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The power of philanthropic convening and capitalization of Black community leaders to reduce extreme economic inequality in Michigan
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1
The Power of Philanthropic Convening and Capitalization of Black Community Leaders to
Reduce Extreme Economic Inequality in Michigan
Capstone Project Proposal
Alana G. White
University of Southern California
Suzanne Dworak-Peck School of Social Work
DSW Program
Dr. Renée Smith-Maddox
May 2024
2
Table of Contents
I. Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………………5
II. Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………………….6
III. Positionality Statement………………………………………………………………………..7
IV. Problem of Practice & Literature Review………………………………………………….....8
Historical & Current Context of Michigan’s Black Population…………….………....….9
Solution Landscape……………………………………………………………..…….….11
The Role of Philanthropic Entities…………………………………………………….…14
V. Conceptual and Theoretical Framework…………………………………………………...…17
VI. Methodology………………………………………………………………….…………..….21
Human Centered Design………………………………………………………..…….….22
Design Justice…………………………………………………………………………....22
Design Criteria……………………………………………………………….………......23
Market Analysis……………………………………………………………………….....23
Measuring Social Change/Impact…………………………………………………..…....25
VII. Project Description……………………………………………………………………..…...25
Theory of Change……………………………………………………..…………….…...27
Prototype Description……………………………………………………………...…….29
Likelihood of Success……………………………………………………………..……..30
VIII. Implementation Plan………………………………………………………………...……..31
Challenges………………………………………………………………………...……...33
Ethical Considerations……………………………………………………………….......35
IX. Conclusion and Implications…………………………………………...…………..……......36
3
Lessons Learned…………………………………………………………….…………..36
Implications for Practice and Future Use………………………………..……..……….37
Action Plan…………………………………………………………………..……….…38
References………………………………………………………………………………...…….39
Appendix A: Definitions of Key Terms……………………………………………………..….59
Appendix B: A Brief Overview of the Target Geography……………………………..……….61
Appendix C: Comparative Analysis of Key Characteristics of the Target Geography……...…63
Appendix D: Comparison Between Five Cities and a Neighboring City………………………64
Appendix E: The Relationship Between Context and Income………………….…………...…66
Appendix F: Economic Solution Categories and Examples……….…………………...………67
Appendix G: Types of Local Economic Stakeholders in the Target Geography….……...……74
Appendix H: BEST Theory of Change…………………………………………………………75
Appendix I BEST Logic Model………………………………………...………………………76
Appendix J: Design Thinking Process for BEST……………………….………………………77
Appendix K: Types of Stakeholders and Stakeholder Groups Engaged and Observed………...80
Appendix L: Application of Four Design Justice Principles in the Design Thinking Process.....81
Appendix M: Design Criteria Used to Inform the Prototyping Process………………….……..82
Appendix N: Overview of Each BEST Movement…………………………………….………..84
Appendix O: BEST Applied to One Priority Area…………………………………….………...85
Appendix P: Example of BEST Over 18 Months…………………………………………….….87
Appendix Q: BEST Movements in Relationship to Components of Community Change
Initiatives…………………………………………………………………………………….…..88
4
Appendix R: BEST Movements Mapped to an Adaptation of the Spectrum for Public
Participation……………………………………………………………………………………...89
Appendix S: Examples of Stakeholder Engagement in Each BEST Movement………………...90
Appendix T: The BE MOVED Website………………………………………………..……….91
Appendix U: Summary of Each Movement from the BEST Website………………..………....95
Appendix V: Example Pages from the Resonance Toolkit…………………………………….102
Appendix W: Example Pages from the Revue Toolkit…………………………………..…….106
Appendix X: BEST Implementation Plan………………………………………………..…….111
Appendix Y: Potential BE MOVED Organizational Structure……………………..………….112
Appendix Z: Example Start-up Budget for BEST (6 months) ………………………..……….114
Appendix AA: Example Budget for Revue, Revue: Redux, and Rhythm by BE MOVED (Pilot
City) …………………………………………………………………………………..………..115
Appendix AB: BEST Evaluation Plan………………………………………………………….116
Appendix AC: Examples of BEST Marketing and Communications Approaches…………….118
Appendix AD: Recommendations for Adapting BEST to the Local Context……………….…123
Appendix AE: BEST and Connectivity to Grantmaking Practices………………………....….126
Appendix AF: How BEST can Lead to a Movement across the State of Michigan……….…..128
Appendix AG: Median Household Income by State and Race…………………….…………..129
5
I. Abstract
In the State of Michigan, the Black population has the lowest median household income. There
are many contributing factors to this extreme economic inequality including the prevalence of
anti-Blackness throughout Michigan’s historical, social, and economic context. Furthermore,
Black community leaders who serve predominantly Black communities in Michigan have not
had the same levels of capitalization as institutions and/or larger, White-led organizations. This
has created barriers for Black community leaders to fully engage in solutions to increase the
income of Black households at scale. Since philanthropic entities deploy a range of capitalization
strategies in these same communities, BEST (Black Engagement in Systems Transformation)
was created for grantmakers through a design thinking process to increase their engagement and
capitalization of Black community leaders through the philanthropic power of convening. BEST
emphasizes the role of grantmakers to facilitate the transfer of social capital between Black
community leaders and local economic stakeholders. BEST has seven Movements which build
on lessons learned from existing economic solutions, community change initiatives, community
power building approaches, as well as advancements in the field of philanthropy. This approach
is aligned with the Grand Challenge for Social Work, Reduce Extreme Economic Inequality with
implications for the field of philanthropy and the State of Michigan. When BEST is implemented
in several communities across the state, it has the potential to transform grantmaking practice,
increase the overall median household income, and spark greater collective action to shift
statewide policy towards income parity.
Keywords: Michigan, economic inequality, median household income, Black/ African
American, philanthropy, grantmaking, capital, convening, community change initiative
6
II. Acknowledgements
Embarking on this doctoral journey would not have been possible without the love and
encouragement of many. First, I would like to acknowledge and thank my Capstone Committee,
Dr. Renée Smith-Maddox (chair), Dr. Lauren Brown, and Kimberly Houston. Throughout the
doctoral process, Dr. Laura Borland, Dr. Benjamin Nakamura, and Dr. Pamela Powell were a
steady drumbeat as we collectively imagined a new future for our Communities of Color across
America. I would also like to thank my editors Dr. Yvette Williams and Dr. S. Hamada.
I would like to acknowledge and appreciate Dr. Yusef Bunchy Shakur, Dr. Nakia Baylis,
Dr. Dennis Baskin, Dr. Preston Hicks, Erick Stewart, Lacy Dawson, Ida Byrd-Hill, Dr. Tiffany
Manuel, Malik Goodwin, and Alia Harvey-Quinn who served as thought partners on ideas,
concepts, and strategies. I am also thankful for my philanthropy family who provided support,
patience, and feedback throughout the journey: Faye Nelson, JD, Jenefer O’Dell, Jonathan Njus,
Dr. Megan Russell-Johnson, Dr. Marijata Daniel-Echols, Jamie Schriner, Samantha Meinke,
Lynn Wilson, Tammy St. John-Ballez, Kimberly Santana, Lisa Knoop, Anna Miller, and Dana
Linnane. I am also grateful to the Battle Creek community for your warm welcome eleven years
ago which set the stage for this project. In particular, I would like to acknowledge Dr. Michael
Glass, Ron Davis, Pastor Chris McCoy, Bishop Dr. Tino Smith, Jeff Cotton, Lynn Ward Gray,
Gina Randle-Mouton, and the Battle Creek Alumnae Chapter of Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, Inc.
And my most sincere appreciation goes to my family, friends, and loved ones for their
prayers and support: Mary (Dublin) White, Richard White, Sr., Domonique White, Richard
White, Jr., Anneliese White, Zara White, Jonathan Redditt, Charles McShan, and my family who
joined Zoom every Sunday for prayer. Lastly, my grandparents who have transitioned are always
on my mind and in my memories: Harry Rhodes, Gene (Munson) Rhodes, and Phillip White.
7
III. Positionality Statement
As a Black woman whose lineage includes enslaved Africans, the Indigenous Peoples of
Turtle Island, and White colonizers, I constantly struggle with balancing the heaviness of the
past, the polarization of the present, and the desire to contribute to a better future. While finding
balance seems like an insurmountable task, I believe it can be found when we value all people
and add value to all people in respectful and courageous ways. This capstone project grows from
this value system and is deeply personal to me, my family, my friends, and my communities.
Over the years, we have experienced many forms of anti-Blackness which have been
traumatic, complex, and nuanced. We are not alone since this is part of a larger story that began
almost 400 years ago when our ancestors were exploited and enslaved on American soil. Almost
100 years ago, our American families faced racial discrimination in employment and education
that continues to the present day. Almost 60 years ago, racial discrimination was outlawed but
persisted through other means. Today, many of our American Black households still live in
racially segregated and high poverty neighborhoods with systemic and structural barriers to full
participation in the American economy.
As I acknowledge our past and recognize the complexity of the present – I still have
hope. I believe our future can build from the perseverance and resilience of our ancestors, allies,
and advocates. I believe America can be a place where an individual’s racial identity and skin
color does not determine how they are treated, their socioeconomic status, nor predict their life
outcomes. I believe it is our collective responsibility to create an America where everyone has
the opportunity and capability to participate in a more just and equitable society, and I am deeply
honored to offer this body of work to the fields of social work, philanthropy, economic
development, workforce development, and community development.
8
IV. Problem of Practice & Literature Review
In the state of Michigan, the Black1
population has the lowest median household income
($42,056) compared to all demographic groups and is 62% of the median income for all
households in Michigan (United States Census Bureau, 2022). Related to income, Black workers
in Michigan earn approximately 79% ($759.47) of what White workers earn ($965.10) (Office of
Federal Contract Compliance Programs, 2020) while also experiencing disparities in
unemployment (Moore, 2023), poverty (Kids Count Data Center, 2023), and educational
attainment (Rossman, 2020). These types of racial economic disparities align with the Grand
Challenge for Social Work, Reduce Extreme Economic Inequality, which articulates the
relationship between economic inequality and the pattern of government policies that privilege
the wealthy and concentrate capital in the private sector (Lein et al., 2016). Furthermore, in the
State of Michigan, extreme economic inequality is inextricably linked with place and race as a
result of the prevalence of anti-Blackness2
throughout its context.
Historical & Current Context of Michigan’s Black Population
Slavery in the State of Michigan was abolished in 1787 - fifty years before its official
founding (Michigan Legislature, 2015); however, the first wave of the Great Migration (1910 to
1940) led to an influx of Black workers in many Michigan cities because of the number of jobs
available in the automotive and manufacturing industries (Manufacturing in Michigan, n.d.;
Glazer et al., 2022; Western et al., 2021). As Black people migrated to these industrializing
cities, they experienced racism and hostility from White residents (Leibbrand et al., 2020), cities
used covenants to limit where they could live (Maheo, 2020), and financial institutions engaged
1
Appendix A includes definitions of key terms.
2
Anti-Blackness is defined here as the set of beliefs, behaviors, and actions that devalue, minimize, and marginalize
Black individuals (Comrie et al., 2020)
9
in discriminatory practices like redlining and the devaluation of housing assets to continue the
pattern of segregation (Perry et al., 2018). Employment options were also limited for Black
workers which were often isolated to low-wage occupations regardless of their education or
experience (Sugrue, 2014).
The Civil Rights Movement and subsequent anti-discrimination laws led to an increase in
educational outcomes for the Black population, but extreme economic inequality continued
(Gould, 2018). By 1980, Michigan had the lowest earnings gap between White and Black
workers compared to the rest of the US (Ballard & Goddeeris, 2020); however, the recession
from 1981-1982 combined with the Reagan Administration’s cuts to funding for cities, housing,
and welfare/aid programs led to new challenges (Stoesz, 1992). For example, in 1986, General
Motors closed 11 factories resulting in the loss of 29,000 jobs with more than half of these losses
in three Michigan cities -Detroit, Flint, and Pontiac (Risen, 1986). Overall declines in the
manufacturing industry from 1960-2010 led to a 12% increase in the wage gap between Black
and White men and an 8% increase in the poverty gap between Black and White women (Gould,
2018). These types of economic shifts along with the increase in suburbanization had devastating
effects to cities like Detroit which lost approximately 45% of its population from 1970-2006
along with the median household income falling approximately 30% (Hartley, 2013).
Today, many Michigan cities that were once vibrant, industrial economies continue to
experience population losses, rising crime rates, abandoned buildings, and aging infrastructure
(Bowen & Kinahan, 2015). In particular, 11 cities (Battle Creek, Benton Harbor, Detroit, Grand
Rapids, Flint, Jackson, Lansing, Kalamazoo, Muskegon Heights, Pontiac, and Saginaw), which
account for approximately 61% of the Black population in the State of Michigan3
, continue to
3Appendix B includes a map of the target geography as well as the size of the Black population in each
city.Appendix C includes a brief comparative analysis of criteria for the selection of these cities.
10
show patterns of extreme economic inequality as a result of the historical, economic, social, and
political shifts which impacted the State of Michigan. Black residents in these 11 cities,
collectively treated as the target geography, continue to experience extreme economic inequality
at greater rates than neighboring cities. As an example, five cities – Detroit, Flint, Grand Rapids,
Lansing, and Saginaw were compared with a neighboring city with similar Black population
percentages (Appendix D). In almost all cases, Black residents in a neighboring city had lower
unemployment rates, higher median incomes, and lower poverty rates than Black residents in the
target geography. In almost all cases, the Black median household income in the target
geography as well as in the neighboring city were still lower than the median household income
for all residents in Michigan.
These types of racial economic disparities live at the intersection of race and place which
is often passed from generation to generation. Many Black residents in the state of Michigan
continue to be residentially segregated in higher poverty census tracts (Butler & Grabinsky,
2020; Loh et al., 2020; Selweski, 2019). Two-thirds of Black residents raised in low-income
neighborhoods continue to remain in these neighborhoods after a generation compared to White
residents (Sharkey, 2013), and only 25% of Black residents with low-income parents reach
middle class (Young, 2021). Even when White male youth and Black male youth live in the
same census tract, Black male youth still have lower incomes into adulthood than White male
youth across the US (Chetty et al., 2019).
The cyclical nature of intergenerational poverty, the prevalence of anti-Blackness, and
the persistent extreme economic inequality in the state of Michigan’s context has a range of
adverse effects on Black residents. Context plays a significant role in exacerbating adverse
effects given the interrelationship between community ecosystems and its impact on human
11
development as illustrated in Appendix E. These effects can be psychological, psychosocial, and
physiological which impact the overall health of Black residents (Clark, 2001; HamptonAnderson et al., 2021). These adverse effects can also impact White residents living near
predominantly Black neighborhoods where psychosocial and psychological stressors like fear
and/or distress may present (Louie & DeAngelis, 2024).
These adverse effects also extend to all residents in the state of Michigan because the
lack of access to economic opportunities in high poverty neighborhoods is one of the primary
drivers of violence and crime (Love, 2021). Violence and crime can lead to increased policing
and incarceration which are funded by local/state taxes and can be deterrents for population and
business growth. This growth can be critical for cities to provide services. Turner and BeaudinSeiler (2018) take this a step further by articulating that the state of Michigan would gain an
additional $92 billion in economic impact by closing the racial equity gap.
Solution Landscape
As a result of the various forms of extreme economic inequality, many solutions have
been implemented across Michigan, or in similar contexts, to increase the economic stability and
economic mobility of Black residents. These solutions can be categorized as: (a) prevention and
educational attainment, (b) employment and employment supports, (c) job creation and attraction
through public/ private sector investment, (d) direct investment in individuals, (e) community
change initiatives, and (f) public and/ or private sector policy change. Appendix F includes
examples of solutions labeled (a) through (d), and later in this paper (e) and (f) are addressed. In
short, these solutions have increased some type of employment, poverty, or income indicator for
individual Black residents; however, they have not led to an increase in the Black median
household income at scale nor have they led to reductions in extreme economic inequality. Most
12
of these solutions are isolated to one part of a community ecosystem and are not comprehensive
in their approach. This is the equivalent of providing transportation resources for an individual to
gain employment without addressing the presence of affinity bias in hiring practices.
Furthermore, most of these solutions have been informed by the same dominant
economic ideologies that created extreme economic inequality. For example, when the US was
colonized and Africans were enslaved, the prevailing ideology was that White males make
rational economic decisions based on self-interest which benefits the US economy (Lockert,
2021). Later economic policies were birthed from this ideology and favor less government
intervention in the US economy and lower welfare/aid spending (Folsom Jr., 2019; Jahan &
Mahmud, 2015; Strickland & Wong, 2021). These types of policies tend to privilege the wealthy
and concentrate capital in the private sector (Lein et al., 2016). Several social norms also stem
from these policies including full-time employment serving as the primary performance indicator
for the majority of economic solutions. This can present a challenge since full-time employment
alone may not lead to reductions in extreme economic inequality, and the local context can drive
the availability of quality, well-paying jobs (Randolph & Currid-Halkett, 2021).
These policies often lead to “one size fits all” solutions which are then targeted to Black
residents or predominantly Black neighborhoods by institutions and/or larger, White-led
organizations. Even with this targeting, predominantly Black neighborhoods are still less likely
to receive public sector investment (Garrow, 2012; Urban Institute, 2019). The complexity of the
historical, political, social, and economic context which undergird these types of solutions often
results in a “double bind” dilemma for Black residents by which the dominant majority (or a
person of authority) imposes a set of conditions, like full-time employment, while imposing a
contradictory set of conditions like choosing between full-time low-wage employment or full-
13
time, low or unpaid training – and neither condition can be fully achieved to accomplish a goal,
like increasing income in the short term (Konnoth, 2021). These types of dilemmas can lead to
passivity and complacency to engage in any economic related solution because there is little
hope that anything will change (Bandura, 1982; Nuvvula, 2016). Additionally, most solutions
ignore the impact of racialized trauma which can lead to states of anxiety, depression and
decreased mental capacity to participate in employment or economic opportunities (U.S.
Department of Veterans Affairs, 2024). The opposite may also happen where participation in the
informal economy increases, and local economic activity is focused on cash or bartering for
goods and services to supplement income (Theodore, 2021).
Solutions with a higher likelihood of reducing extreme economic inequality are often
complex, expensive, and require engagement from multiple stakeholders to be effective. For
example, policy solutions like the Child Tax Credit (CTC) and Earned Income Tax Credit
(EITC) are effective, but their uptake by Black residents is lower given their complexity to
access and limited trust in the government (Goldin & Michelmore, 2022; Shanks‐Booth &
Mettler, 2019; Whitmore Schanzenbach & Strain, 2021). For example, both require a tax return
to be filed, the EITC includes a work requirement, and the CTC advance payments require filers
to understand how to reflect these credits on their tax returns. These types of solutions are often
cited as the type of policy changes that guaranteed basic income and other people focused
investments are working towards. These solutions are effective at an individual level; however,
they tend to be expensive and require voters/ taxpayers to agree on who receives the benefit for
these strategies to be scaled (Assensoh & Alex‐Assensoh, 2021; Greenwall, 2022).
Community change initiatives have led to better economic outcomes, but these are often
isolated to specific neighborhoods, expensive to replicate, and lead to unintended consequences.
14
For example, the Harlem Children’s Zone in New York City received more than $100 million to
implement a “cradle to career” approach for Black children across approximately 100 blocks
(Cohen & Price, 2015; Harlem Children’s Zone, n.d.). Its positive impact on academic outcomes
led to the creation of the Promise Neighborhoods Initiative by the US federal government
(Whitehurst & Croft, 2010); however, low-income, predominantly Black, residents in Harlem
were often displaced as more affluent residents moved in (Pineda, 2017). As another example,
the Dudley Street Neighborhood Initiative in Boston, MA engaged residents throughout the
initiative leading to the use of eminent domain authority to revitalize the neighborhoods of
Roxbury and North Dorchester (Center for Urban Research and Learning, 2016; von Hoffman,
2012). These neighborhoods have been able to withstand gentrification (Scharfenberg, 2023).
While the Harlem Children’s Zone and the Dudley Street Neighborhood Initiative are
unique in some ways, solutions from smaller, Black-led organizations who serve predominantly
Black communities are not well represented in the published literature. Their lack of
representation is not due to their ability to provide effective solutions but indicative of a larger
set of issues including anti-Blackness, visibility, and funding. Since funding greatly determines
the design and implementation of solutions as well as the performance metrics, institutions and
larger organizations who can evaluate and share their results have been able to receive funding
while smaller, Black-led organizations face funding disparities (Building Movement Project,
2019). These disparities persist due to the difficulty getting connected, building rapport, securing
support, and sustaining relationships with funding entities (Dorsey et al., 2020).
The Role of Philanthropic Entities
Philanthropic entities (i.e., philanthropy) have less restrictions with targeting funding to
specific demographic groups, but dominant economic ideologies also permeate this sphere. Most
15
of the economic related solutions presented earlier have philanthropic funding in addition to
public sector funding – even though the concept of grantmaking with a racial equity lens has
been around as early as 2007 (Quiroz-Martinez et al., 2007). For example, a study in 2020 of 25
of the largest community foundations in the US showed that only 1% of funding was designated
for Black communities even though most cities had Black populations over 15% (Barge et al.,
2020). A report on the same topic two years later revealed a modest increase to 2.1% (Ponce,
2023). While philanthropy abides by federal government regulations which dictate the type of
organization that can receive funding and how funding can be used, directives from
boards/trustees can also determine or influence funding priorities.
Advancements in the field of philanthropy have sought to address funding nuances,
reduce funding disparities, and engage lower-income residents of color, but it is too early to tell
the efficacy of these approaches at scale. These advancements include increasing the diversity of
philanthropic staff (Change Philanthropy, 2021), trust-based philanthropy which emphasizes
reducing the power imbalance between philanthropy and grant recipients (grantees/grantseekers)
(Trust-Based Philanthropy Project, n.d.), participatory grantmaking which engages residents
most impacted in funding decisions (Gibson, 2018), and racial justice grantmaking which centers
resident voice to transform systems (Sen & Villarosa, 2020). In addition to these approaches,
philanthropic professionals and grantmakers continue to evolve their roles and use strategies like
convening which brings grantees and/or stakeholders to work towards a common goal (Ho,
2019) as well as capacity building where resources and technical assistance are provided to
improve grantees’ organizational stability and effectiveness (Pond, 2015). These practices often
focus on grantees and grantseekers and may not be accessible to a variety of stakeholders.
16
As the field of philanthropy evolves and extreme economic inequality grows, it is even
more critical for philanthropic entities to target funding, capacity building, and convening roles
towards building community power. Community power building requires creating a set of
ecosystems which consistently engages, listens, and responds to residents who are most impacted
by extreme economic inequality; developing new leaders with the capability to organize and
mobilize towards collective action; and re-shaping negative norms and narratives about residents
and their role in the local economy (Pastor et al., 2020). More specifically, power building is
needed in Black communities within the target geography to build bridges between Black
residents and local economic stakeholders4
with decision-making roles to sustain any type of
community change.
To achieve community change from an economic standpoint, transactional and traditional
philanthropic practices need to shift towards community transformation. This is an intractable
problem given the set of dominant economic ideologies and economic related solutions which
have been ineffective at scale; however, funding alone will not solve the racial economic
disparities that exist in the target geography. The State of Michigan is home to 2 of the top 40
foundations in the US (The Grantsmanship Center, 2023a) and the top 40 foundations located in
the state of Michigan invest almost $5 billion annually (The Grantsmanship Center, 2023b).
While $5 billion pales in comparison to the state budget of approximately $80 billion (State of
Michigan, 2023), extreme economic inequality persists. Philanthropy has the unique opportunity
to bring its tools, resources, and advancements to bear on this intractable problem. Ultimately,
philanthropy should seek to answer: How might philanthropy engage, convene, and capitalize
4
Appendix G includes examples of local economic stakeholders.
17
Black community leaders to design and implement effective solutions with a power building lens
to reduce extreme economic inequality for the Black population of Michigan?
V. Conceptual and Theoretical Framework
To further explore the question presented above, several conceptual and theoretical
frameworks were analyzed to inform a theory of change (Appendix H) and logic model
(Appendix I) for BEST (Black Engagement in Systems Transformation). While increasing the
Black median household income is a mid-term outcome, reducing extreme economic inequality
for the Black population in Michigan is the primary goal. Given the earlier discussion about the
relationship between extreme economic inequality, place, and race – social cognitive theory was
selected as a theoretical framework to guide the development of BEST because of its exploration
of the reciprocal relationships between cognition, behavior, and environment (Bandura, 1986;
Schunk & Usher, 2019). In short, social cognitive theory posits that individuals learn from
observations and interactions as they affect and are influenced by their environment (Schunk &
DiBenedetto, 2020). Principal to these reciprocal relationships is self-efficacy or the belief that
change is possible (Schunk & Usher, 2019).
Building self-efficacy is woven throughout all strategies and activities in the BEST
theory of change and logic model which requires positive observations and interactions to
develop agency or the capability and capacity for change. Agency is presented in three
modalities: 1) direct personal agency by which an individual changes his/her/their behaviors and
environment; 2) agency by proxy by which an individual relies on another individual to change
their behaviors and environment; and 3) collective agency by which a group of individuals work
together to change behaviors and their environment (Bandura, 2002). Grantmakers from
philanthropic entities are a stakeholder resource and the primary user of BEST because of their
18
funding, convening, and capacity building roles (Ho, 2019; Pond, 2015). A readiness phase shifts
grantmakers’ personal agency, regardless of their racial and ethnic identity. This phase sets the
stage for grantmakers to assess their capability and ability to engage, convene, and capitalize
Black community leaders. Subsequent activities focus on the grantmaker as a facilitator of social
and economic capital to ensure BEST is effective for Black residents, the primary beneficiaries.
Given the size of Black communities within the target geography, local Black community
leaders5
serve as an initial proxy for Black residents. This approach aligns with the prevalence of
racial residential segregation across the state of Michigan as well as the presence of racial
homophily by which individuals are more likely to form social connections with individuals who
identify as the same race (Byrne, 2018; Tatum, 2017). Generally, Black residents have social
networks with more family members (including extended family and fictive kin) and more
frequent contact occurs (Ajrouch et al., 2001). Even Black residents who do not live in racially
segregated neighborhoods may travel and/or seek out same race social networks through faithbased institutions and familial relationships (McGowen, 2017; McPherson et al., 2001).
Social exchange theory also presents a rationale for racial homophily where new social
relationships and interactions are viewed through the lens of a mental cost/benefit analysis
(Cook, 2015). Relative to extreme economic inequality, this mental cost/benefit analysis can
present as affinity bias in employment hiring practices by which White individuals, who tend to
have mostly White individuals in their social networks, prioritize hiring individuals with similar
backgrounds and lived experiences (Cox et al., 2020; Kratz, 2024). It can also present as Black
residents choosing employment based on their social networks, the realities (or perceptions)
5Local Black community leaders are collectively treated as the target population. See Appendix A for a definition.
19
about racial dynamics in a predominantly White workplace, as well as their belief that applying
for employment will lead to gainful employment (McGowen, 2017; Pedulla & Pager, 2019).
As a result of this tendency towards homogeneity, James Coleman’s concept of social
capital was selected as a conceptual framework because of its investigation of the types of
societal structures which facilitate access to social capital (Coleman, 1988). Social capital can be
defined as a resource that can be mobilized towards a desired future state (i.e., increasing profits
in a business) based on the accumulation of social relationships and networks derived from
membership in specific groups including familial, religious, social (i.e., fraternity/sorority),
institutional (i.e., higher education), or proximal (i.e., geographic) (Bourdieu, 1986). In this
sense, homogenous social networks are closed and closer which means they are more effective at
maintaining a balance between members of that social network relative to expectations,
information, rewards, and sanctions (Coleman, 1988). Essentially, a social network can regulate
itself which means significant changes to the network like allowing an individual to gain access
can be difficult and complex.
Disrupting the structure of closed social networks and creating new norms requires new
intersections between and across a variety of social networks for social change to be sustained in
the long term (Coleman, 1988). Given the role of grantmakers in the target geography, they are
well positioned to engineer bridges between closed social networks in support of increasing the
income of Black residents and reducing extreme economic inequality. This requires grantmakers
to be reflective of their social networks and the relationship between these networks which may
lead to funding disparities. Even for grantmakers with enhanced personal agency, the activities
that will be needed to achieve the goals of BEST may be nuanced and time consuming; however,
this intentionality can lead to the emergence of new norms in the target geography.
20
Central to the discussion of social capital is the need to use the collective agency from
grantmakers and Black community leaders to address dominant norms which influence the
connectivity with local economic stakeholders. As grantmakers convene Black community
leaders to define the types of capitalization required for change, parallel strategies will also need
to be employed. For example, shifts in grantmaking practice can serve as an example of how
local economic stakeholders can convert social capital to economic capital, financial capital, or
money, within the local context and conditions (Bourdieu, 1986). Activities will vary based on
the local context but could include grantmakers providing technical assistance to stabilize Blackled organizations, building the capacity of Black community leaders and local economic
stakeholders to access or engage in new social networks, funding strategic partnerships between
Black community leaders and local economic stakeholders as well as implementing a focused,
co-designed, culturally relevant learning agenda.
Grantmakers will also need to facilitate positive interactions between local economic
stakeholders and Black community leaders to shift their programs, practices, and policies.
Grantmakers may undertake a variety of stakeholder mapping activities to assess intrinsic and
extrinsic motivating factors for any stakeholder to engage as well as power mapping to assess
how capitalization decisions are made. As a condition for change, grantmakers should
understand the extent by which local economic stakeholders have autonomy (the ability to
control their decisions and/or the local economic environment), competence (mastery of skills
within their field and ability to engage Black community leaders), and relatedness (existing and/
or desire to build connectivity with Black community leaders) (Gagné & Deci, 2005). Additional
motivating factors for local economic stakeholders may also be needed like economic capital or
sanctions/rewards within closed social networks, but this should not be the primary focus.
21
Lastly, it’s important to note that the selected conceptual and theoretical framework may
not be sufficient to fully explore the phenomena that are present within the target geography. To
the earlier points, many of these conceptual and theoretical frameworks are rooted in dominant
ideologies given the date of their origin which may have limited participation from people with a
variety of different racial/ethnic identities. As a result, elements of Black/African psychology,
which seeks to replace Eurocentric analyses of behaviors specific to Black individuals (Cokley &
Garba, 2018) are woven throughout each component of BEST.
VI. Methodology
Building from the prior sections of this paper, a secondary analysis of the published
literature and administrative datasets was undertaken to design BEST (Black Engagement in
Systems Transformation) in response to the question: How might philanthropy engage, convene,
and capitalize Black community leaders to design and implement effective solutions with a power
building lens to reduce extreme economic inequality for the Black population of Michigan? This
secondary analysis revealed several gaps. Historical, qualitative, and quantitative economic data
were generally available for the Black population in larger cities within the target geography like
Detroit and Flint; however, smaller cities or cities with smaller Black populations did not have
the same type of data available and/or had limited data disaggregated by race. Data for Black-led
nonprofit organizations, Black-owned businesses, and philanthropic funding trends for Black
communities was not consistently accessible across the target geography. Additionally, isolating
data for Black neighborhoods was difficult to analyze given the mismatch between census tract
boundaries and resident identified boundaries (Sperling, 2012).
22
Human Centered Design
The gaps in the published literature and inconsistency of administrative data sets led to
the selection of design thinking as the methodology for BEST. Design thinking first appeared in
1982 through a comparative review of problem-solving techniques between scientific methods of
analysis vs. design methods of synthesis and is nonlinear, iterative, and anchored in human
centered design (Cross, 1982; Han, 2022). The Design for Growth process was used to guide
BEST because of its four phases: “what is?” which is an analysis of the existing conditions,
“what if?” which identifies potential outcomes articulated in the theory of change and logic
model, “what wows” which is the solution and prototyping phase of this project, and “what
works” which is a final solution informed by stakeholder feedback (Liedtka et al., 2014).
Appendix J provides a brief overview of the design thinking process for BEST.
Stakeholders with varying backgrounds, expertise, and geographic locations were
engaged or observed throughout the design thinking process based on their proximity to the
extreme economic inequality experienced by Black residents in the target geography. There was
a heavy emphasis on Black stakeholders with both formal and informal roles (i.e., leadership at a
regional workforce agency plus volunteer at a local church) within the target geography.
Stakeholders and stakeholder groups were either interviewed, observed, or engaged to provide
feedback to potential prototypes and solutions. Appendix K includes a list of the types of
stakeholders and stakeholder groups engaged or observed during the design thinking process.
Design Justice
Design justice also informed the design thinking process and centers those most
marginalized in the design process to ensure their perspectives are represented and addressed
(Design Justice Network, 2018). While all ten of the design justice principles were embedded in
23
the methodology for BEST, four principles were prioritized: “we use design to sustain, heal, and
empower our communities, as well as to seek liberation from exploitative and oppressive
systems” (Design Justice Network, 2018, section 1); “we prioritize design’s impact on the
community over the intention of the designer” (Design Justice Network, 2018, section 3); “we
believe that everyone is an expert based on their own lived experience, and that we all have
unique and brilliant contributions to bring to a design process” (Design Justice Network, 2018,
section 6); and “we work towards sustainable community-led and and controlled outcomes”
(Design Justice Network, 2018, section 8). Appendix L includes examples of how the design
justice principles were applied throughout the design thinking process.
Design Criteria
The published literature, stakeholder engagement/observations, and the design justice
principles informed the development of a set of design criteria for prototyping an innovative
solution. In short, this solution needed to: be designed for/by and led/owned by Black residents;
benefit Black residents in their current economic state; lead to sustained economic outcomes;
address anti-Blackness throughout multiple community systems; emphasize social networks and
the transference of social capital; not solely rely on the public or private sector to design,
implement, or deliver it; and ensure the innovation is designed for the context. A detailed set of
design criteria is included in Appendix M. The design criteria led to several sets of prototypes
(see Appendix J for examples), and ultimately BEST was selected as the final solution.
Market Analysis
As BEST was refined through testing and stakeholder feedback, a brief market analysis
was also performed to ensure the likelihood of its success. Two themes emerged from this
analysis. First, over the last five years, the US has undergone significant shifts which have led to
24
increased visibility of the Black population’s experience with extreme economic inequality. For
example, reports were published with predictions that almost 25% of the Black workforce would
be displaced by automation (Broady et al., 2021; Cook et al., 2019). The murders of George
Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud Arbery in 2020 amidst the global COVID-19 pandemic led
to more media coverage about an era of racial reckoning (Chang et al., 2020). Moreover, the
Black Lives Matter movement and subsequent protests engaged tens of thousands of people
across the US (Black Lives Matter, 2020). These events, context, and the visibility that has come
with it, have created a wider opportunity space for new ideas, solutions, and collective actions
specifically focused on Black populations across the US.
As a result of the increased visibility, the US has become even more politically polarized
around race. For example, the lawsuit against the Fearless Foundation, an organization that
provides investments to Black woman-owned businesses, spurred commitments from hundreds
of philanthropic entities across the US who affirmed that funding decisions were covered under
the First Amendment (Council on Foundations, 2023). Legislation banning the use of critical
race theory in classrooms (Ray & Gibbons, 2021) and the end of race-conscious admission
approaches for universities and colleges (Totenberg, 2023) did not deter many philanthropic
entities from funding organizations that support specific racial/ethnic groups. Organizations like
ABFE (Association of Black Foundation Executives), a collaboration focused on investments in
Black communities, have curated resources for philanthropy to better understand the legal
implications of using race in their grantmaking practices (Association of Black Foundation
Executives, n.d.). Philanthropy has also continued to advocate for collaborative funding
partnerships and organizational capacity building while committing to reduce funding disparities
(Dorothy A. Johnson Center for Philanthropy at Grand Valley State University, 2023).
25
Measuring Social Change/Impact
While the market supports philanthropic solutions for the Black population experiencing
extreme economic inequality, it is also important to be ruthlessly realistic about dominant
economic ideologies permeating any set of economic solutions and their related performance
metrics. The BEST logic model in Appendix I includes quantitative indicators which can be
measured through administrative data sets like changes to the Black median household income,
its relationship to the median income for all households, as well as tracking funding disparities.
Qualitative data can be derived from a baseline survey where progress is measured over time.
In addition to these types of indicators, a social network analysis was selected as the
primary strategy to measure social change/impact. A social network analysis is included in the
logic model to measure how social networks and structures are shifting over time between Black
community leaders, local economic stakeholders, and grantmakers (Scott, 2012). This approach
is important to the aim of the theoretical and conceptual framework given the role of the
grantmaker to transfer social capital. Additional details about measuring and evaluating the
social change/impact of BEST are included in the later Implementation Section of this paper.
VII. Project Description
Building from the process outlined in the prior section, BEST (Black Engagement in
Systems Transformation) was created as an innovative community change initiative with the goal
of increasing the Black median household income in the target geography and reducing extreme
economic inequality for Black populations in Michigan. BEST responds to the question
presented earlier: How might philanthropy engage, convene, and capitalize Black community
leaders to design and implement effective solutions with a power building lens to reduce extreme
economic inequality for the Black population of Michigan? through a series of grantmaker
26
facilitated convening and learning experiences for Black community leaders and local economic
stakeholders. BEST has seven Movements which include: (a) Resonance: a readiness phase with
an overview of BEST as well as self-assessments for grantmakers derived from the literature and
advancements in the field of philanthropy; (b) Revue: a grantmaker facilitated convening with
Black community leaders to review a variety of topics about Black leadership in the future
economy; (c) Revue: Redux: a grantmaker facilitated convening with Black community leaders
to create an economic vision begins prioritizing collective actions to increase income; (d) Rondo:
a resident engagement and community power building movement to vet priorities and provide
input throughout the rest of the Movements; (e) Rhythm: a learning agenda for Black community
leaders as well as local economic stakeholders; (f) Remix: a series of convenings to collectively
design, capitalize, and implement income increasing priorities (in partnership with local
economic stakeholders, as appropriate); and (g) Rhapsody: an approach to advance, deepen,
sustain, or expand progress. A brief overview of each Movement is included in Appendix N. An
example of how BEST could work for one priority area is included in Appendix O.
For maximum impact, BEST should be initiated as a pilot in one city from the target
geography which is smaller in size or has smaller Black populations like Battle Creek, Benton
Harbor, Jackson, Kalamazoo, Lansing, Muskegon Heights, and Saginaw to ensure as many
Black community leaders as possible are engaged at the same time. This approach is critical to
building trust and transferring capital between grantmakers, Black community leaders, and local
economic stakeholders across the city. This type of engagement also provides an opportunity to
refine BEST and incorporate additional tools and resources as needed.
In larger cities like Detroit, Flint, Grand Rapids, and Pontiac, BEST may be initiated in a
specific neighborhood or across a set of neighborhoods, but this approach should be planned in
27
advance to ensure the collective work can exist at a city level for change to be sustained. Care
should also be taken with the timing and number of Movements that occur simultaneously so that
Black community leaders and local economic stakeholders can effectively engage. More details
about larger cities along with strategies for multiple grantmakers to operate as hosts are covered
in the Implementation section of this paper.
Theory of Change
As presented in the earlier Conceptual and Theoretical Framework section, increasing the
Black median household income is a shorter to mid-term outcome, and reducing extreme
economic inequality for the Black population in Michigan is the primary goal. To achieve this,
the conditions for change in the theory of change (Appendix H) outline four areas that should be
in place prior to initiating BEST: (a) a variety of local stakeholders are shifting from
employment norms to an income focus; (b) grantmakers understand the systems and stakeholders
which influence the local context; (c) grantmakers have the capacity and capability to transfer
capital (social capital is a priority); and (d) there is existing infrastructure to engage, convene,
organize, and mobilize local stakeholders to design and implement community change
initiatives. The conditions for change are further examined in the Resonance Movement which
outlines the type of preparation that may be needed for grantmakers to achieve the end goal.
The conditions for change lay the groundwork by which resources in the theory of change
are organized around a set of strategies. The first strategy is grantmaker readiness which begins
with the Resonance Movement but is also integrated throughout each component of BEST. A set
of self-assessments and resources are provided to support grantmakers and their facilitation of
BEST in the Resonance Movement. Even if an external facilitator is used, the grantmaker should
co-facilitate to ensure fidelity to the role of the grantmaker in transferring social capital. The
28
second strategy is the implementation of convening and learning experiences centered on best
practices related to increasing income (Revue, Revue: Redux, Rondo, Rhythm, and Rhapsody)
and aligns with philanthropic capacity building trends. The third strategy engages and convenes
Black community leaders to design and prioritize collective income increasing solutions (Revue:
Redux, Rondo, Rhythm, Remix, and Rhapsody). The last strategy is focused on implementation
and capitalization (Rondo, Rhythm, Remix, and Rhapsody). Appendix P provides an example of
how BEST could evolve over 18 months in a community with all of the conditions for change.
The design of BEST is an amalgamation of lessons learned from existing economic
related solutions and best practices from a range of disciplines. The structure of BEST is closely
aligned with collective impact models, a type of community change initiative, which focuses on
a common agenda (Revue: Redux), shared measurement system (outputs and outcomes in the
BEST logic model), mutually reinforcing activities (the process by which Black community
leaders work through each Movement), continuous communication (the convening and learning
experience cadence), and backbone organizations (the role of the grantmaker/philanthropic entity
in engagement and convening) (Kania & Kramer, 2011). Advancements in the field of
philanthropy like trust-based philanthropy serve as enhancements to how the collective impact
model is used within a philanthropic environment and then implemented within the target
geography. An illustration of each BEST Movement mapped to key elements of community
change initiatives is included in Appendix Q.
As another example, the design criteria and design justice principles heavily emphasize
the decision-making role of Black community leaders and Black residents. This was one of the
key components that led to the success of the example community change initiatives presented
earlier in this paper. BEST includes an adaptation of the Spectrum for Public Participation for
29
each Movement to ensure that grantmakers understand the goals for engaging Black community
leaders and Black residents in the decision-making process around priorities, key actions, and
capitalization strategies (International Association for Public Participation, 2018). Appendix R
includes a framework for community level decision making and Appendix S includes an
example of the types of stakeholders who could be engaged in each Movement.
Prototype Description
Building from the theory of change, the final prototype for BEST includes a website
(Appendix T) with information about BEST. On the BEST page, detailed summaries are
provided for each Movement (Appendix U). Each summary includes recommendations for
community level decision-making as well as examples of activities, tools, and resources. While
BEST is primarily designed for grantmakers to determine if they are ready (and able) to engage,
convene, and capitalize Black community leaders, Black community leaders and/or local
stakeholders may also engage grantmakers in their cities to facilitate BEST.
In addition to the website, prototypes of toolkits for the Resonance Movement (Appendix
V) and Revue Movement (Appendix W) were developed in alignment with the theory of change
and logic model. These toolkits were designed to respond to information gathered during the
design thinking process for the primary beneficiary (Black residents in the target geography),
target population (Black community leaders from the target geography), and primary user
(grantmakers). The Resonance toolkit includes a detailed overview of BEST, example process
maps for implementing BEST, templates, and recommendations for engaging Black community
leaders. The Revue toolkit includes a summary of Revue as well as recommendations for
planning and implementing this Movement. Both toolkits include example adaptations to
respond to unique stakeholder and city contexts within the target geography.
30
Additionally, the prototypes align with the Grand Challenge for Social Work, Reduce
Extreme Economic Inequality, which articulates the relationship between economic inequality
and the pattern of government policies that privilege the wealthy and concentrate capital in the
private sector (Lein et al., 2016). Since this Grand Challenge does not fully address the nexus
between race and place, lessons from BEST could contribute to future refinements or scholarship
for this Grand Challenge. These contributions could include incorporating best practices from
community change initiatives in strategic recommendations, assessing the impact of racial
residential segregation on extreme economic inequality, as well as exploring the role of social
networks to increase economic participation from various racial/ethnic groups.
Likelihood of Success
Every step in the design of BEST was intentional, rooted in an analysis of the published
literature, and informed/refined by stakeholder engagement and observations; however, the
historical, political, social, and economic context of the target geography creates a significant
challenge to overcome. The likelihood of success is based on building community power within
and across the Black community to sustain economic outcomes regardless of the shifting context.
This is one reason why building the personal agency of grantmakers to engage in BEST during
the Resonance Movement is important. The grantmaker should prioritize and consistently embed
community power building in the planning and implementation of BEST.
As grantmakers continue to fund institutions and larger, White-led organizations, they
should be conscientious of the potential power dynamics between local economic stakeholders
and Black community leaders to engage in activities that increase the Black median household
income. For example, one study in Michigan showed that out of 16 issue areas, White-led
31
organizations selected race and ethnicity 8th while BIPOC-led6
organizations selected it 2nd
(Abalo et al., 2022). BEST can help to build new bridges through its social capital approach
between stakeholder groups to provide a platform for smaller, Black-led organizations to provide
critical feedback; hold institutions and larger, White-led organizations accountable to outcomes;
and/or enter into financial partnerships for collective activities aligned with the goal of BEST.
When BEST is initiated across several cities in the target geography, it has the potential
to build a groundswell of activity – a statewide movement – that leads to enacting new policies,
holding legislators accountable for their commitments to the needs of predominantly Black
communities, and creating new narratives about opportunities for all to thrive. Existing efforts
from the State of Michigan government like the Black Leadership Advisory Council which
makes policy recommendations specific to Black residents of Michigan (Stith, 2022); the
Poverty Task Force which develops an anti-poverty agenda for Michigan (Michigan Department
of Labor & Economic Opportunity, 2021); and the Growing Michigan Together Council which
provides recommendations to grow the Michigan population and economy (Hill, 2023) are
additional opportunities for mutually beneficial partnerships with cities who have implemented
BEST and/or scaling BEST. These types of partnerships are also important aspects of the
likelihood of success given their connectivity and shared fate.
VIII. Implementation Plan
To ensure success, the implementation plan for BEST has four phases: starting up BEST,
implementing BEST in a pilot city, refining BEST, and scaling BEST (Appendix X). During the
start-up phase, an entity called BE MOVED (the Black Economic Movement) would be created.
The initial staffing model of BE MOVED would include four employees or contractors to refine
6
Black, Indigenous, and People of Color.
32
BEST, draft additional toolkits, and engage grantmakers. The roles of each team member include
external relations, developing community and stakeholder leadership, curating knowledge and
resources, and designing convening and learning experiences.
The staff of BE MOVED could be incubated in an organization who is connected to
philanthropy (i.e., a philanthropic consulting firm, a philanthropic membership group, or a
philanthropic technical assistance provider). This would result in a fiscal sponsor relationship
between BE MOVED and the organization connected to philanthropy. BE MOVED would then
operate similar to a consulting model by which fees are determined through contracts. Another
option for the structure of BE MOVED would be to directly embed it in a philanthropic entity
similar to an initiative. The project director of BE MOVED would then manage a set of grants
and contracts to implement BEST. Diagrams with both structures are included in Appendix Y.
The next phase focuses on implementing BEST in a pilot city in the target geography.
This provides an opportunity to refine BEST and finish the rest of the toolkits. This does not
preclude the BE MOVED team from initiating BEST in other cities while working on the pilot
city, but care should be taken to ensure that BEST is fully refined before a groundswell of
activity occurs throughout the state of Michigan. A potential budget to launch a pilot city under
the incubated staffing model is included in Appendix Z and a high-level budget for the BE
MOVED team to facilitate Revue, Revue: Redux, and Rhythm in partnership with grantmakers
in a pilot city is included in Appendix AA. The budget for each Movement will vary based on
the context, city, grantmakers, number of Black community leaders engaged, and the amount of
support needed from the BE MOVED team.
While BEST will be refined in real time during the pilot city phase, it will also require
support from evaluation professionals for further enhancements. The BEST logic model outlines
33
an initial set of performance indicators, measurement strategies, as well as the use of a social
network analysis. Evaluation professionals will be engaged to develop a formative evaluation
during the pilot city phase of BEST to assess to what extent it is leading to the desired outputs
and to refine the BEST model (W.K. Kellogg Foundation, 2017). Summative evaluations will
also be undertaken during the pilot city phase as well as for subsequent cities in the target
geography. Case studies of cities and/or comparative analyses between cities may be used for
further refinement of BEST. Appendix AB includes an initial evaluation plan for BEST.
The last phase of implementation is scaling BEST across the target geography. To engage
grantmakers, the BE MOVED team will develop a marketing and communications plan. This
plan would include updates to the website, specific web pages for each city, open access to
Rhythm, and social networking capabilities for stakeholders to engage within and across the
target geography. Philanthropic focused conferences and community events within the target
geography may also be attended to show the efficacy of BEST and provide outcomes when
available. Examples of the types of communications and marketing support for BEST are
included in Appendix AC.
Challenges
To support the successful implementation of BEST, three primary challenges have been
identified which can be addressed by the BE MOVED team during the initial planning of BEST.
The first challenge focuses on a collective group of grantmakers interested in facilitating BEST.
Funder collaboratives are a growing trend (Dorothy A. Johnson Center for Philanthropy at Grand
Valley State University, 2023), and without alignment and strategic clarity, these types of
collaboratives may not achieve their intended impact (Powell et al., 2019). Given the potential
power dynamics that could occur with collaborative facilitation from a group of grantmakers,
34
they should work through the Resonance Movement to plan BEST prior to implementation. If
grantmakers are added during future Movements, they should still start with Resonance and their
engagement should slowly be integrated into BEST as to not disrupt existing efforts.
Secondly, it is likely that many cities (especially larger cities) within the target geography
have existing community change initiatives, collective efforts in specific neighborhoods, or
community advisory committees. Adding a new initiative may lead to fatigue, strained
partnerships, and/or limit participation in BEST. Grantmakers should assess stakeholder time and
capacity constraints during the Resonance Movement and consider the appropriate timing for
BEST. Adaptations of BEST may also be needed to enhance an existing initiative. Examples of
how BEST could be adapted from the Resonance toolkit are included in Appendix AD.
It is also important to note that BEST relies heavily on the grantmaker to facilitate,
engage, and convene stakeholders. Separate stakeholder committees or advisory groups to guide
BEST are not recommended to ensure as much objectivity as possible and to limit perceptions of
“gatekeeping”. While stakeholders may engage grantmakers separately to provide feedback, each
toolkit includes responses to potential questions to ensure neutrality is maintained. Facilitating
the transfer of social capital between stakeholders will need to be customized to the context, city,
and needs of each stakeholder as well. Because this level of engagement can be time consuming,
grantmakers should seek to layer BEST into their grantmaking practices and modify practices as
appropriate. See Appendix AE for an example of how BEST connects to grantmaking practices.
Thirdly, funding smaller, Black-led organizations to work on the income increasing
priorities identified in Revue: Redux may also be a challenge. For example, the IRS requires
private foundations to provide specific percentages of funding based on a calculation of public
financial support (Salmon, 2023). As another example, some philanthropic entities do not
35
provide funding to faith based or religious institutions, but many Black community leaders who
serve predominantly Black communities are leaders of these types of organizations. Depending
on the size, age, and budget of the organization, it may be difficult for grantmakers to increase or
provide financial capital without addressing the availability of fiscal sponsors and/or other
strategic partnerships. These types of partnerships should be planned in advance, facilitated by
the grantmaker to ensure accountability mechanisms are in place, and monitored throughout the
implementation of BEST. Lastly, the recent Supreme Court Affirmative Action ruling and
subsequent lawsuits may lead to new interpretations of the law requiring additional modifications
to BEST and/or grantmaking practices.
Ethical Considerations
In addition to addressing challenges, ethical considerations were also embedded in the
design thinking process for BEST. All formally interviewed and engaged stakeholders had the
physical and legal ability to consent, and care was taken to ensure that interviews would not
result in real or perceived conflicts of interest. Since many stakeholders were Black community
leaders, a conscientious decision was made to not formally engage lower-income Black residents
in the design thinking process. Since many could be classified as a member of a vulnerable
population, there were ethical concerns about the risk of coercion and disclosures of trauma
and/or the need for services.
Ethical considerations were also factored into the final prototype to mitigate any potential
consequences. The toolkits use asset-based language to ensure negative narratives are not
perpetuated and racial disparity data is not weaponized against Black residents. The focus on
power building and Black resident engagement prioritizes multiple voices in the decision-making
process of each Movement. Lastly, each toolkit has recommendations to respond to an evolving
36
context by which new interpretations of laws and policies may lead to further refinements and
adjustments to ensure grantmaker compliance in the implementation of BEST.
IX. Conclusion and Implications
In conclusion, this paper sought to answer: How might philanthropy engage, convene,
and capitalize Black community leaders to design and implement effective solutions with a power
building lens to reduce extreme economic inequality for the Black population of Michigan? The
process to answer this question was comprehensive and holistic and resulted in an innovative
community change initiative called BEST which focuses on increasing the Black median
household income in the shorter and mid-term and reducing extreme economic inequality for the
Black population in Michigan in the longer term.
Lessons Learned
There were many lessons learned throughout the development of BEST, but the biggest
lesson was that the author needed to innovate the community change process so that it was
designed for “belonging.” BEST and every Movement within needed to be designed in a way
that led to Black residents and Black community leaders feeling a sense of agency and ownership
while being heard and encouraged from the support of a variety of community stakeholder types
(Wise, 2022). This meant that grantmakers had to increase their own personal agency to create a
set of conditions by which Black residents and Black community leaders can collectively
develop solutions which are then elevated, supported, and funded. This mindset shift is what
undergirds the design of BEST and led to the emphasis on social capital which can also be
translated into economic capital. The complexity of this task may seem insurmountable given the
racial disparities, but Black community leaders have been creating effective solutions to address
economic issues in their communities for years with limited visibility, funding, and support.
37
Implications for Practice and Future Use
Building on the lessons learned, there are a few implications for practice and future use
worth noting. The primary of these implications is the opportunity for philanthropy to think
creatively about its community engagement, convening, and capitalization approaches given the
significance of extreme economic inequality. Advances in the field of philanthropy have had a
marginal impact on reducing funding disparities writ large and identifying solutions that lead to a
sustained increase in the Black median household income. Shifting the role of philanthropy to
transfer social capital as part of grantmaking strategies and approaches is just one opportunity for
BEST to shape the future roles of philanthropy in relationship to community.
The amount of information that exists about racial economic disparities, disinvestment in
predominantly Black neighborhoods, and community needs can be overwhelming without a
solution that focuses on the broader community ecosystem from a Black resident perspective.
This is what BEST was designed to do and has the potential to be re-designed, refined, and
updated for a range of different demographic and socioeconomic groups. This paper primarily
focuses on the Black population within the target geography, but there are a number of racial and
ethnic groups that also experience disparities within these same cities. BEST can then lead to a
series of movements across multiple demographic and socioeconomic groups that can be
leveraged for greater change across the state of Michigan (Appendix AF).
The state of Michigan has undergone significant transformation over time, but extreme
economic inequality has persisted. Michigan has the potential to gain an additional $92 billion in
economic output by closing the racial equity gap by increasing consumer spending and tax
revenues as well as decreasing public assistance and healthcare spending (Turner & BeaudinSeiler, 2018). Essentially, if we addressed extreme economic inequality across the State of
38
Michigan, then all Michiganders would have an opportunity to benefit from the results. This
shared fate is important to the need for more narrative change work moving forward. Reducing
extreme economic inequality is not a zero-sum game with “winners” and “losers” – it is a
strategic approach and an opportunity for the State of Michigan to address a variety of challenges
that have persisted over the last century.
Lastly, Michigan is not alone in the set of consequences experienced by not prioritizing
extreme economic inequality but has the opportunity to lead the US into the future. The gap
between the Black median household income and the median income puts the State of Michigan
in the bottom quartile of all States (Appendix AG); however, this gap persists across other States
and demographic groups. The US needs a clear anti-racist and economic opportunity for all
agenda with actions that lead to measurable change for all households. In 1948, the US signed
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which states in Article 23, “Everyone has the right to
work, to free choice of employment, to just and favorable conditions of work and to protection
against unemployment. Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for
equal work.” (United Nations, 1948). A radical new set of approaches are needed to truly realize
this for everyone to be able to participate in the future economy in the US.
Action Plan
The next step for this capstone project is to engage a philanthropic entity who would like
to adapt BEST to a city in the target geography for piloting. Appendix AH includes a list of the
top 40 philanthropic entities and their relationship to the target geography. Once a philanthropic
partner is identified, the phases in the Implementation Plan (Appendix X) will be followed.
39
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census 2022. Dorothy A. Johnson Center for Philanthropy at Grand Valley State
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59
Appendix A
Definitions of Key Terms
Definitions of Key Terms
Term Definition
Anti-Blackness A set of beliefs, behaviors, and actions that devalue, minimize, and
marginalize Black individuals (Comrie et al., 2020)
Affinity Bias
The tendency for individuals to favor people with similar backgrounds/
lived experiences which can lead to judgments about the skills, abilities,
and expectations of people with different backgrounds/ lived
experiences (Kratz, 2024)
Black
Inclusive of individuals who identify as African American, are
descendants of enslaved Africans in America as well as individuals with
African ancestry who were not enslaved
Black community
leader
Inclusive of Black stakeholders who live and/ or work in that
community and (a) hold positional roles like a nonprofit executive or an
elected city commissioner; (b) hold community roles like a volunteer or
neighborhood organizer; and/ or (c) have a vested interest and desire to
contribute to the success of the Black community as a whole.
Capacity building
An approach that builds organizational effectiveness. Strategies include
technical assistance, mentorship, learning opportunities, and/ or grantee
connections to knowledge products (Pond, 2015)
Convening Bringing stakeholders, grantees, etc. together to learn and/ or achieve a
common goal/ purpose (Ho, 2019)
De-industrializing
city
A city which experienced (or is still experiencing) significant decline in
manufacturing or manufacturing related industries which continues to
impact its economy
Devaluation of
housing assets
A discriminatory method by which financial institutions intentionally
set the appraised home value in predominantly Black neighborhoods
less than the house is worth in comparable neighborhoods with smaller
Black populations (Perry et al., 2018)
Economic mobility An individual’s ability to improve their economic status over time
Economic stability An individual’s ability to meet their basic needs like clothing, shelter,
water, etc.
60
Term Definition
Fiscal sponsor
A nonprofit organization that provides fiscal oversight, financial
management, and administrative support to an entity (or project) that
does not have a legal status recognized by the IRS (Trust for
Conservation Innovation, 2014)
Grantseeker An organization that is seeking grant funding from philanthropic entities
Grantee An organization that has received funding from philanthropic entities
Institution
An organization that has existed for several tens of years and is often
large, a recipient of public sector funding, and usually is well-known
within the local community
Philanthropic entity
Entities that provide funding to charitable causes in the form of grants
and/ or mission driven investments, i.e., lower interest loans. These
entities could include private foundations, family foundations,
community foundations, corporate foundations and/ or corporate social
responsibility departments. This also includes organizations that
aggregate funds and redistribute them like United Way, LISC, and
“funds” which may be held by a fiscal sponsor.
Quality job
A job with a living wage, benefits, positive working conditions,
accounts for accessibility needs, diversity/ equity/ inclusion policies,
opportunities for skill/ career advancement, as well as the ability to
unionize without fear of retaliation (US Department of Commerce & US
Department of Labor, n.d.)
Racial equity Focuses on root causes of systemic problems and articulates problems/
solutions within a race/ ethnicity framing (Sen & Villarosa, 2020)
Racial justice Goes beyond racial equity to center systems transformation by elevating
the vision and power of communities of color (Sen & Villarosa, 2020)
Redlining
A discriminatory method by which lenders denied mortgages for Black
residents outside of specific and predominantly Black neighborhoods
(Leibbrand et al., 2020)
Sundown town A city, town, or place where people were not welcomed to live, and in
some cases, visit based on their race (O’Connell, 2018)
61
Appendix B
A Brief Overview of the Target Geography
Figure B1
The Location of the Target Geography in Michigan
a. Battle Creek
b. Benton Harbor
c. Detroit
d. Flint
e. Grand Rapids
f. Jackson
g. Kalamazoo
h. Lansing
i. Muskegon Heights
j. Pontiac
k. Saginaw
Note. Image from Getty Images Signature and procured through Canva Pro subscription.
62
Table B1
The Size of the Black Population in the Target Geography
City # of Black Residents % of City’s Black Population
Battle Creek 8,528 16%
Benton Harbor 7,953 87%
Detroit 495,533 78%
Flint 46,091 56%
Grand Rapids 35,425 18%
Jackson 6,432 21%
Kalamazoo 16,232 22%
Lansing 26,796 24%
Muskegon Heights 7,602 76%
Pontiac 30,389 49%
Saginaw 20,222 46%
Target Geography Total 701,203 61%
State of Michigan Total 1,146,660 14%
Source: ACS 2018-2022 5-Year Estimates from Social Explorer (US Census Bureau)
63
Appendix C
Comparative Analysis of Key Characteristics of the Target Geography Category Battle Creek Benton Harbor Detroit Flint Grand Rapids Jackson Kalamazoo Lansing Muskegon Heights Pontiac Saginaw
Redlining X X X X X X X X X X
Neighboring sundown
town X X X X X
Race riots in 1967-68 X X X X X X X X X X X
Top 30 violent crime for
Michigan X X X X X X X X
Not considered a suburb X X X X X X X X X X
Declining population 2010-
2020 X X X X X X X X
Manufacturing in top three
industries X X X X X X X X X X X
Sources: https://www.canr.msu.edu/redlining/, https://www.mlive.com/publicinterest/2023/10/which-michigan-cities-were-most-least-violent-in-2022.html,
https://justice.tougaloo.edu/location/michigan/,
https://www.mlive.com/news/2017/07/how_other_cities_in_michigan_r.html,
https://policing.umhistorylabs.lsa.umich.edu/s/detroitunderfire/page/1967, Census 2020 - PL94
Redistricting Data from Social Explorer (US Census Bureau)
64
Appendix D
Comparison Between Five Cities and a Neighboring City
Category Detroit Southfield Flint Beecher
CDP
Grand
Rapids Kentwood Lansing Waverly
CDP Saginaw Bridgeport
CDP
State of
Michigan
Total Population Black or
African American Alone 78% 65% 56% 63% 18% 19% 24% 15% 46% 39% 21%
Population with a
Householder Who Is
Black or African
American Alone
79% 69% 57% 66% 17% 16% 21% 15% 45% 41% 20%
Black or African
American 16 Years Old in
the Civilian Labor Force
who are Unemployed
16% 7% 22% 20% 11% 2% 14% 15% 17% 4% 13%
Median Household
Income (In 2022 Inflation
Adjusted Dollars) for All
Households
$37,761 $63,980 $35,451 $35,618 $61,634 $66,945 $50,747 $74,909 $35,521 $42,719 $60,162
Median Household
Income (In 2022 Inflation
Adjusted Dollars) for
Black or African
American Alone
Householder
$35,905 $63,358 $32,708 $36,783 $40,035 $46,061 $42,331 $49,321 $30,155 $36,621 $40,278
Black or African
American Median
Household Income as a
Percent of All Households
95% 99% 92% 103% 65% 69% 83% 66% 85% 86% 67%
Per Capita Income (In
2022 Inflation Adjusted
Dollars) (Black or African
American Alone)
$21,590 $38,404 $18,674 $21,845 $23,763 $22,053 $21,982 $37,246 $17,077 $30,218 $23,708
65
Category Detroit Southfield Flint Beecher
CDP
Grand
Rapids Kentwood Lansing Waverly
CDP Saginaw Bridgeport
CDP
State of
Michigan
Black or African
American Alone Income
At or Above Poverty
Level
68% 89% 63% 71% 69% 73% 73% 86% 63% 70% 72%
Source: ACS 2018-2022 5-Year Estimates from Social Explorer (US Census Bureau)
Note: Green denotes a more favorable outcome while red denotes a less favorable one.
66
Appendix E
The Relationship Between Context and Income
Note. Adapted from Brofenbrenner’s ecological systems theory (Brofenbrenner, 1977) and the
North Carolina Partnership for Children, 2021: https://www.smartstart.org/wpcontent/uploads/2022/05/4-ACEs-Tree-w-copyright.png. Graphics procured from Canva Pro
subscription.
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Appendix F
Economic Solution Categories and Examples
Table F1
Prevention and Educational Attainment
Example Component Example Program or Initiative
High School Career
Pathways
During the Obama administration, there was an increased focus on
men and boys of color called “My Brothers’ Keeper”. One of the
few strategies that showed promise was the introduction of career
pathway programs in high school settings for young men of color
(Wimer & Bloom, 2014).
Ford Next Generation Learning, has been used in Detroit and in
Battle Creek at predominantly Black High Schools. While this
program has seen success in other geographies like Nashville, TN,
outcomes are difficult to consistently measure because of the
differences in implementation and the difficulty following students
after graduation (Kantrov & Goldsmith, 2019).
Scholarship and/or
College Access
Programs
The Kalamazoo Promise addresses affordability of college where
every student in Kalamazoo Public Schools (41% Black, 44%White)
receives a full scholarship to any university in Michigan. Early data
showed an 11% rate of return where future earnings outweigh the
cost of the scholarship (Bartik et al., 2016). White graduates
completed degrees and certificates at a rate of 50% while only 15%
of Black graduates completed (Carmody, 2019).
Note: Most of these programs are not designed for Black students. Evaluations show little impact
and do not reduce education disparities. For example, in 2018, Michigan was ranked the third
worst in the US for the number bachelor’s degrees that Black students earned (18% for Black
students compared to 31% White students) (Rossman, 2020). Furthermore, a report of 50 high
demand/high wage careers in Michigan showed that 38 require a bachelor’s degree or higher
with 12 occupations requiring at least a high school diploma (State of Michigan, 2022). Lastly,
these programs have also not been able to fully overcome the challenges of school of choice
legislation by which parents/guardians with perceptions about Black residents and/or the
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financial means to send their child(ren) to schools outside of predominantly Black
neighborhoods, do (Wilkinson, 2016). This tends to leave lower-income, often Black, students
concentrated in underfunded or unequally funded schools which often attracts negative attention
about school quality, academic performance, etc. (Michigan Civil Rights Commission, 2020).
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Table F2
Employment and Employment Supports
Example Component Example Program or Initiative
Sectoral Focused
Workforce Training
(career pathways into
specific jobs or
industries)
Black participants in Project QUEST in San Antonio, TX
experienced an increase of $8,486 annual earnings by year nine
which was higher than Latino/a and White participants (Roder &
Elliot, 2019). Project QUEST’s per participant cost was
approximately $12,500 (Roder & Elliot, 2019).
Place-Based Workforce
Strategies (connecting
residents to services or
jobs where they live)
The W.E. Upjohn Institute’s Neighborhood Employment Hub
approach to providing employment-related services includes a colocated partnership with community-based organizations in high
poverty census tracts in Battle Creek (Bolter et al., 2022). Between
2017 and 2020, the hubs served approximately 1,600 individuals
with 60% of jobseekers finding employment (Meinke & White,
2022). Outcomes by race are not publicly available at this time.
Note: Most of these programs are not designed for Black residents and the same “one size all”
approach is often present but with enhanced engagement strategies which target Black residents
and predominantly Black neighborhoods. Some programs are able to address barriers like
accessing affordable childcare, transportation, etc,; however, the program itself can also be a
barrier since many are full-time and provide a modest stipend which does not equal wages from
employment. It is also important to point out that some workforce organizations may employ
“creaming” strategies where clients with a higher likelihood of producing an economic outcome
are prioritized to meet performance metrics (Lee, 2019). Disparities continue to exist in program
completion and employment outcomes.
Engaging employers can also be difficult given the construction of social networks. For
example, some White residents with less diverse social networks may experience difficulty
contextualizing racial stereotypes and negative narratives when making hiring decisions (Cox et
al., 2020). Workforce staff may engage White Human Resource professionals about clients in the
70
programs, but it is difficult to address labor market discrimination from this perspective. In 2003.
“White” names on comparable resumes were 50% more likely to receive a call back than
individuals with “Black” names (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004). A similar study was
conducted 20 years later and revealed the same trend, but reduced to 10% (Kline et al., 2022).
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Table F3
Job Creation and Attraction through Public/ Private Sector Investment
Example Component Example of Program or Initiative
Recruit/ Expand
Companies or Real
Estate Development
This strategy often includes local hiring targets and/ or tax incentive
packages. As a result of many economic development strategies,
from 2010 to 2017, Detroit’s job-to-resident ratio increased from 25
jobs per 100 residents to 30 jobs per 100 residents (Kaffer, 2017).
Within the same timeframe, 36% of jobs within Detroit were held by
Black residents in 2010, but by 2017, only 33% of jobs were held by
Black residents (Kaffer, 2017).
Invest in Black
Entrepreneurs or Black
Businesses
While not solely a job creation strategy, solutions which focus on
expanding local Black led businesses vary in their ability to directly
impact Black residents. Most entrepreneurship solutions require
training and capital which could have the opposite effect on the
individual depending on the market.
Note: The first example component is specific to the local city and/or neighborhood. This type of
solution tends to be informed by dominant economic ideologies with the expectation that
additional investment will lead to increased economic outcomes for everyone. This is called
“trickle-down economics” where the public sector appeals to the private sector’s self-interest to
invest in the target geography (Reich, 2022). One (potentially unintended) consequence is
gentrification where lower-income Black people may be priced out of their homes, experience
homelessness, and/or are forced to relocate to find affordable housing. For residents who stay,
additional stressors present like feelings of exclusion from new businesses that were not created
for them as well as increased police surveillance and discrimination (Holt et al., 2020). Positive
outcomes include the de-concentration of poverty which tends to improve academic outcomes
for younger children, reduces crime and increases mental/physical health, but employment and
income growth remain stagnant (McClure & Schwartz, 2021).
72
Table F4
Direct Investment in Individuals
Example Component Example Program or Initiative
Conditional Cash
Transfer (CCT)
CCT programs emerged in Latin America in the 1990s to provide a
monetary incentive when a low-income individual, family or child
meets one or more behavioral conditions (Danquah & Øverbye,
2022). The Family Rewards program in New York City, New York
was the first CCT within a US context (Miller et al., 2015) and
targeted 2,400 families over three years (Riccio et al., 2013). While
outcomes were modest, the poverty rate was reduced by 11% and
students in 9th grade at the beginning of the program experienced an
increase in graduation rates (Miller et al., 2015). The Family
Rewards Program 2.0 was launched in 2011 with modifications
based on lessons from the first program and added Memphis, TN
(Miller et al., 2016). Similar results were reported; however, Family
Rewards 2.0 did not prove to be more effective (Miller et al., 2016).
Unconditional Cash
Transfer (UCT)/
Guaranteed Income/
Guaranteed Basic
Income
The Magnolia Mother’s Trust in Jackson, Mississippi was one of the
first UCT programs in the US. For the second cohort, the Magnolia
Mother’s Trust provided $1,000 a month for 12 months to Black
mothers aged 21-45 living in subsidized housing (Moore et al.,
2023). By the end of the 12 months, most mothers felt more hopeful
about their future and their child(ren)’s future and 20% more than
the baseline were able to pay bills on time without borrowing money
(Moore et al., 2023).
The SEED program in Stockton, CA made national news in 2021
when its first-year results showed that labor force participation
increased when providing unconditional cash to participants
(Stockton Economic Empowerment Demonstration, 2021).
Reparations
Many have called for reparations to address the intergenerational
impacts of slavery and addressing extreme economic inequality
(Assensoh & Alex‐Assensoh, 2021). Several advocates have laid out
a rationale for reparations as well as who would receive them and
what form they would take (Ray & Perry, 2020). Some cities like
Evanston, IL have taken on reparations directly with programs to
help recipients invest in their homes, yet limited data is available at
this time (Berfield & Holman, 2021).
Note: These strategies have been effective at increasing economic outcomes across a variety of
demographic groups, but the current set of programs and initiatives do not address enough of the
73
underlying factors that contribute to extreme economic inequality (Riedl, 2020). The end goal of
many of these programs is to shift negative narratives about people experiencing poverty and
provide evidence that these programs are effective to change social safety net policies (i.e., the
Earned Income Tax Credit and Child Tax Credit) which would then improve outcomes for lowincome people (Downey, 2022). There is not enough evidence that these programs can be funded
at scale in the US, even though research continues to show their benefits. At this time, there are
over 100 UCT programs targeting different socioeconomic and demographic groups across the
US (Stanford Basic Income Lab, 2020) and public sector funding has been used with geographic
targeting (McClallen, 2022).
74
Appendix G
Types of Local Economic Stakeholders in the Target Geography
Types of Local Economic Stakeholders in the Target Geography
Proximity Type
Primary
● Leadership and staff at local or regional economic development
organizations
● Leadership and staff at local or regional workforce development and/ or
employment service organizations
● Leadership and staff at nonprofit organizations who focus on economic
related issues (i.e., organization who provides legal services to lowincome residents or organization who provides financial coaching)
● Owners of locally owned corporations and/ or businesses
● Mayor/ City Manager, City Commissioners/ Council Members
● K-12 superintendent and school administrators
● Leadership and staff at community colleges and higher education
institutions within the target geography
● Union leadership and representatives
● Philanthropic entities and wealthy donors
Secondary
● Leadership and staff at social/ human service agencies
● Leadership of corporations and/ or businesses headquartered in other
locations but have a site in the target geography (i.e., local Human
Resource or Talent staff)
● County administrators and departmental staff
● Judges and/ or court administrators
● K-12 School Board members and educators
● Leadership and staff at community colleges and higher education
institutions within the region
● Leadership and staff at advocacy and policy organizations
● Media
Related
● Leadership and staff of local financial institutions and/ or lenders
● Local voters and taxpayers
● Staff at the State and federal government with roles that intersect with
local economic issues
75
Appendix H
BEST Theory of Change
76
Appendix I
BEST Logic Model
77
Appendix J
Design Thinking Process for BEST
78
79
80
Appendix K
Types of Stakeholders and Stakeholder Groups Engaged and Observed
Names and titles removed to preserve confidentiality.
● Michigan county and state child support enforcement staff
● Michigan based CEOs from companies and entrepreneurs in the target geography
● Michigan based philanthropic staff from a community foundation, private foundation,
and corporate giving department within the target geography
● Philanthropic staff located outside of Michigan with a focus on economic inequality
● Leadership from nonprofit and faith-based organizations focused on youth, poverty,
workforce development, and community engagement specifically in Black communities
within the target geography
● Black leadership development professionals outside of Michigan
● Educators and faculty at K-12 and community colleges within the target geography
● Local government committee and board members within the target geography
● Researchers from national organizations focused on economic inequality with
connections to Michigan
● Communications, workforce development, and economic development professionals at
larger nonprofit organizations within the target geography
● Local and regional economic and workforce development meetings in Michigan
● Philanthropic meetings and networks in Michigan
● Career exploration session with sophomores from a high school in the target geography
● Social interactions with friends and family
81
Appendix L
Application of Four Design Justices Principles in the Design Thinking Process
Design Justice Principle Application in the Design Thinking Process
“We use design to sustain, heal,
and empower our communities, as
well as to seek liberation from
exploitative and oppressive
systems” (Design Justice Network,
2018, section 1)
● Initial stakeholder conversations focused on
assets instead of highlighting deficits (i.e., “given
what we know, what if…”)
● The prototyping process emphasized the
collective over individuals (i.e., “how would we
work together to collectively implement a
program/ initiative like this in our community?”)
“We prioritize design’s impact on
the community over the intention
of the designer” (Design Justice
Network, 2018, section 3)
● Emphasis on the role of the grantmaker as a
facilitator and convener in the theory of change
and logic model
● Stakeholder conversations related to prototypes
explored what success could look like and/ or
unintended consequences (i.e., who could be
harmed as a result of the prototype?)
● Multiple sets of journey maps, scenarios, and
analyses of how the target population, users, and
beneficiaries would engage with prototypes
“We believe that everyone is an
expert based on their own lived
experience, and that we all have
unique and brilliant contributions
to bring to a design process”
(Design Justice Network, 2018,
section 6)
● Local stakeholder and power mapping which led
to intentionality in the decisions around who/
why/ how to engage and observe
● Emphasis on Black residents/ community leaders
within the target geography (or connected to the
target geography) across across sectors,
geographies, and disciplines to develop and refine
the design criteria
“We work towards sustainable
community-led and and controlled
outcomes” (Design Justice
Network, 2018, section 8).
● Ensuring that potential strategies to measure
outcomes in the theory of change and logic model
were both quantitative and qualitative to assess
the extent conditions could change over time
● Incorporation of power building, social capital,
and knowledge throughout prototypes to ensure
that change could be sustained in the long run
82
Appendix M
Design Criteria Used to Inform the Prototyping Process
Criteria Wider Opportunity Space
Must
● Be designed for or by Black
residents
● Be led or owned by Black
residents
● Be comprehensive to address
inequities in multiple systems
● Have some type of measurable
outcome which can be sustained
long-term
● Ensure social capital leads to
economic capital from a variety
of sources
● Shift negative narratives,
stereotypes or other forms of
anti-Blackness
● Work with Black-led organizations and
faith-based communities across the target
geography in Michigan
● Engage statewide/ national networks and
collaboratives in support of reducing
extreme economic inequality in Michigan
and beyond
● Build the community organizing and
mobilizing “muscle” for Black residents
in the target geography
● Build on existing Black agendas across
the country to shape economic priorities
● Leverage existing work around narrative
change. The audience should be
segmented to ensure the right message is
delivered to the right people
Could
● Layer in financial literacy and
capability supports
● Be embedded in other
environments that are frequently
engaged (childcare, etc.)
● Engage and support Black
owned businesses
● Build trust with public sector
stakeholders
● Include a learning or skill
component
● Engage networks of nonprofit
organizations who provide support across
multiple cities in the target geography,
i.e., Goodwill Industries’ Financial
Opportunity Centers and Michigan
Works! which has a formal statewide
network and annual statewide conference
● Layer strategies into school districts to
engage Black parents/ guardians
● Explore how Black business networks
across the State or national networks can
support efforts
Should
● Have a component that addresses
mental health and coping
mechanisms within the existing
context
● Ensure allies are engaged
● Be politically neutral as much as
possible
● Investigate the nuances and
interpretations of Black psychology to
appropriately apply concepts and theories
● Address the intertwined fates of Black
residents and local economic
stakeholders within the target geography
● Build on message testing efforts with
different political parties
Won’t ● Tokenize or exploit the target
population
● Connect with existing advocacy and
policy change initiatives which are
83
Criteria Wider Opportunity Space
● Be “one size fits all”
● Focus on full-time employment
as the sole indicator
● Be competitive or divisive
● Be primarily delivered through
the public and/ or private sector
● Focus on expenditures as a result
of the extra income
● Ignore anti-Black racism and
inequitable systems
specific to Black residents and Black
communities
● Consider opportunities for other metrics
of economic success. For example,
paying bills on time might be what a
member of the target population wants as
opposed to what society deems as
“economic success”.
● Engage the public sector, but should not
be dependent on the public sector to
sustain economic outcomes
84
Appendix N
Overview of Each BEST Movement
85
Appendix O
BEST Applied to One Priority Area
86
87
Appendix P
Example of BEST Over 18 Months
88
Appendix Q
BEST Movements in Relationship to Components of Community Change Initiatives
89
Appendix R
BEST Movements Mapped to an Adaptation of the Spectrum for Public Participation
90
Appendix S
Examples of Stakeholder Engagement in Each BEST Movement
91
Appendix T
The BE MOVED Website
92
93
94
95
Appendix U
Summary of Each Movement from the BEST Website
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
Appendix V
Example Pages from the Resonance Toolkit
103
104
105
106
Appendix W
Example Pages from the Revue Toolkit
107
108
109
110
111
Appendix X
BEST Implementation Plan
112
Appendix Y
Potential BE MOVED Organizational Structure
Structure A: BE MOVED Incubation Within an Organization Connected to Philanthropy
113
Structure B: BE MOVED Embedded in a Philanthropic Entity
114
Appendix Z
Example Start-up Budget for BEST (6 months)
Item Hourly Rate Number of Hours Total
Project Director $125 360 $45,000
Project Manager (Leadership Development) $100 200 $20,000
Project Manager (Knowledge Curation) $100 360 $36,000
Project Manager (Experience Design) $100 200 $20,000
Administrative Support $60 100 $6,000
Program Evaluator $75,000
Communications & Marketing $50,000
Total $252,000
Note: In the start-up phase, the BE MOVED team is refining BEST, drafting additional toolkits,
and engaging grantmakers to determine a pilot city. The program evaluator is developing
measurement tools like baseline surveys, setting up the infrastructure for a social network
analysis, and refining the logic model. Communications and marketing include updates to the
website and any other external relations tools that may be needed.
115
Appendix AA
Example Budget for Revue, Revue: Redux, and Rhythm by BE MOVED (Pilot City)
Item Revue Revue: Redux Rhythm
Staff
Project Director $1,500 $3,000 $3,000
Project Manager (Leadership
Development) $2,400 $4,800 $4,800
Project Manager (Knowledge
Curation) $2,400 $4,800 $6,400
Project Manager (Experience
Design) $3,600 $4,800 $6,400
Administrative Support $720 $1,440 $1,260
Contracts
Program Evaluator
(Movement focused) $20,000 $10,000 $10,000
Local Communications &
Marketing Materials $1,000 $1,000 $1,000
Event Insurance $200 $400 $400
Facility Rental $1,500 $3,000 $3,000
Food (Breakfast, Lunch, and/
or Snacks) $2,500 $5,000 $5,000
Speaker Honorariums $3,000 $1,500 $5,000
Transportation for Site Visit $1,500
One night at Hotel for 40 $10,000
Staff and Contracts Subtotal $38,820 $39,740 $58,600
Other
Fiscal Sponsor Fee (8%) $3,106 $3,179 $4,693
Total $41,926 $42,919 $63,353
Note: The budget assumes 70 Black community leaders participate in Revue, 100 Black
community leaders participate in Revue: Redux, and 40 attend a site visit under Rhythm.
116
Appendix AB
BEST Evaluation Plan
Indicators Movement Specific Metrics Other Metrics
BEST
(Formative
Evaluation)
● Michigan Black median
household income
● Michigan Black
unemployment rate
● Michigan Black labor
participation rate
● Michigan Black poverty rate
● Comparison of indicators
with median and racial/
ethnic groups
● Increased funding from
grantmaker and/ or local
economic stakeholder
● # of Resonance toolkit
downloads
● # of Rhythm webpage views
and/ or downloads
● # of BEST Movements
completed
● # of Black community
leaders invited/ attend
● # of local economic
stakeholders invited/ attend
● # of Black residents engaged
in Movements
● Positive satisfaction survey
results after each Movement
● # of income increasing
interventions from Black
community leaders and
Black residents
● # of website views
● # of toolkit downloads
● # of social media views or
imprints about BEST
● # of individual grantmaker
touch points result in BEST
● BEST survey results
increase over time
Pilot City
(Formative/
Summative
Evaluation)
● City Black median
household income
● City Black unemployment
rate
● City Black labor
participation rate
● City Black poverty rate
● # of BEST Movements
completed
● # of Black community
leaders invited/ attend
● # of local economic
stakeholders invited/ attend
● # of Black residents engaged
in Movements
● BEST survey results
increase over time
117
Indicators Movement Specific Metrics Other Metrics
● Comparison of indicators
with average and racial/
ethnic groups
● Social Network Analysis
getting stronger/ closer
● Increased funding from
grantmakers and/ or local
economic stakeholders
● Positive satisfaction survey
results after each Movement
● # of income increasing
interventions from Black
community leaders and
Black residents
Subsequent
Cities
(Summative
Evaluation)
● City Black median
household income
● City Black unemployment
rate
● City Black labor
participation rate
● City Black poverty rate
● Comparison of indicators
with average and racial/
ethnic groups
● Social Network Analysis
getting stronger/ closer
● Increased funding from
grantmakers and/ or local
economic stakeholders
● # of BEST Movements
completed
● # of Black community
leaders invited/ attend
● # of local economic
stakeholders invited/ attend
● # of Black residents engaged
in Movements
● Positive satisfaction survey
results after each Movement
● # of income increasing
interventions from Black
community leaders and
Black residents
● BEST survey results
increase over time
● Method by which they heard
about BEST
118
Appendix AC
Examples of BEST Marketing and Communications Approaches
119
Open Access Rhythm Website
120
BEST Presentation, Business Cards, and Conference Giveaways
121
Layout for BEST Conference Booth
122
BEST Community Event Tent
123
Appendix AD
Recommendations for Adapting BEST to the Local Context
124
125
126
Appendix AE
BEST and Connectivity to Grantmaking Practices
Grantmaking Practice BEST Connectivity
Data and knowledge
analysis
● Gathering and reviewing data disaggregated by race (Problem
of Practice and Literature Review section of this paper)
● Ensuring lived experiences are a significant and contributing
factor to knowledge for grantmaking strategies (Methodology
section of this paper)
● Developing an evaluation plan at multiple geographic levels
with feedback loops for refinement and adjustment
(Implementation section of this paper)
Strategy development
● Engaging and observing stakeholders in the design thinking
process (Methodology section of this paper)
● Understanding the local ecosystem, power dynamics, etc. as
condition for change in the BEST theory of change
● Assessing readiness and alignment with advances in the field
of philanthropy during the Resonance Movement
● Incorporating planning for future BEST Movements
● Connecting BEST with statewide advocacy policy strategies
Grantseeker
interactions
● Emphasizing relationship building in each Movement
● Using grantseeker interactions to discuss opportunities to
engage in BEST or specific Movements
● Using BEST to identify new grantseekers
● Requesting feedback to customize an agenda for each
Movement or potential learning opportunities
● Working with institutions and larger, White-led organizations
on their engagement in BEST
Grantee interactions
● Emphasizing relationship building in each Movement
● Using grantee interactions to discuss opportunities to engage
in BEST or specific Movements
● Requesting feedback to customize an agenda for each
Movement or potential learning opportunities
● Requesting feedback on each Movement and engaging
evaluation professionals
● Working with institutions and larger, White-led organizations
on their engagement in BEST
Capacity building
● Expanding supports and technical assistance beyond grantees
woven throughout each Movement
● Ensuring capacity building addresses racial equity, justice,
etc. for institutions and larger, White-led organizations
127
Grantmaking Practice BEST Connectivity
● Using the transference of social capital as part of a capacity
building approach
Relationship building
and external relations
● Emphasizing relationship building in each Movement
● Using relationship building and external relations to engage
stakeholders in BEST or specific Movements
● Requesting feedback to customize an agenda for each
Movement or potential learning opportunities
● Requesting feedback on each Movement and engaging
evaluation professionals
● Opportunities to shift local narratives as part of the social
capital strategy
128
Appendix AF
How BEST can Lead to a Movement across the State of Michigan
129
Appendix AG
Median Household Income by State and Race State All Households White White as a % of All Households Black or African American Black/ African American as a % of All Households American Indian and Alaska Native American Indian and Alaska Native as a % of All Households Asian Asian as a % of All Households Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander as a % of All Households Some other race Some Other Race as a % of All Households Two or More Races Two or More Races as a % of All Households Hispanic or Latino Origin (of Any Race) Hispanic or Latino Origin (of Any Race) as a % of All Households White Alone, Not Hispanic or Latino White Alone, Not Hispanic or Latino as a % of All Households
Hawaii $94,814 $93,896 99% $80,207 85% $61,225 65% $100,945 106% $77,146 81% $79,084 83% $96,379 102% $83,781 88% $94,705 100%
New Mexico $58,722 $63,910 109% $48,987 83% $42,232 72% $76,240 130% $78,558 134% $46,465 79% $55,285 94% $52,123 89% $69,425 118%
Alaska $86,370 $94,315 109% $71,857 83% $56,139 65% $85,546 99% $71,429 83% $78,575 91% $84,649 98% $73,411 85% $95,081 110%
South Dakota $69,457 $72,498 104% $56,399 81% $31,901 46% $75,619 109% $33,750 49% $58,923 85% $61,793 89% $56,192 81% $72,816 105%
Maryland $98,461 $109,387 111% $79,161 80% $73,253 74% $123,123 125% $137,725 140% $77,943 79% $101,100 103% $86,721 88% $110,044 112%
New Hampshire $90,845 $91,394 101% $72,946 80% $66,667 73% $106,813 118% - - $77,093 85% $80,512 89% $73,480 81% $91,598 101%
Arizona $72,581 $75,939 105% $58,184 80% $46,994 65% $95,989 132% $85,240 117% $62,291 86% $67,367 93% $62,953 87% $78,872 109%
Maine $68,251 $68,783 101% $53,407 78% $51,797 76% $66,291 97% $104,310 153% $63,554 93% $60,214 88% $65,650 96% $68,812 101%
Idaho $70,214 $71,661 102% $54,727 78% $47,393 67% $73,235 104% $39,340 56% $57,331 82% $65,535 93% $60,878 87% $72,117 103%
Wyoming $72,495 $73,542 101% $56,046 77% $57,667 80% $64,398 89% $54,524 75% $68,268 94% $66,730 92% $62,695 86% $74,160 102%
Georgia $71,355 $81,445 114% $55,010 77% $51,024 72% $98,644 138% $53,125 74% $57,802 81% $69,490 97% $63,786 89% $82,329 115%
Montana $66,341 $68,005 103% $50,676 76% $39,077 59% $62,390 94% $55,000 83% $69,964 105% $59,100 89% $54,890 83% $68,239 103%
Texas $73,035 $80,134 110% $55,459 76% $67,936 93% $107,347 147% $67,124 92% $56,199 77% $64,335 88% $59,959 82% $88,575 121%
Rhode Island $81,370 $86,467 106% $61,614 76% $60,840 75% $101,293 124% - - $49,558 61% $63,797 78% $53,015 65% $88,381 109%
Florida $67,917 $72,212 106% $51,249 75% $62,507 92% $87,205 128% $66,269 98% $57,350 84% $66,644 98% $62,425 92% $74,121 109%
Delaware $79,325 $86,094 109% $58,385 74% $53,632 68% $115,246 145% - - $66,454 84% $68,683 87% $66,548 84% $87,027 110%
Kentucky $60,183 $62,242 103% $44,196 73% $38,021 63% $81,126 135% $56,250 93% $51,179 85% $51,684 86% $54,128 90% $62,361 104%
Oregon $76,632 $77,627 101% $56,124 73% $60,194 79% $100,547 131% $86,480 113% $65,830 86% $69,351 90% $66,054 86% $78,315 102%
Tennessee $64,035 $68,515 107% $46,708 73% $55,022 86% $94,058 147% $52,490 82% $54,497 85% $59,399 93% $56,188 88% $68,793 107%
Washington $90,325 $91,601 101% $65,817 73% $64,058 71% $125,153 139% $82,564 91% $66,329 73% $81,334 90% $70,492 78% $92,595 103%
New York $81,386 $90,866 112% $58,805 72% $59,483 73% $91,254 112% $57,817 71% $55,421 68% $74,254 91% $61,135 75% $92,218 113%
130 State All Households White White as a % of All Households Black or African American Black/ African American as a % of All Households American Indian and Alaska Native American Indian and Alaska Native as a % of All Households Asian Asian as a % of All Households Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander as a % of All Households Some other race Some Other Race as a % of All Households Two or More Races Two or More Races as a % of All Households Hispanic or Latino Origin (of Any Race) Hispanic or Latino Origin (of Any Race) as a % of All Households White Alone, Not Hispanic or Latino White Alone, Not Hispanic or Latino as a % of All Households
Vermont $74,014 $74,499 101% $52,736 71% $48,725 66% $71,207 96% $39,250 53% $62,250 84% $77,146 104% $71,848 97% $74,597 101%
North Carolina $66,186 $73,675 111% $47,088 71% $43,180 65% $107,025 162% $62,628 95% $52,553 79% $63,128 95% $55,935 85% $74,488 113%
California $91,905 $97,859 106% $64,513 70% $75,076 82% $118,815 129% $95,021 103% $70,612 77% $85,219 93% $74,517 81% $104,752 114%
Colorado $87,598 $91,475 104% $61,343 70% $59,896 68% $101,163 115% $82,946 95% $67,217 77% $76,085 87% $69,500 79% $94,469 108%
Massachusetts $96,505 $102,701 106% $67,044 69% $60,146 62% $118,767 123% $83,090 86% $58,832 61% $73,075 76% $59,292 61% $104,576 108%
Virginia $87,249 $93,691 107% $60,201 69% $83,852 96% $125,583 144% $89,531 103% $72,920 84% $91,423 105% $83,441 96% $93,942 108%
West Virginia $55,217 $55,826 101% $38,004 69% $42,222 76% $76,737 139% $65,069 118% $51,141 93% $48,402 88% $61,786 112% $55,825 101%
Oklahoma $61,364 $65,469 107% $42,145 69% $55,468 90% $68,356 111% $38,304 62% $52,104 85% $54,834 89% $53,453 87% $66,199 108%
Mississippi $52,985 $65,518 124% $36,263 68% $44,258 84% $73,869 139% - - $47,137 89% $48,435 91% $48,652 92% $65,751 124%
Alabama $59,609 $69,042 116% $40,661 68% $58,020 97% $78,324 131% $64,223 108% $46,422 78% $57,956 97% $51,086 86% $69,303 116%
New Jersey $97,126 $105,392 109% $65,351 67% $79,787 82% $146,386 151% $100,703 104% $65,515 67% $82,144 85% $70,220 72% $109,096 112%
Missouri $65,920 $69,547 106% $44,293 67% $51,107 78% $89,367 136% $67,441 102% $56,391 86% $57,933 88% $58,288 88% $69,746 106%
South Carolina $63,623 $73,204 115% $42,672 67% $46,606 73% $85,650 135% $66,382 104% $49,872 78% $61,519 97% $54,823 86% $73,611 116%
Nevada $71,646 $77,786 109% $48,022 67% $55,913 78% $80,103 112% $69,207 97% $60,751 85% $71,400 100% $64,732 90% $79,550 111%
North Dakota $73,959 $77,950 105% $49,369 67% $43,816 59% $59,654 81% $31,103 42% $46,035 62% $63,496 86% $55,249 75% $78,143 106%
Arkansas $56,335 $60,756 108% $37,395 66% $51,043 91% $85,002 151% $45,500 81% $52,070 92% $54,985 98% $54,771 97% $60,932 108%
Connecticut $90,213 $98,855 110% $59,728 66% $47,349 52% $116,544 129% $25,465 28% $51,673 57% $74,307 82% $56,787 63% $102,023 113%
Kansas $69,747 $72,357 104% $46,145 66% $57,098 82% $85,774 123% $75,651 108% $54,903 79% $59,279 85% $57,773 83% $73,300 105%
Utah $86,833 $89,462 103% $57,433 66% $61,542 71% $86,191 99% $76,975 89% $67,343 78% $81,005 93% $71,154 82% $90,761 105%
Louisiana $57,852 $70,270 121% $37,015 64% $56,544 98% $73,105 126% $75,293 130% $50,297 87% $58,821 102% $58,003 100% $70,652 122%
Nebraska $71,722 $74,157 103% $45,287 63% $51,824 72% $80,914 113% $49,063 68% $62,185 87% $62,606 87% $61,091 85% $74,978 105%
Pennsylvania $73,170 $77,962 107% $45,944 63% $55,137 75% $94,475 129% $44,057 60% $46,484 64% $66,778 91% $55,042 75% $78,481 107%
Indiana $67,173 $70,740 105% $42,067 63% $56,868 85% $78,490 117% $61,707 92% $57,548 86% $59,959 89% $59,341 88% $71,029 106%
Michigan $68,505 $73,039 107% $42,171 62% $53,373 78% $103,758 151% $67,991 99% $56,788 83% $64,008 93% $60,514 88% $73,276 107%
Ohio $66,990 $71,843 107% $40,499 60% $40,007 60% $94,375 141% $28,849 43% $52,162 78% $55,999 84% $54,928 82% $72,111 108%
131 State All Households White White as a % of All Households Black or African American Black/ African American as a % of All Households American Indian and Alaska Native American Indian and Alaska Native as a % of All Households Asian Asian as a % of All Households Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander as a % of All Households Some other race Some Other Race as a % of All Households Two or More Races Two or More Races as a % of All Households Hispanic or Latino Origin (of Any Race) Hispanic or Latino Origin (of Any Race) as a % of All Households White Alone, Not Hispanic or Latino White Alone, Not Hispanic or Latino as a % of All Households
Illinois $78,433 $85,060 108% $46,717 60% $70,669 90% $106,279 136% $69,227 88% $68,631 88% $73,673 94% $70,419 90% $86,254 110%
Minnesota $84,313 $87,692 104% $49,738 59% $45,289 54% $97,976 116% $45,000 53% $65,095 77% $73,669 87% $68,240 81% $87,978 104%
Iowa $70,571 $72,363 103% $40,592 58% $45,000 64% $79,307 112% $53,384 76% $62,382 88% $58,905 83% $58,899 83% $72,800 103%
District of
Columbia $101,722 $160,745 158% $57,076 56% $60,390 59% $123,660 122% - - $68,955 68% $108,455 107% $94,203 93% $164,829 162%
Wisconsin $72,458 $75,803 105% $38,732 53% $53,521 74% $83,757 116% $81,111 112% $54,489 75% $63,266 87% $58,083 80% $76,154 105%
Source: Author’s analysis of ACS 5-Year Table S1903, 2022 from the US Census Bureau
Abstract (if available)
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Creator
White, Alana G.
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Core Title
The power of philanthropic convening and capitalization of Black community leaders to reduce extreme economic inequality in Michigan
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Suzanne Dworak-Peck School of Social Work
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Doctor of Social Work
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Social Work
Degree Conferral Date
2024-05
Publication Date
05/21/2024
Defense Date
04/04/2024
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