 7
support group (Black women) 5

54
Black Women Centered
The participants were asked, “What does being a Black woman mean to you?” The
recurring responses included resilience, independence, strength, pride, hardworking, and
nurturer. Avery provided the following description:
It is like a layer of things. I am Black first. To be Black is its own component, and being
a woman is a separate component, and putting those together makes you a force to be
reckoned with. It is a lot to be a Black woman, and I feel a lot of pressure just talking
about it. Society defines us as strong Black women, but we are more than that. We are
emotional creatures. We are just as feminine as any other race woman. We are soft,
gentle, caring, compassionate, and we are strong and dominant as well. We feel, and I
think we are misconstrued because of how society portrays us in movies and music. We
wear many hats. We are mothers, wives, girlfriends, therapists without a degree and pay,
chefs, doctors, and we take care of stuff, trying to mold the next generation.
Janet characterized her experience in the following way:
I feel like Black women are expected to bite the bullet and handle it because we are
expected to always be strong and always finish things because it is what we are supposed
to do, but I feel like other races get that grace of deserving a break and we do not get that.
I feel it has built me up to be a better person because I can handle a lot more, but to an
extent, I think it can be a downfall because I do not allow myself to take a break most
times.
Anita defined her experience in the following way:
With being a Black woman comes a lot of emotional wear and tear because you are
expected to be this caregiver, who is always there for somebody or always willing to pick

55
up the slack for another person regardless of race, gender, age, and are placed in a
mothering role.
Self-Motivation
Within the framework of the six success factors, all nine participants exhibited attributes
of being directed and focused by identifying educational goals, knowing how to achieve those
goals, and keeping their eye on the prize. Self-efficacy (belief in one’s abilities) was also an
important factor in motivation by encouraging participants to believe in themselves. Each
participant stated that they had met with a BCCC counselor who worked collaboratively with
them to create a student education plan (SEP) and helped guide their academic path. According
to the BCCC website, a student education plan is a document that the student and counselor
create together showing the courses and activities planned to reach academic and career goals.
One of nine participants earned an associate degree in fall 2023 and is pursuing two more
associate degrees. Five of the nine participants are expected to earn an associate degree in 2024,
and three participants are expected to earn their degrees in 2025 (see Table 1).
Seven of the nine participants identified self-motivation as a motivating factor toward
persistence. When the participants were asked, “What do you attribute toward your persistence?”
Anita commented, “I’ll say, me.” Patti remarked, “I am my own motivation.” Avery said, “Just
myself. I think I hold myself to a high standard. As I continue to face adversity, I will push
myself and show myself that I can obtain As and Bs and know that I am worth it.” Participants’
responses revealed that self-motivation and self-efficacy were leading factors as to why they
continued to persist and pursue their educational goals. Although the participants highlighted
“self” as a motivating factor, family emerged as an even greater motivator.

56
Environmental Factors
All nine participants identified family as a strong motivating factor toward persistence.
Participants shared how family members (mom, grandma, siblings, aunt, uncle, children, etc.)
encouraged and supported their educational efforts by asking them how they were doing in
school, asking if they needed anything, holding them accountable, and showing excitement for
their accomplishments. Participants expressed positive feelings of pride and joy when they
shared how they wanted to become the first in their family to go to college, graduate with a
degree, and make their family proud. Aaliyah, Avery, Janelle, Patti, Toni, and Zhane identified
themselves as first-generation college students, and Aaliyah shared that her mom supports her
educational efforts:
She makes sure I am doing my homework and that my grades were good. She talked to
me and asked me how school was going. She checked to see how I was doing mentally,
and she supported me emotionally and physically.
Janelle stated:
My mom always made sure that I got what I needed for school. She made sure I did my
financial aid on time. My sister and brothers asked me how school was going, and I
inspired my brother to go to school because I was the first one to start college out of all
my mama’s kids. I am the first one that will graduate.
Janet mentioned:
My family and my boyfriend are a huge help, and they are the best cheerleaders. My
grandma is my biggest supporter. I am a first-generation college student. The first child in
my family to go to college and get a degree. Everyone is incredibly excited, and when I
got the confirmation that I qualified for graduation at the end of this semester, my entire

57
family was moved to tears. I want my family to be proud of me and see that I am doing
good things.
Toni noted, “My family, mom and grandma encouraged me to keep going.” Anita identified her
daughter as her motivating factor: “My daughter, she is my motivation.”
Participants’ responses indicated that family was an undeniable support system and
integral part of their persistence. They talked about being seen and acknowledged for their effort,
being encouraged to keep going, and wanting to please those closest to them.
Institutional Supports
Support Services
All nine participants stated that institutional support services/programs have helped them
achieve their goals. BCCC support services/programs included, but were not limited to, financial
aid, tutoring, access to loaner computers, the library, printers, computer lab, EOPS, Housing
Opportunities Promote Education Program (HOPE), Cooperative Agencies Resources for
Education (CARE), CalWORKs, scholarships, childcare, and on-campus employment. For
definitions of services, see Appendix E.
Zhane referenced tutors and tutoring as helping her succeed and accomplish her goals.
Toni stated, “I use the library as a resource for printing and extra quiet time.” Patti shared that
the HOPE program helped her get housing: “If I didn’t have anywhere to live, I could not have
been a student.” Kelly said:
When I got into the EOPS program my first year, they really were a big part of my
motivation. [A Black woman counselor] would boost my confidence and encourage me
to keep going. It felt like a good community and family, and it was good to know that

58
there were people who looked like me that wanted me to keep going and do good. I did
not feel judged, and I felt comfortable asking questions.
Anita shared:
I am in the EOPS and CARE programs. The CARE program is a part of EOPS, but for
people with children. They have a lot of grant opportunities. If you need help with your
car, they have money set aside to help you with gas, bus passes, and they gave out a $50
credit to all the EOPS students to get food at the cafeteria. I’m also a part of the
CalWORKs program, which helps you with finding jobs in or outside of school. EOPS
gives you a computer and a hotspot, and there are other programs like those three that are
helpful.
Aaliyah said:
I feel that the tutoring and writing center are great places to get help. For my biology
classes, tutors go over what’s going to be on the exam with current topics we are
studying, and it just helps clarify everything. It is the perfect place to go to get help.
Teachers
Seven of the nine participants identified teachers as being supportive toward their
persistence, displaying elements of the SSF directed, nurtured, engaged, and valued support.
However, some participants shared lived experiences of encountering racism, racial
discrimination, microaggressions, and stereotypes by teachers and classmates. Aaliyah said:
Teachers matter. Having good teachers that want to teach is important. I had an African
American studies teacher who was one of my favorite teachers at BCCC, and I felt like
she was really connected with the students. I didn’t know much about African American
art, but I was so engaged with the class, and I liked it so much. I felt like we had a

59
connection, and it was like she was a great teacher and it made it a great experience for
the class.
Anita said, “The teachers in certain programs, like child development, are very supportive of all
their students, and they are willing to help their students in any way, shape, or form, even with
childcare.” Toni acknowledged her teachers as a resource: “Teachers would be like the best
resource.”
Some participants recounted unpleasant interactions with teachers and classmates. Avery
identified her counseling teacher as an inspiration: “My counseling teacher, who is a Black
woman, was in this exact spot that I wanted to be, she had the career that I aspire to have, and we
got to connect.” However, Avery also recalled,
One of my professors from last semester was very unaware. It was a sociology class that
was diverse, and she would say things like, “Yeah, the police pulled me over, and I was
giving them an attitude, because I can do that because I’m White.” She said Black
History Month is insignificant and she does not care to celebrate Black History Month,
because they [White people] get the rest of the months, and holidays. A younger White
male in class also said he doesn’t celebrate Black History Month, because “I just don’t
feel the need to, and yeah, we get the rest of the months.” The teacher said, “We gave you
guys [Black people] over a month; this is for us, the rest is for us, we gave you guys 29
days.”
Janet shared a positive experience: “I felt connected to my English teacher. She was just a Black
professor, and she was very understanding, and she helped me a lot.” She also described a
negative experience with another teacher:

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I had a confrontation with a professor that I feel shaped how I viewed school. It helped
me take a step back as far as relying on professors for help or guidance. I had a sociology
professor, and we wrote a paper. I love writing papers; I used to be the tutor at our local
writing and reading center on campus, and I absolutely love writing. It is my favorite
thing to do, and I can write a 10-page paper in my sleep. When we got the assignment, I
was like, oh, great, I’m going to knock this out in 2 days. So, I do just that. I get the
paper, complete it, and turn it in. The teacher calls me into her office a couple of weeks
later and accuses me of plagiarism on my paper. I was very, very confused, because a lot
of the concepts that I used in the paper were concepts that we discussed in class or were
concepts that I already knew on my own because I have been taking sociology for like 2
years as a dual enrollment student, prior to the course. So, I was no stranger to the
concepts and the ideas that were being discussed. The basis for her accusation was that all
the terms that were discussed in my paper, I wouldn’t have known them if it was not for
her. I fought with her for weeks on end because I could not wrap my head around why
she thought that she was my only form of information for anything sociology related, and
I thought it was very small minded and very judgmental. I thought, you are not going to
put a plagiarism strike on my record, because you think that I am not smart enough to go
out and learn information on my own, and it took a lot. I fought with her for maybe about
2, 3 weeks before she was like, okay, I just want you to be more careful when you are
writing and I’m not going to put it on your record. I was like, okay, I’m not going to be
more careful about anything, because I did not do anything in the first place. But that was
probably the biggest thing, and from that point on, I just stopped going to professors for

61
any extra help. That was the biggest challenge because it put my academic career in
jeopardy over something that did not need to happen.
Kelly stated, “Teachers are very motivational when you get into your major classes. They respect
you; they see you as someone who is motivated, and a lot of them helped me keep going because
they said you deserve to be here.” Nonetheless, she described a time when she experienced micro
aggressive behaviors from her physics classmates:
I just think non-Black people don’t expect a lot from us, so they don’t see us. One
experience was when I had my first physics exam, and we were passing out the papers,
and I flipped mine over. The other girls around my table were going over the answers,
and when I tried to put my two cents in, they swiped me away because they didn’t think
that I could add to the conversation or be of any help. They were going on about how it
was too easy and blah, blah, blah, and when the teacher came back over to my question, I
ended up getting an extra point because I did something on the test, and he forgot to give
me a point for it. So, when he flipped my paper over, I ended up getting an A, just like
they did, and when they found out that I got the same grade, they kind of switched it up
and were a little bit more open towards me. That also happens in my calculus class. I
don’t get a lot of people that think that I can contribute. So, when they see that I can, it’s
kind of like, they treat me a little differently, but then they still go back to their own
thing. That happens more as I get into major classes. It didn’t happen as much when I
was just taking general education classes. You can see it, and it’s a little bit like, okay, I
know what’s going on. I see it. There’s a lower expectation and standard.
Patti shared:

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As a student, I face challenges with teachers out of a lack of connection. They are just
there to teach. I am not saying they do not teach well, but they do not connect with
students that may have different learning habits. My experiences as a Black woman, I’ve
had a lot of experiences where people have made assumptions about Black people fitting
into certain groups, stereotypes. I have received a lot of negative stereotypes and
undermining.
Participants asserted that they felt that overall teachers were supportive; however, some
felt a lack of connection and experienced negative stereotypical and dismissive behaviors from a
few of their professors.
Cultural Relevance and Belonging
Eight of the nine participants identified cultural relevance and belonging as a persistence
factor. Cultural relevance and belonging characteristics align with the SSF of being valued,
engaged, connected, and nurtured. The participants identified specific institutional programs,
courses, activities, and events that they felt connected to and that created a sense of belonging.
(See Appendix E for definition of programs.)
Cultural Events/Activities
Eight participants described specific cultural events and activities that celebrated and
recognized their identities as Black women. Participants mentioned feeling engaged and
connected during Black History Month activities, HBCU campus tours, HBCU caravan events,
and Umoja campus activities. Janet, Anita, and Toni shared that they felt most connected during
Black History Month. However, they voiced that cultural events should not occur only in
February. Avery and Patti stated that when the HBCU caravan arrived on campus once a year, it

63
provided them with an opportunity to receive information and on-the-spot admissions from
HBCU representatives. Janet described the times when she felt connected:
Around Black History Month, they have these booths that come to the school, and they
do things like a county fair, where you can buy clothes, knickknacks, and doodads. There
is food, people, and Black-owned businesses. I think that it is so fantastic to go out there
and connect with some of the Black businesses in [Blaze city] because you don’t get to
see a lot of them unless you are on Facebook. It’s nice to talk to them and see them doing
their thing. It makes me feel like the rest of the city cares about the Black community, but
then I also feel like, it’s just that one time that I see them out there, which I feel like it
shouldn’t just be during Black History Month.
Kelly shared an experience: “During Welcome Black Week, there was an activity outside, and
we were supposed to sing our favorite song, like karaoke. I felt really engaged.” Aaliyah felt
connected “when I went on the HBCU tour with the Umoja program last October. I was able to
meet other students, and it really helped me feel connected. I also like the Umoja Porch Talks
because they are informative, and you can connect with other students.” Avery said:
Being a part of the Umoja program, participating and putting together the porch talks.
Also, the HBCU caravan, where representatives from different HBCUs show up to our
school and offer different educational information, on-the-spot admissions, scholarships,
and opportunities for students.
Patti stated, “I felt strongly connected when I was the Pan African Student Union (PASU)
president. I also felt connected during the HBCU caravan. It was educational and gave us a
moment to connect culturally, educationally, and career-wise.” Anita commented:

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During Black History Month, they’d have Black social workers come and other
representatives come talk about Black health. I went to the HBCU caravan, and those
were nice experiences. I’m not saying that they’re not promoting blackness here at
BCCC. They do, and they’re doing well for Black History Month, but it’s only one
month.
Toni stated:
I want to see more Black clubs. My favorite thing at BCCC is how they celebrate Black
History Month, but those events should happen more often, not just in February. It should
be two or three times a week. Something organized for Black people, not just the month
of February.
Affinity Programs (Umoja)
Seven of nine participants highlighted the Umoja Program as a motivating factor toward
persistence. According to the Umoja Community website,
Umoja, (a Kiswahili word meaning unity) is a community and critical resource dedicated
to enhancing the cultural and educational experiences of African American and other
students. We believe that when the voices and histories of students are deliberately and
intentionally recognized, the opportunity for self-efficacy emerges and a foundation is
formed for academic success. Umoja actively serves and promotes student success for all
students through a curriculum and pedagogy responsive to the legacy of the African and
African American Diasporas. (Umoja Community, n.d., “Our Mission” section)
The BCCC Umoja Program created an environment for students to feel engaged, connected,
nurtured, and valued. Aaliyah commented, “I feel supported by the Umoja program and

65
counselors. They make sure my SEP and grades are up to date, and I feel like it’s been a great
support system.” Janelle remarked,
The Umoja program makes sure to see what you need. They are not afraid to ask, are you
okay? Do you have a place to stay or are you eating? [Counselor] asked me if I needed a
job and if I had somewhere to live. So, they make sure to ask questions about stuff that
you need.
Participants indicated that counselors provide SSF directed and nurtured support.
Umoja and EOPS Counselors
Seven of the nine participants identified specialty/affinity program counselors as
providing the support and nurturing necessary to help them persist. Specifically, EOPS and
Umoja counselors were recognized as aiding in their success. Patti stated, “The Umoja
counselors have given me the most support of my educational goals.” Janelle said that an
educational resource that helped her was “the counselors in the Umoja program. You feel
comfortable being with your own race and you can talk to them, and I feel they are going to help
me without hesitation.” Aaliyah remarked:
[Counselor] helped make sure that I graduated on time, made sure I got the classes that I
needed and not just random classes. I would say an EOPS counselor also helped me a lot.
She also made sure that I was doing good academically and she would let me know that
she was there for support and input.
Avery stated: “If I am stressed out about a class, Umoja counselors are constantly asking me
about my classes.”

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Representation (Black Women)
Seven of the nine participants mentioned that they would like to be able to identify with
or relate to a staff/faculty person or community that looked like them. Participants also talked
about feelings of isolation and being the only Black woman or student in classes. Aaliyah
commented, “I feel like it is also great to have Black women counselors to talk to.” Avery said:
My counseling teacher, who is Black, has the career that I aspire to have. In her class, I
got to connect with other Black women that had the same educational path and career
goals as me. So, seeing that and being around them made my goals attainable. They have
the degrees, they put in the work, they went to school, and to just have that support to talk
to them. Having someone that I can identify with. Sometimes, you may be the only Black
female in the room.
Janelle recalled:
I was in an African American studies class, and we read books by Black authors. That
was one of my favorite classes. In an English class, I had a Black professor that was very
understanding. She helped me a lot. My Black professors made sure I always tried my
best, and if I needed help on something or wanted to talk, they were always there.
Janet stated:
I feel like there is a lot of isolation. I’m the only Black person in most of the classes that I
take. And it makes me think, why aren’t there more Black people in the classes? I feel
like, as a Black woman, you learn to go into class and kind of just speak up for yourself
because you feel there is no real solidarity. It would be nice and encouraging to see at
least one other Black person in each class I go to, but that’s not how it is most of the time.

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This is my first year having two Black professors. Most of the time, a lot of professors
are never women of color.
Kelly shared:
Being able to meet other Black women that are in my major. When I get into a class, I
hope there is another Black girl in there. Also, letting people know we’re [Black women]
here, because I don’t think they let people know we’re here enough. They had a Women
in STEM club that I was in. I swear, I felt more microaggression in that club than I did in
my class. I did not return. So, because women in STEM didn’t work out for me, maybe
there could be a day where they just have Black women in STEM.
A lack of Black teachers, faculty, and peer representation was highlighted as a missing factor.
Support Group (Black Women)
Five of the nine participants shared that they desire to be in community with and
affiliated with a group of women who can relate to their experiences. Aaliyah shared:
I would like a support group for Black women. It doesn’t have to be about social or
emotional stuff. It could be like a study group. There can be different study groups. Like
tutors from different subjects for Black women to come together and study and meet
different Black women at BCCC.
Avery remarked:
At the Porch talks, we can kind of talk about everything as a collective for Black women,
not just education. Even support groups or meetings would be good. In a setting where
we get to express different challenges or experiences that we may have. I think having
more things specific for Black women in a group setting is good.

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Patti said, “Support groups are needed. Maybe even a club for Black women that would help a
lot. Just creating a safe space.” Toni suggested,
A center where Black women could all go to, if they need anything or ask questions, or
any resources or anything and have more events on campus. I feel like it would be nice
for Black women to show that we’re honored and cared about.
Participants requested and voiced a need for a “space” or cultural center for them to
congregate with other Black women who can identify with their daily struggles and experiences
and be their whole authentic selves.
Celebration/Recognition
Five of the nine participants voiced that recognition and celebration events created
opportunities for them to be seen and valued for their accomplishments. Janet said, “I feel valued
when somebody sees and acknowledges my progress.” Patti described a time when “I received a
scholarship, and a counselor and faculty person came to the scholarship ceremony to support me.
I felt like they celebrated me when I walked across the stage.” Toni shared a time when she felt
valued by a teacher:
I feel like my effort and time was valued in dance class. My teacher gave us an
opportunity to show our creativity in a way that we were able to pick the song, pick the
mood, and have total creative control.
Janet described a time when,
I was honored in the BCCC Honors Program for being a good student. It felt very good,
and it was my first time winning anything like participating in an awards ceremony at
college, being praised, and given $1,000. It was cool and fun, and it wasn’t even about
the money. I really liked dressing up and taking pictures. It felt so nice to hear my name,

69
because I feel like once you get out of high school, the praise is gone. You don’t have
assemblies every other week that appreciate students doing good in class, and you don’t
get that pat on the back. It felt like someone was paying attention to me doing good in
school, aside from my family.
Outlier
An outlier is a response that only one or a few of the respondents in a research study state
(Sproull, 2004). Students stated that they felt they needed to make themselves known to their
instructors.
Invisibility
The idea that Black women are invisible has long been a theme in feminist writings
(hooks, 1981). When a Black woman is made to feel invisible, she may be acutely aware enough
to quickly confront this act and remind individuals that she is, indeed, visible (Lindsey, 2019).
Anita shared:
If I just open up more in the classroom and make the teacher see me and know me, then
they might say, “Hey, I didn’t see you. You didn’t do your work,” or something, then I
must be like, oh, I should have done something. If I get people to see me, they’re
watching me. If you’re not pushing to be seen, then how are people supposed to see you
and value what you have going on? No one knows that I’m smart unless I prove to them
that I’m smart.
Avery stated, “You have to open yourself up to your professors; that way, they see what kind of
Black person you are.”

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Summary
Chapter Four discussed the findings from the RQ by exploring the lived experiences of
Black women ages 18–24 who attended Blaze City Community College. The themes and
findings were extrapolated from the data of the RQ and interview questions. Four overarching
themes that emerged included self-motivation, environmental factors, institutional support, and
cultural relevance and belonging, which contributed to the participants’ persistence. Chapter Five
discusses the findings, implications for practice, future research, and conclusions of the study.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly.
—Martin Luther King Jr.
Black Californians make up 6% of the 18- to 24-year-old population and 5% of
community college students (Reddy, 2024) and a total of 60% of Black women enroll in a CCC
at some point (Reddy, 2021). Although there have been improvements in completion rates
recently, support for Black community college students to finish a certificate or degree or
transfer to a 4-year institution is not as strong compared with their peers (Reddy, 2024). Only
18% of women receive assistance with transferring within 4 years (Reddy, 2021), and only 3%
of Black/African American graduates earn 13.3% of associate degrees (Bouchrika, 2023). This
lack of achievement and progress has an impact on the future economic earnings of Black
women, further expanding the income wealth gap and inequality. Notably, community colleges
have long served as an educational resource for people looking to increase capital and social
mobility (Ebanks & Francois, 2023).
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this phenomenological qualitative study was to illuminate and elevate the
voices and lived experiences of 18- to 24-year-old Black women who attend a California
community college and provide insight into the factors they identified and attributed to their
persistence. The focus of the study was to explore the intersectional identities of race and gender,
environmental factors, institutional supports, and the six success factors, to better understand
Black women’s experiences as they relate to persistence. The study also provides a deeper level
of understanding for institutional stakeholders as they evaluate and implement the most
impactful and effective organizational systematic practices and processes of serving and

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supporting a traditionally and historically disproportionately affected student group. Black
women are not a monolith, and they encompass diverse experiential knowledge and being. The
following research question guided this study: What factors do African American/Black women
attribute to their persistence at a California community college?
Theoretical and Conceptual Frameworks
Intersectionality and the RP Group’s six success factors were applied together to arrive at
the conceptual framework of Knott’s intersectional identity persistence conceptual framework
(see Figure 2). KIIPCF connects Crenshaw’s intersectionality framework to the RP Group’s six
success factors to illuminate the foundational cultural component, providing a lens into the
environmental and institutional factors that contribute to the essence and intersectional existence
of Black women’s lived experiences as they relate to their persistence through community
college.
Methodology
I conducted one-on-one, open-ended, semi-structured interviews with nine women who
self-identified as African American/Black women, ages 18–24, in their second consecutive year
of attendance at Blaze City Community College. Participants were asked 18 questions that were
followed up by probing questions. Emergent themes were derived from the transcripts through a
process of coding.
Discussion of Findings
Findings that emerged from this research study revealed that participants identified selfmotivation, environmental factors, institutional support, and cultural relevance and belonging as
contributing factors to their persistence. For the research question, results generally supported

73
prior research (Leath & Chavous, 2018), and parallels and connections with existing literature
were discovered.
Self-Motivation
Participants were asked what they attributed to their persistence, and seven of the nine
participants identified self-motivation, self-accountability, and responsibility as driving factors
that contributed to their continual pursuit of achieving their educational goals. Black students’
motivational influences include a combination of intrinsic, extrinsic, future, and social goals
(Hwang et al., 2002). It is crucial to emphasize self-efficacy (one’s ability and belief to achieve a
goal) when talking about African American female college students’ academic performance and
motivation (Green, 2015). The institution must provide participants with tools, resources, and
people (counselors, faculty) to help them build skills, navigate community college, and set and
clarify educational goals that encourage and motivate their pursuit toward future success and
outcomes.
Environmental Factors
All nine participants identified family as a strong motivating factor toward persistence.
One element of community cultural wealth (familial capital) captures the significance of how
family serves as a pillar of strength to the support network and persistence of students. As
described by Yosso (2005), familial capital is nurtured by our extended family, which may
include immediate family (living or long passed on) as well as aunts, uncles, grandparents, and
friends whom we might consider part of our familia. Familial capital is informed by the work of
scholars who have addressed the communal bonds within African American communities
(Morris, 1999), the funds of knowledge within Mexican American communities (Gonzalez et al.,
1995; Moll, 1992; Olmedo, 1997; Rueda et al., 2004; Vélez-Ibáñez & Greenberg, 1992), and

74
pedagogies of the home that students of color bring with them to the classroom setting (Delgado
Bernal, 2002).
Institutional Supports
All nine participants stated that institutional support services and programs have helped
them achieve their goals. Participants reported that teacher engagement and connection
encouraged and strengthened their resolve and determination to persist. Building connections
between students and faculty members plays a role in shaping students’ academic confidence and
boosting their drive to succeed (Komarraju et al., 2010). According to Mortimore and Wall
(2009) the quality of teaching and the support from faculty members are factors in influencing
the motivation and self-perception of Black college students. When students see their professors
as friendly, respectful, and open to communication beyond class hours they tend to feel more
assured about their abilities and are driven by both internal and external motivations (Komarraju
et al., 2010).
Notwithstanding, when participants experienced negative interactions with professors,
they expressed feelings of disappointment and distress. Research has shown that negative
stereotype threat can influence motivation and performance negatively (Fogliati & Bussey,
2013). These negative experiences are associated with important outcomes such as decreased
persistence, even among students who are high in achievement motivation (Thoman et al., 2013).
Despite the negative experiences, Nasir et al. (2016) posited that some African American
students are motivated to attain school success as a form of resistance to racism.
Janet’s first-hand account of being accused of plagiarism by her teacher discouraged her,
and she felt she could not rely on her instructors for support. The realization that African
American women are more likely to be accused of plagiarism or cheating can influence the

75
continued work to support these individuals (Sandoval-Lucero et al., 2014). There are many
examples of African American women in all types of college-level classes (including community
colleges) being questioned about their academic qualifications by both peers and professors (Hill
Collins, 2000; Settles, 2006). Although students are confronted with these prejudices, Mortimore
and Wall (2009) asserted that perception of faculty encouragement is the single most important
predictor of African American college students’ academic self-concept, trumping both academic
performance (e.g., grades) and school environment.
Research has indicated that validating experiences such as encouragement, affirmation,
and support have a significant impact on student development in and out of college (Terenzini et
al., 1994). To be successful in the holistic college experience, Black female college students
thrive in encouragement, which develops their self-efficacy and self-confidence (Green, 2015).
Cultural Relevance and Belonging
Eight of the nine participants identified cultural relevance and belonging as a persistence
factor. Cultural relevance and belonging characteristics align with the SSF of being valued,
engaged, connected, and nurtured. All communicated specific institutional programs, courses,
activities, and events they felt created a sense of belonging. (See Appendix E for definition of
programs.) Student belonging and related variables such as classroom social environment,
students’ relationships with peers and teachers, and social goals are important for academic
success (Anderman & Kaplan, 2008), particularly for underrepresented minority students who
face chronic stereotypes (Thoman et al., 2013).
Positive social relationships in school are vital for African American students’ academic
success because of the shared communal and cultural values (Freeman et al., 2021). Interacting
with and surrounded by other African Americans with whom they share identity boosts students’

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racial identity and self-efficacy and has a meaningful impact on their academic motivation
(Freeman et al., 2021). Strayhorn (2012) expanded the current theoretical understanding of sense
of belonging as a component of campus climate by describing sense of belonging as a
fundamental human longing to belong that gratifies one’s psychological wants and directs a
student’s decisions and observations. For students who experience unwelcomeness, rejection,
isolation, alienation, or loneliness in school, particularly if they are students of color, women,
low income, or other disenfranchised social identities at selective or predominantly White
university, their sense of belonging is even more important (Anderman & Freeman, 2004; Dorth,
2016a; Strayhorn, 2012).
Kelly, a biology major, shared experiences and feelings of isolation and alienation in her
STEM classes. For Black women students who experience isolation, alienation, and
marginalization at PWIs, belongingness and connectedness can be rather evasive, both in the
STEM majors and in the greater campus community (Dortch & Patel, 2017). Black students in
STEM report a significantly lower sense of belonging than their White or even Asian peers, but
Black women report even lower numbers than their Black male counterparts (Strayhorn, 2011).
Although Black women are showing more growth in degree attainment than women from other
racial and ethnic groups, they remain vastly underrepresented in STEM majors (Leath &
Chavous, 2018).
Participants stated they felt engaged and connected during Black History Month
activities, HBCU campus tours, HBCU caravan events, and Umoja activities (Porch talks).
Students of color are culturally validated through their participation in campus-based ethnic
communities that represent their racial/ethnic backgrounds (Museus, 2008), and these
communities facilitate increased campus involvement and leadership development for African

77
American students on White campuses (Harper & Quaye, 2007). Umoja and EOPS counselors
were also recognized as aiding in their success. Holcombe and Kezar (2020) suggested that to
support college student success, the student should receive intrusive advising, intensive student
orientation programs, financial aid assistance, assistance with enrollment in college courses, and
assistance with understanding the educational system from their college advisor.
Participants desired to engage with a staff or faculty person (representation) they can
relate to, who looks like them or shares similar experiences. African American women searching
for role models and mentors in college often must seek them outside their group because there
are very few Black female faculty and staff members available (Bartman, 2015), potentially
causing their identity development to be negatively influenced if they do not see faculty and staff
on the college’s campus who look like them (Steele, 2017). Harris and Lee (2019) stated that
Black female college students thrive in educational settings where Black college faculty and
administrators serve as role models and provide support.
Participants also talked about feelings of isolation and being the only Black woman in
their classes. Isolation describes the loneliness felt from the underrepresentation of one’s own
race or gender in an environment or in one’s department or classes (Dortch & Patel, 2017). Being
in predominantly White spaces where Black women may be “the only” causes stress and feelings
of isolation (Settles, 2006). Black students feel like “guests in someone else’s house” (Turner,
1994, p. 356) and are sometimes overcome with feelings of “onlyness” (Willis et al., 2019, p.
193) with little sense of belonging (Tichavakunda, 2021).
Participants voiced a desire to be in a community (support or study group) and affiliate
with a group of women who can relate to their experiences. The significance of programs solely
dedicated to African American women is that such programs build their self-esteem and provide

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a space for them to not only solidify their identity but also share their experiences with other
women (Hill Collins, 2000). Ethnic communities are designed to assist these students on
campuses that are racially hostile through cultural validation and self-preservation (Patton,
2012), and a sense of belonging is developed through forming supportive programs for Black
female college students (Winkle-Wagner, 2015). These spaces often take the form of ethnic
cultural centers or minority student organizations that assist students of color in making sense of
their experiences, connect them to culturally similar peers, and provide an avenue for cultural
advocacy and ethnic identity development (Patton, 2012). They also allow students of color to
draw upon their cultural resources and assets through affirmation and validation, while
simultaneously offering protection from the “psycho-emotional harms of racial
microaggressions” (Harper & Hurtado, 2007, p. 14). Many African American female community
college students need the support and encouragement from their social networks inside and
outside of the college environment (Hannon et al., 2016).
Lastly, participants stated that they felt they needed to prove themselves. Anita and
Avery voiced a need to make themselves visible. Avery said, “You have to open yourself up to
your professors; that way, they see what kind of Black person you are.” Anita said, “If you’re not
pushing to be seen, then how are people supposed to see you and value what you have going on?
No one knows that I’m smart unless I prove to them that I’m smart.” The idea that Black women
are invisible has long been a theme in feminist writings (Bell, 1992; Davis, 1981; hooks, 1981;
King, 1988) and has appeared in recent theoretical work as well (Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach,
2008). This constitutes an emotional burden that many are not prepared for (Showunmi, 2023).
This burden is invisible and seen only by those who understand what it is and what it means to
be Black and a woman (Curtis & Showunmi, 2019; Showunmi, 2023). When a Black woman is

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made to feel invisible, she may be acutely aware enough to quickly confront this act and remind
individuals that she is, indeed, visible (Lindsey, 2019).
Describing the experiences of individuals with multiple-subordinate-group identities
(such as Black women), Purdie-Vaughns and Eibach (2008) suggested that these individuals
experience intersectional invisibility (Sesko & Biernat, 2010). The spotlight may occur if they
are asked to speak for their race, and the invisibility occurs when they are ignored in discussions,
group work, and general classroom occurrences (Winkle-Wagner, 2009). These disparities have
been scarcely addressed in the literature, further substantiating the need to examine how Black
undergraduate women experience a sense of belonging, particularly through their everyday
interactions with Whiteness on campus that manifest through racial microaggressions (Dortch &
Patel, 2017).
Implications for Practice
The ability to provide support for African American women at community colleges is
critical so that these women feel whole and do not have to separate their intersected identities of
race and gender (Hill Collins, 2000; Settles, 2006). When higher educational institutions begin to
understand and center the nuanced intersectional identities, experiences, and needs of Black
women who attend a CCC, then intentional and equitable practices will become embedded and
permeate the daily operational practices of the organization, decreasing disproportionally
inequitable outcomes. Bensimon (2005, 2007, 2012) proposed that what is needed are equityminded approaches that foreground race and the needs of racially minoritized students, situating
inequitable outcomes as the responsibility of higher education institutions and practitioners.
Equity-mindedness is not about remediating racially minoritized students who are perceived as
deficient, but about respecting their aspirations and struggles and changing existing policies,

80
practices, and structures that are found to underserve them (Ching et al., 2020). I have
highlighted several recommendations for the themes that emerged from this study.
Self-Motivation
In relationship to the SSF, self-motivation aligns with directed and focused factors: to
strengthen participants, resolve to know and understand, know how to accomplish their purpose
and goals, and foster student motivation. Patti remarked, “I am my own motivation,” and Avery
shared, “Just myself.” I recommend the following institutional practices be implemented to help
support Black women student’s persistence:
1. In alignment with orientation and matriculation processes, counselors/advisors will be
expected to make the first contact with newly enrolled students within the first 6
weeks of enrollment to complete an SEP. According to Parnes et al. (2020), engaging
minority students during their first semester is crucial to building relationships and
giving them the support they need to succeed academically.
2. Create, implement, and support a mandatory online career exploration assessment in
the first-time enrollment/orientation processes. The college will create a new
unit/department that will support and monitor students’ career development
throughout their tenure at the college. A monitoring system will be created, and the
new unit will schedule a follow-up career exploration/development workshop or
session to assist students with completing a career pathway plan that aligns with their
SEP. Career exploration, assessments, and planning can also be integrated into
specific departments or subject area classroom assignments or curriculum. The
implementation of a mandatory career course taken by first-year students the first
semester can help students map out their career goals and pathway. An assignment or

81
unit of study can be incorporated into English coursework. This will require an
institutional collaborative (faculty, counselors, administration) approach.
When participants have a clear direction and goal and have institutional support in
accomplishing those goals, they will be more inclined to continue their educational journey.
Institutional Supports
Institutional supports correlate with the SSF areas of being engaged and connected.
Effective institutional implementation will require comprehensive, holistic wrap-around support
and services that communicate and integrate services across the whole system/organization. This
includes the following:
1. Build an infrastructure that includes teaching first-time participants how to navigate
the institution. Prior to the first day of attendance of the fall semester, students will be
required to attend a Summer Bridge program to provide students with early exposure
to institutional and academic resources that include faculty and staff and other
students. This would include a 30-minute to an hour in-person campus tour of the
following services: financial aid, tutorial center, career center, computer lab, student
services, business office, etc., guided by Black women ambassadors. Online virtual
tours will also be available for students who are unable to attend in person. The
Retention and Outreach Center staff would be responsible for tracking which students
have completed the tour and following up with those who have not.
2. Cultural sensitivity, proficiency, and bias training for faculty and staff and culturally
responsive teaching and pedagogy professional development for teachers would be
required to help build relational capacity as they work with marginalized and
disproportionately affected student populations. One aspect of culturally relevant

82
pedagogy is disrupting inequities in education and economic opportunities for African
Americans (Ladson-Billings, 2013). Syllabi can be reviewed for cultural relevancy
and pedagogy. Language in syllabi often shapes students’ first impressions of
instructors and helps learners determine faculty’s attitude toward teaching and
learning (Harnish et al., 2011; Roberts, 2016). Syllabus tone sets the mood for the
class and can range from pleasant and welcoming to formal and disciplinary or even
condescending and demeaning (Roberts, 2016). The institution will continue to
collaborate with the University of Southern California Race & Equity Center.
3. Quantitative (surveys) and qualitative (student interviews and focus groups) listening
sessions will be implemented to engage and hear the voices of Black women and ask
them what they need and what works for them. For qualitative inquiry, in addition to
student surveys and evaluations, administration (deans, vice president, president) will
schedule a semesterly listening session. A taskforce or team that includes students,
staff, faculty, administration, and community members will be created to collect,
analyze, disaggregate, and interpret the data and then share the findings with all
stakeholders so that measurable goals may be established and written into the
organization’s dynamic strategic plan. After the institutional listening session and
data have been collected, the data will be discussed and distributed by department,
program, or course that promotes transparent practices. Follow-up sessions will be
scheduled annually to review progress.
4. Implement CRT training. CRT shifts the center of focus from notions of White,
middle-class culture to the cultures of communities of color (Yosso, 2005). Faculty
and staff will be made aware of the data and findings from the student surveys and

83
listening sessions and build upon that information and those practices and processes.
Quality relationships are foundational to a healthy, functioning organization and the
people that reside within it.
5. Prioritize and increase Black faculty and staff hiring processes and practices. Racial
diversity in faculty hiring is important because racially minorized faculty play a
critical role in academic excellence, mentorship, and overall climate by bringing
diverse perspectives that enhance student learning and validate racially minoritized
students (Liera, 2020; Turner et al., 2008).
6. The chancellor, president, administration, and institutional stakeholders must be
intentional and prioritize the equitable distribution of funding from the State Centered
Funding Formula, local funding formulas, and grant programs to ensure increased
appropriation for programs that target Black female students to strengthen and
support their persistence and completion rates. It must be written into the student
equity plan, and outcomes will be accessed and evaluated annually through data
analysis and disaggregation.
Cultural Relevance and Belonging
Add a cultural component to the campus climate and environment and a sense of
belonging. The SSF that support participants are being engaged, connected, valued, and nurtured.
Participants desired representation of Black teachers, Black counselors, Black cultural centers,
affinity programs, support networks, support groups, study groups, and Black-centered clubs.
Aaliyah shared, “It is great to be able to have Black women counselors that are there to be able to
talk to.” Recommendations are the following:

84
1. Create and institute a Black female initiative that supports Black women and
increases their persistence, graduation, transfer rates, and sense of belonging with the
implementation of mentoring, cultural village/safe space, and opportunities to be seen
and heard. The Black student success counselor/coordinator would be responsible for
ensuring that the supports and services for Black women students are implemented
with fidelity. The initiative would be implemented after a team or taskforce has
outlined the purpose, plan, and process of support and service.
2. Create a Black cultural center led by the Black student success counselor/coordinator.
Not only do ethnic communities, such as Black culture centers, provide students with
a safe space on campus, but they also promote student success through positive ethnic
identity development, cultural validation, academic confidence nurturing, and
leadership development, all of which are positively associated with academic selfconcept and performance (Cerezo & Chang, 2013; Harper & Quaye, 2007; Museus,
2008, Patton, 2006, 2012; Villalpando, 2003). Toni stated, “Having a resource area or
a center where Black women could go if they need anything.” Aaliyah suggested,
“Like a support group for Black women.”
3. Incorporate semesterly cultural events, activities, celebrations and recognition
opportunities to let students know that they are seen and heard, which will encourage
them to continue their journey toward the achievement of their goals. Quarterly, staff
and faculty will nominate or highlight student achievements through a nomination
form, and those students will be recognized by a department, program, school
newspaper, and/or school website and receive a monetary reward. On a grander scale,

85
the Black student success coordinator will organize a cultural event, recognition
ceremony each semester.
Recommendations for Future Research
Future research studies could include the following approaches and modifications:
1. Expand the study across multiple community college institutions.
2. Study the persistence of Black women who graduated from a 4-year college or
university.
3. Broaden the age range. Students that range in ages 25 to 44 or 45 and above will
report different lived experiences. These varying age ranges can be compared with
one another.
4. Study and compare first-time enrolled Black women students with returning Black
women students.
5. For continued qualitative analysis, expand the current study by incorporating focus
groups to obtain additional rich, descriptive data.
6. Replicate the present study using quantitative (comprehensive surveys) research with
a larger number of participants.
7. Conduct a study on the institutional support services available, accessed, and utilized
by Black women.
8. Conduct a comparative study of PWI, HSI, and HBCU support services and their
impact on Black women’s persistence.
9. Investigate and research the diametric findings and factors in this study of Black
female students who have not persisted.

86
Conclusions
The current study explored the lived experiences of Black women who attended a CCC
and identified factors they attributed to their persistence. The theoretical frameworks of
intersectionality and the RP Group’s six success factors inspired the creation of Knott’s
intersectional identity persistence conceptual framework and supported the premise and purpose
of centering Black women’s intersectional identities, voice, and perceived persistence factors.
Institutions of higher education can use the results and recommendations from this study
to inform their own practice aimed at Black college student success (Arroyo & Gasman, 2014;
Freeman et al., 2021). Understanding the lived experiences of Black female students will allow
higher education administrators, policymakers, faculty, and students the opportunity to
understand what motivates Black women to attend a community college to earn a degree (Green,
2015). According to Espinosa et al. (2019, p. 130),
To make a tangible impact on student success, policymakers and community college
administrators, faculty, and staff should continually reexamine their practices and ways
of thinking to overcome the structural, pedagogical, and institutional barriers that
frequently create the forgotten half—leaving students of color with no college degree and
few tools to reap labor market rewards.
As we celebrate the successes of Black women in higher education, it is also important
that we continue to contend with the interpersonal and institutional barriers that Black women
face on their educational pathways (Leath & Chavous, 2018). The ability to provide support for
African American women at community colleges is critical so that these women feel whole and
do not have to separate their intersected identities of race and gender (Lindsey, 2020).

87
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Appendix A: Interview Protocol
Date:
Pseudonym: Interviewer:
Time started: Time ended: Total time:
Introduction
Hello, my name is Tonia Knott and I am a doctoral candidate at the University of
Southern California (USC).
Thank you for agreeing to participate in this study. I appreciate the time that you have set
aside to answer several questions. The interview should take about an hour. Does that still work
for you?
Before we get started, I want to provide a brief overview of the study and answer any
questions you might have about participating in this interview. I am conducting a study on the
experiences of Black women who attend a California Community College and the factors that
influence their persistence. The purpose is to explore the factors that contribute to persistence
(remaining in college after the first year) of Black women ages 18-24 and provide insight into
their lived experiences as community college students.
The research question that I seek to answer is “What factors do African American/Black
women attribute to their persistence at a California Community College?” The research question
centers on the intersectional identities and experiences of Black women and the identified factors
that they attribute toward persistence at a California Community College. The goal of the study
is to provide insight into the lived experiences and center the voices of Black women related to
persistence and illuminate potential effective practices and policies for higher educational

109
officials and policymakers to better understand how to serve the needs of Black women that
attend California community colleges.
I am strictly wearing the hat of a researcher today. What this means is that the nature of
my questions is not evaluative. I will not make any judgments, and I aim to understand your
perspective, hear your journey, and capture your story. This interview is confidential. That
means your name will not be shared with anyone outside this study. The data for this study will
be compiled into a report, and while I plan on using some of what you say as direct quotes, none
of this data will be directly attributed to you. I will use a pseudonym to protect your
confidentiality and will try my best to de-identify any of the data I gather from you. If you are
interested, I am happy to provide you with a copy of my final paper. I will keep the data in a
password-protected computer, and all data will be destroyed after three years. Please feel free to
let me know if you need to pause or stop the interview at any time. Might you have any questions
about the study before we get started? Today, I brought a recorder to accurately capture what you
share with me. The recording is solely for capturing your perspectives and will not be shared
with anyone outside of this study. May I have your permission to record our conversation?
Okay, let us begin.
1. Please, tell me a little bit about yourself as a student at BCCC (Lived Experiences (LE),
Institutional Supports (IS), Six Success Factors (SSF).
2. What are your educational goals? (LE, Environmental Factors (EF), IS, Directed)
a. What are your career goals? (EF, Directed)
3. What experiences as a BCCC student have helped shape your goals? (LE, IS, Directed)
Lived Experiences as a Black Women
4. What does being a Black woman mean to you? (LE, Race & Gender (RG), Valued)

110
5. Tell me about your experiences as a Black woman outside of BCCC. (LE, RG, EF)
6. Who supports your efforts to pursue your educational goals? (LE, EF, IS, Nurtured)
7. Tell me about a time when you felt somebody at BCCC really cared about your success
or helped you be successful. (LE, IS, Nurtured)
You identified as a Black woman who persisted and completed one year at BCCC
8. Tell me about your experiences as a Black woman as a student at BCCC. (LE, RG, IS,
Connected)
9. Have you faced any challenges as a student at BCCC? (LE, IS, SSF)
a. If yes, please elaborate?
10. What helps or has helped you stay focused as a student at BCCC? (LE, IS, Focused)
11. What do you attribute to your persistence? (LE, EF, IS, Focused)
Institutional Resources
12. What educational resources do you feel as a Black woman who attends BCCC, you need
to persist? (LE, IS, SSF)
13. Tell me about a time when you felt strongly connected to BCCC? (LE, IS, Connected)
14. Tell me about a time when you felt strongly engaged during your time at BCCC. (LE, IS,
Engaged)
15. Tell me about a time when you felt valued at BCCC? (LE, IS, Valued)
a. If you don’t feel valued, what might make you feel valued?
16. What is the most important thing that has happened to you at BCCC that has helped you
be successful as a student? (LE, IS, SSF)
a. Why was this?

111
17. What suggestions do you have about how BCCC can better support Black women
students? (LE, RG, IS, SSF)
18. What does BCCC do well to support Black women students? (LE, RG, IS, SSF)
Closing Questions
This concludes our interview.
What should I not leave here without knowing?
Is there any other information that you would like to share or add to the conversation?
I will now stop the recording.
Closing
Thank you so much for sharing your thoughts with me today! I really appreciate your time and
willingness to share. Everything that you have shared is helpful for this study and will be
maintained to the highest standard of confidentiality and privacy. Again, thank you for
participating in this study.

112
Appendix B: Information Sheet
University of Southern California Information Sheet
My name is Tonia Knott, and I am a student at the University of Southern California. As a
counselor at Fresno City College, I will have contact with potential participants. I am conducting
a research study on how Black women persist in community college. The name of this research
study is “Persistence Factors: The Lived Experiences of Black Women at a California
Community College.” I am seeking your participation in this study. Your participation is
completely voluntary, and I will address your questions or concerns at any point before or during
the study.
You may be eligible to participate in this study if you meet the following criteria:
1. Currently enrolled in your second year at FCC
2. Identify as a Black woman
3. You are between the ages of 18 - 24
If you decide to participate in this study, you will be asked to do the following activities:
1. Participate in a 60 minute 1:1 interview via Zoom or In-person on the FCC campus
I will publish the results in my dissertation. Participants will not be identified in the results. I will
take reasonable measures to protect the security of all your personal information. All data will be
de-identified prior to any publication or presentations. I may share your data, de-identified with
other researchers in the future.
If you have any questions about this study, please contact me: Toniakno@usc.edu or 559 970-
9525.

113
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
hrpp@usc.edu.

114
Appendix C: Recruitment Email
Hello,
My name is Tonia Knott and I am a doctoral candidate in the Educational Leadership
Doctoral program at the University of Southern California. I am conducting research on the
experiences of Black women that attend a California Community College and the factors that
influence their persistence. The purpose of the study is to explore the factors that contribute to
the persistence (remaining in college after the first year) of Black women ages 18-24 and provide
insight into their lived experiences as community college students. Share your voice and make a
difference.
I am recruiting individuals who meet all these criteria:
1. Black women
2. Between the ages of 18 - 24
3. Enrolled in your second consecutive year at FCC
If you decide to participate in this study, you will be asked to do the following activities:
1. Complete 1:1 60-minute interview via Zoom or In-person at FCC
If you have any questions, or are interested in participating, please contact me at
Toniakno@usc.edu or 559 970-9525.
Thank you,
Tonia Knott
Doctoral Candidate
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California

115
Appendix D: Recruitment Flier

116
Appendix E: Definition of Programs
● Extended Opportunity Program and Services (EOPS): EOPS offers personalized
academic counseling and advising as well as financial assistance to qualified students.
● Housing Opportunities Promote Education Program (HOPE): HOPE is an academic
program that provides housing support to current students experiencing homelessness for
students to progress in their education and become permanently housing stable upon
program.
● Cooperative Agencies Resources for Education (CARE): The CARE program
provides counseling and financial resources for single parents currently receiving
CalWORKs, cash aid, general relief, or California Tribal Temporary Assistance for
Needy Families (TANF).
● CalWORKs: The CalWORKs Program provides equitable and inclusive services to
parenting students seeking to become economically and socially empowered through
education.
All definitions gathered from the BCCC website.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Knott, Tonia Sheree (author)

Core Title Persistence factors: the lived experiences of Black women at a California community college

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2024-05

Publication Date 05/24/2024

Defense Date 04/25/2024

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag black women,factors,intersectionality,lived experiences,OAI-PMH Harvest,Persistence

Format theses (aat)

Language English

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Advisor Robles, Darline (committee chair), Green, Alan (committee member), Ricks, Deshunna (committee member)

Creator Email knottt99@hotmail.com,toniakno@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113967448

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