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A lens looking at hair discourse and experiences of Black women through intersectionality and Black feminist thought

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A lens looking at hair discourse and experiences of Black women through intersectionality and Black feminist thought

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Content A Lens Looking at Hair Discourse and Experiences of Black Women Through
Intersectionality and Black Feminist Thought
Kimberlee V. Avant
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
August 2024

© Copyright by Kimberlee V. Avant 2024
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Kimberlee V. Avant certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Jessica DeCuir-Gunby
Erika Page
Patricia Tobey, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024

iv
Abstract
Each day, Black American women face the daunting task of deciding how to wear their hair. It
spawns from inherited assumptions about what hair means in America and can define a woman
solely on how she wore her hair that day. The voices of Black women who explain their stories
to comprehend how intersectionality impacted their everyday choices from a financial,
emotional, and mental state are highlighted in this study. This study focused on how
intersectionality is the key to discovering more about Black hair, choosing to conform or not
conform one’s hair, and the need for societal change. Intersectionality theory was used as a
perspective to understand the foundation of Black feminism. Crenshaw (1991) provided a vessel
to showcase how Black women and women of color live with societal expectations, norms, and
perspectives. Hair, as a form of self-expression, transcends gender and race. Black women
discover at an early age how their hair is intertwined with attitude, expectations, self-confidence,
and the potential for empowering social change.
Keywords: Black, women, Afrocentric, colorism, Black feminist thought,
intersectionality, hairism, conformity, hair bias, Blackness, womanness, feminism

v
Dedication
To all Black girls and women. I dedicated time, energy, and effort to studying this problem of
practice for all of you. Be confident in your hair, celebrate your texture, choose your style for
who you are, and wear your hair choice!
To my husband, thank you for always telling me to write, that I am smart enough and can
accomplish anything. You have always been there for me, pushed me to keep striving for better
and bigger, and loved me through it. You gave me confidence.
To my children, for always giving Mommy/Mama time to write, setting down drinks and food to
help me when I was working on homework and finishing assignments. You gave me hugs,
snuggles, kisses, and love.
To my parents, the support was priceless. You have always stressed going after what you want,
working hard for that goal, appreciating the time and energy between the lessons and the goal,
and loving the process. You gave me role models to mirror.
To my friends and family, thank you for encouraging me to finish. To my siblings, I love you.
Finally, I am overjoyed to have a strong village with close friends I have loved for many years,
new friends I have enjoyed spending time with, friends I call brothers and sisters, bonus babies,
my two besties, and all my extended family! You are my village.

vi
Acknowledgements
To my dissertation chair, Dr. Tobey, you were profound and supportive. Your wisdom
drove me to want to continue reading and inspired me to read. My parents and husband can attest
that I don’t read for fun. You helped me understand the importance of literature for thought, and
that reading is essential for growth. You gave me wisdom. To my dissertation committee, your
support, feedback, corrections, advice, and conversations helped along the way.

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Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. x
List of Figures................................................................................................................................ xi
Chapter One: Overview of the Study.............................................................................................. 1
Context and Background of the Problem............................................................................ 2
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions.................................................................. 5
Research Questions............................................................................................................. 6
Importance of the Study...................................................................................................... 7
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology .................................................... 7
Intersectionality Theory ...................................................................................................... 8
Definitions......................................................................................................................... 10
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................. 12
Chapter Two: Literature Review .................................................................................................. 13
Historical Context ............................................................................................................. 14
The Stakeholder and Its Impact ........................................................................................ 20
The Next Hair Movement ................................................................................................. 29
Conceptual Framework..................................................................................................... 33
Synthesized Summary....................................................................................................... 41
Chapter Three: Methodology........................................................................................................ 42
Research Questions........................................................................................................... 42
Overview of Design .......................................................................................................... 43
Method and Approach....................................................................................................... 44

viii
Data Sources ..................................................................................................................... 44
Interview Participants and Target Population................................................................... 44
Researcher and Positionality............................................................................................. 45
Interview Criteria and Process.......................................................................................... 46
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 46
Credibility and Trustworthiness........................................................................................ 48
Validity and Reliability..................................................................................................... 49
Ethics................................................................................................................................. 49
Limitations and Delimitations........................................................................................... 50
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 52
Research Questions........................................................................................................... 53
Description of the Participants.......................................................................................... 53
Findings for Research Question 1..................................................................................... 54
Findings for Research Question 2..................................................................................... 76
Research Question 2 Summary......................................................................................... 80
Chapter Four Summary..................................................................................................... 80
Chapter Five: Recommendations.................................................................................................. 82
Recommendation 1: Require Employers to Do Their Part in Advocating Change .......... 83
Recommendation 2: Price Equity for Texture Hair Care Products................................... 84
Recommendation 3: Require Hair Care Products to List All Ingredients ........................ 88
Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................................ 92
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 93
References......................................................................................................................... 95
Appendix A: Interview Protocol................................................................................................. 108
Respondent Type ............................................................................................................ 108

ix
Introduction to the Interview .......................................................................................... 108
Conclusion to the Interview............................................................................................ 112

x
List of Tables
Table 1: Data Sources for Research Questions............................................................................. 48
Table 2: Demographics of Participants..........................................................................................54
Table 3: Location of Participants Growing Up............................................................................. 59
Table 4: Participants’ Job Titles and Industries They Work in .................................................... 67
Table 5: Average Monthly Spending on Hair Care and Maintenance.......................................... 74
Table 6: Cost of Hair Care Products by Texture........................................................................... 85
Table 7: Illustration of Online Store Search for Conditioner ....................................................... 87
Table 8: Endocrine-Disrupting Chemicals (EDC) Within Hair Products and Possible
Mechanisms Associated With Breast Cancer Risk ..................................................................... 900

xi
List of Figures
Figure 1: Photo of Lemonade Braids by Beyoncé .......................................................................... 4
Figure 2: Photo of Black Woman Torn Between Non-conformed and Conformed Hair
Texture .......................................................................................................................................... 38
Figure 3: Female Breast Cancer Incidence (2015–2019) and Death Rates (2016–2020) by
Race/Ethnicity............................................................................................................................... 91

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Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Each day Black American women bear the burden of deciding how others may view their
credibility, character, and career potential based on their hair texture or hairstyle. According to
Caldwell (1991), something as simple as a Black woman’s hair continues to threaten the social,
political, and economic fabric of American life. It is not uncommon for a Black woman to
question whether to wear braids or locs or to conform by pressing or straightening her hair to fit
in and be considered socially acceptable and professional (Tetech et al., 2017). Black women
have the versatility to wear various hairstyles including cornrows, blowouts, flat irons, silk
presses, or a natural curly wash-n-go. However, wearing stereotypical Afrocentric hairstyles can
negatively impact Black women professionally (Dove, 2021). This unconscious racism originates
from idealizing European-like textures and styles (Mitchell, 2020). This social phenomenon
stems from centuries of influence to idolize the definition of what hairstyles and textures are
considered beautiful, acceptable, and professional.
Black women are all too familiar with conformity and blending or fitting in to represent
the White idealization of hair beauty. Black women conform to the perceived normal, where
there are certainly instances in which individuals want to stand out and deviate from the group,
but in most cases, it is easier and preferable to go with the flow (McKenzie-Mohr, 2014). Over
the past 20 years, the ideology of Black hair has transformed, building a curious momentum of
what the meaning of Afrocentric textured hair and styles stand for, which resulted in the Natural
Hair Movement and celebrating Black hair (Jefferies & Jefferies, 2014). Black hair
discrimination and Black hair bias are not new, but have visibly gotten attention in the past 5
years due to the Creating a Respectful and Open World for Natural Hair (CROWN) Act of 2019,
purposively helping end racial discrimination and bias that existed for decades (Rabelo et al.,

2
2020). The truth is that Black American women fear or have experienced prejudice and
discrimination based on their hair texture or style. The recent intersectionality, political
platforms, and racial misconceptions of Black hair prompted the need to explore further
(Borgogni, 2011). Koval et al. (2020) suggested taking an intersectionality perspective and
considering how hairstyle, which is a topic underexamined by research yet a prominent feature in
women’s grooming choices and a recent consideration in legislation and policy, affects the
evaluation of Black women in job recruitment. In this study, I researched Black women’s
contemporary concerns regarding hair bias, nonconformity, and hair diversity.
The focus of this study was grounded in literature and various stories that focused on
influences related to Black American women’s decision to wear or not wear natural Afrocentric
hairstyles and textures. The study related to intersectionality and Black feminism and explored
the relationship between attitudes, expectations, and self-confidence to not conform to societal
normalcy standards. It promoted further comprehension of the Natural Black Hair Movement
and the recent momentum of empowering social change and celebrating diversity. I compared
the conformity of Black American women who chose to wear Eurocentric hairstyles, which
included straightening the hair, wearing wigs, and weaves, to the nonconformity of Black women
who wore various natural Afrocentric hairstyles.
Context and Background of the Problem
For more than 400 years, Blacks integrated into societal normalcy post-slavery. Black
women specifically styled their natural woolly hair texture to more Eurocentric hair tresses to fit
in more easily with cultural norms (Pitts, 2021). In the late 1950s, the United States
predominantly manufactured hair straightening elixirs and skin-lightening creams to idolize the
beauty of European ancestry (Banks, 2000). As years passed, Black women continued to push

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for change, partially due to civil rights activists who challenged conformity and brought forward
a culture of change. Black women became activists and set cultural fashion trends, such as
wearing denim and natural hair textures and styles, to showcase pride in Blackness and culture
separate from societal norms (Banks, 2000). Over the last 20 years, Black women and hair
continued to evolve, where they are more empowered to wear natural textured styles, creating a
Natural Hair Movement to celebrate Black hair (Jefferies & Jefferies, 2014). However, Black
women agree that their hairstyle can negatively impact their career opportunities and
advancement regardless of their work industry (Pitts, 2021).
Black American women experienced hair bias spanning all industries. Even famous
Black American women, like Beyoncé, used celebrity platforms to express Black feminism,
intersectionality, and hair-biased discourse. In her 2016 album, “Lemonade,” Beyoncé strongly
referenced hair politics, blending Euro and Afrocentric accepted styles by wearing a blonde hair
color with tiny cornrows in a specific pattern and style; this style became so mainstream in pop
culture that the hairstyle is called Lemonade braids (Brooks & Martin, 2019).

4
Figure 1
Photo of Lemonade Braids by Beyoncé
Note. Celebrity singer, songwriter, actress, and model Beyoncé wears this Afrocentric style that
has become a popular protective hairstyle for Black women. Lemonade braids are corn-row
braids that are small and close together on the scalp. The hairstyle originated from Beyoncé’s
choice of hairstyle on her Lemonade album, which debuted in 2016. The uniqueness of the
braids has morphed into various styles and choices of hair color, but the braids must fall to one
side of the head. From “Beyoncé lemonade-braids,” by Black beauty & hair, n.d.
(https://www.blackbeautyandhair.com/beyonce-lemonade-braids/). Copyright 2024 by
www.blackbeautyandhair.com.
Black women face additional scrutiny, such as their gender identity, sexual orientation,
and Black womaness, alongside the intersectionality of hair expression through natural or
straightened textures, whether achieving this look through chemicals, blow-dryers, wigs, or
weaves.

5
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
In this project I aimed to understand the complexities of being a Black American woman,
the experiences of hair conformity and nonconformity, and the multiple realities Black women
face concerning their intersectionality, Blackness, womanness, racism, and societal normalcy.
The consequences of not examining the problem further would hinder the progress made over the
past 20 years supporting the nonconformity and celebration of various Black hair textures and
styles. Black hair exemplifies self-identity, success, and womanness. From sports to television
anchors, Black women long for the American image of beauty. Even television mogul Oprah
admitted that she longed to have beautiful hair that swings long from side to side, which
emulates more of a Eurocentric hair characteristic (Banks, 2000). Black women often feel
required to fit into their dominant White organizational culture and hide their true selves. They
do not express their natural hair texture if they plan to climb networks of influence or advance
their careers (Lewellen & Bohonors, 2020).
One of my goals was for the reader to empathize with Black American women deciding
to wear natural hair or conform to hair emulating a Eurocentric hairstyle. Specifically, my goal
was to learn more about the extrinsic and intrinsic factors attributed to the positive or negative
experiences Black American women encounter when choosing a natural hair-textured style. At
least once in their lifetimes, Black American women question whether their hairstyle of choice is
considered socially acceptable. In this study I aimed to understand the choice of hair and biases
experienced by Black American women in various industries. To solve the problem, in 2019, the
CROWN Act was passed in several states to protect Blacks from hair biases in the workplace
and educational system (Pitts, 2021). Yet, more than half of the states do not prevent hair bias

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and discrimination. Despite various hair movements supported by large corporations, such as
Cosmopolitan magazine and Dove, hair discrimination and bias remain.
The study of this topic aligned with a qualitative research approach. As Jones (2017)
stated, cultural empowerment is a conceptual framework where interlinked concepts can explain
social phenomena. This study supported the problem of practice to clarify a social reality that
existed for many years. Qualitative research was best for this study because it helps researchers
maintain the authenticity of each intersectionality, experience, and cultural ontological
perspective gained by interlinking concepts (Jones, 2017). The truth, including the resistance of
cultural discourse, can promote cultural empowerment and a cultural movement to free Black
American women from conforming their hair to mitigate the risk of experiencing hair bias and
discrimination.
Research Questions
In this study, I explored the following research questions:
1. What are Black American women’s perceptions that have influenced their decision to
wear their natural hair textures or not?
2. Where have Black women experienced microaggressions related to hair
discrimination or bias?
These research questions were aligned with the personal narratives, reflections, and
experiences of Black American women and their perspectives of their intersectionality and Black
feminist thought associated with Black hair. The ability to connect with other Black American
women and build rapport offered psychological safety and provided a space to share intimate
experiences regarding hair bias and discrimination.

7
Importance of the Study
The study was important for three specific reasons. First, despite the recent visibility of
this problem, Black American women conform their hair textures to Eurocentric hairstyles of
choice for important events and activities such as job interviews at an alarming rate of 66%.
Furthermore, 41% change their hair texture to straight to be considered professional and
acceptable (Dove, 2021). It is important to understand the experiences of Black women and the
fear of conforming to address these issues. In addition, 25% of surveyed Black American women
were denied career advancement opportunities due to their hairstyle (Dove, 2021). Hence, the
importance of the concern regarding conformity and hair bias.
Second, the significance of this study provided context to the historical and generational
complexity of this problem. Black hair has been at the core of conversations for generations as
Black American parents, specifically Black mothers/guardians, make it a point to teach young
children to conform or alternate their hair to fit in (Tribble et al., 2019). Black American women
have deep-rooted behaviors related to hair bias, Blackness, Black womanness, and Black
feminist thought that embodies the definition of Black hair and beauty. My goal was to learn
more about what contributes to conformity and fear of hair bias from a historical perspective.
The origin of conformity is key to understanding how fear contributes to conformity. The current
initiatives and social justice endeavors regarding Black hair provide context to the magnitude of
the problem.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
Intersectionality theory was the guiding theoretical framework for this study.
Intersectionality theory provides the ability to ask more questions other than what seems to be
known. It provides inclusivity by looking at the lens of exclusivity. Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989)

8
provided imagery to deepen the understanding of the intersectionality of gender and race. She
elaborated explicitly on the tendency of “contrasting the multidimensionality of Black women’s
experience with the single-axis analysis that distorts experiences” (Crenshaw, 1989, p. 139). This
study focusing on Black women and their experiences with hair bias, hair discrimination, and
hair conformity, originates from Crenshaw’s single-axis framework, where Black women’s
experiences and stories are eradicated from being a total complex package representative of both
Black women and not just a single-axis framework. The marginalization of Black women within
Black feminist thought and intersectionality theory provides the opportunistic framework that
accurately captures the correct blueprint for Black women to share stories of what they
experience, not separating nor leaving a part of their entire selves out of the equation.
Intersectional experience is the reality of sufficiently and inclusively addressing the identities of
Black and woman as one person.
Intersectionality Theory
Black women’s intersectional experiences have researchers spinning to further
understand the complexity of being Black and a woman, not including the many additional
combinations that add to everyone’s intersectionality, such as national origin, sexual orientation,
and religion, Crenshaw (1989) stated that the intersectional experience is greater than the sum of
racism and sexism because it cannot address how Black women are subordinated.
Intersectionality helps reveal how power creates and deploys overlapping identity categories
(Cho et al., 2013). Intersections, where Black women can embrace structural, political, and
representational perspectives to resist oppression and allow the voiceless to collectively voice
how identities can similarly demonstrate that lived experiences about one’s hair, and the
decisions of how to style one’s hair, can bring oppression and systemic racist thought.

9
Intersectionality theory was at the forefront of this study due to the complex nature of where
Black women show up depending on their intersectionality of gender, self-identity, age, ability,
nationality, culture, heritage, status, upbringing, and most of all, race. Intersectional theory is
supported by Black feminist thought to authenticate voices, progress, movements, and is the
framework from which many scholars and activists bring awareness to this topic.
Intersectionality theory with Black feminist thought theory, the discovery and uncovering of
Black American women’s stories of discrimination, hair bias, or microaggressions against them
also include contemplating whether Whitening intersectionality hindered the opportunity for
diversity, equity, and celebration of inclusive ethnic hairstyles and textures. The great legal
scholar and politician, Shirley Chisholm, wrote about White intersectionality versus Black
feminist thought. Chisholm (1974) wrote:
Minority women have a different set of priorities from many of the women in the
women’s movement who are functioning or who are regarded as the leadership in the
liberation movement in this country today. So some definite concerns and they’re
wondering whether or not White women, particular middle-class and upper-class White
women can really understand what it means to be Black and female, or Indian and
female, Puerto Rican or Chicana and female at the same time, of the two strikes you’re
going up against. (p. 9)
The significance of this quote is that for 40 years, Black feminist thought and the
intersectionality of the individual were not understood. Feminism is one complexity, but as legal
scholars such as Crenshaw, Collins, and Chisholm state clearly, it is a building of complexities
and intersectionality where Black American women are not brought to the discussion as their
entire selves.

10
This research tied various theories to the problem of practice to deepen the awareness of
how hair bias impacts Black American women’s lives from a health, physical, employment, and
industry perspective. The research questions are best supported by intersectionality theory as the
primary conceptual framework, with additional elements of Black feminist thought addressing
the problem of practice.
Definitions
The frequent terms used throughout the research study and dissertation are defined,
helping the reader comprehend the intent and language of the study.
Afro: A style accomplished when unlocked and unstraightened Black/African highly
textured hair is not thermally straightened after washing, but combed upward and outwards
(Johnson, 2014).
Afrocentric: Resembling Africa’s people, culture, and heritage (Ford, 2015).
Color: Captures the continuous aspects of racial concepts in which groups shade into one
another based on a combination of physical characteristics, including skin type, hair type, nose
shape, and lip shape (Dixon, 2017).
Conform: Individuals conform to the perceived normal. In some instances, there are
certain instances in which individuals want to stand out and deviate from the group; in most
circumstances, it is easier and preferable to go with the flow (McKenzie-Mohr, 2014).
Conking: Term in the 1900s to reference when a lye chemical is used to straighten the
hair (Chapman, 2007).
Eurocentric: Resembling the people, culture, and heritage of Europe (Ford, 2015).

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Hair harassment: Direct or indirect unwanted, unwelcomed, and offensive behavior made
toward women or girls of African descent based on the texture, look, or subjective assumptions
of their hair (O’Brien-Richardson, 2019).
Hairism: Preference for or rejection of specific hair textures or hair types (SB-188, 2019).
Intersectionality: Defining intersectionality as a belief that different individuals and
classes of people have similarities in their experiences, expectations, and assumptions that
intersect, or overlap based on an individual’s race, class, and gender (Crenshaw, 1989; 1991).
Kinky or nappy: A derogatory term for referencing African textured hair as knotted, bad
hair, tightly curled, or coiled (Oyedemi, 2016).
Lemonade braids: Braids and cornrows signify Black womanhood, even with blonde
coloration (Brooks & Martin, 2019).
Lemonade phenomenon: Black women of all ethnicities, classes, and creeds are a
testament to the undeniable, though often unrecognized, power of Black women’s lived
experiences (Brooks & Martin, 2019).
Locs: The process of interlocking your hair; braiding hair locked with your own hair or
faux locs wrapped around your hair (Merriam-Webster, n.d.).
Miscegenation: The mixing of races (Donahoo, 2021).
Natural hair: In this context, natural hair refers to African hair, as it refers to the natural
hair of people of African descent (Oyedemi, 2016).
Race: People divided by physical type, based on appearance or descent and real and
punitive characteristics (Dixon, 2017).

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Womanness: Descriptive rather than pragmatic view of existing social features of the
world where features are inevitably oppressive, and the desire is to reform and hide true gender
and identity altogether (MacKinnon, 1987).
Organization of the Study
The study consists of five chapters, including an introduction, literature review,
methodology, findings, and a recommendation based on the research collected for this study. The
first chapter, the study’s introduction, provides the reader with a high-level foundation of the
problem and the framework for further research. Chapter Two includes a summary of the
literature where other scholars completed extensive research to confirm the problem of practice.
The methodological framework is correlated with the supporting theories and scholarly findings,
confirming the issue still exists, bringing the point of reference back to the introduction in
Chapter One. Chapter Three includes the methodological framework before diving deep into the
shared stories and experiences using specific methods to capture data.
Furthermore, in this chapter provides an explanation for data collection, target segment
sample, analysis, and reflection on critical influences attributed to the data set. Chapter Four
includes the findings from the data collection process, bringing forth a synergy of all chapters
and offering an assessment of the data collection. Finally, Chapter Five includes
recommendations, reflection, and potential solutions based on the literature and data collection as
part of the study to support closing the gap to the problem, and with hopes of providing the
reader a deeper sense of connection, belonging, and advocacy to the findings about the topic.

13
Chapter Two: Literature Review
The literature review helps readers understand articles, journals, and research on hair bias
and discrimination against Black American women. The literature and study should inform the
reader that Black American women face hair bias and discrimination daily, whether it is
something that is consciously communicated, stems from feeling the need to conform, or they are
afraid to not conform to their natural hair textures. Understanding that hair bias has existed for
hundreds of years and still exists is the focal point and synergistic messaging behind the
significance of the problem.
Tribble et al. (2019) shared that Black women have faced a host of negative images that
were first created post-slavery and even exist today in some regards. Because this image of Black
women is pervasive in today’s culture, Black women continue to feel their worth is challenged.
These images are changing rapidly as Black women continue to embrace an American identity
but with a stronger connection to their original heritage. Black women are empowered by pride
in their African heritage and its contribution to defining who they are today (Thompson et al.,
1999, p. 258).
Unconscious racism originates from idealizing European-like textures and styles
(Mitchell, 2020). In the unconscious process of succeeding, an individual will be motivated and
energized to put forth the effort to change and direct behavior for a potential positive outcome
(Pintrich, 2003). Black American women are taught to idealize European-like textured styles
(Mitchell, 2020). According to Tribble et al. (2019), Black women have been taught from a
young age the importance of conforming their hair from coily textures to fit in for opportunities.
Black women face shared experiences, such as explaining their hair to non-Blacks regarding
their hair regimen, the time it takes to style and maintain just to fit into social normalcy, and the

14
time and money required to transform hair tresses to a more European-accepted appearance and
texture (Lewellen & Bohonors, 2020).
Historical Context
According to Byrd and Tharps (2014), the argument is that hair bias toward Blacks is as
old as America itself. Hair in African societies was a communication system and language for
tribes that carried messages (Johnson & Bankhead, 2014). Dating before slavery, Africans
showcased positionality through hair with beautiful combs, textures, and styles. It was a way to
differentiate by tribe, social class, and status. Due to the complexity of the African hair texture, it
is manipulated into various hairstyles, sculpted, and molded, which remains a commodity and
uniqueness of natural Black textured hair today (Johnson & Bankhead, 2014). Hair, culture,
spirituality, and a sense of belonging all represent the Black identity.
Crossing the Atlantic and Bondage
Before the transatlantic slave trade, Black hair encompassed spiritual and cultural
meaning for both men and women (Thompson, 2009). Africans would differentiate social class
and status by hair and decorations in the hair. Hair and skills across countries of Africa pointed
out the interconnectivity of tribes, providing clarity and visibility to where one individual resided
or which tribe they were from (Morrow, 1973). Additionally, Morrow (1973) shared that the
symbolism of hair, skin color, and decorations within the hair and combs provided an
understanding of an African’s individuality, positionality, social class, status, and life cycle.
Once enslaved Africans were forced and captured, African combs were left behind
because slave owners understood African tribes used hair and combs to differentiate social status
and class (Morrow, 1973). In the book 400 Years without a Comb, Morrow (1973) uncovered the
relationship between slaves forced to hide their kinky coils. It was widespread in the 1700s to

15
refer to Black hair as a texture, such as woolly as a sheep or not like human hair (Byrd & Tharps,
2014). Europeans referred to African hair as the fur of animals and did not consider it to be hair
at all (Johnson & Bankhead, 2014). The societal perception at the time of slavery was that
African textured hair was unclean, uncombed, unkempt, unlikeable, and inappropriate within the
Eurocentric colonial times. Black women with tightly coiled hair were assigned to more grueling
labor and had less access to clothes, education, and food than Black women whose physical traits
resembled those of White women (Jones & Shooter-Gooden, 2003). Kinky textured hair was the
first physical character trait used by an individual to identify a person as Black or of African
descent (Mercer, 1990).
Hair As Identity
There is an emotional connection between hair and identity as the relationship between
Blacks and their descendants connects to Africa (Omotoso, 2018). When Africans were initially
brought from Africa to America, their heads were shaved by slave traders as a symbol of erasing
their identity and connection to Africa (Byrd & Tharps, 2014). According to Omotoso (2018),
African hair ties bring a spiritual and physical connection to identity. This connection, preslavery, provided the ability for multiple tribes to connect and communicate with the
demonstration of hair: from marital status, hierarchical status, ethnic identity, and even age
groups (Byrd & Tharps, 2001; Omotoso, 2018). For example, Omotoso (2018) stated that
warriors of African tribes wore distinct hairstyles, whereas women in some African countries
would wear specific hairstyles to demonstrate their sexual status.
Separation of Black Women As Enslaved People
Enslaved people who worked in the fields covered their hair with scarves because
Europeans considered it unattractive and offensive. In contrast, enslaved people working inside

16
the plantation homes wore hairstyles that emulated the hair trends of the time, such as white wigs
in the 18th century (Byrd & Tharps, 2014). House-enslaved and field-enslaved people grew to
have different perceptions of their hair since house-enslaved people received better care and
treatment than field-enslaved people working in the outdoors. Enslaved people wore hair that
was characterized as straight and smooth in the house and that resembled hair that looked like
White women (O’Brien-Richardson, 2019). Enslaved people could also not care for their hair
since African combs or combs supporting coily textures were unavailable during slavery
(Thompson, 2009). Enslaved people wore headscarves because it was hard to manage and care
for hair while in the fields (Thompson, 2009).
Post-slavery and European Colonialism
Once slavery ended and the Emancipation Act was passed, Eurocentric hair textures and
styles remained the only acceptable hair style and texture for Blacks (Byrd & Tharps, 2014).
Under colonialism, Whiteness and the proximity of emulating it in terms of what Whiteness
stood for, provided access to social acceptance, economic privileges, and opportunities (Dixon,
2017). According to Johnson (2014), Black identity was to normalize Whiteness or act as White
people do in social settings. The ideology of what was beautiful hair was dominated by the
Eurocentric ideology of beauty, creating conformity and ideology leading to the invisibility of
African hair (Oyedemi, 2016). Colonialism began to define perceptions of good and bad hair in
Black communities, creating the beginning of an obsession among multiple generations that
constitutes many hours and financial hardship to conform hair to a straightened look (e.g.,
wigs/weaves/chemical; Robinson, 2011).

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Colorism
Eurocentrism and the focus on racism birthed colorism (Dixon, 2017). Racialized beauty
standards combined with a skin color complex make hair a primary component in the identity
and self-image of Black women (Robinson, 2011). A skin color complex is understood in that
lighter-skinned Blacks had more opportunities to be considered more socially acceptable than
dark-skinned Blacks. Despite progress made when certain cultural phenomena become trendy,
research shows that racism and colorism disparities exist. With the emphasis on hair textures,
Black women with hair textures that more closely resembled Eurocentric hair textures were also
more likely to have lighter skin, and that provided them more opportunities than Black women
with darker skin and Afrocentric textures (Dixon, 2017). Dark-skinned Black women with good
hair lessen the burden of being dark-skinned and having kinky textures. However, light-skinned
Black women with kinky textures experience hair bias but still have more opportunities and
social class than a dark-skinned Black woman with good hair (Tate, 2007).
The miscegenational acts began a new phase of colorism, which complicated slavery and
trading and hairism even further (Ahmed, 2012; Awad et al., 2015; Harris-Perry, 2011; Orey &
Zhang, 2019; Robinson, 2011; Russell-Cole et al., 2013). As part of the beginning of colorism,
Black women understood that fairer skin and better hair equaled more opportunities for societal
normalcy (Byrd & Tharps, 2001; Rooks, 2014). Some of this perception grew from the offspring
of enslaved Black people from their White masters (Johnson, 2014). According to Elle magazine
(May 24, 2016), as Blacks mixed with other races, the color of skin and hair textures varied; the
dynamics of colorism and the power to pass helped multi-racial women who identified as Black
better normalize with society. This is a subset of colorblindness or unspoken cues of unconscious
bias and racism regarding a topic; it spawns from a place of ignorance, historical fear, and lack

18
of education (Mitchell, 2020). The impact of deciding to conform or not conform to natural
textures created varying elements of influence throughout Black women’s lives.
Turning of the Century
Two specific Black women are responsible for a turning point where Black women
conformed their hair to better fit into societal norms, Madam C. J. Walker and Anna Post Malone
(Byrd & Tharps, 2014; Chapman, 2007; Jere-Malanda, 2008; Johnson, 2014; Rooks, 1996). In
1905, Madam C. J. Walker was responsible for popularizing and making the already invented hot
straightening comb an accessory must have for Black women to conform their hair from kinky
natural coils to hairstyles that White women consider fashionable and pretty (Chapman, 2007).
Walker’s hair straightening comb allowed Black women to become economically and more
socially appealing to societal norms (Johnson, 2014). Black women felt a sense of belonging as
Walker provided the opportunity for Black women to obtain employment and earn wages enough
to substantiate a decent lifestyle (Johnson, 2014). Walker was known in the Black community for
her philanthropy, paying it forward, but notably known for employing Black women that further
financially placed Walker as the first Black woman self-made millionaire who became a multibillion-dollar industry that is still present today (Johnson, 2014; Oyedemi, 2014). According to
Thompson (2009), Walker revolutionized how Black people thought about their hair.
Black Power and the First Hair Movement
In the 1960s, both former U.S. President John F. Kennedy and civil rights activist Martin
Luther King were killed, and it was during this decade that a Black pride movement emerged.
Black women began defiantly wearing natural hair textures (Evans, 2017; Johnson, 2014). One
of the famous styles for Blacks to wear became known as the afro. The afro symbolized an
invigorative synergy between the motherland of Africa and being Black in the United States.

19
O’Brien-Richardson (2019) stated that the afro became a visible symbol of renewed pride in
African culture. In this decade, there were two distinct notions of the afro. From the Blacks’
perspective, the afro represented pride, acceptance, and understanding of heritage from Africa
(Byrd & Tharps, 2001; Chapman, 2007; Erasmus, 1997; Thompson, 2009). In contrast, the afro
was commonly considered to resist White supremacy (Erasmus, 1997; Johnson, 2014). The afro
represented power and political militancy and defiance toward conformity (Jere-Malanda, 2008).
Empowerment of Braids, Press, and Natural Hair
In the 1980s and 1990s, Black women began wearing braids or other protective styles
that were better for the hair and scalp but were not considered attractive in social norms and
straight hair remained the primary hairstyle of choice and standard of beauty in America
(O’Brien-Richardson, 2019). In the new millennium, Black women and girls have explored their
hair in its natural state. This generated the ideation of abandoning the chemical that straightens
the coils and exploring more hair care products that embrace coils. However, in 2008, Black
women spent more than $206 million in U.S. currency on products that straighten their hair
(Donahoo, 2021).
Black Women and Societal Normalcy
Hair brings together a woman’s unique identity, character, and womanness. Hair can
enhance a look and be easily changed depending on the occasion, mood, or event. For Black
women, hair is the feature that normalized and constructed opportunities (Johnson, 2014). Young
Black girls are taught early on that their hair can define their identity (Tetech et al., 2017). From
birth, women of African heritage teach their daughters that others will see them as not good
enough solely based on their skin and hair texture (Erasmus, 1997). According to Chapman
(2007), hair experiences began with Black girls’ mothers and grandmothers. Additionally, Black

20
girls are taught that their hair is their crown and glory (Chapman, 2007). Black parents stress to
their daughters at a young age the importance of altering hair to “fit in” (Tribble et al., 2019).
Young Black girls learn at a young age that their hair will help them attract a companion
(Ashe, 1995). According to Bandura (1997), people partly motivate and guide their actions by
their beliefs and personal efficacy. For example, Blacks experimented with chemicals to conform
hair into pin curls and other Eurocentric trendy styles (Byrd & Tharps, 2014). Black women
permanently shifting to wearing their hair straight due to their husbands or boyfriends not being
attracted to kinky textures is one demonstrated example of a lack of self-efficacy and blending
into societal normalcy of ideologizing Whiteness (Ashe, 1995).
The Stakeholder and Its Impact
In America, hair hindered opportunities for Black people, particularly Black women, who
have been penalized and stigmatized for their hair (Robinson, 2011). Black women have not only
endured slavery but also successfully created a diverse and innovative hair culture that supports
the option to fit in or non-conform and celebrate natural textures. Black women style their hair
into more Eurocentric hair tresses to adjust and fit more easily into cultural norms (Pitts, 2021).
Whether a market representative, a student in college, or even Oprah herself, the stakeholders
and owners of various hot hair trends result from Black women’s creativity to societal normalcy.
Some women conform to a perceived accepted normal where it is easier to conform and blend in
rather than deviate from the group and stand out (McKenzie-Mohr, 2014). Black hair has a
negative connotation, describing the hair texture as kinky. Merriam-Webster (n.d.) references
kinky in two ways: firstly, as hair having kinks or twists, and secondly as unusual sexual
behavior. Words used to describe Black hair had negative connotations, and vocabulary such as

21
kinky, rough, hard, bad, ugly, and nappy emerged to describe unattractive hair for Blacks that is
still commonly used in today’s vernacular (O’Brien-Richardon, 2019).
Black Reappropriation
Black American women have been at the mercy of scrutiny regarding their physique,
femininity, Blackness, and culture. When Black women choose a hairstyle that fits their
character, they also choose one that represents their race. Black women can chemically
straighten or wear their natural hair texture, and in a way, it subverts Blackness. It is the signal
and attempt for a Black woman to conform and assimilate into societal normalcy (Nyela, 2019).
According to Merriam-Webster (n.d.), reappropriation refers to assigning meaning to something
in a different way. Black hair and reappropriation are a powerful practice because it provides a
voice for Black women to choose their path of normalcy and what works best for their hair and
situation. When Black women decide to start their natural hair care journey, they also encounter
the true symbolism and ideological weight of Black natural hair (Thomas, 2013).
Black hair braiding is unique because it provides a connection to when braiding was a
way for enslaved people to tie their hair and hide it under a scarf,. Now braids have become more
palatable as a fashionable style and part of one’s identity. Hair braiding is attractive because no
one is genuinely taught to braid but they learn by watching others braid and attempt it themselves
(Nyela, 2019). Nyela (2019) stated that it is part of identity and should be further explored,
focusing on the interconnections between communications and media studies. Black women feel
comfortable getting their hair braided while feeling a sense of psychological safety, a sense of
belonging, and self-acceptance. These moments of vulnerability allow Black women to be
themselves and are revolutionary demonstrations of self-ownership and trust (Nyela, 2019;
Omotoso, 2018).

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Emotional Well-Being
The feeling that one cannot be pretty because they were born with a specific hair texture
takes a toll and brings forth disparate emotional well-being. Black women do not feel
psychologically safe expressing and wearing their natural hair textures, fearing that it will hinder
career advancements and other everyday societal opportunities that embrace the culture and
celebrate self-confidence and a sense of belonging (Borgogni, 2011). Emotional well-being and
identity are tied together for Black women regarding their hair. Historically, skin color and hair
texture shaped the lives of Black women (Chapman, 2007; Haley, 1973; Tate, 2007).
Self-affirmation and recognition of identities self-limit in the context of hair (Oyedemi, 2016).
For a sense of belonging, Black American women conform to their natural hair texture or may
add extensions completely masking or shifting their identity, covering part of their true
emotional selves (Chapman, 2007; Oyedemi, 2016). Women of other races and nationalities can
express themselves for special occasions or holidays without repercussions, stereotypes, or
discrimination. Furthermore, women of other races can change their hair texture or style because
it is fun and a different look, but Black women change their hair texture and styles to be
considered socially acceptable.
Look, Chinese girls on holiday in Ghana deciding to braid their hair for a small amount
of fun can hardly be compared to what is going on in the minds of Black women
worldwide—the denial of their true selves. Everywhere worldwide, Black women wear
false hair as their daily look. This is their daily self-image. Black women are not wearing
false hair for fun now and again. They are weaving false hair over their natural hair as
their natural identity. (Djane, 2011, p. 70)

23
Internal battles regarding how to style hair occur daily for Black women. Black feminist
thought in this context relates to race, gender, and class of Black women, and these factors can
impact their hair experiences related to these intersections (Coetzee et al., 2017). It is difficult to
execute self-imagery without the environment, behaviors, and people extrinsically embracing the
diversity of Black hair. Black women often feel required to fit into their dominant White
organizational culture and hide their true individual character. As a result, they may choose to
not express the hair that comes out of their head naturally, especially if they would like to be
successful in their field and advance their careers (Lewellen & Bohonors, 2020). What is
considered beautiful versus taboo or misunderstood is still being studied for acceptance into
mainstream culture (Garcia, 2012).
Hair is a marker of femininity (Chapman, 2007). Regardless of how successful a Black
woman is in their life, from professional to personal success, she may experience a lack of
confidence and self-regard (Rooks, 1996). Black women may not feel genuinely beautiful when
wearing Afrocentric hair textures and hairstyles. From a self-esteem perspective, Black women
hiding their true selves could be hindering true happiness and embracing their individual
intersectionality. In other words, an inward sense of worth and self-image to believe that one is
beautiful stems from the environment or the belief that it could be true.
Financial Impact
In advertisements from the late 1800s and 1900s, manufacturers seeking a Black
customer base indicated that their products would make Black women more beautiful and add
feminine grace, insinuating that Black women lacked beauty in the first place (Byrd & Tharps,
2001; Rooks, 1996). This type of perception continued in the media, where Black women were
led to feel inferior, primarily through their hair, and that beauty originated from Whiteness.

24
According to Ashe (1995), long straight hair and beauty are synced, and the natural
textured hair of most Black women does not fit the type of hair desired to be considered
beautiful. Oyedemi (2014) indicated there is a large market for Black women’s hair care
products, weave-on products, and chemical relaxers. Today, the Black hair care industry
generates $2.51 billion (Donahoo, 2021). Black women spend three times more money on hair
care maintenance and products than women of any other racial or ethnic group (Greenee, 2011).
The idea of getting your hair done on a consistent, regular basis is part of the culture. It
takes time and money to transform kinky coils into an accepted appearance (Lewellen &
Bohonors, 2020). Black women can spend hundreds of dollars yearly to chemically straighten
their hair to mirror European hair texture (Tetech et al., 2017). The Black hair care industry is
more than a trillion-dollar industry annually, with leading Black care companies having at least
$185 million in revenue annually (Johnson, 2014). By 2015, use of the former hair chemical
straightener, also known as a relaxer, consistently declined, while use of natural hair care
remedies and products increased by 35% since 2011 (Simeon, 2021). Black hair care and natural
hair remain the texture of choice as Black women choose healthy hair over conformity. Black
women’s commitment to healthy hair and care caused an increase in interest in purchasing
moisturizers and styling products over conforming natural hair textures (Donahoo, 2021).
Despite recessions, wars, and inflation, there has been no significant decline in sales of
hair care products purchased by Blacks (Johnson, 2014). The financial and positive economic
impact of Blacks’ buying power and the importance of hair care symbolizes the interconnectivity
among a sense of belonging, hair, and social identity. Black women face explaining their hair
regimen and maintenance routine to conform their hair to non-Black women. However, as Black
American women feel more empowered to wear natural textures, the trend to chemically

25
straighten kinky hair or curls is steadily declining. In contrast, the number of natural hair care
products continues rising (Mintel, 2014).
Medical Impact
Further investigation is needed into how chemical straighteners adversely impact Black
women. Black women may use chemicals to treat and manipulate their coils to more Eurocentric
textures. Over time and with repeated use, this can cause alopecia, which causes hair loss and
baldness (Dabiri, 2020). Even after repeated use of hair products and chemicals, Black women
intentionally attempt to conform their hair to Eurocentric textures, which also, over time, can
lead to hair loss, hair breakage, damaged and dry hair, skin irritation, poor self-image and selfesteem, more extreme health conditions such as alopecia, skin cancer, and breast cancer
(Bankhead & Johnson, 2014; Thompson, 2009).
Hair products contain more than 5,000 chemicals, including some with mutagenic and
endocrine-disrupting properties, such as aromatic amines that induce tumors in the mammary
glands of rats (Eberle et al., 2019). Hair relaxers used by millions of Black women expose them
to various chemicals and can lead to scalp lesions and burns, some of which have caused severe
hair loss, balding, burns, and color change (Byrd & Tharps, 2001; Rooks, 1996; Wise et al.,
2012). There are studies now considering the risk associated with straighteners, predominately
used by women of African descent (Eberle et al., 2019). Black women who used dye at least
every 5–8 weeks had a 60% higher breast cancer risk than any other race (Wise et al., 2012).
Wise et al. (2012) correlated the use of women using hair chemical straighteners to uterine
leiomyomata (fibroids). They showed that women using such chemicals had a higher incident
ratio of obtaining fibroids than women who did not use chemical hair straighteners (Hill, 2012).

26
Black women use chemical hair straighteners at an alarming 74.1%, compared to 3.0%
for non-Hispanic White women (Eberle et al., 2019). Since hair straighteners are only partly
monitored by the Food and Drug Administration, manufacturers are not required to list
flavorings, fragrances, and ingredients that could contribute to an adverse medical impact for
Black women who use the product (Llanos et al., 2017; Rosenberg et al., 2007). Another study
confirmed a relationship from an epidemiological data perspective between hair dye, some types
of chemical straighteners, and breast cancer (Llanos, 2017).
Employment and Advancement
Black American women feel compelled to conform their hair to Eurocentric hair textures
to advance in the workplace. Natural Black hairstyles can be problematic in a Eurocentric
workspace as they may lead recruiters and hiring managers to view Black women as less
professional and competent than women with straight looking hairstyles (Koval et al., 2020).
This can be achieved through chemical straightening or wearing wigs and weaves. Jones and
Shorter-Gooden (2003) stated that Black women must straighten their hair before job interviews
to avoid backlash. Black women with natural hairstyles versus straightened hairstyles face
negative evaluations in job recruitment because there is a perception that it is considered less
professional (Koval et al., 2020). Black women’s experiences with hair can intersect with class
and employment, where Black women choosing to wear more Eurocentric or White hairstyles,
such as long and straight, are labeled as educated, sophisticated, and capable of succeeding in
higher paying positions than Black women who choose to wear more Afrocentric hairstyles such
as braids, locs, or cornrows (Banks, 2000; Donahoo, 2021; Opie & Phillips, 2015). Black women
received more negative evaluations when they applied for a role in an industry with solid dress
code norms (Koval et al., 2020). Many Black women agree that their hairstyle can cause

27
concerns about job security and opportunities for career advancement, particularly if they wear
natural Black textured coils (Pitts, 2021). In 2012, a Black woman was told her natural hair was
not glamorous enough for the Hooter’s establishment where she worked, and she was ultimately
terminated from the company (Cook, 2012). Additionally, wearing such natural hairstyles may
raise doubts about a Black woman’s competence (Koval & Rosette, 2020).
Hair as an Employment Penalty
Black hair remains perceived as misunderstood, with the inability to express the
complexity of its true meaning. Tate (2007) mentioned that when hair appears different from
what is socially accepted, others may be frightened. Compared to White women, Black women
received higher agency penalties when they wore Afrocentric versus Eurocentric hair, rating
them as more dominant and less professional (Opie & Phillips, 2015). Black women face a
double “othering” through gender and racial oppression as Black hair is politicized and racialized
by gender and class (Erasmus, 1997). Afrocentric hair directly links to stereotypes about Black
people (Maddox, 2014). Additionally, sociologists, feminists, and proponents of Afrocentric
theory claim that there are more social implications about hair for Black women than for White
women (Hall, 1995; White, 2005).
Celebrities Experience Bias
Celebrities and athletes all have their fair share of hair bias and harassment. For example,
Zandaya Coleman, an actress and singer, attended the Oscars in 2015 and was criticized for
wearing locs as a hairstyle. Host and Fashionista Guilana Rancic stated that her hairstyle
“smelled like patchouli oil … or weed” (Phillip, 2015, para. 3). Another example occurred when
U.S. Gymnast Gabby Douglas won a gold medal for her performance and was criticized for her
hairstyle and choice of texture (Hill, 2012). The irony in hair bias regarding Gabby was that

28
Black women were shaming her for the lack of good hair, or unkempt styling, and hair texture
acceptable to Black women.
Other Industries and Hair Bias
The military is one of the largest employers in America, and in 2014, it banned hairstyles
such as twists, locs, and cornrows, which are commonly used protective styles worn by Black
women (Bates, 2014; Terkel, 2014). The argument to note here is that locs, cornrows, and twists
are hair naturally styled as it grows directly from the scalp, and these hairstyles were deemed
unacceptable by the military (Terkel, 2014). Black women spoke out against the military,
claiming that the grooming policy unfairly targets everyday hairstyles worn by Black women
soldiers (Bates, 2014). A petition initiated by Representative Marcia Fudge had approximately
15,000 signatures requesting reconsideration of the policy (Bates, 2014). In 2017, the hair ban
was overturned, and the military reversed the policy so Black women could wear such protective
styles (Bates, 2014; Terkel, 2014).
Schools and Bias
From a social and political point of view, countless cases related to Black girls and
women and their choice of hairstyles led to litigation in the school system. In a study of Black
hair bias conducted by Jones (2017), several mentors stated that Black women must hold their
tongues to move up and straighten their hair; they do not hire people to lead school districts with
their hairstyle. In 1996, a Chicago middle school banned locs, braids, and cornrows for fear that
they were tied to gang-related activity and identification (Banks, 2000). Even in the school
system, Black girls have been subject to hair discrimination and bias. At a Christian school in
Florida, a Black girl was sent home and accused of her hair being distracting and violating the
approved dress code (Lee, 2013). Schools and other private institutions have sent Black girls

29
home from school, stating that hair extensions are not within the dress code to include specific
bans against hairstyles worn by Black girls (Jackson, 2018). Across the country, Black girls have
had a lack of advocacy and a sense of belonging from teachers and administrative staff. Some
Black girls were expelled or penalized due to school policies regarding dress code and hair
deemed unacceptable.
The Next Hair Movement
Over the past 20 years, Black women transitioned to a sense of nonconformity or wearing
styles that suit their needs. There is a growing trend to grow out relaxers and chemically
straightened hair and return to natural textures as a sense of self-care. This hair care movement
differs from the 1960s and 1970s since Black women are choosing self-care and better hair care
for themselves and not for societal normalcy. According to Johnson (2014), it is less a political
statement and more about self-acceptance and embracing natural, unaltered hair textures. These
women wear natural hair textures as they naturally grow from the scalp (Johnson, 2014). This
initiative for self-acceptance and self-care created the Natural Hair Movement initiative,
celebrating Black hair in its natural state (Jefferies & Jefferies, 2014). An increasing number of
Black women feel empowered to transition from using chemicals or purposefully choosing to
wear their hair straight (Bey, 2011). Black women are starting to change how they perceive their
beauty, celebrating attributes that have not been historically accepted in White American culture,
which considers White attributes of beauty the norm. More women are moving between
Afrocentric and Eurocentric styles as they wish as a matter of personal choice rather than
conformity (Majali et al., 2017). Black women are empowering other Black women to self-care,
self-love, and celebrate their hair choices, recognizing the history and how far they have come.
Black women are beginning to embrace and release their true authentic intersectionality,

30
breaking the years of hiding and social confirming while understanding the historical perspective
of how Black women have been viewed. Author Evans shares the importance of celebrating
Black beauty:
Utilize cultural and ancestral history to teach your daughter that Black is beautiful; her
Black is beautiful; and that there is no one way to be a Black woman. Celebrate the
beauty of her skin and hair, emphasizing the legacy of her African ancestors and the
significance of Blackness in pop culture today. (Evans, 2017, p. 257)
Despite Black American women feeling compelled to conform to hide natural Black
textured hair, some Black women genuinely align their beauty and self-image with straightened
hairstyles and blue eyes. However, it does not disregard their pride in their identity or Blackness
(Thompson, 2009, p. 837). In addition, Jones and Shorter-Gooden (2013) conveyed that Black
women who choose to wear societally accepted hairstyles do not necessarily idolize Whiteness
and White beauty. Trying on a new look, even often associated with Europeans, does not
automatically imply self-hatred. A Black woman can completely change her look but still
embrace her heritage (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). Black women are choosing hair
independence, which is more commonly associated with self-image and self-love, a celebration
of their inner and outer beauty. Wearing hairstyles that are representative of Blackness reflects a
positive attitude toward Blackness and challenges societal normalcy around what is considered
beautiful and acceptable (Donahoo, 2021). Many Black women embrace their Blackness and
celebrate their natural textures by going through their hair journey from chemically straightened
to natural.

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Contrast to Conformity
Celebrities are beginning to express themselves, setting new trends on Black hair and
feminist empowerment. For example, Beyoncé’s Lemonade braids demonstrate a unique contrast
to conformity and bias, where extremely blonde hair extensions are interwoven into long
cornrows flat to the head (Brooks, 2019). According to Bolman and Deal (2013), using a
political or controversial platform to be heard, rather than offer a resolution to eliminate a
concern, supports celebrities embracing their power to propose change.
From Megan Markle to Beyoncé, many celebrities used their platforms to express the
stories they encountered or believe about Black womanness, feminism, and Black majesty. In
Beyoncé’s Lemonade video, she intentionally wore various Afrocentric hairstyles that contradict
White idealization and Black hair, such as blonde braids, tousled curls, bleach blonde plaits, and
coifed top-knots—in addition to hair adornments like African headwraps rebutting the symbolic
lyric Beyoncé sings in a song saying, “Becky with the good hair” (Willson, 2021, p.8).
According to Willson (2021), Beyoncé is rearticulating and amplifying Black hair and
womanness in natural form and intentionally visualizing to the audience cap-crowns worn by
Queen Nefertiti, an African princess painting Black majesty and empowerment (Willson, 2021).
Beyoncé, in her last few albums, conjured Black culture and style in the service of Black Lives
Matter politics and Black women’s hair is at the heart of the assertation of Blackness (Brooks,
2019).
Black women compare good hair to the closest to White people’s hair—long, straight,
easy to comb, and shiny. In its natural kinky texture, Black hair is brittle and woolly (Chapman,
2007). Good hair is the code Black women use to indicate when a Black girl or woman has
straight, more prominent curls, that are bouncy and more manageable (Erasmus, 1997). Most

32
Black women do not naturally grow hair that is straight and silky from the scalp, which makes it
harder to conform naturally to be considered and appear naturally feminine, beautiful, and
attractive; one must conform or transform the hair to be considered beautiful (Donahoo, 2021;
Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003; Thompson, 2009).
Megan Markle’s journey of Black diasporic roots combats the cultural colonialist view of
contracting White grandeur, beauty, and entitlement. She illuminated Black princesses and
complicated the British depiction of the royal family (Wilson, 2021). Both women, Beyoncé and
Megan, have something in common: both communicated intentionally to unite their community
on a complex matter where being authentic and intimate thrive in times of crisis (Saunders,
2003). As Black womanness and Black feminist views continue to receive visibility and interest,
both platforms empowered and reached many Black women who are beginning to express,
communicate, and stand for their culture.
Hairstyles, Identity, and Personal Choice
The idea that a conscious choice is made when selecting which style to choose for Black
women is a thing. Black women contemplate hair textures and styles that determine and define
their identity. Styling and combing Black hair depicts success and opportunities – the familiar
ponytail is not good enough and can be challenging (Tetech et al., 2017). Internal battles
regarding how to style the hair occur daily for Black American women (Tetech et al., 2017).
There is much internal debate among Black women about whether weaves, wigs, or hiding
natural hair is considered a betrayal of the Hair Movement. For many Black women, weaves
save time when busy schedules do not provide time to self-care and maintain natural hair.
According to Majali et al. (2017), “It is clear that the choice of wear weaves or extensions is a
personal choice rather than betraying their African identity” (p. 164). In contrast, any type of

33
altering the hair, such as adding extensions in the hair to change the texture, length, color, and
style, could portray Black women as emulating White beauty standards (Majali et al., 2017).
Conceptual Framework
This study incorporated concepts and theories to understand Black women’s hair
experiences in the United States. First, there is a need to recognize that scholars, theorists,
activists, and pioneers provided new researchers the ability to rely on several methodologies and
frameworks that support the problem of practice around Black women’s everyday hair
experiences. I chose intersectional theory as the conceptual framework for this study, with Black
feminist thought as the supportive methodology. In this study I focused on the intersectionality
of race and gender of Black American women (Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1989). Cho et al.
(2013) suggested that gender and race can complicate many disparities. With the focus on
intersectionality, it can enable representations as a disadvantage.
This research and narrative analysis heightened Black women’s experiences and voices,
demonstrating the various dimensions of their identity and intersectionality through Black
feminist thought. These frameworks build a foundation that provides a platform for bringing
awareness and supporting the efforts of celebrating diversity by wearing a variety of hair textures
and styles. This research plans to explore the connectivity and correlation between Black
feminist thought and intersectionality theory. Combining these methodologies brought additional
awareness to the research already conducted regarding the complexities and added discourse of
being Black and a woman in America. This study hopes to motivate researchers and scholars to
uncover the added complexity and intersectionality of hair bias and discourse when Black
women wear their hair however they choose.

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Sociologist Patricia Hill Collins (1990) was the first scholar to integrate the ideas of
Black feminist thought into intersectionality, stating that Black women’s history and experiences
are different in the context of complexity and should be separated from the ideology of White
feminist ideologies. Scholars researched White women and their experiences in America.
Political scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw focused on the intersectionality of race and gender, stating
that it is the combination of race and gender, specifically related to women of color, that creates
an additional complexity of marginalized discourse, suppressing experiences and not bringing
forth the additional intersectionality of being both Black and woman (Crenshaw, 1991; Lanehart,
2015b).
Intersectionality Theory
Intersectionality theory could be impactful on future movements and social justice
initiatives. Hair bias and discrimination are multidimensional and intersectional, where
inequities, inequalities, unconscious bias, discrimination, and historical status quo adversely
impact Black women in the United States. Intersectionality as a theory includes questions about
how intersectionality weighs on decisions made from a concept of what was adapted, adjusted,
included, excluded, and conformed (Cho et al., 2013). Kimberlé Crenshaw (2011) argued that
intersectionality was a tool or catalyst for societal change and social justice.
Intersectionality theory as a conceptual framework synthesized two main approaches to
hair bias and discrimination. First, power is the connection point to activate change with enough
momentum to resist oppression and bring forth issues to discuss as a society. Second is the
ability to conceptualize systemic hair bias realities directly reflecting racism. There are
complexities of being a Black American woman and their multiple realities concerning
Blackness, womanness, racism, and societal normalcy (Banks, 2000). Hairism supports racism in

35
that Black women feel that the natural hair that grows from their scalps is labeled as bad hair
because it is the antithesis of White hair, described as long, straight, and silky (Donahoo, 2021).
Black women avoid possible hairism and racism by conforming hair to more acceptable styles
within societal normalcy.
Structural intersectionality is focused on power dynamics and the political and structural
inequities that fuel it (Cho et al., 2013). According to Crenshaw (1991), the ideation of structural
intersectionality is multifaceted, with layers and various levels of dominating factors. Using this
concept, Black women in the United States, lacking dominance in social settings, have a sense of
submission, and conforming hair textures or styles to emulate what is considered beautiful and
accepted (i.e., Eurocentric or White textures and styles) is part of that.
Black American women’s intersectionality is complex and reflects body, mind, and spirit.
Black women should be free to express their intersectionality using their unique and authentic
personalities without fear of bias regarding their hair. Intersectionality of both one’s gender and
race plays a part in understanding Black American women’s experiences with hair bias and
discrimination in the United States and the social injustices that instill change through concepts
like Black feminist thought.
Fear and Oppression
According to Collins (2000), Black women in the United States were victimized by
intersecting oppressions. Black American women conform their hair texture at an alarming 66%
as a proactive measure before job interviews, fearing their hair will be the primary reason for not
getting the job (Dove, 2021). From an intersectional perspective, Onnie et al. (2022) examined
how systems of privilege and oppression shaped implications and interpretations of hair and
beauty for Black women. Black American women who wear Eurocentric hairstyles conform to

36
the accepted standard of professionalism to feel accepted and fit in. However, the Black
American women who choose to wear Afrocentric tresses, in contrast, reveal a marginal identity
trait (Opie & Phillips, 2015). Black women have experienced bias from White women who
believe that Black natural textured hair that grows from the scalp is considered less attractive,
beautiful, and sexy than straight and smooth hair (O’Brien-Richardson, 2019). Black women and
girls experience harassment through cultural appropriation when typical Black hairstyles are
socially accepted when another race wears that hairstyle. Black women feel that accepting
typical Black hairstyles depends on who wears the style versus where it originates (Navarro,
2016; Opie & Phillips, 2015).
Black Feminist Thought
Black feminism stresses how Black American women must become self-defined and selfdetermining within intersecting oppressions, emphasizing the importance of knowledge for
empowerment (Collins, 2000). According to Collins (2000), Black women have lived at the
bottom of the social hierarchy for generations, finally becoming a topic of social change and
opposing oppression. As Collins stated, “It is not an intellectual issue for most African American
(Black) women—it is a lived reality” (p. 274). The need for Black women to continue to express
their concerns, views, and experiences is essential for action and change. Collins also indicated
that Black feminist thought reflects the voices of lived reality. With one voice, unfortunately,
experiences fall on deaf ears, but many voices stating similar experiences and realities of
experiencing bias with their choice of hairstyle or texture could be profound enough to be a
catalyst for change.
Black women in the United States have begun to resist oppression and demand change.
Over time, Black American women adapted to societal normalcy by conforming natural textures

37
into Eurocentric tresses and generated new behaviors to become trendsetters in cultural
phenomena to create new sexy trends (Majali et al., 2017). Although hairstyles and textures vary,
Black women are taking the hair industry into their own hands and creating new innovative
hairdos, from kinky curly natural styles to weaves, lace front wigs to braids, straight and short or
long afros. Social awareness and justice for Black women in the United States and the ability to
freely wear hair as they choose was an active social platform for many years.
Within the political discourse, Black feminism speaks of the conditions in which racially
and economically marginalized women were situated (Cho et al., 2013). Black women must
empower themselves to understand their own power and knowledge around what their choice of
hair style and texture speaks to their individuality, identity, and intersectionality. What best
represents Black feminist thought is described as an empowering way of thinking and
questioning the status quo, understanding that questioning the way things have been does not
dictate how things are supposed to be (Collins, 2000).
The CROWN Act
Black hair discrimination and hair bias are not new. However, they gained attention in the
past 5 years due to the CROWN Act of 2019, purposively helping end racial discrimination and
bias that has existed for decades (Rabelo et al., 2020). Senate Bill Number 188 (SB-188, 2019)
was first passed in California on July 3, 2019, guaranteeing it is unlawful to engage in any
discrimination related to hair in hiring, promotions, terminations, and employment practices,
considering it a protected characteristic. As a result of hair discrimination suits around the
country, the CROWN Act of 2019 was passed in the United States to help end racial hair
discrimination, an overt act of unconscious bias that existed for decades (Rabelo et al., 2020).

38
Figure 2
Photo of Black Woman Torn Between Non-conformed and Conformed Hair Texture
Note. 80% of Black women ages 25–64 change their natural hair into a straightened or different
texture to fit into the office. From “We’re Ending Hair Discrimination” by Dove, 2021
(www.thecrownact.com).
The CROWN Act protects Black women who statistically experience hair bias at a higher
rate than any other self-identified gender and race. Hairism promotes Eurocentric tresses and
textures, such as long and straight, while the CROWN Act supports the acceptance and diversity
of all hair types, textures, and styles (SB-188, 2019). Specifically, the CROWN Act identifies
hair discrimination “as a racial and civil rights issue” (SB-188, 2019, p. 2).
The CROWN Act of 2019 provides protection. It allows people who believe they can
achieve changes through a collective voice and view their governmental systems as trustworthy
to be active participants in conventional political activities (1997). The CROWN Act was created
to support ending hair discrimination and bias in the United States. California State Senator
Holly Mitchell was the first to ensure protection against discrimination based on race-based
hairstyles and textures such as braids, locs, twists, and knots in the workplace and schools (The

39
CROWN Coalition, 2023). According to the CROWN 2023 Workplace research study, 54% of
Black women must straighten their hair before job interviews (The CROWN Coalition, 2023).
Additionally, Black women experience microaggressions about their hair two times more than
any other race (The CROWN Coalition, 2023).
The United States that have passed the CROWN Act are as follows: Alaska, Arizona,
Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland,
Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York,
Oregon, Tennessee, Texas Virginia, and Washington (Dove, 2021).
A Sense of Belonging
Black American women have always tried to fit into the environment and societal
normalcy with hopes of being judged by the content of their character rather than by their hair.
The Black women’s sense of belonging is tied to cultural and social status through their hair.
Compared to White women, Black women cannot wear a simple ponytail and be successful as
one means of fitting in—it is not good enough (Tetech et al., 2017). Bilge (2013) mentioned the
concept that Black women experience an inability to be themselves in all areas of their lives due
to the social norms and truly embracing their culture and heritage. It is Black women who feel
exclusion rather than inclusion when it comes to intersectionality and feminist thought in
general. Yet, Mullings (1994) mentioned an additional perspective about freedom and the
thought of equivocal opportunities for Black women, which unfortunately threatens the
dominance and social placement of gender hierarchy.
Black women are the last voice to be heard when it comes to having a voice or equivocal
opportunity to share the complexities and added discourse Black women face. This lack of
inclusivity heightens the lack of belonging to any standardized feminist ideation and creates

40
Black feminist thought. With the latter, issues and everyday decisions Black women face
formulate the opinion and character of that individual. Something as simple as their hair defines
character and belonging. Black women face internal battles of self-esteem and a sense of
belonging regarding whether their hair is considered a good texture that is easy to work with or
manipulate. In the movie Good Hair (Stilson, 2009), narrated by comedian Chris Rock, countless
Black women in America are interviewed about the criticality of fitting in and the use of
chemical straightening relaxers, also referred to in the movie as “creamy crack,” and how this
chemical straightens kinky coils that improve overall self-image (Majali et al., 2017; Tetech et
al., 2017). Although not mentioned in the movie, the authors felt that masking kinky coils to fit
in and hiding natural textures better places Black women into societal normalcy to feel accepted
(Tetech et al., 2017). The movie captured how Black women were adversely impacted in the
workplace and some explicit bias toward natural hair worn by Black women (O’BrienRichardson, 2019).
The Types of Intersectionality
Structural intersectionality delineates “the multilayered and routinized forms of
domination” (Crenshaw, 1991, p. 1245). Black women feel compelled to confirm their hair to fit
into the environment and be accepted. For Black women, despite choosing a hair texture and
style that suits their character, there is an internal self-esteem battle that showcases
intersectionality. There are also complexities of the triadic reciprocity when uncovering the
complexities of being Black, woman, and other statuses such as sexual orientation, culture, race,
and ethnicity. According to Bandura (1997), people choose to control their choices. For example,
Black women who wear their hair naturally reflect their culture and community despite the
dominant aesthetic. Black women may achieve this aesthetic by wearing specific hairstyles such

41
as wigs, weaves, braids, or blowouts to straighten the hair based on their environment and
activities. Another intersectionality is called representational intersectionality. This type of
intersectionality brings together race and gender but does not bring the complexity of one’s
entire self to the discussion, as in both Black and woman (Crenshaw, 1991).
Synthesized Summary
There is a need to analyze further narratives that perpetuate Black women’s hair bias and
collectively voice the complex intersectionality that are a part of the story that needs to be told
by Black American women. An article posted on The Cosmopolitan (February 19, 2016) featured
an elementary school Black girl who was sent home for appearing not to have combed her hair in
days. According to this article, a mother, Turkeesa Deleveaux, turned to social media and shared
the story, ending her frustration in caps, stating, “SHE IS A BLACK CHILD WITH THICK
NATURAL HAIR!!!!” Many parents supported the mother and created a hair support movement
called #SupportThePuff, which embraces natural Black hair. Telling these personal narratives
and sharing these experiences so that other Black American women can collectively voice
oppression and bias in everyday lives is needed to help uncover the actual problem of practice
that existed for centuries (Mintel, 2014).
Future researchers would benefit from studying the potential options and mechanisms
between expressing marginalized identity traits and the correlation between professionalism and
dominance (Opie & Phillips, 2014). There are countless qualitative studies (Banks, 2000; White
2005) on this topic of hair bias and discrimination and fewer quantitative studies (Opie &
Phillips, 2014). The leads to one generalization: the experiences and stories of Black women and
the influence and impact that hair ties to their identity are essential.

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Chapter Three: Methodology
This chapter includes the methodology for this qualitative study, which focused on the
narratives, experiences, and stories Black American women regarding the decision to hide or not
hide their hair texture. Using a qualitative methodology allowed for the deepening of knowledge,
awareness, empathy, and understanding around the problem of practice and the research
substantiated by scholars, activists, theorists, and researchers who believed the problem should
be solved. DeCuir-Gunby et al. (2013) believed that critical race theory scholars use storytelling
and counter-narratives to highlight racial biases that may be deeply rooted and buried within
American history and culture. Using narratives and oral histories as the primary data component
is essential for demystifying unknowns and assumptions about Black American women and hair
regarding their intersectionality.
The research questions related to the positive and negative impactful experiences Black
American women face about their hair from an intersectionality perspective, bringing race and
gender into one complex conversation. Other characteristics that identify the individual also
bring complexity that shapes the experiences of Black women living in America (DeCuir-Gunby
et al., 2013). I intimately connected with and communicated with the interviewees, built rapport,
and offered a space for sharing intimate experiences regarding hair bias and discrimination.
Research Questions
Two research questions guided this study:
1. What are Black American women’s perceptions that have influenced their decision to
wear their natural hair textures or not?
2. Where have Black women experienced microaggressions related to hair
discrimination or bias?

43
Overview of Design
I used a qualitative design and individual interviews in this study. According to Creswell
(2013), the methodological approach of a qualitative study allows for diving deeper into the
research, tying the intersectionality theoretical framework and Black feminist thought to
discovering which parts of Black American women’s intersectionality influenced their decision
to wear their hair a certain way. The interview format consisted of a semi-structured interview
structure with standardized questions with agility to adapt to the interviewee’s commentary and
responses, probing for additional context and validation (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The primary
purpose of choosing a qualitative method for this study was to “understand how people make
sense of their experiences” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 42).
There were 10 interviews completed where these individuals shared their experiences and
stories. All interviewees expressed interest in having their voices heard since the CROWN Act
was enacted in 2019. Each interview took approximately 75–90 minutes and was conducted via
Zoom or Microsoft Teams, favoring the interviewee’s preference and adhering to COVID-19
protocols for that area. Interview times were pre-scheduled. An overview of expectations
initiated the discussion, ensuring privacy and respecting their stories. Participants shared their
first name, age, occupation, and location of residence to reiterate confidentiality and trust, thus
providing psychological safety to share openly. The goal was to ensure a diverse population of
Black American women were interviewed for a solid target sample. With the interviewee’s
consent, I collected demographic information using open-ended question to understand the
variance in age, racial and ethnic self-identification (i.e., Afro-Latina, Afro-Caribbean, African
American, Black, African, Creole, Afro-Chicana, biracial, multi-racial), highest education
obtained, and self-identification of hair texture. I also asked questions about how hair is styled

44
for work versus a party or on a cruise. After the individual interviews, participants received a gift
of a shea butter body lotion from a Black woman entrepreneur to promote Black businesses. This
gift was valued at $20.
Method and Approach
The interviews were semi-structured with questions that helped uncover the data to
address the two main research questions. I also used probing to when clarification was needed
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The interview questions addressed intersectionality, Black feminist
thought, and value-based and feeling-based experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p.118).
Additionally, according to Bowen (2009), the goal was to obtain a confluence of evidence for
credibility and to determine the best way to ask open-ended questions using techniques that
supported the problem of practice.
Data Sources
The study included in-depth interviews with individuals who self-identified as both Black
and a woman and who lived in the United States. With a qualitative method, researchers engage
deeply in conversation to understand potential situations and experiences that include anger,
excitement, regret, bias, and individual perspectives. The semi-structured interview process
provides a blueprint to obtain data and understand situations that might bring forth new data and
awareness.
Interview Participants and Target Population
The interview participants were individuals who self-identified as Black Americans and
women. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) stated that interviewing is necessary when one cannot
observe behaviors, feelings, or how individuals interpret the world (p. 108). The study
synthesized intersectionality theory to demonstrate how factors implode the societal standard of

45
Black hairstyles. The objectives were to understand whether Black American women are
discriminated against based on their choice of hairstyle for career opportunities, whether
environmental factors hinder diversity, equity, and celebration of inclusive hairstyles and
textures, and to exemplify various nationalities and ethnicities.
Researcher and Positionality
Both the interviewer and interviewees held assumptions regarding Black American
women and hair identity and bias. The key was to remain objective in those observations to
obtain the most objective evidence and maintain credibility (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). My
positionality is that I have hair experiences, influences, and expectations of my hair when I leave
my home. I self-identify as a Black woman who has lived with both straightened and natural
tresses. I decide how to style and comb my hair depending on the occasion. For example, at a
party where I get dressed up, I always have my natural hair straightened in a bun or an elegant
style. I have never felt like wearing my natural curls was beautiful for a dress-up event. As I gain
more confidence in my hair and how to wear it naturally, I learned how to style it for big events
with coils and grace. I was fortunate to wear braids for work and feel comfortable wearing them
for any work occasion. Most days, wearing braids in a low or high bun is the best for my
industry, which is the government sector. According to Sonahoo (2021), my positionality is that
my experiences and perspectives connect with other Black women who also encountered,
experienced, and understood the inequities and inequality experienced by Black women. My
internal hair bias determined how I felt about specific questions. Hence, I defined the language
and purpose meaningfully, as my intent was to retrieve objective evidence that met the criteria
for solid data analysis (Conger, 1991).

46
Interview Criteria and Process
To ensure a robust and objective sample, interviewees were from different U.S. regions
and I confirmed if interviewees had similar or different experiences. Ten Black American
women expressed interest in participating in the focus group. Participants were of all ages, raised
in various parts of the country, self-identified as Black, and were living in the United States.
Inclusion criteria included individuals who self-identified their race as of African descent,
including those living in the United Staes who self-identified as African American, Black, AfroAmerican, Afro-Latina, Afro-Caribbean, or African. Addition inclusion criteria included
individuals who self-identified as women, regardless of sex at birth. There was no required age
range and not capping the age provided for more depth. I hoped to find an interviewee who lived
through various impactful and pivotal moments in Black history, specifically where hair became
movements of power to instill change. Since hair bias can occur beyond any specific industry
and can be experienced at any age and culture, actively employed or retired, there was no
requirement or exclusion of criteria. Interviewees were required to demonstrate the ability to
read, write, and speak in English and consent to the interview and study.
After approval by the University of Southern California Institutional Review Board,
Rossier School of Education, and the Organizational Change and Leadership Committee team,
individuals were recruited by word-of-mouth and a newsletter sent each month to museum
members of the African American Museum of Southern Arizona, which reached a large and
wide audience, and allowed the opportunity to get referrals from interviews.
Data Collection
Interviews were conducted during November and December 2023, the data collection
period. All in-person interviews were recorded via Otter AI, and video conferences were

47
conducted via Zoom. During the interview, copious notes were taken with the approval and
consent of each interviewee. To ensure the safekeeping of everyone’s stories and experiences, I
used Otter AI to record the interviews and I saved them to my personal student account, which
was password-protected and required a VPN to the Google server. If needed, I asked the
participants for a follow-up interview or conversation to ensure accuracy and alignment with the
intent of the individuals’ stories and input. I created a credible relationship with the interviewees
and ensured their trust in the process.
Jones (2017) stated that cultural empowerment is a conceptual framework where
interlinked concepts can explain social phenomena. This study supported this statement and
problem of practice to clarify a social reality that existed for many years. Qualitative research
was best for this study because it maintained the authenticity of stories and the cultural
ontological perspective gained by interlinking concepts (Jones, 2017). The truth in the rhetoric,
including the resistance of cultural discourse, promoted truth to cultural empowerment and this
cultural movement to free Black American women of hair discrimination.
There were two main questions I wanted to understand further. Black women each have
individualized hair experiences based on what they are doing or are doing. I wanted to
understand their perception and stories of why and how they decided to wear their hair a specific
way. Another question I wanted to understand further is where and what microaggressions Black
women might have experienced. I felt that interviewing was the best option to retrieve these
individualized stories. Table 1 includes the research questions focused on during the interview.

48
Table 1
Data Sources for Research Questions
Research questions Interview
RQ1: What are Black American women’s perceptions that have
influenced their decision to wear their natural hair textures or not? X
RQ 2: Where have Black women experienced microaggressions
related to hair discrimination or bias? X
Credibility and Trustworthiness
The interviews were recorded to ensure the authenticity and quality of the material.
Understanding is required for qualitative research (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The stories,
compelling as they can be, may have naysayers and challenge the validity and intent of the study.
To create credibility and trustworthiness in the process, the interviewees were given a copy of
the overall summary of the research so that everyone understood the importance of the study, the
purpose of the research, and what was expected of them. During the interview, there was a
preponderance of the evidence, assessing patterns and conclusions that created a “best fit” for the
research evidence (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 249). Researchers must ensure that the reader’s
perspective, biases, and assumptions are clear (Maxwell, 2013, p. 124). However, more
importantly, the reader must understand the researcher’s particular values, beliefs, and lens to see
their perspective on the topic and how the study may be conducted. Researchers must address
concerns quickly and create openness of thought and respect for the experiences (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016, p. 241). To document the stories, results, and experiences, the researcher kept a

49
log of the interviewers and dates of interviews and recorded discussions as an audit trail
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Validity and Reliability
According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), there is a focus on data collection and the
reliability of the source and interviewees’ stories. As Bowen (2009) indicated, the goal is to seek
corroboration and convergence through multiple forms of evidence. Document analysis must
take a course through triangulation, a combination of methods for the same phenomenon. The
strategy is to interview in a semi-structured, informal setting to ensure the interviewees feel
comfortable sharing intimate stories and ask the same questions with additional probing
questions to dive deeper into the evidence to breed credibility (Bowen, 2009). The study must be
carefully conceptualized so that the data are collected and analyzed and the findings are
presented (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Ethics
In this study, I used qualitative methods to obtain the experiences and voices of Black
women in the United States and their personal stories around hair bias and discrimination.
According to Tracy (2013), “a relational ethic means being aware of one’s role and impact on
relationships and treating participants as whole people rather than as just subjects from which to
wrench a good story” (p. 245). The stories Black women share come from a place in the mind
and heart that could bring up good or bad experiences. Researchers must treat every story with
integrity and respect. In qualitative studies, ethical dilemmas may emerge (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016, p. 261). Researchers must be fully transparent with the interviewee regarding sharing
consensual information and determining the level of ethical consideration, especially if harm was
brought to the interviewee (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).

50
Interviews were recorded using an Apple iPhone with an application that allows
recording for up to 3 hours. Additionally, interviews were conducted on Zoom or MS Teams and
recorded and transcribed to keep the integrity and authenticity of the words and stories of the
interviewees. Appendix A includes the interview questions. I provided them with an overview
about respecting their stories, only sharing their first name, and not sharing the location of
residence to provide confidentiality and trust, thereby providing psychological safety to share
openly. Confidentiality was maintained throughout the study, using a strong word combination
password on a protected laptop with password-protected files.
The interview included questions that would help the researcher understand the
interviewee’s upbringing, thoughts, and experiences as they relate to their hair and confidence in
their hair. Additionally, since some memories did not bring forth positive experiences, the
researcher gave the interviewees the option to skip the question if they did not feel comfortable
answering, but this did not occur.
Limitations and Delimitations
The study was delimited to the experiences of self-identified Black women living in the
United States. I decided to limit the boundary to just Black American women living in the United
States because of the history of Black hair as portrayed in America. Considering Black women
from diverse locations around the country provided the opportunity to understand the synergies
and similar narratives of Americans and the struggles of hair bias and discrimination. The
decision regarding using the term Black women or Black females was difficult. Choosing women
as the identifying term versus female provided more diverse narratives and experiences,
especially regarding growing up Black and perceptions of Black hair.

51
The limitations included a need for more interest in in-person interviews from a
qualitative perspective. The 10 participants were from diverse locations around the country, with
most currently living on the West Coast but growing up in different parts of the country, creating
a robust understanding of hair experiences during childhood. The limitations of not having inperson interviews was addressed by conducting interviews through Zoom, which created a
welcoming atmosphere since most participants were very comfortable and familiar with Zoom.

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Chapter Four: Findings
This study examined Black women’s influences and experiences regarding their hair
choices. The study specifically aims to understand the complexities from an intersectionality
perspective of what Black American women face regarding the influences and decisions to wear
various hairstyles and textures and the multiple realities they face (Banks, 2000). This qualitative
study was facilitated through Zoom, with a semi-structured format where investigations are more
open-ended and informal (Merriam & Tisdell, p. 110, 2016). Each interview conducted with
individuals lasted between 45 and 75 minutes, including an introduction and brief meet-andgreet. The criteria for the study were to consent to provide demographic information, to selfidentify as a descendant of African or Black ethnicity, as a woman, to be an adult (18 years +),
currently live in the United States, and be willing to disclose their age or age range if they were
not comfortable sharing their exact age. During the interview, I notified participants that I
intended to record their voices but would keep their stories confidential and not refer to their
experiences by name but by pseudonym.
Each participant consented to the interview, recorded via Zoom, and was made aware that
I would take notes if I missed something in the recording that I wanted to refer to and reflect
upon later. The focus was on hair influences during childhood, cultural influences, and
emotional, financial, and mental experiences around employment. Each participant received a
small token gift of whipped shea butter to express my gratitude and appreciation for their time.
After the interviews, I reviewed each transcript, took notes, coded stories by research question,
and organized responses by interview questions. These steps were necessary to turn themes and
patterns into codes. I learned that it was not the question that created a theme but rather the story
that triggered other memories that provided the opportunity to build additional themes or

53
concepts that supported the study. Chapter four discusses the themes, narratives, and
perspectives resulting from the interviews. First, I share the demographic information of the
participants from the study. Second, I summarize the results discovered for Research Question 1,
followed by results for Research Question 2. This chapter provides a discussion that includes
findings and themes from the analysis. The conceptual framework helped shape the following
research questions:
Research Questions
1. What are Black American women’s perceptions that have influenced their decision to
wear their natural hair textures or not?
2. Where have Black women experienced microaggressions related to hair
discrimination or bias?
Appendix C will provide the theoretical framework and questions.
Description of the Participants
Ten participants interviewed met the criteria by being of Black/African American
descent, 18 years or older, and women. Interviews occurred via Zoom online platform during the
fall of 2023, specifically during the months of November and December. Each participant is
identified with a pseudonym to protect their privacy. One participant felt uncomfortable
providing their specific age for the study. Table 2 shows relevant details for all 10 participants.

54
Table 2
Demographics of Participants
Pseudonym Self-identified ethnicity Age Current hair texture and style
Adeline Black/African American 74 Curled; natural
Coretta Black/African American 45 Locs
Danita Black 50 Weave
Ella African-Latina, Black and
Panamanian
36 Curls; wash-n-go; natural;
Halle Black/African American 50–60 Blow-out; natural
Ida Black; Jamaican 46 Natural; braids
Mariah Black/African American 45 Natural; wash-n-go
Pearl Black/African American;
Mexican; Creole
45 Blow-out; natural; flat iron
Rachel African American/Black;
White
48 Wash-n-go; no products and
naturally curly
Vanessa Black/African American 50 Blow-out; natural; flat iron
Findings for Research Question 1
Four themes resulted as part of the study from Research Question 1:
• perceptions of Black hair as time passes
• influences and pressures
• stressful situations
• Hair is activity dependent.
The perceptions of hair are heavily influenced throughout the life of a Black woman, beginning
with childhood, and continuing through adulthood. Some memories of their hair experiences
defined their character, intersectionality, and, at times, their personality and confidence. Stress

55
with Black hair is transparent and familiar to every participant, but how each Black woman dealt
with that stress varied from their profession to spouse, environment, and upbringing in making
hair a priority to look a certain way. Most pressures from participants varied based on their
upbringing and the region of the country they grew up in. The narratives and perceptions from
each participant provided a synergistic element in that each participant felt stressed with their
hair, but how one reacted and chose to manage their hair varied, which provides an element of
appreciation and complexity to everyone’s intersectionality and purpose in how they feel about
Black hair.
Perceptions of Black Hair Over Time
At a high level of understanding, all 10 participants shared that their hair is associated
with pride, self-love, and self-acceptance regardless of the decade. All 10 participants expressed
gratitude and appreciation for specific events over the past 50 years, attributing to progress and
empathy for understanding Black women and hair. Black hair represents character, social
emulation of pride in one’s race, and a sense of belonging and empowerment. One thing is clear:
Black mothers, grandmothers, aunties, and cousins play a significant role in the experiences,
narratives, and perceptions of hair that have stood the test of time.
All participants shared memories of getting their hair done. A female representative
within their families heavily influenced their perception of hair care and maintenance growing up
and how they feel about their hair today. For example, Ella shared how she thought “the Black
women who could pass (for White) probably did their hair in secrecy to conform hair enough as
a White woman and live a different life that offered more opportunities.”
Rachel felt that although hair could have been natural in the 1980s, more processed styles
such as jerry curls and relaxers were more prevalent as the standard. She felt that “people

56
considered beautiful back then associate Black women with light skin and pretty hair, so Black
women conformed their hair texture.” However, there is more diversity, and people represent
various hairstyles now than before.
Hair Is the Crown, Your Identity
All 10 participants in the study stated hair is the identity, crown, and glory of an
individual’s character and expression of self. Hair was summarized and synthesized as both a
treasure and a burden from an emotional, physical, and mental point of view.
Regarding Black hair, Mariah felt it carried the heavy burden of cultural, economic, and
social symbolism tied to pride, status, and mobility. For example, Adeline, Coretta, Danita, and
Vanessa believed that historically, Black hair carries a form of judgment or prejudice. “There is
always pressure to conform and feel ‘kept’ to social standards by straightening naturally textured
hair and emulating Eurocentric tresses.” Over time and the past decade, hair has become a signal
of empowerment, self-acceptance, and self-love. Ida believed that “hair is a representation of
Black beauty and identity that can impact self-image and could tie to the desire to please
romantic partners or counter stereotypes.”
Danita, Ella, Ida, Pearl, and Rachel believed that Black hair symbolizes pride, allowing
one to express oneself and change hairstyles with how you feel. Ella mentioned, “Hair for Black
women has always been our culture, music, the media, and a way we bond.”
Danita shared something that all women, regardless of race, deal with as part of our
identity and intersectionality as an aging woman. She felt that in her early life, hair was abundant
but, “In my 20s and 30s, I remember Black women would wear their hair long and thick. Now it
feels like you are seeing more Black women wearing locs and braids or protective styles, which
feels like there is more freedom and bravery to be yourself and do your hair.”

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Ella, who grew up in the southern part of the United States, shared that she felt hair was a
connection to the community, especially with other Black women. She thought it began to bond
the post-civil rights era. She stated:
I feel like back in the 1970s, thinking historically, like all Black people starting using hair
as an outward expression of their identity, to embrace their natural hair texture. Before, it
was about being polished and fitting in. The way they dressed was so regal; their hair
matched that. The Civil Rights Movement and Black people started embracing their
Blackness.
Ella shared that natural hair textures and pride began the civil rights movement era. Halle shared
that she does not remember wearing her natural hair texture growing up. She shared that her hair
was conformed to straight and smooth or curled, and when she was a young child, her hair was
blown dry and placed into smooth ponytails.
Hair Is a Movement
Over time, Black hair has changed its meaning and reason of expression. Each participant
shared how Black hair has morphed, especially over the past 20 years. Black women use hair to
express identity and a sense of belonging and pride to their race. Adeline and Mariah shared that
Black hair has transformed, especially over the past 20 years, where self-expression, true
identity, and character are part of the hairstyle without repercussion. She also felt that natural
hair is seen increasingly and is a sense of Black empowerment and self-acceptance. When
describing the word empowerment, related to hair, Coretta said a powerful sentence:
“Empowerment and bringing your whole self and a sense of power is my birthright.”
Coretta clearly stated that this generation of Black women seems to embrace the shift of
conformity as a reason to self-express rather than a need to conform and fit in. “Generational

58
shifts show more pride in texture over conformity, but structural inequality and exclusion around
hair still endures subconsciously in many spaces.” Pearl shared that hair has changed from
generation to generation based on various hair expressions and movements, from afros, jerry
curls, braids, weaves, and wigs.
Influences and Pressures
Black women felt similarly regarding specific influences and pressures that enabled them
to perceive their hair and what they thought about Black people throughout their childhood, the
individuals that helped raise them, and social media and influential celebrities that appealed to
their notions of beauty. Most of the study participants commented on their hair texture and how
they styled their hair; mothers and grandmothers were most influential. Work and extracurricular
activities also played a role and deciding what hair texture and style to wear based on work
activities or traveling to water destinations.
Childhood and Growing Up
Most participants could reflect on their hair experiences growing up. However, not all
had fond memories of their hair and how they felt about it. From specific people involved in their
hair regimen growing up to stories about getting it washed and styles by individuals to enjoying
time to bond with the women of the family, each participant had a memorable experience.
Childhood experiences also seemed to be heavily influenced by the region in which they lived
and the population of Blacks the participants interacted with daily. In regions with larger Black
residents, the participants had fewer assumptions about their hair and conformity. In contrast
participants who grew up in more diverse neighborhoods with less Black people had more
expectations and assumptions regarding hair texture and hairstyles to fit into societal normalcy.

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Table 3
Location of Participants Growing Up
Pseudonym Region where the participant grew up
Adeline Pine Bluff, AK
Coretta Kansas City, MO
Danita Southern California; Hawaii;
Ella Columbus, OH
Halle Detroit, MI; Tucson, AZ
Ida Jamaica
Mariah Chicago, IL; Phoenix, AZ
Pearl San Francisco Bay Area, CA
Rachel San Francisco, CA
Vanessa Inglewood, CA
Note. Childhood provided context around the participants’ understanding of hair expectations
and fitting into societal normalcy that varied based on whether participants interacted with
diverse racial populations or lived in areas with a larger population of Blacks. Hair confidence
and hair expectations in the western part of the United States provided more hair discourse than
participants who grew up in more predominantly Black populated locations where their
experience regarding hair was different.
Growing up in California and Hawaii, Danita remembered that she did not have “good
hair” growing up and that she did not believe that she was beautiful by European standards
because of her childhood experiences with a dark brown skin tone. She said, “Anytime you see a
light-skinned Black person with good hair, now that was pretty.” Her mother did not give her a

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choice in her hairstyle and texture while growing up. For Black girls, growing up and
understanding how they present themselves, including their hair, was a significant part of their
social identity and acceptance.
Ella, who grew up in Columbus, Ohio, remembered bonding with the women in the
family, where hair was the center of the activity and conversation about life. Ella commented,
“Everyone knew the braider in the hood that can lay braids out. It was a bonding experience with
my aunts, cousins, and friends.” Ella shared that because she had a silky texture, she would get
her hair done, and when it was straightened, it was very long. She went on to share the
following:
Growing up with a lot of Blacks, people would tell me that I have good hair that was
easier to do than kinky hair, but I always had trouble doing my hair, so I would always
ask my sister to help me. My mother also had beautiful hair, and because we were
Panamanian and Black, our hair texture looked like it was mixed. Some Black girls didn’t
like it, and some admired it.
Halle moved to Tucson, Arizona, as a young child and distinctly remembered her
traumatic hair experience as a young child, which damaged her hair. She stated that she felt the
need to always wear her hair smooth and straight and always done because her family was in the
public eye, with her father being a basketball coach for a division I university and being the first
Black head coach in a small town with not many Blacks living in the city. Coretta also had a
traumatic experience growing up with chemical relaxers damaging her hair and burning her
scalp. “It provided a self-conscious realization that chemical relaxers are possibly not suitable for
the hair and transitioned the journey to natural textures.”

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Rachel remembered a picture of herself as a young child in San Francisco, California. As
a biracial child growing up, Rachel found a picture of herself when she was younger and stated,
“My hair tends to be ‘fluffy’ [puffy and fluffy], which still happens sometimes.” I would touch
my hair and rub it.” She remembered her mother cutting, combing, styling, and maintaining her
hair.
Good Hair Versus Bad Hair
Coretta felt that although she had heard the phrase good hair growing up in Kansas City,
Missouri, there seemed to be a refinement and celebration for all hair types and textures to those
embracing their natural curls. Adeline was born and raised in the south, Pine Bluff, Arkansas,
and she shared that she grew up with being the “tom-boy” and loved to swim and play sports
with a ball. She had sisters and shared she remembered comparing her siblings about who had
good hair versus bad hair and feelings about the interpretation of what good hair meant. Halle,
Ida, Mariah, and Pearl discussed the impact of describing their hair as good or bad in texture and
how it impacts self-image and confidence.
Despite Adeline, Halle, Coretta, Danita, and Ida all growing up in various places around
the country and world, each had similar experiences they remembered about the phrase “good
hair versus bad hair.” Danita, who grew up in both California and Hawaii, shared she did not
believe she had good hair. What was more memorable was that Danita shared that she knew
which kids had good hair and which had bad texture. Danita mentioned it helped shape the
ideology of what Black and beautiful were, “You were light-skinned with good hair.”
Growing up in Detroit, Michigan as a young child, Halle mentioned when she got her
hair done, family members would talk about having “good hair” texture versus “not good hair,”
it created a complex for her identity and image and being conscientious about her choice of hair

62
style and texture. Halle endured additional pressure of good hair and styling. She shared she
always had two ponytails, wore it with curls or a silky-smooth texture, and remembered not
leaving the house without her hair done.
In Jamaica, Ida felt that women within her family and community helped her understand
the perception of “good hair and bad hair” and the imagery of what both stood for. She stated
that growing up in Jamaica as a young child, the Black American hairstyles and trends were
admired by Black Jamaican girls, who wanted to follow what the Black American girls were
doing regarding hairstyles and textures. Ida said, “We always made sure our hair was put
together and well groomed. We always tried to make ourselves look presentable and wear
hairstyles that protected our hair but made us look nice.”
Mothers, Grandmothers, Sisters
Danita shared a memory about her mother, who convinced her to try a jerry curl to help
shape the texture:
I was 13 years old, and I did not want to get a jerry curl, but my mother insisted on it. I
remember how I felt, and now that I have a daughter, it has shaped my perception of how
I want my daughter’s hair journey to be in terms of helping her manage her hair the best
that she can.
She further explained that her daughter is confident and wears braids to competitions or has a
traditional Black hairstyle, and she is proud of her self-love and self-confidence in her natural
curls. Ella remembers her mother wearing weaves and did not wear her natural hair out. Her
sister started doing Ella’s hair in middle school. With Ella’s hair texture, she did not have hair
like her mom’s or her dad’s side, being biracial. She went through periods of trying different
ways to tame her curls. “But it was always an auntie or cousin doing my hair. I know it was

63
social time, so there is a picture of me getting my hair done with the Black women socializing,
smoking, and drinking.” Ella shared that her sister was her influence regarding beautiful hair,
which meant smooth, silky, straight, and healthy.
Halle shared her mother had beautiful hair. Her mother was biracial and, “Had a long,
thick, lovely texture.” She remembers asking her mother after she washed her hair to wear it
naturally. However, her mother never entertained wearing her natural curls and would blow it
dry and curl it. Her mother and father were in the public eye, so her hair was always done, and
Halle grew up always having the hair done and ready for prime time.
Pearl explained that she was greatly influenced by her mother and grandmother. She
remembers getting her hair done as young as four with a regimen of every 2 weeks for a hair
appointment. She spoke about how she grew up with the importance of ensuring hair was
groomed and helped you feel good inside. Pearl spoke about maintaining hair as part of the
schedule and budget, and she grew up always making time to get her hair done, especially for
specific activities when dressing up for a function or special event.
Celebrities and Social Media
Six participants felt impressionable about social media and celebrities influencing their
hair choices and memories tied to bias or self-expression. Whether it was emulating Black
celebrities where the hair was considered beautiful or polished and professional, television show
Black queens such as Oprah, Felicia Rashaad, Brandy, and Tia and Tamra Mowry were
repeatedly mentioned by the participants in the conversation as having ideal hair for a specific
purpose or reason in their hair journey. Rachel mentioned that she liked Cree Summers, an
actress on the TV show A Different World. She had the best curls and hair coloring that looked
most like Rachel’s hair color and texture. Ida and Coretta felt that positive shifts are happening

64
in commercials, social media, television, and film, with more natural textured Black women in
visible roles and placement.
Ella mentioned which celebrities she admired. Ella’s hair had a fine texture, and the
famous Black girl on social media at the time was Brandy, who wore braids and was brownskinned. It was hard for her to follow hairstyles like Brandy’s since her hair did not match the
hair of browner girls. However, when celebrities like Mya and tv-show twins Tia and Tamara
Mowry became famous, “I could finally find hairstyles that matched my hair and texture closer
to my hair.” She also stated that producers like Tyler Perry, “Get a better wig on set in current
movies! The hair and wigs are like, what is that? Our women look terrible with those cheap
wigs!” She stated there is an opportunity for better hair care and wigs and weaves in Black
movies.
Ella, Pearl, and Mariah shared the same sentiment regarding Black celebrities and hair
care product decisions around whether they are Black-owned and support Black hair health. Ella
mentioned she is excited that Black celebrities are investing in hair care and making their hair
care products, like Taraji P. Henson, Tracee Ellis Ross, and Tia Mowry. “It has come a long way
offering Black products in Walgreens, but we still have a long way to go.” Pearl felt that
celebrities and social media showcased the best trends in hair fashion and craze and provided
ideas for hairstyles and textures when it came time for her to style her hair. Mariah remembered
growing up how commercials on the television would promote toys and dolls that were White
dolls. However, when a Black doll and child model were featured, the Black child wore their hair
conformed to a Eurocentric hair texture, straightened, and the doll was a White doll or was a
Black doll with Eurocentric textured hair.

65
Hair Is Location-Dependent
All 10 participants had a similar solid impression of how they chose to wear their hair
depending on the activity location or environment. All participants explained that washing their
hair and selecting the hairstyle was specific to their location. Ida spoke about how washing
natural hair works:
It depends on where I need to go for the day or week depending on how I plan to style
the hair. For example, after I wash my hair, I will place my hair in Bantu knots, which is
a nice style but not something I dare walk out of the house. I need to be put together.
Ella shared that she took a trip to Florida and felt that braids were best since the weather was
different from Ohio. “I got my hair done in micro braids while driving on the bus down to
Florida.” Halle shared that growing up in Detroit, Michigan, where the population of Blacks is
high, the conversation about hair was not as complex compared to when she moved as a child to
Tucson, Arizona, where a significantly smaller population of Blacks live in the city. Mariah felt
that depending on where you live in the country and city, your social circle, age, and industry
norms shape expectations and judgment regarding Black hair. However, progress toward
affirming tolerance or empathy for versatile hairstyles and textures is underway. Vanessa
mentioned how her mother was the primary influencer regarding her hair texture, styles, and
perception of her hair growing up.
Pressures to Conform at Work
Many participants agreed that although there is no blatant racism and possible
microaggressions in the workplace, there is pressure to have a hair texture and hair styles that are
socially acceptable in the workplace. Various narratives exists regarding expectations of how
you show up to work in relation to upbringing and location within the Unites States. One synergy

66
from the study was clear: Black women felt pressure to wear their hair at some point. Some
participants shared how their confidence and love for Blackness provided them the courage to
wear a hairstyle that suited their character, identity, and intersectionality. Participants still
learning that courage shared the same expression, encouragement, and gratitude of those Black
women demonstrating love for their hair, which is learning to embrace Black femininity,
Blackness, and pride in the variation, texture, and versatility Black hair allows.

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Table 4
Participants’ Job Titles and Industries They Work in
Pseudonym Current job title Current work industry
Adeline VP/CIO mathematics Government; defense industry
Coretta VP talent acquisition Recruitment
Danita Judge Government
Ella Public health specialist Healthcare
Halle Senior partner or lobbyist Federal transportation
Ida Registered nurse Healthcare
Mariah Marketing director Marketing
Pearl National director Pharmaceutical
Rachel Facilities director Non-profit
Vanessa Internal medicine physician Healthcare
Note. Participants agreed that due to the nature of their position and roles, along with their
specific industry, choosing the socially acceptable hairstyle depended on their job. Those in
healthcare stated due to hair being covered in bonnets or medical caps, Black women wore more
Afrocentric hairstyles such as braids and weaves, to the degree of even wearing various eclectic
colors in their braids. This contrasts with corporate roles where Black women are in high profile
positions.

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Adeline mentioned that as an executive, one would not see Black executives wear natural
or protective styles but rather Eurocentric conformed hairstyles. Braids were considered radical.
“Now you are beginning to see executives wear protective styles or styles that embrace their true
character, whichever way they would like to style their hair that day.” Adeline shared that other
Black women at her company rarely wore Afrocentric styles due to the nature of their industry
and the level of their roles and went on to share:
You had to always look professional, no matter what, from your hair being in a French
roll to the style of dress and clothes you wore. Especially when you had to facilitate or
brief others, you always wore a suit with your hair curled or in a bun, a French roll, but I
did not see anyone wearing an afro or natural hair when I was at work.
Coretta, who works in the talent acquisition field and recruitment, mentioned that Black women
who wear natural textured styles are perceived as unprofessional or their hair is considered
unkempt, adversely impacting hiring and recruiting efforts. Adeline also took the same
explanation where executives, in her experience, conformed their hairstyles to fit in and be seen
as professional and kept.
In her profession, Danita believed that Black women can wear their hair in all ways and
have the freedom to express themselves. However, she also remembered that about 20 years ago,
“I would wear cornrows with beads on the end of each braid. I overheard another peer asking a
colleague whether ‘braids and beads are the right places for the courtroom,’ and that memory has
stayed with me.” Danita shared that she now wears braids and sees other women in her
profession also wear braids to work. In her experience working at a hospital, Ella did not see
where Black women must fight to wear their hair how they choose. She felt like, “7–10 years
ago, there might have been stipulations on hair in general, but lately, it seems like everyone can

69
express their style however they choose, which has included Black women in this opportunity.”
Ella further shared that, in her experience, nonconformity is more prevalent than ever. However,
there still appear to be limitations regarding options.
Halle stressed the importance of attending events for work, whether with your husband or
in her field of work. Halle’s hair always conformed to a straight, smooth look that appeared
professional and acceptable. Halle mentioned she never tried braids or another style since she felt
like it was the expectation to look presentable and professional. However, she also said that not
many Black women were in her field or line of work, so there was the expectation that you had
to present yourself in a certain way.
Three participants shared the same perception concluding that being put together or
professional was tied to conforming natural Black coils to more European hair textures in the
workplace. Ida shared that there is a societal perception that European-styled textures come
across as more “put together and professional” in many settings like the workplace, where Black
women feel the need to conform and chemically straighten their hair or wear wigs at the
executive level. Mariah shared that there is still a vast underrepresentation of Black women in
not only executive roles but also that those in executive ranks conform their hair through
straightening, wearing wigs, or weaves but hide their natural textured hair. Pearl mentioned that
she conforms her hair to straighter textures and styles primarily for work but maintains no
chemicals and wears her hair naturally conforming her hair texture through blow drying and flat
ironing.
Pearl did not express the pressure to conform to her hair texture or style at work.
However, she understood the pressure some Black women face to conform their hair to a
Eurocentric hair texture and style to be considered acceptable and professional at work. On the

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contrary, Pearl felt that the pressure to conform at work could be self-inflicted. Black women
should feel empowered to embrace their hair identity and truth and self-express themselves.
The Intersectionality of Identity
All 10 participants related to their hair playing a role in their identity and intersectionality
of what makes them unique and that conformity with hairstyles was due to social norms or
expectations of themselves in society. Intersectionality in this study as each participant shared
their hair experiences, which depended on where they grew up, who they grew up by, and the
influences within their ethnic community. One participant mentioned that as a biracial Black
woman, there was a tendency to feel trapped into two different sides of looking at hair and how
you are expected to show up in those worlds. According to Rachel, she mentioned that, “You are
too Black to be White and too White to be Black, and at times that weighed in on your hair
experiences and confidence.”
Emotional Stress
The unfortunate reality is that emotional stress is tied to Black women and their hair. The
output of this emotion relates to how Black women build internal expectations and a perception
that hair creates opportunities or hinders the ability to be socially accepted. Adeline expressed
the expectation that Black women and dressing up carried an additional burden than any other
intersectionality, especially when giving presentations for work, date nights, or special events.
For example, Black women in leadership are scrutinized for their hair to how one dressed for the
presentation. There was a judgment about professionalism and wardrobe when the hair did not
conform to societal or company standards. Adeline mentioned, “Simple ponytails with a suit
were just not considered professional for Black women, and White women could wear the same
suit with a ponytail, and it considered professional and sometimes chic.”

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Many participants shared that doing Black hair daily is cumbersome to learn, figure out,
and make time for. Black hair is complex. The textures may vary throughout the scalp, and
understanding what the hair needs to be healthy is a chore. Ella shared that Black women
struggle so much with hair care; growing and keeping healthy hair is complex. She further
shared:
Hair is an investment for Black women, so they have an emotional attachment. It is a part
of our culture, how we look, and how we get scrutinized. You are conditioned to think
that something about you is an insecurity. You feel good when you look good, and that
goes for everyone. Being Black and feeling like you can come off safe, confident, and
look good, and for Black women, that is our way. We can express ourselves differently,
and many other cultures try to replicate what we do, making us want to hold onto it more.
Although no participant had an example of blatant racism, three participants shared vivid
memories of feeling microaggressions directed toward them or other Blaek women. Halle
remembered that while she did not directly experience hair discrimination or bias, she observed
another Black woman with natural hair who was an administrative staff being excluded from
events. Similarly, Ida felt that Black women understand hair in various weather conditions,
exercising, hair oil and products, and even pillowcases. Also, Pearl shared that, “Hair symbolized
confidence and brought forth a sense of normalcy.” Finally, (50 years old, Black/African
American) mentioned a traumatic experience when growing up; she was burned by chemical
relaxers and had hair loss from braids being put in the hair too tight.
Mental Well-Being
Mental well-being was a diverse area of the narrative. Some participants tied their mental
well-being and hair to being feminine and acceptably “lady-like.” In contrast, others dug into

72
interconnections between being Black, a woman, and other parts of their lives, such as being a
churchgoer, an executive, and family complexities. All participants tied Black hair to the
stressors in their lives. Additionally, Black women associate hair with individual freedom within
their personal lives, such as relationship break ups, leaving jobs and starting new careers, or the
big chop, where processed hair is cut drastically short to begin growing natural hair.
Coretta thought about Black movies where Black women cut their hair. She thought
about iconic films such as “Waiting to Exhale” when Angela Bassett plays a character named
Bernadine, who goes through a separation from her husband. She cuts her long, straight hair to a
short pixie cut. Another celebrity, Sanaa Lathan, changed her processed hair in real life and grew
it naturally.
Danita shared that she did not have fond memories of her hair in childhood. However, as
an adult, she constantly reminded herself, “I am good enough and look good!” She felt like her
confidence was tied to her hair growing up, but now she feels liberated, and beauty is much more
than just hair. Ella mentioned that being light-skinned and growing up, she faced additional
scrutiny with having good hair. She expressed that she faced judgment from other races and
other Black women regarding conforming textured hair to Eurocentric textures and leaving it
natural since her hair had loose curls. Ella also shared that hair reflected her mental state and
significant life shifts. For example, cutting the hair symbolized the reality of being controlled,
and confidence correlated with feeling good about yourself and self-expression through hair.
Ella discussed her hair journey and being married. She stated that her husband, who was
Black, felt she should not cut her hair. Her husband liked long hair; however, she always wanted
to cut her hair. So, when Ella separated from her husband, the first thing she did was cut her hair.
She further shared:

73
I told him I would get my hair done and cut it off! It was a symbol of how I felt at the
time, control over something that I felt I did not have control over in my life, the money I
spent, how I look, it was symbolic in every way.
Halle thought about life growing up with her parents. Her father was the first Black head
basketball coach in NCAA history and she was expected to be conscious of her appearance all
the time, and this included her hair. Her mother knew that perception in the public eye would
sway her family’s public image and appearance, so they always looked professional. Pearl
mentioned that Black hair is versatile and agile and can be styled in various ways, allowing one
to express how one might feel that day or what is going on that week. Black women use their
hair for expression and to showcase how they feel.
Financial Burden
All 10 participants felt that maintaining hair was a financial burden regardless of texture.
Some participants were further in their hair journey and, appreciating their hair texture, thought
that it was not a burden to maintain hair at $100 monthly. However, six participants explained
that they spend more than $400 a month to maintain their healthy texture and style, which
included braids, braiding hair, extensions, weekly hair appointments with their beautician, and
hair care products. All participants mentioned the trial and error of hair care products and the
new hair products to try that can break the bank. On average, participants spent $50 monthly
trying hair products for naturally textured hair.

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Table 5
Average Monthly Spending on Hair Care and Maintenance
Total number of
participants who
disclosed
monthly
expenses
$50 per month
spending on hair
care and styling
$100 per month
spending on hair
care and styling
$200 per month
spending on hair
care and styling
More than $200
10 2 6 1 1
Note. The participants shared that hair care products were the most expensive per month
compared to visiting a beautician for maintenance. Some participants did not go to a beautician
for hair maintenance and tried do-it-yourself ideas to create healthy hair.
Coretta, Danita, Halle, Ida, Mariah, Pearl, and Vanessa shared that, “Black hair is harder
to conform to and take care of more than White women.” The constant effort to afford to
conform hair is a burden. Coretta, Danita, Ida, and Vanessa mentioned that the financial burden
is tied to the emotional burden of paying for hairstyles and upkeep. For example, Ida shared,
“Hair products, extensions, and getting hair professionally by a stylist are all expensive, timeconsuming, and can burden financial and mental energy.” Coretta also shared that the “DIY
space and social media have helped many Black women try to learn how to take care of their
hair, but also save time and money at the salon and do it themselves.”
Danita mentioned, “It is a must that hair care, hair products, and going to the beautician
are in the monthly budget.” Vanessa agreed with Danita. Ella shared:

75
I get most of my hair care from Walmart or Target and tend to use the same things. I
know what works for me, so I am not in the trying phase anymore. About 10 years ago, I
went on this hair care journey to learn what works and what does not.
Rachel also mentioned “We [Black women] only discuss hair maintenance and health,
which involves washing, conditioning, styling, and straightening. However, we need to discuss
hair color and the complexity of our natural hair texture, which causes additional care and
expertise.” Rachel also spoke about a Japanese permanent straightening option becoming
prominent in larger cities and that it costs $700 in most salons, which is costly but effective.
Hair Is Activity Dependent
Almost every participant mentioned that braids are essential or a protective style when
vacation is mentioned. Two participants mentioned that weaves are their go-to option more than
any other style while vacationing. Adeline remembered growing up and swimming and how
much time and conversation went into getting the hair wet, especially after getting your hair done
from the salon when you paid to get your hair straightened. “You feared getting your hair wet to
reveal your natural texture, but also the time wasted if your hair returned to its natural state.”
Coretta shared that significant life-changing events, such as having children influenced Black
women, including herself, to consider what example she wanted to emulate for young Black girls
to embrace their natural hair. This results in many Black women wearing natural hair textures
and styles. Danita gets dressed up with braids or a weave when going out for the night. She
shared the following:
When I am going on vacation, braids are, without question, worn! Especially when there
are vacations out of the country, I will always wear braids since they are easier than
weaves when you are swimming or by the pool or beach.

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Many participants shared memories of special activities or events where hair was the topic. Ella
remembered that when she had to go to a high school formal, her hair was never curly but always
straight with an up-do. “Lots of Pump it Up and Pro-Style spritz! It was the kind you can sculpt
with crimps fry curlers. Do not touch it, though, because it was tough.”
Going through childbirth must be spoken about more regarding hair. Ella mentioned that,
“My hair is gone. Hormones take a toll on your edges and the thickness of your hair.” Ida
thought that significant life events such as graduations and weddings were when Black women
intentionally changed their hair texture to present their best version of themselves. Pearl shared a
story where she was part of a wedding and the bride required the wedding party to conform and
straighten their hair. She also shared, “I would try different hairstyles and textures during
vacations in various climates.” Vanessa mentioned that in the dating world, especially dating
other races, “It can illuminate cultural appropriations that may not have occurred if specifically
dating within one’s race.”
Research Question 1 Summary
The four themes of perceptions of Black hair over time, influences, pressures endured by
Black women, stressors, and hair are activity dependent reveal synergies related to the 10
participants and their thoughts about the intersectionality of Black and women in the United
States. Hair influences, expectations, and perceptions begin in childhood and continue through
adulthood. It defines the complexity of the intersectionality f being Black and a woman in the
United States.
Findings for Research Question 2
Only two themes resulted for Research Question 2: ignorance is bliss and
microaggressions from hair experiences. These two themes were consistent across all

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participants, and each participant had their self-reflection and expertise to offer. The most
discussed topic and theme was others touching Black women’s hair.
Ignorance Is Bliss
Every participant used the same phrase when discussing extensions, pieces, weaves,
wigs, and how Black women feel about disclosing how hair was conformed to unique and
different styles that differed from the day, night, or hour before. “Are those extensions, or is that
your real hair?” Ella remembers when women who were not Black touched her hair without
consent. Touching the hair is offensive and does not fulfill curiosity; instead, it is a degrading
gesture. Furthermore, Ella mentioned curiosity regarding the agility Black hair offers in terms of
conforming, styling, and changing, and that there is no disregard for the innovation and creativity
of hair in the Black community:
Our hair just does not come out in the shower like yours. To us, that is gross! Our hair
just does not come out like that! Our smoke alarms go off because the hot oil sheen and
grease create that smoke when it hits our heads! Our hair can go from a lion’s mane to
this silky, smooth, and flat texture, and now you don’t recognize me? White people get
their hair cut, the hairstyle they wear daily. For Black women, we will cut all our hair off,
and then the next week, you will see us swoop our hair into a long ponytail braid to the
floor. We are ambassadors of diversity in hair culture.
Some participants discussed cultural appropriation and the need to educate other women about
Black women’s experiences with hair. For example, in some of the discussions, this idea that
now you can travel to exotic places with water and beaches and ladies on the beach will braid
your hair in cornrows. It looks different but knowing you will be in the water and do not have to

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do your hair is practical. However, cornrows for Black women mean different things. Rachel
shared:
A lot of the hairstyles are closer to European standards than what Black hair can naturally
do. So due to stereotyping, unfortunately, the more you are wearing an ethnic style, the
closer you stand to what the word ghetto entails. You can have a PhD, but if you wear
cornrows, people will look at you like you might mug them. We are far from European
standards of beauty, to conform. Much more of prejudice as Black women is centered
around our hair before anything else.
Microaggressions
Black women have dealt with blatant racism and microaggressions for years. All
participants expressed experiences regarding their hair and felt a way where their hair was the
target. Pearl mentioned that she feels all Black women face pressure to conform, fearing they
will be judged by their hair more than their character. She sensed that fitting in and not being
judged on how you present yourself should not reflect your Blackness should one choose to go
against the grain and self-express. She remembered watching a newscaster- a Black woman who
had braids. Pearl expressed that the newscaster’s co-anchor commented negatively about
switching up her hair too often so that he could recognize her. She felt proud as this Black
woman on live television told her co-anchor, “It is the best thing about Black women; we switch
up our hair constantly, still look good, and celebrate our differences.”
Most participants remembered vivid experiences in their childhood around
microaggressions, whether in school or with family. Four participants mentioned that they grew
up in a community where there were more White children than Black children. Participants

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shared microaggressions around their “friends” wanting to touch their hair when they switched
their hairstyle. The curiosity crossed the line into inappropriate touching and petting the hair.
Executive Black women felt the need to conform their hair for fear of not being
considered polished. Each participant mentioned a phrase or expression about Black women in
high-level positions wearing their hair in a specific way. Three participants mentioned that Black
executive women in their experience either wear wigs or weaves if they are natural to keep their
natural hair healthy but conform during “work hours.” Furthermore, some participants felt that
Black women executives shared two different lives: one where they conform with weaves,
straight hair, and wigs, and then outside of work, they wear natural styles and braids. Danita felt
direct microaggression from her story. As a judge, “I felt pressure to wear my hair a specific way
in my own courtroom.” She shared how there were direct comments about wearing braids, which
is not a sign of professionalism and being put together in her work. She mentioned, “We deal
with curiosity and jealousy even at times, but we are still looked down upon when we wear our
hair in certain styles or textures.”
Where there is a high population of Blacks in the United States, microaggressions may
arise within one’s race. For example, Mariah shared that living in Houston, Black women who
are not natural look at those who relax or straighten their hair like, “What is wrong with you.” In
contrast, Mariah said there is an unspoken smile to other Black women wearing natural tresses
like, “Hey girl!” Mariah felt she went natural to be an example for her daughter to learn to love
her natural coils and textures. Mariah said that despite the microaggressions and curiosity from
people of other ethnicities, she remembers a positive story:

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This man thought I was the prettiest woman wearing a crocheted, big, curly hairstyle
while I was in Spain. I felt so beautiful when he stopped me and told me that I was pretty,
and it was because of my hair.
Some of the participants shared that their biracial identity led to microaggressions about their
hair texture, color, style, and even skin color. These participants felt microaggressions from not
only other races but the Black race as well—they were either not Black enough or not White
enough with sufficient for hair to fit in with one culture or the other. One participant felt the need
to conform her hair to a more straightened texture to fit in at an event where their White family
was hosting an event. Unfortunately, the participant expressed that conforming their hair texture
made them feel like they hid their identity.
Research Question 2 Summary
Despite current events with U.S. Black women coming forward with unfortunate hair bias
and discrimination claims, the 10 participants did not (fortunately) directly experience any form
of bias and discrimination. However, all 10 participants shared memories about experiencing or
observing microaggressions related to Black hair. The biggest experience that the 10 participants
shared was that other races wanted to touch Black hair and how participants felt responding to
such requests.
Chapter Four Summary
The goal of the study was to understand Black women’s hair experiences and uncover the
bias and microaggressions they experienced while living in the United States. All 10 participants
provided narrative related to Black women’s intersectionality, and their chosen hairstyles and
textures magnified the complexity. Depending on the environment, activity for the day or week,
career choice, and even which part of the country they lived in, their narratives differed. Growing

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up Black and as women also influenced perceptions and confidence about hair. Major influences
provided clarity or uncertainty regarding hair choices later in life and the confidence and pride
that hair brings to a Black woman. The surprising element is that the 10 participants did not
experience direct discrimination or bias because of their hair but did experience
microaggressions, confirming that bias still exists in the United States.
The unique opportunity of the bias shifted in that the curiosity of touching Black
women’s hair created a microaggression for Black women. Touching hair is offensive and
demeaning. However, ask questions and admit your ignorance about the agility and creativity of
Black hair and texture. The 10 participants had unique stories about their intersectionality and
narratives of their hair journey from childhood to adulthood.

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Chapter Five: Recommendations
In this study I aimed to understand the narratives of Black American women and their
hair experiences living in the United States. Chapter 2 included a summary of the literature and
focused on intersectionality theory, with Black feminist thought as the backdrop.
Intersectionality theory was the foundational sociological and analytical framework that
connected being both Black and a woman living in the United States and the narratives regarding
hair texture and hairstyle that drive individual experiences. Chapter 3 included the study’s
methodological and principal approach to completing the study. Chapter 4 included the
narratives and experiences from interviews to uncover and answer the research questions
focusing on the perceptions of Black women in the United States regarding hair bias and
discrimination. The data analysis resulted in themes. Black women shared their perception of
Black hair since childhood, predicting their confidence about it now. Influences such as
grandmothers, aunts, and mothers either created a space for curiosity and embracing curls or set
a precedent for dealing with fitting socially into society.
Black women stated they become stressed about hair when it came to determining what
style and texture to choose for special events and what products to use for that style. The
stressors were linked to a financial, mental, and emotional burden that varied by participant and
their level of comfort with their hair. Although the participants did not experience direct
discrimination or bias, participants shared memories of microaggressions through direct
interactions with people or observing other Black women experience microaggressions related to
their choice of hairstyle or texture. The following research questions guided the study:
1. What are Black American women’s perceptions that have influenced their decision to
wear their natural hair textures or not?

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2. Where have Black women experienced microaggressions related to hair
discrimination or bias?
Chapter 5 provides the reader with recommendations based on the research questions and
narratives from the participants with hopes to inspire scholars and activists to perpetuate and
create social acceptance and change.
Recommendation 1: Require Employers to Do Their Part in Advocating Change
Participants in the study changed the texture of their hair for special events and at work to
socially fit in and consider their hair professional. Hiring Black women in high positions with
Afrocentric hairstyles would create psychological safety and encourage other Black women to be
comfortable choosing a hairstyle that suits their intersectionality and character. The opportunity
to address this problem will provide U.S. Black women the psychological safety of not being
excluded from career advancement should they wish to wear Afro-like textures and styles.
Creating a diverse and inclusive environment celebrates cultural self-efficacy (Borgogni, 2011).
Black women should have the freedom to wear their hair as they choose, natural, straight, wigs,
weaves, braids, without concern.
Employers holding leaders accountable with DE&I initiatives could easily embed this
expectation with understanding the intersectionality of Black women, and the concern regarding
hair bias and discrimination in the workplace can create cultural transformation in hiring
practices, mentorships, and business partnerships. Cultural transformation begins at the top. It
requires executive leaders to understand, empathize, and transform acceptance of celebrating
Black hair in various forms. Encouraging executives to take hair bias training, feel empowered to
change their way of thinking, but most importantly, be held accountable for behavioral
transformation relates to one word: compensation. According to Aziza and Fitts (2008),

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behaviors can be changed, controlled, and owned when executives are held to a standard that can
impact their compensation. The benefits of requiring executives to be trained by LinkedIn
provide a few cost impacts between 1–100%. First, executives building a sense of belonging and
inclusivity and welcoming all would qualitatively sensitize their view on the aperture for talent.
The effect of the training creates cultural and organizational change in a position of
organizational effectiveness and self-efficacy.
Recommendation 2: Price Equity for Texture Hair Care Products
From a financial perspective, participants shared the monthly cost of maintaining their
hair and how many products are associated with healthy hair maintenance. The participants spent
an average of $50 a month on hair care and products. Natural hair care products, on average, cost
more than non-texture hair care products. One recommendation is to equalize the price of
product structure compared to non-Black hair products sold in major distributing companies.
There is also a disparate price structure for non-Black hair care products versus Black hair care
products specific to curly/coily textured hair that grows naturally from the scalp.
Black consumers lead over any other race in spending on hair care products, making it a
2.51-billion-dollar industry (Sow et al., 2023). Blacks spend approximately nine times more than
other races on hair care (Sow et al., 2023). With many Black women transitioning their hair
journey from chemicals, weaves, or altering their hair to wearing more natural textured styles,
there is a visible difference in the pricing of such products targeted at coily/kinky textures versus
straight hair. According to Sow et al. (2023), a research study was conducted to determine the
price variances between Eurocentric textured products versus Afrocentric textured products. The
researchers confirmed that “coily/kinky hair products are $0.17 per ounce more expensive” (Sow

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et al., 2023, p. 2). In this study, Sow et al. concluded that Afrocentric textured hair products cost
significantly more than Eurocentric textured hair products. See Table 6.
Table 6
Cost of Hair Care Products by Texture
Product Average cost per ounce for
coily/curly hair
Average cost per ounce
for straight hair
Shampoo
Head and Shoulders .49 .39
L’Oreal Paris .635 .27
Pantene .76 .55
Conditioner
Head and Shoulders .49 .62
L’Oreal Paris .61 .3075
Pantene .67 .35
Note. The table includes major hair companies and the price difference between curly and noncurly textures. Adapted from “Minority hair tax: Pricing bias in haircare products” by Y. N. Sow,
A. A. Onalaja-Underwood, T. K. Jackson, S. C. Taylor, & T. A. Ogunleye, 2023, International
Journal of Women’s Dermatology, 9(2), e089, p. 2. Copyright 2023 by Women’s Dermatologic
Society.

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The social phenomenon of Black women moving away from chemical straighteners
gained momentum over the last decade. According to Mintel (2017), Black hair product sales
increased due to wearing natural curly/kinky textures. With large corporations and hungry
entrepreneurs in the market for making money, price discrimination arose, creating a large deficit
between the cost of Black natural hair products versus non-specific hair care products for
chemically or straight-textured hair.
Social media has a heavy influence on Black women seeking advice and examples of
other Black women who identified how to care for natural hair; companies know that influencers
will feature or place products if they pay them, regardless of whether it is good for the hair or not
(Gerhards, 2019). An influencer has a following of fans who have interest specific area topic and
can indirectly influence others about a topic (Backaler, 2018). Vloggers have a heavy influence
over consumer buying power. Let us face it: the average consumer, regardless of hair texture,
pays hundreds of dollars each year on various products to enhance their hair care experience.
One recommendation is for hair care companies to create less chemically created products and
pay vloggers to demonstrate and influence their fan base based on their results. Black women
seeking holistic and less chemically processed products is a new phenomenon that is causing
social media Boolean searches to soar. A product that can saturate social media, provide positive
results in healthy Black hair, and is not costly will ultimately defeat the larger hair care
companies that will eventually outprice themselves. According to the online store (2023,
November 28), retailers offer a choice of conditioners for all hair types, including a photo of an
individual with naturally coily/kinky hair type. The model was marketing for an argan oil, all
hair type conditioner. The relaxed conditioner featured on a popular online store is featured when

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an individual looks up the Boolean search, “Black hair conditioner AND product 1,” marketing
to Black women with chemically relaxed hair. Table 7 includes the results of the online search.
Table 7
Illustration of Online Store Search for Conditioner
Note. There is disparate pricing when advertising conditioners to Black women who have
chemically relaxed hair.
Product Total price Total
ounces
Price per
ounce
Hair type
Product 1 $19.21 30 $0.64 All types
Product 2 $13.99 17.7 $0.79 Chemically relaxed hair

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Recommendation 3: Require Hair Care Products to List All Ingredients
The 10 participants mentioned they tried different hair care products and how the
products reacted to their hair. Specifically, Ida and Coretta shared intimate stories about hair care
products damaged their hair, causing alopecia or hair loss. According to the Silent Spring
Institute (2018), products that should not be used in Black hair include siloxane,
Cyclomethicone, benzophenone, octinoxate, octyl methoxycinnamate, oxybenzone,
diethanolamine or DEA, paraben, fragrance, or perfume, and triclosan. According to
Environmental Health Sciences (2018), Black women’s use of products with these ingredients is
linked to various forms of cancer, including breast and uterine cancer. Dr. Jasmine McDonald
led an intervention study to reduce harmful chemicals in hair products (Environmental Health
Services, 2018). The media must continue educating consumers about the use of chemical
straighteners and relaxers, which are linked to hair loss and more problems, including cancer.
Requiring hair care product companies to list every ingredient and chemical on the back label of
products would provide education and awareness to Black women who then make a more
informed choice when buying those products, understanding the actual risk of using the product.
The issue can also be addressed by soliciting the Environment Health Services (EHS),
Federal Drug and Administration (FDA), and other health organizations funded by the
government to require companies to be regulated and omit chemicals proven to link to creating
various cancerous cells. Requiring regulations and laws about chemicals in hair products would
promote healthy living and hair wellness. According to Silent Spring Institute (2018), a study is
needed to uncover the harmful chemicals in hair care and beauty products because, in general,
they are mostly untested and largely unregulated.

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In addition, we can regulate hair care products that emulate the European requirements or
California’s Proposition 65, which explicitly bans products that are harmful or cause toxic
illnesses. Another recommendation is to require hair care product manufacturers to list any
chemicals on the label. According to Silent Spring Institute (2018), one study stated that 84% of
the chemicals detected within a product were not listed on the product label. The financial impact
will cause a decrease in sales in the billion-dollar industry. Consumers will impact demand,
decreasing interest in buying toxic hair care products but dramatically increasing the companies’
choice of natural, plant-based products that encourage healthy hair and scalp regimes. Requiring
federal regulation would also allow government-funded organizations, such as the U.S. Centers
for Disease Control (CDC) and Prevention, to research Black women and the adverse medical
and wellness impact caused by using hair care products. For example, according to the U.S. CDC
(Silent Spring Institute 2018), “Black women have higher levels of some phthalates and parabens
in their bodies compared to White women.”

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Table 8
Endocrine-Disrupting Chemicals (EDC) Within Hair Products and Possible Mechanisms
Associated With Breast Cancer Risk
EDC group Use in hair products Possible mechanism
Estrogens Promote hair growth Epigenetic changes leading to predisposition to
tumorigenesis, altered mammary gland
development, and cell proliferation.
Phthalates Fragrance Alter mammary gland development through
epigenetic changes, promote cell growth and
increase migratory and invasive properties in
breast cancer cells.
Parabens Preservative Induce growth of breast epithelial cells, increase
migratory and invasive properties of breast
cancer cells.
Note. Black women lead deaths in breast cancer more than any other race, according to the
American Cancer Society. The correlation between Black women, use of hair care products, and
possible links to various forms of cancer such as uterine endometrial, and breast cancer risks
leads to a strong recommendation of government funding research to educate and solve this
problem. Additional studies are needed to understand and uncover whether breast cancer, among
other cancers, such as endometrial cancers, could be linked to the chemicals found in most Black
hair care products. The continued recommendation would be a qualitative solution to Black
women’s well-being, longevity, and healthier lifestyles. From “A Review of Hair Product Use on
Breast Cancer Risk in African American Women,” by L. Stiel, P. B. Adkins‐Jackson, P. Clark,
E. Mitchell, & S. Montgomery, 2016, Cancer Medicine 5(3).

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Figure 3
Female Breast Cancer Incidence (2015–2019) and Death Rates (2016–2020) by Race/Ethnicity
From “Every cancer. Every life,” by American Cancer Society, 2018, (www.cancer.org).
Copyright 2024 by American Cancer Society Inc., All rights reserved.
Summary of Recommendations
It is logical to recommend supporting Black women and helping to end hair bias and
discrimination. Hair bias and intersectionality for Black women have been an identity issue for
hundreds of years. There are three solutions to support progress:
• Require employers to do their part in advocating change.
• price equity for texture hair care products
• Require hair care products to include all ingredients.

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The idea that a conscious choice is made when selecting which style to choose for Black women
is a thing. Black women contemplate hair textures and styles that determine and define their
identity. Styling and combing Black hair depicts success and opportunities; the familiar ponytail
is not sufficient and can be challenging (Tetech et al., 2017). Black women experience daily
internal battles regarding how to style the hair occur (Tetech et al., 2017). There is much internal
debate among Black women about whether weaves, wigs, or hiding natural hair is considered a
betrayal of the Hair Movement. For many Black women, weaves are time-efficient when busy
schedules do not allow time for self-care and maintaining natural hair. According to Majali et al.
(2017), “It is clear that the choice of wear weaves or extensions is a personal choice rather than
betraying their African identity” (p. 164). In contrast, fake hair (i.e., weaves, extensions, and
adding hair to braids) can also be portrayed as emulating the White beauty standards and denying
African beauty in its natural state (Majali et al., 2017).
Recommendations for Future Research
Countless Black women share the same experiences, observations, and memories related
to their hair. There are studies that focused on Black women living in Africa, Black women
living in the United Kingdom and Black women living in the United States. One additional
research opportunity is for Black women to unite as one voice with similar hair experiences and
understand the common ground to support one another through Black feminist thought and
embracing intersectionality. The understanding that regardless of where you live or were raised
brings a common heritage and an unspoken acceptance that we are all in this together and can
learn from one another.
Quantifying the research on the magnitude and complexity of something as simple as hair
could change the narrative in employment, sports, family, and ultimately among individuals.

93
Future researchers should also explore the differences between what children of African descent
living in the United States experience trying to fit into social norms with different hair textures
and hairstyles and how their popularity and ability to fit into the classroom is related to their
hairstyle.
The interest of Black children in an affluent neighborhood and social norms, their
narrative around hair textures and styles versus Black children living within a dominant Black
culture and neighborhood, and exploring experiences related to microaggressions and hair bias
would be engaging. Another future research recommendation is to examine the narrative of
multi-racial children and their hair experiences with one parent being of African descent. Hair
textures and hairstyles compiled with the intersectionality of Black women create another dialog
that was not a focus of the study. However, participants with a multi-racial upbringing and race
provided a different lens that could provide a deeper narrative to Black women and hair bias.
Conclusion
The participants mentioned that hair was both a treasure and a burden from an emotional,
physical, and mental point of view for Black American women. Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989)
provided imagery to deepen her readers’ understanding of the intersectionality of gender and
race. She elaborated on the tendency of, “Contrasting the multidimensionality of Black women’s
experience with the single-axis analysis that distorts experiences” (Crenshaw, 1989, p.
139). According to Crenshaw (1991), structural intersectionality is multifaceted, with layers and
various levels of dominating factors. Using this concept, Black women in the United States,
lacking dominance in social settings, have a sense of submission and conforming hair textures or
styles to emulate what is considered beautiful and accepted, specifically Eurocentric or White
textures and styles.

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Black feminism stresses how Black American women must become self-defined and selfdetermining within intersecting oppressions, emphasizing the importance of knowledge for
empowerment (Collins, 2000). As Collins (2000) stated, “It is not an intellectual issue for most
African American (Black) women—it is a lived reality” (p. 274). According to Collins, Black
feminist thought brings forward the voices of lived reality. With one voice, unfortunately,
experiences fall upon deaf ears, but many voices stating similar experiences of bias with their
choice of hairstyle or texture, could be profound enough to be a catalyst for change.
This qualitative research resulted in additional knowledge regarding the hair narratives of
Black American women living in the United States. The findings from this study and the answers
to the research questions may enhance empathy and heighten awareness of a social justice issue
just beginning to take off with advocacy. The participants’ narratives were authentic, thereby
giving the reader a glimpse of stories that may seem all too familiar or an opportunity to
comprehend just how powerful hair and intersectionality are Black women.

95
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Appendix A: Interview Protocol
Two research questions guided this study:
1. What are Black American women’s perceptions that have influenced their decision to
wear or not wear your natural hair textures?
2. Where have Black women experienced microaggressions related to hair
discrimination or bias?
Respondent Type
The following types of people were interviewed: Individuals that self-identify as both
Black and woman living in the United States.
Introduction to the Interview
My name is Kimberlee Avant, and I am conducting a study that focuses on the
experiences of Black American women and hair bias and discrimination. Since my qualitative
study focuses on the stories and observations in your life related to your hair, hairstyles, and
choice of hair texture, please know that I would like to record the interview to capture your
stories and experiences accurately and provide the opportunity to review our conversation to
ensure I capture the details in your stories. Can I have your consent to record this interview?
Please also know that this is a chance to share the many voices of Black American women and
hair bias. If you have questions, please do not hesitate to ask me during our time together.

109
Table A1
Interview and research questions
Interview questions Potential probes RQ addressed Key concept
addressed
What does
Black/African
American hair
symbolize to you
both from like 50
years ago to
current life, and
what hair means
today?
What are Black
American
women’s
perceptions that
have influenced
their decision to
wear or not wear
your natural hair
textures?
Black feminist
thought
Have you ever seen
Black/African
American women
not conform their
hair within the
executive levels at
your company?
Are you free to wear
any hair texture or
style that would
not impact your
career potential?
Can you elaborate
and tell me what
hairstyles you do
see that Black
women wear at
work and why?
What are Black
American
women’s
perceptions that
have influenced
their decision to
wear or not wear
your natural hair
textures?
Intersectionality
theory
Have you ever
changed your hair
for something
special?
Can you elaborate on
the special event or
activity?
What made you
choose that
hairstyle?
Where have Black
women
experienced
microaggressions
related to hair
discrimination or
bias?
Intersectionality
theory
Describe the impact
of seeing
Black/African
American women
on television or
movies, social
media, and their
choice of
hairstyles.
How have
Black/African
American women
experienced hair
bias in sports,
military, and social
media?
Where have Black
women
experienced
microaggressions
related to hair
discrimination or
bias?
Intersectionality
theory

110
Interview questions Potential probes RQ addressed Key concept
addressed
What memories do
you have of your
childhood and your
hair experiences?
Were there
differences in how
you styled your
hair for events
growing up? Can
you elaborate?
What are Black
American
women’s
perceptions that
have influenced
their decision to
wear or not wear
your natural hair
textures?
Intersectionality
theory
Have experienced
hair bias or
discrimination?
Can you also share if
you were
influenced or had
guides to help you
feel certain about
your hair?
Did you feel beautiful
in your hair
regardless of
texture?
Where have Black
women
experienced
microaggressions
related to hair
discrimination or
bias?
Intersectionality
theory
What activities or
events would you
typically change
your hairstyle?
Can you elaborate on
why you changed
your hairstyle?
Was it environment
or socially
influenced?
Where have Black
women
experienced
microaggressions
related to hair
discrimination or
bias?
Intersectionality
theory
How have hair
choices impacted
your mental
health?
Do you believe
Black/African
American
experience an
emotional tie to
their hair, and if so,
how has it
positively or
negatively
impacted their
lives?
What are Black
American
women’s
perceptions that
have influenced
their decision to
wear or not wear
your natural hair
textures?
Intersectionality
theory

111
Interview questions Potential probes RQ addressed Key concept
addressed
How much burden
from a financial
point do you
encounter
maintaining your
hairstyle?
How much do you
typically spend on
styling your hair
each month?
What are Black
American
women’s
perceptions that
have influenced
their decision to
wear or not wear
your natural hair
textures?
Black feminist
thought
Do you believe
Black/African
Americans have an
emotional tie to
their hair?
Can you elaborate or
share a personal
experience that
made this narrative
a reality for you?
What are Black
American
women’s
perceptions that
have influenced
their decision to
wear or not wear
your natural hair
textures?
Black feminist
thought
Can you share how
you wore your hair
for something
special?
What special event or
activity occurred
where you felt a
different texture
was needed?
Where have Black
women
experienced
microaggressions
related to hair
discrimination or
bias?
Intersectionality
theory
Who were the major
influencers in your
life regarding how
you felt about your
hair?
What are Black
American
women’s
perceptions that
have influenced
their decision to
wear or not wear
your natural hair
textures?
Intersectionality
theory
Can you also share if
you were pressured
to feel a certain
way about your
hair?
Can you share that
experience with
me?
Where have Black
women
experienced
microaggressions
related to hair
discrimination or
bias?
Intersectionality
theory

112
Interview questions Potential probes RQ addressed Key concept
addressed
What are different
experiences that
some Black
American women
face that possibly
others do not?
Can you elaborate? What are Black
American
women’s
perceptions that
have influenced
their decision to
wear or not wear
your natural hair
textures?
Intersectionality
theory
Conclusion to the Interview
This concludes all questions regarding hair bias and discrimination. I would like to thank
you for your time, energy, and your stories on this topic. This information will be used to
synthesize all the research I have done about hair bias and hair discrimination. Do I have your
consent to use our conversation today and quote you in my dissertation paper? I appreciate your
support in helping me with my dissertation. Thank you, and do you have any other questions or
comments about what we discussed? Thank you again, and I will stop the recording.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Avant, Kimberlee (author)

Core Title A lens looking at hair discourse and experiences of Black women through intersectionality and Black feminist thought

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2024-08

Publication Date 08/13/2024

Defense Date 04/09/2024

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Afrocentric,Black,Black Feminist Thought,blackness,colorism,conformity,feminism,hair bias,hairism,intersectionality,OAI-PMH Harvest,womanness,women

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