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Understanding experiences of previously incarcerated Black men and employment: a mixed methods study of racial disparities amongst Black men with a prior history of incarceration

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Understanding experiences of previously incarcerated Black men and employment: a mixed methods study of racial disparities amongst Black men with a prior history of incarceration

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Content 1
Understanding Experiences of Previously Incarcerated Black Men and Employment
by
Doris Beatryz Cohen
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty
In Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for The Degree of
Doctor Of Education
August 2024

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The committee for Doris B. Cohen certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Onaje Salim
Don Trahan, Jr
Marsha Riggio, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024

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© Copyright 2024 by Doris B. Cohen 2024
All Rights Reserved

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Abstract
Using Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory (BEST) and intersectionality, this
mixed methods study explored the complex experiences of Black men who face racial and
gender-based challenges in a racially systemic employment arena, particularly those with a prior
history of incarceration (PHI). The researcher interviewed Black men with PHI about their lived
experiences and surveyed them regarding their post-incarceration challenges. The research
addressed questions about their experiences, challenges, and necessary improvements to benefit
Black men with a PHI, aiming to contribute to a more just world that supports rehabilitation and
progressive lives. The study included 118 participants: eight men were interviewed, and 110
were surveyed. The research design followed a sequential explanatory mixed methods approach,
starting with quantitative surveys followed by phenomenological semi-structured interviews.
Statistical analyses revealed vital patterns and relationships, which were further explored using
the phenomenological approach. These interviews provided the flexibility to delve deeply into
participants' lived experiences while addressing essential topics. The Level of Service InventoryRevised (LSI-R), a widely used survey instrument, was employed for quantitative analysis and
rigor. Findings indicate that Black men continue to face significant challenges post-incarceration,
perpetuating their marginalization. These implications highlight the need for systemic changes to
support rehabilitation, improve quality of life, and reduce community crime.
Keywords: Bronfenbrenner, intersectionality, mixed methods, Black men, post-incarceration,
employment challenges, systemic racism

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Dedication
To my GOD, Lord and Savior, JESUS CHRIST…I dedicate this work to YOU! God is
faithful and strengthens me every step of the way!
To EVERY shoulder I stand on! So many, living and deceased, sacrificed and paved the
way for me to get here! Your courage has deeply moved me, humbled me, and made me who I
am today! With profound gratitude, respect and appreciation!
Family: Mom, Jacqueline A. Cohen, and Sister, Allena M. Marco, thank you for standing
in the gap and being an extension of my hands and feet when I remained tethered to my work,
classes, research, and computer. To cousins, Jerome, and Barbara Blackwood, you are the best!
You are always rooting for me and always there. Thank you for your unconditional love. Lena
Elaine Hernandez, you are a great cousin and friend! Words do not do justice to the appreciation
I have for each of you. To the entire Cohen, Blackwood and Guittens family, thank you!
Research Participants: I deeply appreciate each of you who shared your life experiences
through surveys or interviews. This study is dedicated to you! Your lived experiences are unique,
and your voices should be heard for true change to take place. Thank you for trusting me with
this tremendous opportunity. Your courage and openness have enriched this work!
"Remember those in prison as if you were there yourself. Remember also those being
mistreated, as if you felt their pain in your own bodies." Hebrews 13:3, NLT.
In Memoriam: Grandma Doris, Grandpa Jack, and my father, Vicente…thank you for
paving the way. To my cousin Romeo Portillo and friend Carla Carroll…There is no place in this
world for gun violence. You left us too soon (2023). You are loved and missed. To everyone
who has lost a loved one to guns or any violence, may God give you strength, comfort, and
peace.

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Acknowledgments
God is faithful and strengthens me, so I again thank my Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ!
To my tribe! I would not have gotten through this doctoral journey without your love,
patience, and support. Whether you thought your contribution was big or small, it means the
world to me. I am humbled by your involvement and resolve to help me realize this milestone.
So, thank you, infinity!
Dissertation Committee: Dr. Marsha Riggio, Dr. Onaje Salim, and Dr. Don Trahan Jr.,
you gave me space to do what I set out to do. Thank you for your soft nudges and powerful
guidance!
All Colleagues/Coworkers/Friends! In particular, many of you who checked on me, wrote
letters of recommendation, read my papers, tested my survey and interview questions and just
kept me sane in general; Mikail Ali, Paul Ames, Ginger Ammon, Steve Asche, Nikki Britto, Stan
Brue, Gary Bunyard, Steve Carter, Minister Jennifer Case, Justine Chen, Tom Chittum, Ralph A.
Clark, Albert Cortez, Brandi Davis, Regan Davis, Ron Davis, Melissa Dooher, Erin Edwards,
Dr. Kysha Fedd, Madison Gassion, Laura Golden, Nasim Golzadeh, Milton Howard, Marneice
Huger, Larry S. Jackson, Pastor Wayne Jackson, Pastor Dr. Kevin James, Kevin Johnson, Ersie
Joyner, Miles Joyner, Cody Keller, Sam Klepper, Alfred Lewers, Gregg Makuch, Jeffery Magee,
Dr. Jolie Mason, Anne Mueller, Tahirah A. Moore, Kevin Nichols, MonaLisa Oaks, Dr. Simen
Oestmo, Mark O. Page, Denise Pangelinan, Michael Romans-Rowe, Dafalla Saad, Bruce
Shepperson, Alan R. Stewart, Demaster Survine IV, Vinnie Tripi, and Robert “RC” White.
USC Professors, Data Analysts, and Editors: Dr. Doug Lynch, Dr. Brianna Hinga, Dr.
Erika Taylor Page, Dr. Patrick Cates, Dr. Alison Muraszewski, Dr. Richard Grad, Dr. Eric
Canny, Dr. Deanna Campbell, Dr. Ayesha Madni, Dr. Themy Sparangis, Prof. John De Mita, Dr.

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Wayne Combs, Dr. Corinne Hyde, Dr. Rachel Zaragoza (RZ Consulting), Dr. Derek
Mayweather, and Dr. Hollie Jones (Dissertation Genius).
USC OCL Cohort Spring 22: You withered the storm and were the best classmates and
sources of information, laughter, and memories. A special shout-out to Jalaima Nichols, Kimmie
Avant, Chris Larsen, Isaac Takeuchi, and Zack Yarde, thank you!
Team Schoftsea: Mabel Yiu, Lindsay Boyle, Natalie Whitlock, and me…we did it!
Thanks, Milo (Matt), for the survival tips!
To Pastor Dr. Kevin James, First Lady Gwendolyn James, my New Creation Bible
Fellowship family, my cross-country Book Club (Tonya, Randy, Nicole, Cheryl, and Derek), and
the SoundThinking family and my team: Halana, Paige, and Joel. Thank you for your
unwavering support and words of encouragement!
If I have forgotten anyone, please charge it to my head, not my heart. Let us go be great
by practicing KINDNESS; kindness, integrity, neighborly, devoted, nonjudgemental,
encouraging, supportive and selfless.
Fight On!

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Table of Contents
Abstract 4
Dedication 5
Acknowledgments 6
Table of Contents 8
List of Tables 13
List of Figures 15
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY 16
Introduction 16
Background of the Problem 22
Prison and Jail Systems 22
Reentry Programs 23
Hiring Organizations 23
Statement of the Problem 24
Prison and Jail Systems 25
Reentry Programs 25
Hiring Organizations 26
Purpose of the Study 26
Prisons and Jail Systems 27
Reentry Programs 27
Hiring Organizations 28
Research Questions and Hypotheses 28
Research Questions 29
Directional Hypotheses 29
Significance of the Study 30
Prison and Jail Systems 31
Reentry Programs 31
Hiring Organizations 32
Definition of Terms 32
Assumptions, Limitations, Delimitations, and Positionality 34
Assumptions 34
Limitations 36
Delimitations 37
Positionality 38
Conclusion 39
Organization of the Study 40
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 42
Introduction 42
Search Description 44
Conceptual Framework 46
Theoretical Framework 50
Introduction to the Theoretical Framework 50
Microsystem - The Immediate Employment Environment 50
Mesosystem - Connections and Employment Barriers 51
Exosystem - Systemic Barriers and Opportunities 51

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Macrosystem - Cultural and Societal Values 52
Chronosystem - Evolving Employment Dynamics 52
Critical Concepts of BEST 53
Microsystem 53
Mesosystem 53
Exosystem 53
Macrosystem 53
Chronosystem 54
Review of Research 54
Black Men 56
Historical Context 56
Systemic Challenges 56
Strategies for Addressing Challenges 57
Future Research Directions 59
Microsystem 59
Mesosystem 60
Exosystem 60
Macrosystem 60
Chronosystem 61
Conclusion 61
Systemic Issues with Black Men and Criminality 62
Historical Context 62
Systemic Racism in the Criminal Justice System 64
Socioeconomic Factors 64
Impact on Families and Communities 65
Strategies for Reform 66
Conclusion 66
Prison Systems 67
Historical Development of Prison Systems 67
Racial Disparities in Incarceration 69
Past Research with BEST and Intersectionality 69
Conclusion 71
Reentry Programs 72
Historical Context 72
Past Research with BEST and Intersectionality 73
Challenges in Reentry 73
Components of Successful Reentry Programs 74
Impact of Reentry Programs on Black Men 75
Policy Recommendations and Future Directions 75
Conclusion 75
Prison Related Programs 76
Historical Context 76
Past Research Using Theoretical Framework 77
Best Practices Related to the Topic 78
Challenges/Barriers in the Context 78
Effective Programs 79

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Historical Context 79
Past Research Using the Theoretical Framework 80
Best Practices 80
Challenges/Barriers 81
Characteristics of the Population and Stakeholders 82
Reasons for Underlying Problem 82
Conclusion 83
Summary 83
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY 85
Introduction 85
Research Design 85
Research Questions and Hypotheses 87
Population and Sample 88
Target and Accessible Population 88
Sample 88
Sampling Method 89
Recruitment 89
Instrumentation 90
Demographic Survey 91
Interview Protocol 92
Assessment Tool 92
Reliability 93
Validity 93
Data Collection 94
Procedures 94
Confidentiality Parameters 95
Data Management 96
Encryption 96
Dissemination of Findings 97
Data Analysis 98
Descriptive Analysis 100
Demographic Data 100
Thematic Content Analysis 101
Inferential Analysis 102
Quantitative Reliability 103
Inferential Reliability 103
Dependability 104
Conformability 105
Qualitative Validity 105
Inferential Validity 105
Credibility 106
Transferability 106
Conclusion 107
CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS 108
Introduction 108
Descriptive Analysis 109

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Preliminary Analyses 112
Frequency Distribution 112
Reliability 117
Hypothesis Testing 119
Criminal History 123
Companions 123
Emotional/Personal 124
Subsequent Inferential Statistical Analyses 124
Linear Regression 125
ANOVA 128
Thematic Analysis 131
Research Question 1 131
Entrepreneurship 131
Resilience 132
Negative Emotions 133
Negative Experiences 133
Positive Emotions 134
Positive Experiences 135
Research Question 2 137
Extrinsic Challenges – Systemic Barriers 137
Intrinsic Challenges 138
Research Question 3 139
Resources 139
Policy Changes 140
Preparation 140
Program Development 141
Summary 142
CHAPTER FIVE: RECOMMENDATIONS 144
Introduction 144
Summary of Findings 144
Conclusions 145
Discussion 146
Recommendation 1: Reevaluate Federal & State Sentencing Laws 146
Recommendation 2: Reevaluate Racial Demographics of the Prison System 148
Recommendation 3: Restructure Reentry Programs 149
Recommendation 4: Provide Greater Educational Opportunities 150
Recommendation 5: Provide Jobs to Black Men with a PHI 151
Limitations and Delimitations 153
Limitations 153
Delimitations 154
Suggestions for Future Research 154
Conclusion 155
References 156
Appendix A 169
Appendix B 174
Appendix C 175

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Appendix D 176
Appendix E 177
Appendix F 178
Appendix G 179
Protocols 181
Tables 183

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List of Tables
Table 1: Definition of Terms 33
Table 2: Survey Instruments 91
Table 3: Types of Data Analysis 100
Table 4: Frequency Distribution of Participant Location by State (N =110) 110
Table 5: Frequency Distribution of Participant Employment Status (N =110) 111
Table 6: Self-Reported Unemployment Reasons by Participant ID (n =15) 112
Table 7: Frequency Distribution of LSI-R Recidivism Risk Categories (N = 110) 114
Table 8: Frequency Distribution of LSI-R Protective Factors by Subscale (N = 110) 116
Table 9: LSI-R Subscale Variables, Survey Item Correlations, Reliability Scores, and
Definitions 118
Table 10: Sample Sizes, Means, Standard Deviations, and Pearson Product Correlations for LSIR Scaled Variables 121
Table 11: Sample Sizes, Means, Standard Deviations, and Spearman Correlations for D5 and
LSI-R Ordinal Variables 122
Table 12: Hypothesis Testing for the 9-LSI-R Subscales using Pearson Correlations
(N = 110) 123
Table 13: Summary of Linear Regression Statistics for LSI-R Total Protective Factors as a
Predictor of Risk of Recidivism Among Previously Incarcerated Black Males 126
Table 14: Summary of Linear Regression Statistics for The Length of Time to Find Work
as a Predictor of Categorical Risk of Recidivism Among Previously Incarcerated Black
Males 128

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Table 15: LSI-R Means for Total Protective Factors Score by Total Recidivism Risk
Category (N = 110) 129
Table 16: LSI-R Means for Total Protective Factor Score by the Companions Subscale Risk
Category (N = 110) 129
Table 17: LSI-R Means for Total Protective Factor Score by the Emotional / Personal
Subscale Risk Category (N = 110) 130
Table 18: LSI-R Means for Recidivism Risk Score by the Length of Time to Find Work
(N = 110) 130
Table 19: Research Question 1 Themes 136
Table 20: Research Question 2 Themes 138
Table 21: Research Question 3 Themes 142
Table 22: Employment Resources for Formerly Incarcerated Individuals 152
Table 23: Frequency Distribution of Participant Location by Region and State (N =110) 183
Table 24: Frequency Distribution of Participant Location by State (N = 110) 184
Table 25: Frequency Distribution of Participant Employment Status (N = 110) 185
Table 26: Self-Reported Unemployment Reasons by Participant ID (N = 15) 185

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List of Figures
Figure 1: Mapped Location of the Qualitative Participants 35
Figure 2: Mapped Location of Quantitative Participants 36
Figure 3: Conceptual Framework Design using BEST and Intersectionality 47
Figure 4: Frequency Distribution of the Length of Time from Release to Finding Employment
(N=110) 111
Figure 5: Frequency Distribution of LSI-R Subscale Risk Categories and Total Risk of
Recidivism (N =110) 115
Figure 6: Scatter Plot for LSI-R Total Protective Factors as a Predictor for Risk of
Recidivism 127
Figure 7: P-Plot of Regression Standardized Residual for LSI-R Criminal History and
Emotional/Personal Subscales Risk of Recidivism by Total Protective Factors Score 127

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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY
Introduction
Against the backdrop of societal pursuits of liberty and justice, a stark and unsettling
reality looms for Black (see Table 1 Definition of Terms) men (see Table 1, Definition of Terms)
with a prior history of incarceration (PHI). Employment and education are often viewed as
indicators of progress and prosperity (Hahn et al., 2018), yet they are the two fundamental areas
affecting Black men with a PHI (Dancy, 2014). In addition to being a barometer for how equity
is measured, obtaining an education and employment are a part of the four domains used to
measure success; the other domains are healthcare and housing (Hahn et al., 2018). However, the
persistent unemployment and lack of educational opportunities for Black men (Roman & Travis,
2004) with prior felony convictions (Alexander, 2020; Lane, 2014) underscores the importance
and attention to this phenomenon among this specific demographic (Evans, 2022).
The Prison Policy Initiative (2021) revealed a staggering 35.2% unemployment rate
among Black men with a PHI, compared to 6% for those without (Bureau of Labor Statistics,
2021), highlighting the challenges these individuals face in the job market (The White House,
2022). The Sentencing Project (2021) indicated that Black people are five times more likely to be
incarcerated compared to White people. The statistics lean heavily on the male gender since they
are 93.3% of the U.S., prison population (Federal Bureau of Prisons, 2024). This discrepancy
underscores the profound impact of racial disparities, poverty, and unemployment on Black men,
a demographic persistently overrepresented in the criminal justice system (Hinton & Cook, 2021;
Vogel & Porter, 2015).
Employment barriers for Black men with a PHI extend beyond the individual, casting a
shadow over society (Arditti, 2005). Reintegrating individuals into society after incarceration is a

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complex journey fraught with systemic barriers, particularly pronounced for Black men
(Bushway et al., 2022). Employment provides a gateway to obtaining favorable outcomes (Agan
& Starr, 2018; Anazodo et al., 2018) in various domains mentioned above of society, such as
healthcare, housing, and education (Hahn et al., 2015) while also reducing recidivism (Bhuller et
al., 2020). In this mixed-methods study, I focused on employment challenges Black men face
with a PHI and how they navigate the prison and jail system, reentry programs, and hiring
organizations.
One of the most significant barriers to competitive employment is the lack of educational
investments before, during, and after incarceration (Chappell & Lanza-Kaduce, 2010). Only 4%
of prisons offer Bachelor's or master’s programs, and just 5.2 in 10 provide vocational training
(Pager, 2003; Royer et al., 2021). Prison systems’ insufficient educational programs can be
attributed to a lack of funding (Ashford, 2020). The extent to which they support a PHI concerns
a mandated work program with little or no monetary gain and a general education degree (GED)
(Boehme et al., 2022; Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2021; Davis et al., 2013; LaPlant & Vuolo,
2020). Reentry programs offer vocational opportunities but not four-year degrees (Evans, 2022).
Hiring organizations list education beyond high school as one of the leading job requirements for
applying for and obtaining employment (Wallace, 2021). Black men with a PHI continue to
grapple with employment challenges, exacerbating the systemic hurdles they face (Evans, 2022).
The scarcity of accessible prison programs amplifies this predicament, as many are inadequately
prepared for post-release life (Davis et al., 2013; Evans, 2022; Severson & Duclos, 2005).
While states like California and North Carolina may have better opportunities in their
prison systems (Smith, 2020; Travis, 2005), inmates are often moved to another correctional
facility, which may be in another state due to the prison space, severity of the crime or

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victimology and originating location of the crimes committed (Sawyer & Wagner, 2020; The
Prison Policy Initiative, 2021; Travis et al., 2014). Then, the challenges are amplified by the fact
that men with PHI will return to a community that may not have programs that suit their unique
and individual needs (Evans, 2022; Visher & Travis, 2011). Even if the programs exist, the
individuals may need to learn how to access the programmatic benefits based on their
limitations, such as reading, writing, punctuality, and comprehension of materials (Dancy, 2014;
Davis et al., 2013).
The absence of tailored reentry programs compounds post-incarceration opportunities in
the workforce (Parker, 2022). Moreover, reluctance among hiring organizations to employ
previously incarcerated individuals poses a formidable challenge, particularly for Black men,
because of all the stigmatism and marginalization that plagues them from being a person with a
PHI and how systemic racism adds layers of complexity and difficulty to their lives (Anazodo et
al., 2019; LaPlant & Vuolo, 2020; Goldman et al., 2019). Such challenges contribute to an
alarming unemployment rate of 35.2% for Black men with prior felony convictions (Couloute &
Kopf, 2018; The Prison Policy Initiative, 2021; The White House, 2022), which is 10 times
higher than the national unemployment average of 3.5% (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2023; The
White House, 2022).
The confluence of race and a PHI compounds these barriers for Black men, creating an
incredibly challenging unemployment landscape (Hinton & Cook, 2021). The prevalent practice
of employers requesting criminal records or conducting background checks creates additional
barriers for Black men with a PHI (Agan & Starr, 2018). Addressing the issue of discriminatory
employment practices requires innovative solutions, such as the appropriate review and adoption
of guidelines like Ban the Box and proven rehabilitation services (Agan & Starr, 2018). These

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practices, which are thriving in the United Kingdom, eliminate the requirement for applicants to
check a box disclosing criminal history on job applications (Agan & Starr, 2018). By deferring
this inquiry until later in the hiring process, these initiatives grant individuals with criminal
records a fair chance to present their qualifications before their history is reviewed or deemed
necessary (Anazodo et al., 2018). Finland, Norway, The Netherlands, and Germany adopted
systems that aid in rehabilitating the whole person and remove physical obstacles like jail cells
and bars to assist with the emotional and mental barriers that are created by visual reminders and
representation of imprisonment and incarceration (Curl, 2023; Pulitzer Center, 2023; Simms et
al., 2014; Williams, 2020).
While challenges and criticisms exist, the implementation of Ban the Box policies at the
state and local levels in the United States demonstrates progress (LaPlant & Vuolo, 2020;
Pulitzer Center, 2023). Legislation delaying inquiries about criminal history until later in the
hiring process allows companies to determine whether historical criminal information is
warranted (Agan & Starr, 2018; The Prison Policy, 2021). However, challenges must be
addressed to ensure uniform implementation and compliance, as some stakeholders express
concerns about administrative burdens, citing such issues as theft in the workplace and lack of
trust in people with a PHI (LaPlant & Vuolo, 2020).
This study delves into theoretical and conceptual frameworks, prison/jail systems, reentry
programs, hiring organizations, advocacy efforts, and research gaps to contribute to the
conversation surrounding equitable employment opportunities and educational needs for Black
men with a PHI (Chappell & Lanza-Kaduce, 2010). In this comprehensive study I explored
theoretical and conceptual frameworks, prison/jail systems, reentry programs, hiring practices,
advocacy efforts, and identified research gaps. My primary aim was to enrich the discourse on

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creating equitable employment opportunities and addressing educational needs specifically for
Black men with a PHI (Browning et al., 2001; Bushway et al., 2022). By examining the systemic
barriers perpetuating cycles of disadvantage (LaPlant & Vuolo, 2020) and scrutinizing the
effectiveness of existing support mechanisms, I sought to uncover innovative strategies to
facilitate the successful reintegration of persons with a PHI into society. Additionally, this study
highlights the critical role of hiring organizations in breaking the stigma associated with
incarceration (LaPlant & Vuolo, 2020; Petit & Western, 2004), alongside the impact of advocacy
groups in shaping policies that support equity and inclusion. This research sheds light on Black
men's nuanced challenges as a person with a PHI through a comprehensive literature review and
empirical analysis. I also propose actionable solutions prioritizing their dignity, potential, and
right to equitable opportunities in the workforce and educational spheres. This inquiry
contributes to the academic conversation and aims to influence policy and practice, advocating
for systemic change.
With his ecological systems theory, Urie Bronfenbrenner (1981) underscored the
significance of considering an individual's environment, family, community, and societal
influences to understand their identity and the effects of these various layers on them (Bersani &
Doherty, 2013; Kubrin & Stewart, 2006). Arditti (2005) further supported this perspective,
highlighting the complex interplay between people and their surroundings. Building upon this
foundation, the framework of intersectionality delves deeper, acknowledging that individuals
possess multiple, intersecting identities—such as race, gender, and sexuality—that profoundly
shape their experiences and opportunities within these ecological contexts (Crenshaw, 1989).
Specifically, in this study, intersectionality is pivotal in understanding the compounded
experiences of participants who share the intersecting identities of being Black, male, and having

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a PHI (Crenshaw, 1989; Crenshaw, 2017). This nuanced approach allows a more thorough
exploration of how these identities influence their interactions with societal structures and
institutions (Crenshaw, 2017), affecting their reintegration prospects and access to equitable
employment opportunities (Evans, 2022; Francis, 2018; Johnson, 2021).
By applying these theoretical lenses, I aimed to uncover the unique challenges and
systemic barriers this specific group faces (Evans, 2022), thereby contributing to more effective,
inclusive strategies for support and advocacy (Goldman et al., 2019). The Ban the Box initiatives
offer a valuable avenue to address the discriminatory barriers faced by people with a PHI in their
pursuit of employment (Agan & Starr, 2018; LaPlant & Vuolo, 2020). By exploring the
multifaceted challenges and proposing strategies for reintegration, this research explored ways
that hiring organizations can foster a workforce that values diversity (Francis, 2018; Geller et al.,
2011); Pulitzer Center, 2023), identified organizations and avenues that offer second chances,
and recognized the potential for positive transformation for Black men with a PHI (Curl, 2023;
Williams, 2020).
In this study I also explored the experiences of Black people with PHI and their quest for
employment (Parker, 2022). The findings illuminate the intricate interplay of racial disparities,
involvement with the criminal justice system (Nellis, 2021; Vogel & Porter, 2016), educational
levels (Chappell & Lanza-Kaduce, 2010), and limited access to employment opportunities
(Couloute & Kopf, 2018; Evans, 2022). Specifically, this research delved into the unique
challenges Black men with a PHI encounter during their reentry journey (Evans, 2022; Francis,
2018) and subsequent interactions with potential employers (Goldman et al., 2019; Holzer et al.,
2007). By understanding the nuanced narratives of these individuals, I sought to identify
strategies to dismantle barriers hindering their successful workforce reintegration.

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Background of the Problem
The background of the problem centers around the prison/jail system, reentry programs,
and hiring organizations. Historically, Black men with a PHI faced a longstanding challenge in
securing employment (Bhuller et al., 2020), exacerbated by their overrepresentation in arrests
(Bushway et al., 2022), incarceration, and unemployment statistics (Browning et al., 2001; The
Prison Policy Initiative, 2021). These issues arise from multifaceted factors within prison
systems, reentry programs, and hiring organizations, which impede this demographic's successful
reintegration and employment prospects (Jones & Sawyer, 2019; Lane, 2014).
Prison and Jail Systems
Black men are disproportionately represented in the U.S. prison population (Alexander,
2020; The White House, 2022). This overrepresentation is due to a complex interplay of factors,
including systemic racism, racial profiling, and disparities in sentencing (Alexander, 2020;
Nellis, 2021). Once incarcerated, individuals, regardless of race, may face a range of challenges,
including overcrowding, limited access to education and rehabilitation programs, subpar
healthcare, and issues related to violence and safety (Byrne et al., 2015; Chappell & LanzaKaduce, 2010; Freeman, 2003). Black men may face additional challenges, including a greater
likelihood of being placed in maximum-security facilities and facing harsher disciplinary
measures (Alexander, 2020).
Many Black men who enter the criminal justice system experienced educational
disadvantages before their incarceration (Bhuller et al., 2020). Factors such as underfunded
schools, a lack of access to quality education, and the school-to-prison pipeline contributed to
lower educational attainment among Black people (Dancy, 2014). Access to educational

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programs is limited inside prisons or jails and the quality of these programs may vary by
correctional facility or state (Hinton & Cook, 2021).
Reentry Programs
The reentry process poses additional hurdles for Black men with a PHI (Francis, 2018;
Jonson & Cullen, 2015). Access to effective reentry programs, support networks, and transitional
services is essential to facilitate the transition of Black men with a PHI into society and the job
market (Arditti, 2005; Evans, 2022). Historically, reentry programs for Black men with a PHI
struggled due to insufficient programs and resources (Evans, 2022; Jonson & Cullen, 2015).
Some of these challenges stem from a need for more funding (Johnson, 2021). Other barriers are
based on the individual’s inability to navigate the service process, as reading, transportation, and
time commitments often become difficult (Francis, 2018; Johnson, 2021).
Unfortunately, Black men with a PHI have limited access to effective reentry programs
and support networks, making the transition into society and the job market more challenging
(Arditti, 2005; Jonson & Cullen, 2015). Current initiatives and programs require improvement,
such as needing to be based on accurate insight and the need for substantial oversight of
effectiveness (Johnson, 2021). There are limited improvements in assisting Black men with a
PHI in securing employment post-release (Couloute & Kopf, 2018; Severson & Duclos, 2005).
Hiring Organizations
I this study I delved into the interactions between Black men with a PHI and hiring
organizations. Black men with a PHI face challenges obtaining employment based on
perceptions (Francis, 2018), biases, and potentially discriminatory practices held by employers
and hiring managers when evaluating Black men with a PHI as job candidates (Agan & Starr,
2018; Couloute & Kopf, 2018; Goldman et al., 2019). I explored the treatment of individuals

24
seeking employment and reviewed the systemic barriers to employment disparities faced by
Black men with a PHI (Agan & Starr, 2018).
Black men with a PHI face compounded challenge, including racial wealth gaps and a
lack of investment in communities of color (Vogel & Porter, 2015). Despite efforts, such as Ban
the Box initiatives and reentry programs designed to reduce employment barriers (Agan & Starr,
2018; LaPlant & Vuolo, 2020), one in every three Black men continue to be incarcerated, further
hampering employment prospects upon release (Hinton & Cook, 2021; LaPlant & Vuolo, 2020).
Even when interviews are secured, instances of employers losing interest upon learning about
criminal records remain a persistent challenge (Couloute & Kopf, 2018). Unfortunately, race
plays a significant role in this lack of interest, with Black men with a PHI being 50% less likely
to be offered a job compared to White men with a PHI (Parker, 2022).
The dearth of employment opportunities contributes to higher poverty, crime, and social
exclusion (Vogel & Porter, 2015). While efforts were made to address these challenges, limited
research focuses specifically on the experiences of Black men with a PHI seeking competitive
employment compared to other demographics or non-PHI individuals (Agan & Starr, 2018). This
research gap underscores the importance of investigating the post-incarceration employment
experiences of Black men with a PHI. As Ahmed (2012) outlined, inclusivity is critical to
navigating life with a PHI.
Statement of the Problem
The problem statement pertains to the impact of the abovementioned problems on prison
systems, reentry programs, and hiring organizations. The challenges Black males with a PHI
encounter within prison systems can significantly affect their future employment opportunities
(Anazodo et al., 2019; Couloute & Kopf, 2018). Limited access to education, vocational training,

25
and job placement programs restricts the acquisition of valuable skills during incarceration
(Johnson, 2021; Jonson & Cullen, 2015).
In this study I sought to comprehensively understand the multifaceted challenges and
impact that Black males with a PHI face throughout the employment process, transcending the
confines of the job search itself (Lea et al., 2023). It encompasses the intricacies encountered
within the prison system, during reentry, and within organizational interactions (Hinton & Cook,
2021). The complexities of this challenge emerge even before release as Black men navigate
obstacles within the prison system (Alexander, 2020). These challenges dampen morale and
exacerbate anxieties, leaving individuals with the added burden of a criminal record, limited
transferable skills, and insufficient reentry programs to navigate their unique circumstances
while still being unemployed (Browning et al., 2001; Parker, 2022).
Prison and Jail Systems
For the first aspect of this research, I explored the challenges and barriers Black males
with a PHI encounter within prison and jail systems. These challenges may profoundly impact
their prospects for future employment (Couloute & Kopf, 2018), as they may held in a prison or
jail that does not have the resources to help them succeed beyond incarceration. Barriers faced by
Black men with a PHI include limited access to education, vocational training, and job placement
programs during incarceration (Alexander, 2020).
Reentry Programs
The second aspect of this research explored the impact and consequences of the problem.
It adds to the body of research by helping to understand Black men's difficulties with a PHI as
they navigate the reentry process. This process entails evaluating the accessibility and efficacy of
reentry programs and the sufficiency of support networks and transitional services designed to

26
facilitate their successful reintegration into society and the job market (Arditti, 2005). By
critically analyzing the successes and shortcomings of these reentry initiatives, the I aspired to
identify areas of improvement to better assist Black males with a PHI achieve employment
success while reducing the negative impact on their lives (Alexander, 2020; Arditti, 2005).
Hiring Organizations
Finally, I examined the impact of a PHI on Black males and their challenges when
interacting with prospective employers and hiring organizations (Arditti, 2005; Couloute &
Kopf, 2018). The impact of employment challenges among Black men with a PHI significantly
hampers their ability to provide for themselves and their families (Alexander, 2020; Bersan &
Doherty, 2020). Unfortunately, a substantial number of these individuals return to prison for
committing similar crimes (Pager, 2007), effectively becoming “career criminals,” which further
contributes to the 35.2% unemployment rate among this demographic (The Prison Policy
Initiative, 2021). This pattern of unlawful activity persists because it may represent the only
means of survival known to these individuals (Couloute & Kopf, 2018).
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study was to examine the experiences of Black men with a PHI and
how these experiences are connected to the prison/jail system, reentry programs, and hiring
organizations. This study explored Black men's multifaceted employment barriers with a PHI
through a mixed methods approach, explicitly employing a sequential design (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018). The literature review includes diverse and recent sources highlighting central
themes, including challenges within the prison systems, reentry programs, and hiring
organizations. By examining various perspectives and research findings, I identified existing
literature gaps and a foundation for future research.

27
The primary objective of this research was to provide a comprehensive understanding of
the challenges Black men with a PHI encounter throughout their employment journey. Few
researchers explored quantitative recidivism data based on individual history, personal needs,
and associations, and lived experiences (Charmaz, 2006). This is alarming, considering the
length of incarceration continues to increase for Black men (Wertheimer, 2023) and
overrepresentation in prisons and jails is an ongoing concern (Alexander, 2020; Bhuller et al.,
2020; Parker, 2021). The study conducted in-depth interviews with eight Black men previously
incarcerated, thereby gaining nuanced insights into their experiences, challenges, and strategies
during their job searching processes. Additionally, surveys were administered to 110 Black men
with a PHI, facilitating a broader understanding of the prevalence and patterns of employment
barriers. Combining qualitative and quantitative data collection methods provides a holistic view
of the research topic (Charmaz, 2006; Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Prisons and Jail Systems
Drawing on data from the Federal Bureau of Prisons (2024), which indicates that 93.3%
of inmates are male and 6.8% are female, I focused on the experiences of Black males’
experiences within prison systems. With an average of 650,000 individuals of all demographics
released each year (The Prison Policy Initiative, 2021), critically examining prisons' current
systems and processes is vital. By understanding the existing infrastructure, I aimed to pinpoint
barriers and propose incremental changes to improve reintegration into society (Davis et al.,
2018).
Reentry Programs
Reentry programs play a pivotal role in supporting the transition of previously
incarcerated individuals (Evans, 2022; Francis, 2018; Freeman, 2003). Nevertheless, challenges

28
persist in providing practical support, education, vocational skills, and job opportunities for
Black men with PHI (Evans, 2022). This research acknowledges existing efforts while evaluating
and enhancing these systems, focusing on emerging best practices, and building upon successful
approaches that facilitate reintegration. As suggested by Johnson (2021) and Freeman (2003),
these approaches include support services and intentional efforts by the judicial system to assist
in ending the cycle of recidivism.
Hiring Organizations
Employment organizations wield considerable influence in advancing Black men with a
PHI (Evans, 2022). However, challenges endure despite efforts, such as Ban the Box (Agan &
Starr, 2018; LaPlant & Vuolo, 2020). Some employers continue to implement policies that
unnecessarily restrict hiring individuals with a PHI, which affects Black men at a higher rate
(Alexander, 2020; Bhuller et al., 2020). Moreover, there is a need to examine employer attitudes
and training related to hiring people with a PHI (Bushway et al., 2022; Evans, 2022). This
research evaluated hiring practices, established comprehensive guidelines, and fostered more
equitable opportunities for this demographic (Hahn et al., 2018).
Research Questions and Hypotheses
Based on the focus of this mixed-method study, three research questions and nine
hypotheses emerged. The research questions guided the qualitative component of this study,
which was based on the interview protocol I used in semi-structured interviews with eight
participants (Appendix B). The nine directional hypotheses were based on the responses to the
Qualtrics survey, based on nine subscales in Andrews’ and Bonta’s (2010) Level of Service
Inventory-Revised (LSI-R) developed for people with a PHI (see Appendix A). If LSI-R scores
are moderate to high in each subscale, they are deemed unsatisfactory and the participant is at

29
risk of recidivating and returning to incarceration . I used the LSI-R (Andrews & Bonta, 2010)
for the quantitative methodology in this study.
Research Questions
The research questions were as follows:
Research Question 1: What are the lived experiences of Black men seeking employment
who were previously incarcerated?
Research Question 2: What are the challenges of Black men in seeking employment postincarceration?
Research Question 3: What can be improved for Black men seeking employment postincarceration?
Directional Hypotheses
The hypotheses were as follows:
1. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Criminal History.
2. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Family/Marital.
3. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Emotional/Personal.
4. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Education/Employment.
5. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Financial.
6. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Leisure/Recreation.
7. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Companions.
8. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Attitudes/Orientation.
9. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Stability.

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Significance of the Study
This study includes recommendations that can be used as an Action Plan that
stakeholders can consider when making improvements for Black men with a PHI. Understanding
the limitations of opportunities within the prison system is pivotal to identifying gaps that hinder
reintegration into the workforce (Browning et al., 2001). The significance of the study is
underscored by focusing on the prison system, reentry programs, and hiring organizations,
offering a view of how these systems affect the lives of Black men with a PHI. This research is
also significant for diverse stakeholders, with far-reaching implications across the criminal
justice system, reentry programs, hiring organizations, and the lives of individuals impacted by a
PHI. Examining the successes and shortcomings of these initiatives provided insights into areas
where improvements can be made to better assist Black men with a PHI in securing employment
post-release.
Beyond its immediate focus on Black men with a PHI, this study's findings hold
relevance for other marginalized demographics, including Black and White women, who
confront similar challenges stemming from their justice history, although not as frequently
(McCall, 2005; The Prison Policy Initiative, 2021). New legislation may alleviate some historical
difficulties surrounding educational and vocational options for people with a PHI (The White
House, 2022). This legislation includes funding through Pell grants and more partnerships with
community colleges (The White House, 2022).
Employers stand to gain profound insights from this study, delving deeper into the
intricate dynamics surrounding hiring individuals with a PHI, particularly Black men (Holzer,
2007). The research illuminates the untapped potential within this often-overlooked talent pool,
challenging prevailing misconceptions and biases (Goldman et al., 2019; Holzer, 2007).

31
Adopting inclusive hiring policies and practices enriches an organization's diversity, fosters
community engagement, reduces poverty, and contributes to curbing crime rates (Ahmed, 2012).
By recognizing the potential and value of these individuals, employers play a pivotal role in
forging a more inclusive and just society (Hahn et al., 2018). Understanding the experiences and
opportunities presented within the prison system is crucial in identifying potential gaps that
could impede successful reintegration into the workforce (Browning et al., 2001).
Prison and Jail Systems
The significance of this study extends to prison systems, offering guidance in developing
targeted interventions that facilitate employment and educational opportunities within
incarceration settings (Hahn et al., 2018; Lea et al., 2023; Royer, 2021). Identifying specific
barriers and needs within this population informs the creation of tailored programs that prepare
inmates for reentry into the job market (Ahmed, 2012). By focusing on educational and
vocational training initiatives, these interventions can potentially lead to reduced recidivism rates
and enhanced prospects for successful reintegration into society (Anazodo et al., 2019).
Reentry Programs
Furthermore, this research significantly impacts reentry programs by guiding the
development of comprehensive support systems that cater to the unique needs of Black men with
a PHI. The insights gained into this population's employment barriers and experiences during
reentry allow for crafting more targeted interventions (Ahmed, 2012; Francis, 2018). These
interventions address the challenges that hinder successful post-incarceration outcomes,
including securing gainful employment and stable living situations (Freeman, 2003). Tailoring
services based on these challenges enhances the effectiveness of reentry programs and increases
the likelihood of successful reintegration (Anazodo et al., 2019; Freeman, 2003).

32
Hiring Organizations
The study's exploration of hiring organizations' practices and perceptions offers a path to
policy recommendations that promote collaborative community efforts and transitional job
programs as described in Johnson’s (2021) and Goldman et al.’s (2019) research. Insight into the
biases and barriers hiring entities face may prompt a reevaluation of recruitment, hiring, and
employment policies (Johnson, 2021). This recalibration ensures more equitable access to
opportunities for individuals with a PHI (Lea et al., 2023). Through advocacy for fair hiring
practices, the study spearheads efforts to enrich workforce diversity, encourage social inclusion,
and create a more level playing field for Black men with a PHI (Parker, 2022), increasing their
chances of obtaining meaningful employment and building sustainable careers (The White
House, 2022).
In conclusion, the significance of this study reverberates through different dimensions of
the criminal justice system and the employment landscape. By confronting the challenges faced
by Black men with a PHI and proposing actionable solutions for prison systems, reentry
programs, and hiring organizations, this research may foster equal opportunities (Dancy, 2014),
diminish recidivism rates (Bhuller et al., 2020), and catalyze social and economic inclusion
(Anazodo et al., 2019). The potential to improve individual lives and contribute to the well-being
of society underscores its enduring impact and significance in drawing attention, awareness, and
importance to this phenomenon (Hahn et al., 2018).
Definition of Terms
For clarity and shared understanding, the terms used in this study are defined in Table 1.

33
Table 1
Definition of Terms
Term Definition
Ban the Box A term added to applications, including employment and housing forms, indicates
removing questions or checkboxes inquiring about an individual's criminal history.
The intent of Ban the Box initiatives is to encourage organizations to consider
broader factors in their decision-making processes beyond an individual's criminal
background.
Black A term used to describe people who are African American or of African descent.
Career criminal A person who repeatedly engages in crime and illegal acts as a source of
financial/material gain.
Convergent design A mixed-methods research approach involves simultaneously collecting qualitative
and quantitative data, followed by separate analyses of each data type. The results
are then merged to provide a comprehensive understanding of the research topic,
enhancing the depth of insights.
Correctional facility Institution or facility designed for the incarceration, detention, or rehabilitation of
individuals who were convicted of crimes or are awaiting trial.
Criminal history A record of an individual's criminal activities, including convictions, arrests, and
legal proceedings. Criminal history can pose challenges to employment for
individuals with a PHI due to stigmatization and biases held by employers.
Employment barriers Refers to the challenges and impediments faced by individuals with a PHI when
attempting to secure employment. These barriers include societal stigma, limited job
opportunities, and discriminatory practices that hinder access to suitable
employment.
General Educational
Development (GED)
Individuals who still need to complete high school but wish to demonstrate their
academic proficiency or pursue further education or employment opportunities often
pursue a series of tests. This is also known as the Graduate Equivalency Degree or
General Educational Diploma.
Hiring organizations This process refers to employers and entities responsible for hiring in various
industries. This study examines hiring organizations' attitudes, perceptions, and
practices toward employing individuals with a PHI, particularly Black men.
Inmates Individuals confined or detained within a correctional facility (prison or jail) due to
their involvement in the criminal justice system.
LSI-R (Level of Service
Inventory-Revised)
Designed by Andrews and Bonta (2010), this standardized assessment tool measures
individuals' re-offending risk and identifies their criminogenic needs. The LSI-R
consists of multiple scales that evaluate 10 factors: criminal history,
education/employment, financial, family/marital, accommodation, leisure/recreation,
companions, alcohol/drug problems, emotional/personal, and attitude/orientation.
Men People who identify as being of male gender by birth or later as they have
determined based on physical, mental, or medical changes.

34
Previously incarcerated
Black men
This term refers to Black men who were convicted of a felony crime and underwent
a period of incarceration as a result. The study focused on understanding these
individuals' experiences and challenges during their reintegration into society and
their pursuit of employment opportunities.
Prior history of
incarceration (PHI)
An encompassing term, PHI refers to individuals engaged with the criminal justice
system due to illegal activities, ranging from convictions and imprisonment (in
prisons or jails) to involvement in legal proceedings. PHI includes a diverse range of
experiences within the criminal justice system.
Prison and jail systems The structures, policies, and practices govern the prison where individuals serve
their sentences. This term encompasses the array of correctional facilities within the
criminal justice system that pertain to incarcerated individuals, including educational
and vocational training (though limited) to prepare them for reentry into society.
Recidivism Tendency of a convicted criminal to re-offend or engage in further criminal behavior
after being released from punishment or correctional supervision.
Reentry programs Programs and services are designed to support the successful reintegration of
individuals into society after their release from incarceration. These programs often
encompass a range of services, including job training, education, counseling, and
social support, to reduce recidivism and enhance post-release outcomes.
Scale In research and measurement, a scale refers to a standardized set of questions or
items designed to measure a specific construct or attribute. Scales quantify abstract
concepts that cannot be directly observed, such as attitudes, behaviors, or
characteristics. Each item on a scale represents a different aspect or facet of the
measured construct.
Systemic barriers Institutional or structural obstacles that impact specific groups or individuals
disproportionately due to systemic biases or discriminatory practices. In this study,
systemic barriers refer to the collective challenges faced by Black men with a PHI in
their pursuit of gainful employment, resulting from social, economic, and racial
inequalities.
Qualtrics A web-based survey platform allowing individuals and organizations to design,
distribute, and analyze surveys and research projects.
Assumptions, Limitations, Delimitations, and Positionality
Assumptions
The study had several limitations. Firstly, the qualitative sample included eight
participants, while the quantitative sample included 110 participants from 30 states within the
United States. Per Figure 1, the participants in the qualitative study were from California,
Maryland, New York, and Tennessee. The participants in the quantitative portion of the study
were from 27 of the 50 states, with a considerable number concentrated in California, Florida,

35
and Georgia (see Figure 2). Secondly, the study focused on Black male adults with a PHI, which
may not fully represent the perspectives of other incarcerated individuals and their experiences
with prisons, jails, reentry programs, or hiring organizations. Lastly, I primarily concentrated on
employment barriers faced by Black men with a PHI, limiting its generalizability to different
populations. Despite these limitations, utilizing a mixed methods approach facilitates a more
comprehensive understanding of the employment barriers experienced by Black males with a
PHI, which can contribute to informing policies and practices supporting this specific population.
Figure 1
Mapped Location of the Qualitative Participants

36
Figure 2
Mapped Location of Quantitative Participants
Limitations
Black men are arrested and incarcerated at higher rates than any other race or gender
group, making them the largest proportion of the population with a PHI (Browning et al., 2001).
The literature suggests that Black men with a PHI encounter substantial obstacles when seeking
employment (Alexander, 2020). Black women with a PHI also encounter significant challenges
in obtaining employment, ranking second highest to Black men proportionally (Executive Office
of the President, 2022). This is a limitation because while the focus of this study is on Black
men, the struggles of Black women are similarly severe and cannot be overlooked. Addressing
their experiences could provide a more comprehensive understanding of the broader systemic
issues faced by Black individuals with a PHI.

37
I thoroughly examined and analyzed the existing literature to address my assumptions
and limitations in this study. However, the limited sample size may restrict the generalizability of
the findings to a larger population. Additionally, there is a lack of participant information from
the Northwest states, like Montana and Idaho, which, along with Wisconsin and Oklahoma, have
notably high incarceration rates (Nellis, 2022). The voices of Black men with a PHI from these
regions are crucial for understanding their experiences. It is also crucial to recognize this study's
limitations, such as the qualitative sample size of eight participants and the quantitative sample
size of 110 participants, which do not fully capture the experiences of all Black men with a PHI.
Delimitations
The following delimitations outline the scope and boundaries of the study, including
geographic location, time, sample size, demographics, employment barriers, and study design.
The geographical scope focused solely on the employment barriers Black men face with a PHI
within the United States and did not extend to other countries. I primarily examined Black men's
current employment barriers and experiences with a PHI within the last 25 years leading to data
collection. Historical trends and long-term changes affected Black with a PHI (Goldman et al.,
2019). The qualitative sample consisted of eight participants and the quantitative sample had 110
participants.
In this research, I concentrated exclusively on the experiences of Black men with PHI
and did not examine the perspectives of other racial or gender groups within the incarcerated
population. I specifically explored employment-related and educational challenges and barriers
Black men with a PHI face while utilizing the conceptual and theoretical frameworks to
understand distinct aspects of their lives and how they affect them post-incarceration. This topic
is one of the most challenging issues for Black men (Jones & Sawyer, 2019). The study design

38
included a mixed methods approach, combining qualitative and quantitative data collection and
analysis. While this approach enhances understanding, it only address some nuances of this
population's employment barriers.
Positionality
Regarding my positionality, I am a doctoral candidate with prior experience in local law
enforcement. Having analyzed crime for over 25 years, I observed a recurring theme: Black men
are disproportionately arrested and convicted of crimes. Further investigation led me to
recognize that this disparity primarily arises from a lack of resources and opportunities within the
Black community. Before commencing this research, I assumed this issue was prevalent beyond
the agencies I worked with. Additionally, I acknowledge my bias that Black individuals are often
subject to more negative perceptions than other groups. Previous research demonstrated that
Black men withstand the worst of this problem, constituting the highest percentage of people
with a PHI who are denied employment (Alexander, 2020; The Prison Policy Initiative, 2021).
By acknowledging the potential influence of my background as a former law enforcement
civilian crime and intelligence analyst, it is essential to recognize and address potential biases
and limitations that may arise. My previous experience shaped my perspective, and I consciously
mitigated these biases by maintaining objectivity and seeking diverse viewpoints. Despite these
limitations, implementing a mixed methods approach provided a comprehensive understanding
of Black men's employment barriers with a PHI, allowing for meaningful insights and
recommendations.
Given my knowledge of Black men's challenges with a PHI, I am aware of their struggles
in reintegrating into society, their communities, the workforce, and their home environment.
However, it is essential to acknowledge that some may perceive me as an outsider or a potential

39
threat due to my background in law enforcement. Some may have considered me to be
unrelatable since I did not share their specific experiences; my employment and advanced degree
may have set us apart. There may also have been discomfort arising from the belief that I may
not fully understand or care about their circumstances. Furthermore, my perspective or
understanding of their circumstances may be challenged due to the difference in gender between
myself as a female and them as males. To address these potential biases, I built rapport, actively
listened, and adapted to the environment, as Creswell and Creswell (2018) suggested. The results
were remarkable. I was humbled by the fact that every participant shared openly and willingly.
Conclusion
These findings contribute significantly to this field's existing knowledge and research. By
shedding light on the complex dynamics that underlie the employment experiences of previously
incarcerated Black men, this study provides a foundation for informed policy discussions and
interventions. The insights from the study's qualitative and quantitative components can serve as
a roadmap for shaping more equitable employment practices and dismantling the barriers
perpetuating inequality (Anazodo et al., 2019; Pettit & Western, 2004).
Furthermore, the implication of this research extend beyond academic discourse. The
insights gained from this study have the potential to facilitate meaningful changes within the
prison system, reentry programs, and hiring organizations (La Vigne et al., 2004). I advocate
reconsidering the existing incarceration approach by highlighting the challenges previously
incarcerated individuals face and the potential benefits of their reintegration into the workforce
(La Vigne et al., 2004; Williams, 2020). The study findings underscore the need for
comprehensive rehabilitation and support programs that empower individuals to regain agency

40
over their lives and contribute to society healthfully (Ashford, 2020; Vogel & Porter, 2016;
Wallace, 2021; Western et al., 2015).
Likewise, hiring organizations should reevaluate their practices and perceptions
surrounding individuals with a PHI, namely Black men. The research exposes the damaging
effects of stigmatization and biases that hinder these individuals from accessing meaningful
employment opportunities (Johnson, 2021). With this awareness, organizations can be motivated
to adopt more inclusive hiring policies, contributing to a diverse and skilled workforce while
dismantling the cycle of recidivism (Parker, 2022; Smith, 2020).
This study uncovered some of the intricacies of Black men's employment barriers with a
PHI while advocating for change at multiple levels. By illuminating the challenges and offering
potential solutions, this dissertation adds to the body of research that should be utilized to
reshape policies, practices, and perceptions, fostering a more just and inclusive society (Johnson,
2021). The study findings extend beyond academic boundaries and others can use the findings to
facilitate tangible improvements that empower individuals to overcome the barriers of their past
and achieve meaningful employment and reintegration into their communities (Lea et al., 2023;
Pager, 2007; Parker, 2022).
Organization of the Study
This study is organized into several sections to address the research questions effectively.
The first section included the introduction, providing an overview of Black men with a PHI and
their employment challenges. The background of the problem section highlights the context and
existing research gaps. Following that, the purpose outlined the specific research aims and
objectives. The significance of the study section included the broader implications and
stakeholders involved. The definition of terms section clarified vital terminology used

41
throughout the study. The conclusion section included the study's objectives and expected
contributions. Finally, the methodology, results, and discussion sections included the research
design, findings, and interpretations.

42
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
This chapter includes a comprehensive examination of the existing body of literature
surrounding Black men with a PHI, particularly relating to systemic issues of criminality, prison
systems, reentry programs, prison-related initiatives, and effective interventions (Miller, 2014;
Wagner & Rabuy, 2017). Understanding the dynamics within these domains is crucial, as they
collectively shape the lived experiences of Black men, especially those with a PHI. This research
sheds light on Black men's multi-faceted challenges by scrutinizing the existing scholarship in
these areas. It identifies practices and policies that offer hope for a more equitable and just future
(Hahn et al., 2018; Williams, 2020). This chapter serves as a critical foundation for the
subsequent exploration of the research findings and the implications, providing invaluable
feedback to offer insights into the complexities of the criminal justice system and how Black
men are entangled therein.
The search for participants included contacting various organizations that provide
services to Black men with a PHI, such as reentry facilities, mental health facilities, churches,
and barbershops. Information was posted on LinkedIn and reposted twelve times. A bulletin with
information about the survey was included in two LinkedIn submissions I posted. The two posts
obtained 5,845 impressions. Additional participants were obtained through referrals from
colleagues and other participants, employing a snowball sampling strategy, which proved
effective in recruiting additional participants (Charmaz, 2006).
The theoretical framework is Bronfenbrenner's (1981) ecological systems theory (BEST).
Bronfenbrenner's (1981) work on ecological systems theory emphasizes the importance of
including a person's environment, family, community, and society in understanding who they are

43
and what these effects these factors have on them as individuals (Arditti, 2005; Bersani &
Doherty, 2020). Intersectionality, used as a conceptual framework, expands on this by
recognizing that individuals have multiple intersecting identities (e.g., race, gender, sexuality)
that shape their experiences and opportunities within each of these ecological systems
(Crenshaw, 2017; McCall, 2005). Therefore, BEST (1981), when viewed through an
intersectional lens, was the theoretical framework as it highlighted how the experiences and
challenges faced by Black men with a PHI are shaped by their criminal history, their intersecting
identities, and the broader environmental context in which they live. In addition, this approach
emphasizes the importance of understanding the unique needs of subgroups within the larger
population of people with a PHI and the potential impact of policies and programs on these
subgroups (Ashford, 2020; Goldman et al., 2019; La Vigne et al., 2004; LaPlant & Vuolo, 2020).
The key concepts in BEST (1977), as it relates to the research of Black males with a PHI, are
listed as follows:
1. Microsystem: Black males' immediate environment affects their interactions with family,
friends, school, and community (Arditti, 2005; Bersani & Doherty, 2020; Boehme et al.,
2022; Comfort, 2008; Kubrin & Stewart, 2006; Lowenkamp et al., 2001).
2. Mesosystem: What are the relationships in the school/friend, community/family, and
family/friends’ environments, and how does this affect the individual's development and
current entry into the criminal justice system (Bersani & Doherty, 2020; Evans, 2022;
Francis, 2018; Kubrin & Stewart, 2006)?
3. Exosystem: Understanding the social settings and institutions influencing these
individuals, resource access, parents’ workplace, and government policies (Hinton &
Cook, 2021; Johnson, 2021; Jones & Sawyer, 2019).

44
4. Macrosystem: Factors that shape the individual regarding cultural and societal values,
laws, customs, religion, beliefs, and political systems (Lane, 2014; LaPlant & Vuolo,
2020; Miller, 2014; Pager, 2003).
5. Chronosystem: Understanding the life events that shape the development and experiences
of Black men with a PHI (Alexander, 2020; Dancy, 2014; Evans, 2022).
Search Description
Following the passage of the initial proposal defense and Institutional Review Board
(IRB) in November 2023, I began enlisting qualified individuals to participate in the study
(Smith, 2020). This participation included completing a survey or agreeing to a 1-hour Zoom
(Tillman, 2020) interview that would be recorded on camera. Locating participants for the online
survey proved more difficult than finding participants for the interview. After exhausting all
efforts to find survey participants through LinkedIn, churches, reentry programs, and
barbershops, I returned to the IRB. I asked permission to change my search approach to include
Centiment, a survey company designed to work with students, businesses, and communities to
administer surveys by locating and contacting the desired demographic. I contacted Centiment
and informed them that I wanted to administer a survey to Black male adults with a PHI (Bureau
of Labor Statistics, 2021). Centiment informed me that they did not have this group of
individuals as a target population but that they could send the survey to Black men who were
arrested in the past. Therefore, I created a Qualtrics survey and made Centiment a collaborator.
In the survey, I asked qualifying questions (see Appendix C) to obtain my target population
(Davis et al., 2013).
For the qualitative portion of the study, I searched for participants by contacting
churches, barbershops, reentry programs, and community centers which are places where Black

45
men are known to congregate (Boehme et al., 2022) in hopes of finding those who met the
criteria of being a Black male adult with a PHI. Due to Health Insurance Portability and
Accountability Act (HIPAA) laws, there were challenges with contacting participants from
reentry programs and community centers, as they cannot share contact information. Some
organizations recorded my request for participants verbally or via email and passed the
information along for someone to call me, but this garnered few contacts. The most successful
method for obtaining interview participants was to speak to people from churches and working
relationships. This method started slow, then grew into successfully obtaining contact
information and participation from eight Black men with a PHI (Travis, 2005).
During this process, I faced challenges getting five other participants to commit to
meeting the requirements of setting a date and being on camera. Several participants whom I did
get to interview spoke about the way they view time and commitments. They stated that they are
accustomed to creating their environment when not imprisoned. They noted that they often revert
to the behaviors they had before incarceration. Several stated that commitment and schedules are
rare for them because it is not a part of their mesosystem and chronosystem, as outlined in BEST
(1981). This was witnessed as I rescheduled many meetings because the participant was not
ready for the interview at the agreed time or viewed the scheduled time as optional.
Nevertheless, once I began, each participant was engaged and willing to share their
experiences. I attributed this success to the fact that each of the participants was obtained by
someone who referred them to whom the research participant knew and trusted. Even though
they did not know me, knowing the person who referred them seemed comforting, as this was a
key factor in their microsystem (Anazodo et al., 2019). I had meaningful conversations about
their experiences and they each consented to the interview on camera and answered the

46
questions. They knew their participation was completely voluntary and they could opt out at any
time. One participant, P8, who was the last person I interviewed, thanked me for this research
and said that he appreciated the fact that someone cared enough to listen to his life experiences
and the others who were interviewed.
Conceptual Framework
The conceptual framework of this dissertation is intersectionality, which was designed to
incorporate the intersecting identities of the individuals (Crenshaw, 2017) who are Black, male,
and have a PHI. Theorized by Dr. Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989), intersectionality is a combination
of multiple identities that should be observed and understood in their totality, not just one
identity at a time. Therefore, being Black, being male, and having a history of incarceration has a
different effect on an individual who is only Black and a different gender with no PHI or male of
a different racial demographic and a PHI. When identities intersect, it helps define the whole
person along with the complex nature of the challenges they face because those intersections that
become compounded, complex, and layered (Collins, 2015; Crenshaw, 1989; Crenshaw, 2017;
McCall, 2005). This, coupled with their life experiences and the ability to navigate societal
factors post-incarceration, makes their journey complex (Bronfenbrenner, 1981; Crenshaw,
1989; Crenshaw, 2017). Figure 3 includes a framework for Black men with a PHI represented in
this study.

47
Figure 3
Conceptual Framework Design using BEST and Intersectionality

Furthermore, intersectionality, as a central concept in this framework, recognizes that
individuals possess intersecting identities, such as race, gender, and sexuality (Crenshaw, 1989).
These identities do not exist in isolation but interact with one another to shape an individual's
experiences and opportunities within each ecological system (Bronfenbrenner, 1981). In this
study, I acknowledge that the experience of being a Black man with a PHI is not solely defined
by their criminal history; instead, their intersecting identities influence their interactions with
family, friends, school, community, and society (Davis, 2018). Understanding these intersections
is vital to unpacking the complexities of their experiences and challenges (Crenshaw, 2017;
McCall, 2005).
Intersectionality is critical in analyzing employment barriers for Black men with a PHI. It
underscores the idea that individuals do not possess singular, isolated identities (Crenshaw, 2017;
McCall, 2005). Instead, they carry multiple intersecting identities that shape their experiences

48
and opportunities, and this intersectionality significantly impacts their employment prospects
(Collins, 2015; Crenshaw, 1989; Crenshaw, 2017; McCall, 2005). The intersection of race and
criminal history is particularly pronounced when considering employment barriers (Evans, 2022;
Hahn et al., 2018). Black men with a PHI often face the compounding effects of racial
discrimination and the stigma associated with their criminal records (Pager, 2003). This dual
identity can result in disproportionately limited access to employment opportunities as they
grapple with both racial biases in the job market and the skepticism surrounding their criminal
backgrounds (Couloute & Kopf, 2018; Hahn et al., 2018). As a result, addressing employment
barriers (Evans, 2022; Holzer et al., 2007) for this population (Browning et al., 2001) requires a
nuanced understanding of how these intersecting identities contribute to systemic discrimination
(Collins, 2015; Crenshaw, 1989; Crenshaw, 2017; McCall, 2005; Wagner & Rabuy, 2017).
While focusing on Black men, it is essential to recognize the distinct gender dimension in
intersectionality. Black men with a PHI may encounter unique challenges related to masculinity
stereotypes and expectations (Oliver & Sedlacek, 2004). For example, societal expectations of
Black masculinity may exacerbate employment barriers, as they are expected to provide for their
families despite facing discrimination in the labor market (Evans, 2022; Francis, 2018; Goldman
et al., 2019). Understanding the intersection of gender and criminal history is essential for
crafting targeted interventions that address these gender-specific challenges (Evans, 2022;
Goldman et al., 2019; Hahn et al., 2018).
Intersectionality extends to educational disparities (Dancy, 2014; Lea et al., 2023). Black
men with criminal records often face limited access to quality education during incarceration and
may struggle to access post-release educational opportunities (Davis et al., 2013; Hahn et al.,
2018; Western & Pettit, 2005). This intersection of educational disadvantage and criminal history

49
creates a formidable employment barrier (Hahn et al., 2018), as many jobs require specific
qualifications or degrees (Wallace, 2021). Practical strategies for overcoming these barriers
involve addressing educational opportunities during incarceration and facilitating access to skillbuilding programs upon release (Ashford, 2020; Chappell & Lanza-Kaduce, 2010; Davis, 2013).
Geography plays a significant role in Intersectionality as well (Clear, 2007; Collins,
2015). Employment opportunities can vary widely depending on where an individual lives
(Arditti, 2005; Bhuller et al., 2020; Boehme et al., 2022; Hutto, 2024). For Black men with a
PHI, geographic factors such as neighborhood resources, job availability, and community
support systems intersect with their criminal history (Clear, 2007). Understanding these regional
variations is essential for tailoring reentry programs and employment initiatives to address the
specific needs and limitations imposed by location (Ashford, 2020; Nellis, 2020).
Age is another intersecting identity that influences employment barriers. Younger Black
men with a PHI may face challenges different from those of their older counterparts (Pettit &
Western, 2004). For example, youth may struggle to secure employment due to their limited
work experience and age-related stereotypes (Bushway et al., 2022; Byrne et al., 2015; Collins,
2015; Dancy, 2014). On the other hand, older individuals may encounter ageism in addition to
discrimination based on their criminal history (Collins, 2015; Comfort, 2008; Vogel & Porter,
2016). Recognizing the intersection of age and criminal history is crucial for designing ageappropriate reentry programs and support services (Bushway et al., 2022; Miller, 2014; Vogel &
Porter, 2016).
In conclusion, intersectionality highlights the complex interplay of multiple identities
(Collins, 2015; Crenshaw, 1989; Crenshaw, 2017; McCall, 2005) and their impact on
employment barriers for Black men with a PHI (Browning et al., 2001; Couloute & Kopf, 2018;

50
Evans, 2022). To effectively address these barriers, interventions and policies must acknowledge
and address the compounding effects of intersecting identities (Crenshaw, 2017), recognizing
that individuals' experiences (Evans, 2022) are shaped by a complex web of factors beyond their
criminal history and race alone (Bronfenbrenner, 1989).
Theoretical Framework
Introduction to the Theoretical Framework
The theoretical framework of this study was rooted in Bronfenbrenner's (1977) ecological
systems theory (BEST), which provides a comprehensive lens for examining the multi-faceted
factors that influence the development and experiences of individuals. Bronfenbrenner's theory
was particularly suitable for this study due to its comprehensive approach to capturing the
complexity of human experiences and the interplay between individual and systemic factors.
Bronfenbrenner posited that individuals exist within a series of interconnected ecological
systems, ranging from their immediate microsystem (family, friends, school, and community) to
broader macrosystems (cultural and societal values, laws, customs, religion, beliefs, and political
systems). By applying this framework, I gained a holistic understanding of the experiences of
Black men with a PHI and how these experiences are shaped by their interactions within these
ecological systems (Bronfenbrenner, 1977).
Microsystem - The Immediate Employment Environment
The microsystem within BEST is particularly pertinent when examining Black men's
employment barriers with a PHI. This immediate environment (Kubrin & Stewart, 2006)
encompasses their interactions with family, friends, the workplace, and the community
(Bronfenbrenner, 1977). Within these microsystems, familial dynamics, peer relationships,
workplace culture, and community resources all influence the individual's ability to secure

51
employment and navigate reentry into society (Arditti, 2005; Browning et al., 2001; Geller et al.,
2011; Miller, 2014). For instance, supportive family environments can provide emotional and
practical support crucial for successful reintegration, while adverse workplace cultures can
hinder employment opportunities.
Mesosystem - Connections and Employment Barriers
Building upon the microsystem, the mesosystem examines the interconnections between
these immediate environments and their collective impact on the individual (Bronfenbrenner,
1977). This level of BEST explores how relationships between various aspects of life, such as
the family's role in supporting reintegration efforts (Bersani & Doherty, 2020) and the
community's perception of formerly incarcerated individuals, influence an individual's
development. In employment, the mesosystem delves into the relationships between the
workplace and other microsystems, highlighting how community support networks and familial
encouragement can mitigate the stigma associated with a criminal record (Anazodo et al., 2019;
Bhuller et al., 2020).
Exosystem - Systemic Barriers and Opportunities
The exosystem within BEST directs our attention to the broader social settings and
institutions that influence an individual's life (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). When dealing with
employment barriers for Black men with criminal records, the exosystem encompasses policies,
government programs, and the labor market (Ashford, 2020). Discriminatory hiring practices,
limited access to education and job training programs, and the impact of parole and probation
policies exist within the exosystem (Alexander, 2020; Clear, 2007; Pager, 2003). For example,
systemic barriers, such as restrictive licensing laws for certain professions, can severely limit
employment opportunities for individuals with a criminal record (Wagner & Rabuy, 2017).

52
Macrosystem - Cultural and Societal Values
At the macrosystem level, BEST explores the overarching cultural and societal values
that shape an individual's life (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). In the context of employment barriers for
Black men with a PHI, this encompasses examining cultural norms, laws, customs, religious
influences, and political systems, all of which contribute to their experiences within the criminal
justice system (Wacquant, 2009; Western & Pettit, 2010). For instance, societal attitudes towards
criminality and rehabilitation can influence the level of support and opportunities available for
reintegration.
Chronosystem - Evolving Employment Dynamics
The chronosystem, which considers the influence of life events and transitions over time,
is essential for understanding the evolving dynamics of employment barriers (Bronfenbrenner,
1977). As societal attitudes and employment practices change over the years, it is vital to
examine how these shifts impact the reintegration prospects of Black men with a PHI. Historical
factors, such as changes in criminal justice policies and economic downturns, can profoundly
affect employment opportunities (Travis et al., 2014). For example, the evolution of Ban the Box
laws illustrates how policy changes over time can influence employment prospects for
individuals with criminal records (Agan & Starr, 2018).
Incorporating each level of BEST into examining employment barriers for Black men
with a PHI offers a holistic perspective considering the complex web of factors at play. By
understanding and addressing micro, meso, exo, macro, and chronosystem influences,
interventions, and policies can be better tailored to break down the barriers these individuals face
in their quest for meaningful employment and successful reintegration into society.

53
Critical Concepts of BEST
Microsystem
The microsystem encompasses the immediate environments that impact Black men with
a PHI. Thus includes their family, friends, school, and community (Bronfenbrenner, 1977).
Within these microsystems, I explored how familial dynamics, peer relationships, educational
experiences, and community interactions contribute to their development and eventual
involvement in the criminal justice system (Arditti, 2005; Browning et al., 2001).
Mesosystem
To move beyond individual microsystems, the mesosystem focuses on connections and
relationships (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). In this research I investigated how these interconnections,
such as the interplay between school and family environments or the influence of friends on
community engagement, shaped individuals' trajectories, and experiences within the criminal
justice system (Anazodo et al., 2019; Bersani & Doherty, 2020; Bhuller et al., 2020).
Exosystem
The exosystem considers external factors indirectly influencing Black men with a PHI
(Bronfenbrenner, 1977). This includes the impact of government policies, parents' workplace
conditions, and access to crucial resources. Examining these external influences sheds light on
the systemic barriers that may contribute to their involvement in the criminal justice system
(Clear, 2007; La Vigne et al., 2004; Wagner & Rabuy, 2017).
Macrosystem
At the macrosystem level, I examined the broader societal and cultural factors that mold
the values, norms, and beliefs of Black men with a PHI (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). This
encompassed examining cultural values, laws, customs, religious influences, and political

54
systems, all of which contribute to experiences within the criminal justice system (Wacquant,
2009; Western & Pettit, 2010).
Chronosystem
Finally, I explored the chronosystem. It accounts for life events and transitions over time
(Bronfenbrenner, 1977). This temporal dimension is essential in understanding how various life
events, such as family or community changes, shaped Black men's developmental trajectories
and experiences with a PHI (Sampson & Laub, 1993; Travis et al., 2014).
Review of Research
The literature review includes research and articles related to issues surrounding
employment barriers and educational challenges faced by Black men with a PHI. This review
encompasses articles written within the past 20 years, focusing on recent studies highlighting an
increase in joblessness in this demographic due to the pandemic and related socioeconomic
factors (Boehme et al., 2022).
In contemporary discourse, understanding and addressing the multi-faceted challenges
faced by Black men with a PHI in the United States is paramount (Wakefield & Uggen, 2010).
This section includes a synthesis of literature spanning historical contexts, systemic challenges,
and strategic interventions. Within the intricate tapestry of American society, Black men
navigate a landscape shaped by centuries of institutionalized racism, discrimination, and
socioeconomic disparities (Monkkonen, 1982; Pager, 2007; Sawyer & Wagner, 2020). By
delving into the historical roots and enduring legacies of oppression (Sawyer & Wagner, 2020;
Smith, 2020), insight into the complex dynamics shaping the lived experiences of Black men
today is gained.
The literature reflects the following key themes:

55
 Historical context and legacy: The long-term impacts of historical injustices and
systemic racism continue to affect the socioeconomic status and opportunities
available to Black men (Sawyer & Wagner, 2020; Smith, 2020).
 Educational barriers: Disparities in educational access and outcomes are prevalent,
with Black men often facing significant obstacles in obtaining quality education,
which impacts their employment prospects (Monkkonen, 1982; Pager, 2007).
 Employment challenges: Structural barriers such as discriminatory hiring practices,
limited access to job training programs, and the stigma associated with incarceration
significantly hinder employment opportunities for Black men with a PHI (Alexander,
2020; Ashford, 2020; Boehme et al., 2022; Pettit & Lyons, 2007; Wakefield &
Uggen, 2010).
 Criminal justice system: The overrepresentation of Black men in the criminal justice
system exacerbates these challenges, creating a cycle of disadvantage that is difficult
to break (Clear, 2007; Travis et al., 2014).
Through this comprehensive analysis, the literature not only elucidates the complexities
Black men face with a PHI but also highlights the need for targeted interventions. Future
research should focus on developing and evaluating programs that address these systemic
barriers, promote equitable opportunities, and support the reintegration and well-being of Black
men in diverse societal contexts.
In conclusion, by synthesizing the existing body of research in this review I underscore
the critical need for continued investigation and action to dismantle the structural barriers that
impede the success and well-being of Black men with a PHI. By focusing on these areas, future

56
research and interventions can more effectively contribute to positive social change and foster a
more inclusive and equitable society.
Black Men
Historical Context
The history of Black men in the United States is marked by profound struggles and
resilience, from the dehumanizing era of slavery to the ongoing fight against systemic
inequalities (Browning et al., 2001; Hinton & Cook, 2021; Lea et al., 2023). Black men in the
United States, constituting a significant demographic, navigate a unique socio-historical
landscape shaped by centuries of slavery, systemic racism, and discrimination (Parker & Graf,
2021). Policing was instituted as a means of controlling enslaved people and penalizing them
when they attempted to escape from enslavers (Kappeler et al., 1998; Johnson, 2016). Postslavery periods saw Black men striving for societal recognition and rights amidst Jim Crow laws
and segregation (Alexander, 2020; Vogel & Porter, 2016). The Civil Rights Movement of the
1950s and 1960s emerged as a beacon of hope, led by Black men and women advocating for
equality (Hahn et al., 2018; Johnson, 2016). Nevertheless, the subsequent War on Drugs and
policies of mass incarceration disproportionately targeted Black communities, perpetuating
cycles of disadvantage and systemic exclusion that affected Black men (Alexander, 2020;
Arditti, 2005; Browning et al., 2001; Sawyer & Wagner, 2020).
Systemic Challenges
Systemic racism, deeply embedded in the U.S. societal fabric, manifests in various forms,
affecting Black men's access to equitable opportunities in education, employment, and justice
(Curry, 2017; Vogel & Porter, 2016). Intersectionality exacerbates these challenges, as the
confluence of race, gender, and other identities (e.g., sexual orientation, disability, criminal

57
records) complicates the discrimination and barriers faced by Black men (Curry, 2017; LaPlant
& Vuolo, 2020; Vogel & Porter, 2016). Notably, the criminal justice system embodies these
systemic issues, with Black men disproportionately subjected to incarceration, policing practices,
and legal injustices, contributing to a cycle of marginalization (Jonson & Cullen, 2015; Pager,
2003; Parker, 2022).
In the realm of employment, Black men encounter significant barriers to career
advancement and economic mobility due to discriminatory hiring practices, wage gaps, and
limited opportunities for professional development (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004; Pager &
Shepherd, 2008). Additionally, the lack of affordable housing and investment in predominantly
Black neighborhoods perpetuates residential segregation and restricts access to safe and stable
living environments, further entrenching socioeconomic disparities (Massey & Denton, 1993;
Roman & Travis, 2004; Rothstein, 2017). Furthermore, the disparities in access to quality
healthcare exacerbate existing health inequalities, resulting in higher rates of chronic illnesses
and reduced life expectancy among Black men compared to their White counterparts (Gee &
Ford, 2011; Williams et al., 2020).
Strategies for Addressing Challenges
Efforts to address Black men's systemic challenges manifested in various strategies, each
with its scope and potential impact. The goal of one such initiative, Ban the Box, was to enhance
employment opportunities for formerly incarcerated individuals by eliminating barriers to fair
job consideration (Pager, 2003; Pettit & Lyons, 2007). By preventing employers from inquiring
about criminal history on initial job applications, this initiative aimed to reduce employment
discrimination and provide a fair chance for qualified candidates to demonstrate their suitability
for the job (Agan & Starr, 2018).

58
Community policing strategies represent another approach, focusing on rebuilding trust
between law enforcement agencies and Black communities through cooperative efforts and
increased accountability (Tyler, 2016). These strategies involve officers engaging more with
community members, understanding their concerns, and working collaboratively to enhance
safety and justice (Geller et al., 2014). Moreover, educational, and vocational training programs
implemented within correctional facilities demonstrated promise in reducing recidivism rates and
facilitating successful reentry into society by providing Black men with essential skills for
integration (Davis et al., 2013; Royer et al., 2021). These programs focus on equipping inmates
with academic qualifications and vocational skills, thereby improving their employability upon
release (Steurer & Smith, 2003).
These strategies, alongside others, signify critical strides toward alleviating the disparities
and injustices encountered by Black men (Wertheimer, 2023). However, the education system
presents formidable challenges, with Black students disproportionately experiencing
underfunded schools, punitive disciplinary measures, and diminished expectations from
educators, resulting in lower graduation rates and restricted access to higher education
opportunities (Fergus & Noguera, 2010; Ladson-Billings, 2006). Addressing these entrenched
disparities requires multi-faceted interventions spanning policy, education, and community
engagement to foster meaningful change and promote equitable outcomes for Black men (Smith,
2020; Steurer & Smith, 2003). Policy reforms, improved educational funding, and community
support programs are essential to dismantling the barriers that hinder Black men's progress and
well-being (Alexander, 2020; Royer et al., 2021; Steurer & Smith, 2003; Western & Pettit,
2010).

59
Future Research Directions
Future research should concentrate on the long-term effects of criminal justice reforms,
the intersectionality of being Black, male and having a criminal record and what those
experiences entail, evaluation of community-based programs, and holistic approaches to
understanding and devise effective interventions, Based on previous research and current
challenges for Black men, there is a pressing need to investigate the repercussions of recent legal
and policy reforms on racial disparities and outcomes for Black men (Davis et al., 2013; Pager,
2003). Further exploration is warranted into how intersecting identities influence Black men's
interactions with societal systems, aiming to identify specific needs for targeted interventions
(Cole, 2009; Crenshaw, 1991). Evaluating community-based programs is essential to assessing
the effectiveness of mentorship, health access, and economic empowerment programs tailored
for Black men. Such evaluations will help determine best practices and opportunities for
scalability (Johnson, 2016; Tyler, 2016).
Lastly, BEST provides a valuable framework for examining the complex socioenvironmental factors affecting Black men. This theory delineates several interrelated layers of
environmental influences, ranging from an individual's immediate settings to broader societal
and cultural contexts. By applying this framework, researchers can systematically explore how
each level contributes to the challenges and disparities faced by Black men and identify potential
areas for intervention and support.
Microsystem
The microsystem encompasses the immediate environments that directly interact with
Black men, such as families, schools, peer groups, and neighborhoods. These settings are crucial
for their development, offering the first layer of experiences, relationships, and socialization.

60
Challenges within the microsystem, such as limited access to quality education or exposure to
community violence, can significantly impact their well-being and opportunities for
advancement (Fergus & Noguera, 2010; Ladson-Billings, 2006; Steurer & Smith, 2003).
Mesosystem
The mesosystem involves the interactions between the components of the microsystem.
For Black men, the mesosystem might entail the interplay between educational institutions and
family life or between peer relationships and community norms. Positive connections within the
mesosystem can provide support and resilience, whereas negative interactions can exacerbate
challenges, particularly when navigating systemic barriers in education and employment
(Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004; Pager & Shepherd, 2008; Royer et al., 2021; Turney &
Haskins, 2014).
Exosystem
The exosystem encompasses broader societal and community influences that indirectly
affect Black men, such as local government policies, employment opportunities in the
community, and media representations of Black masculinity. These factors can shape the
resources available to Black men and their families, influence societal perceptions and
stereotypes, and impact the structural opportunities and barriers they encounter (Massey &
Denton, 1993; Rothstein, 2017; Turney & Haskins, 2014).
Macrosystem
The macrosystem reflects the overarching cultural and societal norms, values, and
ideologies that permeate the other systems. It includes systemic racism, socioeconomic
structures, and prevailing narratives about race and gender. The macrosystem shapes the context
within which societal attitudes and policies toward Black men are formed, perpetuating

61
disparities in justice, healthcare, and education (Alexander, 2020; Royer et al., 2021; Sawyer &
Wagner, 2020).
Chronosystem
Lastly, the chronosystem accounts for the dimension of time, recognizing how personal
and societal changes impact individuals over their lifespan. For Black men, historical shifts in
policies, social attitudes, and cultural norms influence their experiences and challenges. The
chronosystem highlights the importance of considering the historical context of systemic racism
and discrimination and the potential for future societal change (Browning et al., 2001; Hahn et
al., 2018).
Conclusion
The challenges confronting Black men in the United States are intricate and deeply
entrenched in the nation's history of racial discrimination (Alexander, 2020; Western & Pettit,
2010). Despite progress in addressing these issues, substantial work is needed dismantle
persistent systemic barriers. By synthesizing historical insights, current challenges, strategic
interventions, and identifying areas for further research, this dissertation contributed to the
ongoing dialogue and endeavors to enhance the well-being of Black men across the country.
The application of BEST to the experiences of Black men in the United States
underscores the multi-faceted nature of their lives, shaped by the interplay of various
environmental factors (Bronfenbrenner, 1977; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). This framework
not only aids in identifying the root causes of disparities but stakeholders can use it to design
comprehensive strategies that address the needs of Black men across different layers of their
environment. It emphasizes the importance of holistic approaches in interventions, policies, and

62
research aimed at improving the lives of Black men, recognizing the interconnectedness of
individual, community, and societal influences (Geller et al., 2011; Smith, 2020).
In moving forward, it is imperative to continue advocating for equitable opportunities,
challenging systemic injustices, and fostering inclusive environments where Black men can
thrive (Pager, 2003; Sawyer & Wagner, 2020). By centering their experiences, amplifying their
voices, and implementing evidence-based interventions informed by research and theory,
stakeholders can work toward a society where all individuals, regardless of race, can live
fulfilling and dignified lives (Crenshaw, 2017; Davis et al., 2013)
Systemic Issues with Black Men and Criminality
Historical Context
The association between Black men and criminality is a pervasive systematically
embedded stereotype in American society. This section explores historical and systemic roots,
debunks stereotypes, and highlights the importance of addressing systemic issues to ensure
justice and equity.
Addressing historical systemic issues concerning Black men and criminality requires a
nuanced understanding of numerous factors, such as racial discrimination, mass incarceration,
socioeconomic disparities, and the interplay between institutional policies and societal attitudes.
This understanding is informed by seminal works such as The New Jim Crow: Mass
Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Alexander (2020). Alexander highlighted how the
U.S. criminal justice system disproportionately targets and incarcerates Black individuals,
perpetuating a modern form of racial control. She argued that mass incarceration effectively
marginalized Black communities, creating a racial caste system akin to the Jim Crow era.

63
In her researcher, Pager (2003) demonstrated the enduring impact of criminal records on
employment prospects, particularly for Black men. The author revealed pervasive discrimination
in hiring practices, where individuals with criminal records, especially Black men, face
significant barriers to securing employment opportunities. Similarly, Hinton and Cook (2021)
provided historical context to the contemporary issue of mass incarceration. They traced its roots
to policies and practices that disproportionately targeted Black communities throughout
American history, illustrating how the criminal justice system was utilized as a tool of racial
control, perpetuating cycles of poverty and disenfranchisement among Black men.
Parker (2022) emphasized the critical role of employment in successful reintegration for
formerly incarcerated individuals, particularly Black men. Access to stable employment reduces
recidivism and fosters economic stability and social inclusion, thereby addressing systemic
barriers to reentry faced by Black men. Additionally, in a field experiment, Agan and Starr
(2018) investigated the impact of Ban the Box policies aimed at reducing discrimination against
job applicants with criminal records. Their findings underscore the persistent racial disparities in
callback rates, revealing ongoing discrimination against Black applicants with criminal records
despite policy interventions.
The legacy of slavery had a profound impact on the criminal justice system's
development, with laws historically designed to control and penalize Black individuals
disproportionately. Following the abolition of slavery, Jim Crow laws further institutionalized
racial disparities, laying the groundwork for the modern criminalization of Black life. By
synthesizing insights from these references, it becomes evident that historical systemic issues
with Black men and criminality are deeply rooted in structural inequalities perpetuated by
discriminatory policies and societal biases. Addressing these issues requires comprehensive

64
reforms encompassing criminal justice reform, employment equity initiatives, and broader
societal efforts to combat systemic racism and promote social justice for Black communities.
Systemic Racism in the Criminal Justice System
Systemic racism within the criminal justice system manifests in various forms, including
racial profiling, disparities in policing, and sentencing disparities. The War on Drugs, initiated in
the 1980s, disproportionately targeted Black communities, exacerbating these disparities and
contributing to the mass incarceration of Black men. This phenomenon was extensively
documented in research studies, such as those conducted by Hinton and Cook (2021), Pager
(2003), and Alexander (2020), which shed light on the discriminatory practices and policies that
perpetuate systemic racism within the criminal justice system.
Socioeconomic Factors
Socioeconomic factors such as poverty, unemployment, and lack of access to quality
education significantly contribute to the overrepresentation of Black men in the criminal justice
system. The school-to-prison pipeline illustrates how educational and disciplinary policies funnel
disadvantaged youth into the criminal justice system (Dancy, 2014; Royer et al., 2021). Systemic
racism within the criminal justice system is a pervasive issue that requires a critical examination
of historical and contemporary practices (Hinton & Cook, 2021). Researchers, such Hinton and
Cook (2021), provided valuable insights into the deep-rooted nature of racial disparities within
the criminal justice system. They highlighted how historical legacies of slavery, segregation, and
discriminatory policies contributed to the disproportionate incarceration of Black individuals
(Hinton & Cook, 2021).
Furthermore, in their research Pager (2003) and Alexander (2020) underscored the
enduring impact of systemic racism on various aspects of the criminal justice system. Pager

65
researched the consequences of criminal records reveals how Black individuals face significant
barriers to employment due to discriminatory hiring practices perpetuated by systemic racism.
Similarly, Alexander analyzed mass incarceration and illuminated how policies, such as the war
on drugs, disproportionately targeted and marginalized Black communities, perpetuating cycles
of poverty and disenfranchisement.
Moreover, disparities in sentencing and policing practices further exemplify systemic
racism within the criminal justice system (Hinton & Cook, 2021; Pager, 2003). Hinton and Cook
(2021) highlighted how Black individuals are disproportionately subjected to harsher sentences
and aggressive policing tactics compared to their White counterparts, contributing to the
overrepresentation of Black individuals within the prison system. Pager (2003) reinforced these
findings by demonstrating how racial biases influence sentencing decisions and interactions with
law enforcement, perpetuating systemic inequalities (Pager, 2003).
Impact on Families and Communities
The mass incarceration of Black men has devastating effects on families and
communities, leading to economic instability, social fragmentation, and a cycle of incarceration
that affects subsequent generations (Turney & Haskins, 2014). The separation of fathers from
their families due to incarceration disrupts family dynamics and can result in financial hardship,
emotional strain, and a lack of parental guidance for children (Arditti, 2005; Wildeman, 2009). In
their research, Browning et al. (2001) emphasized how criminal incarceration fractures familial
bonds, particularly among Black men and their families, contributing to increased vulnerability
and social disconnection. Furthermore, the absence of parental figures in households due to
incarceration can leave children susceptible to academic underachievement, behavioral

66
problems, and involvement in the criminal justice system themselves (Arditti, 2005; Western et
al., 2015; Wildeman, 2009).
These impacts highlight the need for systemic reform to address the root causes of
criminalization, including discriminatory policies, socioeconomic disparities, and inadequate
support systems for individuals and families affected by incarceration (Turney & Haskins, 2014).
By prioritizing community-based interventions, rehabilitation programs, and reentry services,
policymakers can work towards rebuilding familial and communal structures while mitigating
the adverse effects of mass incarceration on families and communities (Uggen & Staff, 2001).
Strategies for Reform
Strategies for reform must address both the symptoms and the systemic roots of the
overrepresentation of Black men in the criminal justice system (Pager, 2003; Western et al.,
2015). This includes criminal justice reform initiatives to reduce sentencing disparities, abolish
mandatory minimums, and promote rehabilitation over punishment (Pager, 2003; Western et al.,
2015). Community-based approaches focus on prevention, education, and the reintegration of
formerly incarcerated individuals into society (Travis, 2005; Western et al., 2015). Policy
recommendations include creating a more equitable and just criminal justice system that
recognizes and addresses the historical and systemic factors contributing to current disparities
(Western et al., 2015).
Conclusion
The systemic issues linking Black men and criminality are deeply entrenched in the
fabric of American society, requiring a multi-faceted approach to effective reform. This includes
changes within the criminal justice system and broader societal and economic reforms to address
the root causes of criminalization. A concerted effort from policymakers, community leaders,

67
and advocates is essential to dismantling the stereotypes and systemic barriers facing Black men
and ensuring a future where justice and equity prevail.
Prison Systems
Historical Development of Prison Systems
The evolution of the U.S. prison system, from the use of penal labor and convict leasing
to the era of mass incarceration, reflects broader socio-political trends and policies, notably the
War on Drugs (Alexander, 2020). These policies disproportionately targeted Black communities,
contributing to the significant overrepresentation of Black men in prisons (Hinton & Cook, 2021;
Western & Pettit, 2010). Historically, penal labor and convict leasing were mechanisms used to
exploit incarcerated individuals, particularly in the post-Civil War South. This practice ensured a
steady supply of cheap labor while continuing to subjugate Black Americans under a system
reminiscent of slavery (Mauer & Chesney-Lind, 2002).
The War on Drugs, initiated in the 1980s, marked a significant shift towards harsher
sentencing policies and increased incarceration rates. These policies disproportionately affected
Black communities due to targeted law enforcement practices and mandatory minimum
sentences for drug offenses (Alexander, 2020; Clear, 2007). The American prison system,
characterized by mass incarceration, plays a vital role in perpetuating racial disparities,
particularly affecting Black men. As a result, Black men are incarcerated at rates significantly
higher than their White counterparts, contributing to systemic inequities across various social
domains, including employment, education, and family stability (Geller et al., 2011; Western &
Pettit, 2010).
This section explores the systemic issues within prison systems, emphasizing the need for
reform to ensure justice and equality. Comprehensive reforms should address sentencing

68
policies, provide alternatives to incarceration, and focus on rehabilitation rather than punishment
(Davis et al., 2013; Travis et al., 2014). Additionally, reforms should include measures to
eliminate racial biases in the criminal justice system and support reintegrating formerly
incarcerated individuals into society (Hattery & Smith, 2018; La Vigne et al., 2004).
The concept of imprisonment as a form of punishment traces back to ancient civilizations
such as Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece, and Rome. Prisons in these societies primarily served as
temporary detention centers before trial or punishment, with confinement commonly used for
debtors, political prisoners, or enslaved people (Parker & Graf, 2021; Simms et al., 2014; Simon,
2007). During the Middle Ages in Europe, prisons evolved as holding facilities for individuals
awaiting trial, punishment, or execution. However, conditions in medieval prisons were often
deplorable, characterized by overcrowding, lack of sanitation, and harsh treatment of prisoners
(Monkkonen, 1982; Simon, 2007).
The emergence of modern prison systems can be attributed to the Enlightenment period
in Europe, which brought innovative ideas about criminal justice and punishment. Reformers
during this era advocated for the humane treatment and rehabilitation of prisoners, leading to
modern prison systems (Couloute & Kopf, 2018; Simon, 2007). The late 18th and early 19th
centuries saw the development of prisons such as the Walnut Street Jail in Philadelphia (1790)
and the Auburn and Sing Sing prisons in New York. These institutions aimed to enforce solitary
confinement, hard labor, and moral rehabilitation to reform prisoners (Foster, 2006; Guerino et
al., 2011).
Jeremy Bentham's concept of the Panopticon, introduced in the 19th century,
significantly influenced prison architecture and management. The Panopticon, a prison design
featuring a central observation tower allowing constant surveillance of prisoners, became

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emblematic of the era's approach to incarceration (Kappeler et al., 1998). Further prison
treatment reforms were implemented during the Progressive Era (late 19th to early 20th century).
These included introducing indeterminate sentencing and parole systems and establishing
classification systems based on the risks and needs of prisoners (Brayne, 2020; Curry, 2017;
Guerino et al., 2011; Hattery & Smith, 2018). In the latter half of the 20th century, there was a
significant increase in incarceration rates, primarily fueled by factors such as the War on Drugs,
mandatory sentencing laws, and stricter crime policies (Hattery & Smith, 2018; Pager, 2003;
Simon, 2007). Despite efforts to reform the prison system, modern prisons continue to face
challenges such as overcrowding, racial disparities, inadequate healthcare, and issues related to
rehabilitation and reentry (Hattery & Smith, 2018; Sawyer & Wagner, 2020).
Racial Disparities in Incarceration
Statistical evidence consistently demonstrates that Black men are incarcerated at rates
disproportionately higher than their White counterparts. These disparities are not merely the
result of individual actions but are deeply rooted in systemic racism, biased policing, and
sentencing policies that unfairly target Black individuals (Goldman et al., 2019; Pager, 2003).
Incarceration has profound adverse effects on the mental and physical health of Black men
(Hattery & Smith, 2018; Western et al., 2015). Upon release, they face significant barriers to
reintegration, including difficulties in securing employment, which are compounded by the
stigma of a criminal record (Bhuller et al., 2020; Pager, 2003). These challenges underscore the
pressing need for rehabilitation rather than mere punishment reforms.
Past Research with BEST and Intersectionality
Bronfenbrenner's (1981) ecological systems theory (BEST) is a framework for
understanding the complex interactions between individuals and their environment. By applying

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this theory to the context of prison systems, multiple layers of influence that shape individuals'
experiences within correctional facilities are highlighted.
At the microsystem level, incarcerated individuals navigate the daily routines,
interactions, and power dynamics within prison walls. These daily experiences and interpersonal
interactions significantly impact their mental health and behavior. The relationships between
inmates, as well as their interactions with correctional officers and other staff, can affect their
access to resources, opportunities for rehabilitation, and overall well-being (Arditti, 2005;
Dancy, 2014).
The mesosystem encompasses the relationships between incarcerated individuals and
various actors within the prison system, including correctional officers, administrators, and
support staff. These interactions can impact the quality of life for inmates and influence their
rehabilitation prospects. Positive interactions with supportive staff can facilitate access to
educational and vocational programs, while negative interactions can exacerbate stress and
hinder rehabilitation efforts (Arditti, 2005; Dancy, 2014).
Moving beyond the immediate prison environment, the exosystem includes broader
societal factors that influence the functioning of prison systems. These factors may include
legislative policies, funding allocations, and public perceptions of crime and punishment. For
instance, policies driven by the War on Drugs led to increased incarceration rates and affected
the allocation of resources within the prison system (Alexander, 2020; Clear, 2007; Simon,
2007).
At the macrosystem level, societal values, cultural norms, and historical legacies shape
the structure and operation of prison systems. Systemic racism and socioeconomic inequalities
contribute to disparities in incarceration rates and treatment within the criminal justice system.

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These macro-level influences help explain why certain demographic groups, particularly Black
men, are overrepresented in prisons and face harsher treatment (Pager, 2003; Western et al.,
2015).
Intersectionality, as conceptualized by Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989), emphasizes the
interconnected nature of social identities and systems of oppression. In the context of prison
systems, intersectionality underscores the unique experiences of individuals who navigate
multiple marginalized identities, such as race, gender, class, and sexual orientation. For example,
Black women may face distinct challenges within correctional facilities compared to Black men
or White women, highlighting the intersecting impacts of racism and sexism (Alexander, 2020;
Crenshaw, 1989).
By applying BEST and intersectionality to the analysis of prison systems, researchers and
policymakers can better understand the factors influencing incarceration rates, inmate treatment,
and post-release outcomes. This integrated approach recognizes the interconnectedness of
individual experiences, institutional practices, and broader societal structures. It informs
strategies for reform and advocacy to promote justice, equity, and rehabilitation within the
criminal justice system (La Vigne et al., 2004; Travis et al., 2014).
Conclusion
The systemic issues within the American prison system, particularly as they affect Black
men, necessitate comprehensive reform (Hattery & Smith, 2018). Addressing these challenges
requires a multi-faceted approach, including policy changes, community engagement, and a shift
toward rehabilitation. Continued research, advocacy, and policymaking are crucial to ensuring
that the prison system serves justice equitably, promoting positive outcomes for individuals and
communities (Clear, 2007; Travis et al., 2014).

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Applying BEST and intersectionality to the analysis of prison systems provides a
comprehensive framework for understanding the multi-faceted dynamics at play. By examining
the interplay between individual experiences, institutional practices, and broader societal
structures, researchers and policymakers can gain valuable insights into the root causes of
disparities within the criminal justice system (Davis et al., 2013; Hattery & Smith, 2018). This
integrated approach underscores the importance of addressing systemic issues such as racism,
sexism, and socioeconomic inequalities to promote justice, equity, and rehabilitation for all
individuals involved in the prison system (Alexander, 2020; Pager, 2003). By advocating for
reforms that prioritize the well-being and dignity of incarcerated individuals, a more just and
humane approach to incarceration can be achieved. This approach should reflect our shared
commitment to fairness, compassion, and social justice, ensuring that the prison system
contributes positively to the reintegration and rehabilitation of formerly incarcerated individuals.
Reentry Programs
Historical Context
Reentry programs evolved in response to the challenges faced by individuals
transitioning from incarceration back into society. Historically, the reintegration of formerly
incarcerated individuals was characterized by high rates of recidivism and limited access to
support services (Evans, 2022). Early efforts to address these issues focused primarily on
punitive measures rather than rehabilitation, contributing to a cycle of incarceration and
reoffending (Johnson, 2021).
However, in recent decades, there was a growing recognition of the importance of reentry
programs in promoting successful reintegration and reducing recidivism rates (Johnson, 2021).
These programs aim to provide a range of support services, including housing assistance,

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employment training, substance abuse treatment, and mental health services, to help individuals
overcome the barriers they face upon release from prison (Evans, 2022)
Past Research with BEST and Intersectionality
BEST is a valuable framework for understanding the various influences on individuals
transitioning from incarceration to reentry programs. At the microsystem level, individuals
interact with immediate environments such as family, peers, and service providers within reentry
programs. The mesosystem encompasses the interactions between these microsystems, such as
communication between reentry program staff and parole officers. The exosystem includes
broader societal factors such as public policies, social services, and community resources that
impact the functioning of reentry programs. Finally, the macrosystem comprises cultural values,
norms, and historical legacies that shape the overall landscape of reentry services and support
(Curry, 2017; Pager, 2003).
Intersectionality further illuminates the experiences of individuals participating in reentry
programs by considering how multiple intersecting identities, such as race, gender, class, and
sexuality, shape their experiences and outcomes. For example, Black men may face unique
challenges within reentry programs due to the intersecting impacts of racism, socioeconomic
inequalities, and systemic barriers to employment and housing (Curry, 2017; Pager, 2003).
Challenges in Reentry
Reentry programs play a crucial role in supporting individuals transitioning from
incarceration back into society, with Black men facing unique challenges in this process (Hattery
& Smith, 2018; Travis et al., 2014). These programs are vital for addressing the barriers to
successful reintegration and reducing the likelihood of recidivism (Davis et al., 2013). Black men
encounter several significant barriers upon reentry, including employment discrimination due to

74
criminal records (Pager, 2003), housing instability (Lutze et al., 2014), mental health and
substance use challenges (Richie, 2012), and difficulty reestablishing social and familial
connections (Western et al., 2015). These barriers necessitate comprehensive support systems to
facilitate a successful transition (Geller et al., 2011).
Components of Successful Reentry Programs
Effective reentry programs for Black men incorporate several key components like
employment and training, housing support, healthcare access, education, skills, community, and
mentorship. Programs that offer vocational training, job placement, and support in navigating the
job market are crucial for overcoming employment barriers. Employment assistance can
significantly reduce recidivism by providing economic stability and a sense of purpose (Bushway
et al., 2007; Davis et al., 2013). Assistance in securing stable housing and services for
reunification and building healthy relationships is essential. Stable housing provides a foundation
for individuals to rebuild their lives and reduces the risk of returning to criminal activities (Lutze
et al., 2014).
Providing access to mental health and substance abuse treatment addresses critical health
needs and supports overall well-being. Comprehensive healthcare services can mitigate the
effects of incarceration on physical and mental health, promoting successful reintegration
(Richie, 2012). Opportunities for continuing education and skill development can open new
pathways to economic stability and personal growth. Educational programs within reentry
initiatives enhance literacy, vocational skills, and overall employability (Davis et al., 2013).
Building dedicated support networks through mentorship and community engagement fosters a
sense of belonging and accountability. Mentorship programs provide guidance, emotional
support, and positive role models, which are vital for successful reentry (Maruna, 2011).

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Impact of Reentry Programs on Black Men
Reentry programs have significant positive impacts, including reduced recidivism rates,
improved employment and economic outcomes, more robust family and community
relationships, and better mental health (Bhuller, et al., 2020; Kubrin & Stewart, 2006). Tailoring
services for people with a PHI will provide more avenues for successful reentry into their
communities, homes, and employment opportunities. These programs and their successes
underscore the value of targeted support in addressing the multi-faceted challenges faced by
Black men post-incarceration.
Policy Recommendations and Future Directions
To enhance the effectiveness of reentry programs, robust policy recommendations are
imperative. Increased funding allocations ensure that these programs have the resources to
provide comprehensive support services (Evans, 2022). Additionally, there is a critical need for
policies that actively dismantle systemic barriers faced by individuals reentering society,
particularly Black men who often encounter disproportionate challenges (Pager, 2003). Policy
initiatives should promote equitable access to education, employment opportunities, housing
assistance, healthcare services, and mental health support (Evans, 2022). Furthermore, fostering
collaboration between various stakeholders, including government agencies, community
organizations, and advocacy groups, can facilitate the development and implementation of
holistic reentry and rehabilitation efforts (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Conclusion
Reentry programs play a pivotal role in supporting the successful transition of Black men
post-incarceration, addressing multi-faceted challenges ranging from employment and housing to
healthcare and social integration (Evans, 2022; Pager, 2003). However, their effectiveness hinges

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on continued advocacy, research, and policy reform. It is imperative to recognize the significance
of an integrated approach to rehabilitation and reentry support, which considers the intersectional
experiences of individuals and addresses systemic inequalities (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).). By
prioritizing the expansion and improvement of reentry programs and implementing evidencebased policies, a more just and equitable society where all individuals can thrive postincarceration is possible.
Prison Related Programs
Historical Context
Prison-related programs significantly evolved since their inception, reflecting changes in
societal attitudes toward punishment, rehabilitation, and reintegration. Early programs were often
focused on punitive measures, with little emphasis on addressing the underlying factors
contributing to criminal behavior. However, over time, basic assumptions changed toward more
rehabilitative approaches, influenced by research demonstrating the ineffectiveness of solely
punitive measures and the importance of addressing the root causes of criminality (Freeman,
2003). Research on prison-related programs highlighted the diverse range of interventions aimed
at addressing various aspects of the incarceration experience, from education and vocational
training to substance abuse treatment and mental health services.
Researchers consistently demonstrated the positive impact of these programs on
reducing recidivism rates, improving post-release outcomes, and promoting successful
reintegration into society (Davis et al., 2013; Johnson, 2021). Moreover, the literature
emphasizes the importance of tailoring programs to meet the unique needs of different
populations, including women, youth, and individuals from marginalized communities. For
example, programs designed explicitly for Black men may incorporate culturally sensitive

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approaches and address systemic barriers to reentry, such as employment discrimination and lack
of access to housing (Evans, 2022; Pager, 2003). The evolution of prison-related programs
reflects broader shifts in criminal justice policy and societal attitudes toward rehabilitation and
reintegration. Historical developments, such as the Civil Rights Movement and the War on
Drugs, shaped the trajectory of these programs, influencing their goals, funding priorities, and
target populations (Hahn et al., 2018; Lowenkamp et al., 2001).
Past Research Using Theoretical Framework
Past research utilizing theoretical frameworks such as BEST and intersectionality
provided valuable insight into the complex dynamics of prison-related programs. Studies
applying Bronfenbrenner's (1981) framework explored the various levels of influence, from
individual characteristics to broader societal factors, shaping the effectiveness of these programs
(Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). For example, researchers examined how interactions between
incarcerated individuals and their immediate environments, such as family support networks and
peer influences, impact their participation in and outcomes from prison-related interventions
(Clear, 2007; Davis et al., 2013).
Researchers employing an intersectional lens shed light on how multiple intersecting
identities, such as race, gender, and socioeconomic status (Collins, 2015; Crenshaw, 2017),
intersect to shape individuals' experiences within prison programs and their post-release
trajectories (Bushway et al., 2007; Hattery & Smith, 2018; Hutto, 2024; Pager, 2003; Severson &
Duclos, 2005). By integrating these theoretical perspectives, researchers provided a more
comprehensive understanding of the factors influencing the success or failure of prison-related
interventions and inform the development of more effective programs tailored to the needs of
diverse populations (Collins, 2015; Crenshaw, 2017; Laub & Sampson, 2001; Maruna, 2011).

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Best Practices Related to the Topic
Best practices in prison-related programs encompass a range of strategies to maximize
the effectiveness of interventions and promote positive outcomes for incarcerated individuals.
One key best practice is the implementation of evidence-based programming, grounded in
rigorous research and evaluation, to ensure that interventions are targeted, culturally relevant,
and yield measurable results (Davis et al., 2013). Additionally, holistic approaches that address
the multi-faceted needs of incarcerated individuals, including education, vocational training,
mental health services, and social support, are particularly effective in reducing recidivism and
facilitating successful reintegration into society (Johnson, 2021). Furthermore, collaboration
between correctional institutions, community organizations, and other stakeholders is essential
for coordinating services, leveraging resources, and providing continuity of care throughout
reentry (Evans, 2022). By adopting these best practices, prison-related programs can maximize
their impact and contribute to positive outcomes for individuals during and after incarceration.
Challenges/Barriers in the Context
Despite the potential benefits of prison-related programs, numerous challenges and
barriers hinder their effectiveness and impact. One significant challenge is the limited access to
resources and funding, which can constrain the availability and quality of programming within
correctional facilities (Freeman, 2003). Additionally, systemic barriers such as institutionalized
racism, discrimination, and disparities in access to services disproportionately affect
marginalized populations, including Black and Hispanic individuals, exacerbating existing
inequalities within the criminal justice system (Pager, 2003). Moreover, the stigma associated
with incarceration and the lack of support networks can present significant obstacles to
successful reentry and reintegration into society (Johnson, 2021). Addressing these challenges

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requires a multi-faceted approach that involves policy reforms, community engagement, and
efforts to address systemic inequalities within the criminal justice system. By confronting these
barriers head-on, prison-related programs can create more equitable opportunities for
incarcerated individuals and promote positive outcomes for all involved.
Effective Programs
Historical Context
Effective prison-related programs evolved in response to changing societal attitudes,
legislative reforms, and advancements in disciplinary practices. Historically, correctional
institutions primarily focused on punitive measures, with little emphasis on rehabilitation or
addressing the underlying factors contributing to criminal behavior. However, the mid-20th
century saw a shift toward rehabilitative models, influenced by research demonstrating the
ineffectiveness of purely punitive approaches and the potential for rehabilitation to reduce
recidivism (Freeman, 2003). This era gave rise to programs aimed at providing educational
opportunities, vocational training, and mental health services to incarcerated individuals, laying
the groundwork for contemporary prison-related interventions.
In recent decades, evidence-based programming has become increasingly prevalent
within correctional settings, driven by a growing body of research on effective intervention
strategies (Johnson, 2021; Pager, 2003). These programs are grounded in rigorous research and
evaluation, ensuring interventions are targeted, culturally relevant, and yield measurable results.
Additionally, historical developments such as the Civil Rights Movement and advocacy efforts
influenced the trajectory of prison-related programs, prompting legislative reforms to reduce
Disparities within the criminal justice system and promote equitable access to rehabilitation
services (Pager, 2003).

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Past Research Using the Theoretical Framework
Past research utilizing theoretical frameworks such as BEST and intersectionality
provided valuable insights into the complex dynamics of prison-related programs.
Bronfenbrenner's (1981) framework, which emphasizes the interconnectedness of individuals
and their environments, has been instrumental in understanding the multi-faceted factors
influencing program effectiveness (Davis et al., 2013). Researchers applying this framework
explored the various levels of influence, from individual characteristics to broader societal
factors, shaping the outcomes of prison-related interventions (Davis et al., 2013). For example,
researchers examined how interactions between incarcerated individuals and their immediate
environments, such as family support networks and peer influences, impact their participation in
and outcomes from prison programs (Davis et al., 2013).
Furthermore, researchers applying an intersectional lens shed light on how multiple
intersecting identities, such as race, gender, and socioeconomic status, intersect to shape
individuals' experiences within prison programs and their post-release trajectories (Pager, 2003).
By considering these intersecting identities, researchers identified disparities in access to and
outcomes from prison-related interventions and advocated for more equitable programming
tailored to the needs of diverse populations. Integration of these theoretical perspectives enriched
our understanding of the factors influencing program success and informed the development of
more effective interventions within correctional settings.
Best Practices
Effective prison-related programs incorporate various best practices to maximize positive
outcomes for incarcerated individuals. One key best practice is the implementation of evidencebased interventions grounded in rigorous research and evaluation to ensure that interventions are

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targeted, culturally relevant, and yield measurable results (Davis et al., 2013). Evidence-based
programs are particularly effective in reducing recidivism and promoting successful social
reintegration. Additionally, holistic approaches that address the multi-faceted needs of
incarcerated individuals, including education, vocational training, mental health services, and
social support, were widely recognized as best practices in correctional programming (Johnson,
2021). These comprehensive interventions reflect the complex interplay of factors contributing to
criminal behavior and address underlying issues to facilitate long-term positive outcomes.
Collaboration between correctional institutions, community organizations, and other
stakeholders is another critical best practice in prison-related programs (Evans, 2022). By
working collaboratively, stakeholders can leverage resources, share expertise, and coordinate
services to provide holistic support throughout reentry. Furthermore, culturally relevant
programming that considers the diverse backgrounds and experiences of incarcerated individuals
was identified as a best practice for promoting engagement and addressing the unique needs of
different populations (Johnson, 2021). By incorporating these best practices into program design
and implementation, prison-related programs can maximize their impact and contribute to
positive outcomes for individuals during and after incarceration.
Challenges/Barriers
Despite their potential benefits, prison-related programs face numerous challenges and
barriers that can hinder their effectiveness and impact. Limited access to resources and funding is
a significant challenge, often resulting in inadequate programming and services within
correctional facilities (Freeman, 2003). Additionally, systemic inequalities, such as
institutionalized racism and discrimination, can disproportionately affect marginalized
populations, exacerbating existing disparities within the criminal justice system (Pager, 2003).

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Moreover, the stigma associated with incarceration and the lack of support networks can present
significant obstacles to successful reentry and reintegration into society (Johnson, 2021).
Addressing these challenges requires a multi-faceted approach that involves policy reforms,
community engagement, and efforts to address systemic inequalities within the criminal justice
system.
Characteristics of the Population and Stakeholders
Understanding the characteristics of the population served by prison-related programs
and stakeholders involved in program delivery is essential for designing and implementing
effective interventions. Age, gender, race, socioeconomic status, and prior experiences with the
criminal justice system influence program needs and outcomes (Creswell & Creswell, 2018;
Davis et al., 2013). For example, incarcerated individuals may have diverse educational
backgrounds, vocational skills, and mental health needs that must be considered when designing
programming. Similarly, stakeholders such as correctional staff, community organizations, and
policymakers bring unique perspectives and resources to program delivery, influencing program
implementation and outcomes.
Reasons for Underlying Problem
Identifying the underlying reasons for the problem of practice, such as high recidivism
rates or barriers to successful reentry, informs the development of effective programs. Factors
contributing to the problem may include systemic inequalities, lack of access to education and
employment opportunities, and inadequate support systems post-release (Johnson, 2021; Pager,
2003). By understanding the root causes of these challenges, stakeholders can develop targeted
interventions and policy reforms to address underlying issues and promote positive outcomes for
incarcerated individuals.

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Conclusion
In conclusion, effective prison-related programs promote positive outcomes for
incarcerated individuals and contribute to a more just and equitable criminal justice system. By
incorporating evidence-based interventions, holistic approaches, and collaboration between
stakeholders, these programs can address the multi-faceted needs of incarcerated individuals and
facilitate successful reintegration into society (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Davis et al., 2013).
However, they also face significant challenges and barriers, including limited resources, systemic
inequalities, and stigma associated with incarceration (Freeman, 2003; Pager, 2003). Addressing
these challenges requires a concerted effort from policymakers, practitioners, and advocates to
advocate for policy reforms, allocate resources effectively, and promote equity within the
criminal justice system.
Moreover, effective programs for Black men demonstrate the potential for significant
positive impacts on individuals and communities. These initiatives serve as models for
addressing the unique challenges faced by Black men, emphasizing the importance of continued
support, research, and policy reform to expand their reach and effectiveness (Johnson, 2021).
Investing in these programs is crucial for promoting equity, reducing recidivism, and
empowering Black men to achieve their full potential.
Summary
The historical context reveals deeply entrenched systemic issues in American society,
contributing to disproportionate rates of incarceration among Black men (Alexander, 2010).
Biased policing, sentencing policies, and the War on Drugs perpetuated these disparities,
highlighting the need for systemic reform (Goff et al., 2014). Mass incarceration not only
destabilizes families and communities but also perpetuates a cycle of disadvantage for

84
subsequent generations (Western & Pettit, 2010). Reentry programs play a crucial role in
supporting Black men post-incarceration, addressing employment, housing, health, and social
challenges (Travis, 2005). Policy recommendations, including increased funding and
comprehensive reentry support, are essential for enhancing the effectiveness of these programs
(Pager, 2007). Effective programs positively impact individuals and communities, emphasizing
the importance of continued support, research, and policy reform (Petersilia, 2003). BEST and
intersectionality are comprehensive frameworks for understanding the multi-faceted factors
influencing the experiences of Black men with criminal records (Bronfenbrenner, 1979;
Crenshaw, 1989). These frameworks address the interplay of intersecting identities and
ecological systems in shaping employment barriers and reintegration prospects (Collins, 1990).

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CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
Introduction
This chapter includes the research methodology utilized in this study, which focused on
understanding the employment challenges and opportunities faced by Black men postincarceration. I used a mixed-method design, combining both surveys and interviews, to capture
the lived experiences of these individuals and provide a holistic view of their challenges and
opportunities in navigating the job market. This multidimensional approach is crucial for
addressing the complex interplay of factors influencing employment outcomes for Black men
with a history of incarceration.
Research Design
I used a mixed-method design, integrating qualitative and quantitative research methods
to comprehensively analyze the research problem (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2018). This design
was necessary and valid as it allowed me to complete a robust examination of the current
challenges faced by Black men with a PHI in the United States, especially concerning
unemployment, which remains disproportionately high despite the overall low national
unemployment rate (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2021; The White House, 2022).
The research design was a sequential explanatory approach, wherein the quantitative
phase precedes the qualitative phase (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). This approach begins with
collecting and analyzing quantitative data, followed by collecting and analyzing qualitative data
to explain and build upon the initial quantitative findings. The sequential method ensures that the
insights gained from the qualitative phase are grounded in and informed by the quantitative data,
providing a more comprehensive understanding of the research problem.

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Initially, I administered a quantitative survey to gather baseline data on the population of
Black men with a PHI. This phase aimed to quantify the prevalence of employment barriers
among this demographic, such as discrimination, lack of skills, and stigmatization (Fowler,
2014). The survey included questions about participants' employment history, educational
background, job search experiences, and perceptions of the labor market. The survey data were
instrumental in determining the sample size and informing the subsequent qualitative research.
The qualitative phase employed a phenomenological approach with semi-structured
interviews to delve deeper into the lived experiences of Black men with a PHI (Moustakas,
1994). I chose phenomenology to capture the essence of participants' subjective experiences and
interpretations of their challenges in seeking employment. This approach allows for an in-depth
exploration of personal narratives, providing rich, detailed insights into the complex realities
faced by these individuals.
During this phase, participants were asked open-ended questions about their job search
experiences, the impact of their criminal record on employment opportunities, and their
strategies for overcoming these challenges (Seidman, 2013). The qualitative data provided a
nuanced understanding and context to the quantitative findings, highlighting the personal and
systemic factors that influence employment outcomes.
The recruitment process for participants diverged from the original plan outlined in the
methodology. Initially, I planned to interview participants from those who completed the survey.
However, due to recruitment challenges, interviews were conducted concurrently with the survey
phase. To identify suitable interview participants, I extended outreach efforts through my
network of family, friends, and colleagues. This approach ensured a diverse and representative
sample of Black men with a PHI, contributing to the richness of the qualitative data.

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The sequential explanatory process integrates quantitative and qualitative methodologies
and ensures that each research phase complements and enhances the other (Creswell & Plano
Clark, 2018). The quantitative data provided a broad overview of the employment challenges
faced by Black men with a PHI, while the qualitative data offered more profound insights into
their lived experiences. This combined approach leads to a more comprehensive and informed
understanding of the employment challenges faced by this demographic, highlighting the
systemic issues and individual strategies for navigating the job market. By combining
quantitative surveys with qualitative interviews, I captured both the breadth and depth of these
challenges, offering valuable insights for policymakers, practitioners, and researchers interested
in promoting equitable employment opportunities for formerly incarcerated individuals.
Research Questions and Hypotheses
Based on this study's focus and the LSI-R (Appendix A), three research questions and
nine hypotheses were examined. The researcher questions were:
Research Question 1: What are the lived experiences of Black men seeking employment
who were previously incarcerated?
Research Question 2: What are the challenges of Black men in obtaining employment
post-incarceration?
Research Question 3: What can be improved for Black men seeking employment postincarceration?
The directional hypotheses were as follows:
1. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Criminal History.
2. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Family/Marital.
3. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Emotional/Personal.

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4. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Education/Employment.
5. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Financial.
6. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Leisure/Recreation.
7. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Companions.
8. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Attitudes/Orientation.
9. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Stability.
Population and Sample
My focus in this study was examining employment challenges for Black men with a PHI.
Recognizing that this group constitutes a significant 35.2% of the unemployed population in the
United States (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2021; The Prison Policy Initiative, 2021; The White
House, 2022), the study participants were from diverse regions. My objectives were to avoid a
singular focus and include a holistic representation.
Target and Accessible Population
The target population was Black men with a PHI within the United States. The accessible
population is Black men with a PHI in the United States who congregated in organizations with
other Black men. These locations include places considered safe, such as churches, mental health
facilities, and barbershops (Boehme et al., 2022).
Sample
The study included two distinct participant groups: eight Black men with a PHI in the
U.S. for the qualitative portion and 110 men for the quantitative portion. This deliberate diversity
enhanced the study's applicability and relevance. The aim was to achieve comprehensive data
saturation by securing survey responses from over 100 eligible individuals. Collaborative efforts
with organizations serving this demographic bolstered the recruitment process, ensuring a

89
substantial dataset for the quantitative phase. This robust sample size allows for meaningful
conclusions and a thorough understanding of Black men's employment challenges with a PHI.
Sampling Method
The sampling approach for the quantitative phase of this study was a targeted selection
process. Specifically, I focused on Black men with a PHI experiences. To achieve geographical
diversity, participants were recruited from all regions in the United States. Participants were
selected through purposive sampling from reentry programs, community organizations, churches,
and support networks. Collaborative partnerships with organizations serving this demographic
were crucial in recruitment. I collected survey responses from 110 eligible participants, ensuring
a substantial and diverse dataset. There were 564 respondents; however, 454 did not meet all
four qualifying requirements (see Appendix C). In addition to the quantitative phase, a
qualitative component was included. This qualitative phase encompassed in-depth interviews
with participants I recruited from outreach to churches, reentry programs, and prisons and by
snowball sampling. The participants represented individuals with various experiences and
perspectives regarding employment barriers.
Recruitment
Various avenues, such as reentry programs, churches, support networks, and community
organizations, were explored to gather participants. Collaboration with relevant organizations
streamlined recruitment efforts. Geographical diversity played a role in the sampling strategy,
with representation sought from Western, Midwestern, Eastern, and Southeastern states.
Upon receiving approval from USC's IRB, I sent a recruitment letter to potential
participants (see Appendix C). I sent letters of interest and participation to various organizations,
businesses, and establishments where Black men congregate. I also made several posts via

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LinkedIn that had 5,845 impressions. Sixty-eight individuals liked my posts and my posts were
reposted 14 times. I asked potential participants to contact me if they were interested in
participating. The letter described the study's purpose, eligibility criteria, and requested that those
interested in participating respond to a provided link within 2 weeks. Once individuals
responded, I sent a follow-up email containing the informed consent document (see Appendix D)
and a confirmation email (Appendix F) indicating their desire to be interviewed as part of this
study.
After completing these documents within 2 weeks, the Demographic Survey (see
Appendix E) data was analyzed to ensure the sampling criteria were met. Subsequently, eight
individuals who met the specified criteria were interviewed. They received a Confirmation email
(see Appendix F) confirming their interest in participating, reiterating the importance of
confidentiality as outlined in the Informed Consent (see Appendix D), and proposing the
scheduling of interviews. The subsequent steps in this recruitment process are detailed in the
Procedures section.
Instrumentation
I thoughtfully designed the survey instrument for this study to gather a wide range of
relevant information. It incorporated essential demographic questions for factors such as age,
sex, and race, ensuring inclusivity across the specific target population: Black men with a PHI.
Furthermore, the survey included items related to job attainment and preparation for employment
searches.
I used four instruments to collect data for this study: (a) the Demographic Survey (see
Appendix C), (b) the Demographic Survey 3 Direct Questions (Appendix D), (c) the Interview
Protocol (see Appendix B), and (d) the LSI-R (see Appendix A). I answered the research

91
questions and addressed the hypotheses using data from these instruments (see Table 2). I used
the initial survey data from the LSI-R questionnaire to identify vital themes and trends, guide the
selection of interview participants, and enrich the qualitative data analysis (Appendix B).
Table 2
Survey Instruments
Demographic
Survey (DS)
DS 3 Direct
Questions
LSI Questions Interview Questions
RQ1 x x (# 2, 3, 4)
RQ2 X x (# 8, 11)
RQ3 X x (# 5, 6, 7, 9, 10,
12)
H1 x
H2 x
H3 x
H4 x
H5 x
H6 x
H7 x
H8 x
H9 x
Demographic Survey
The Demographic Survey (see Appendix C) was a fundamental component of this study,
serving as a gateway to understanding the participants' diverse backgrounds. This survey
captured pivotal demographic information through carefully designed questions, such as race,
gender, PHI, and age. By incorporating these aspects, the study ensured an inclusive
representation of participants across various demographic categories, enriching the breadth of
perspectives and insights gathered.

92
Interview Protocol
The Interview Protocol (see Appendix B) was a crucial aspect of this study, serving as a
dynamic tool for in-depth exploration and understanding. The protocol included 13 open-ended
questions that I used to engage participants in meaningful and insightful discussions. In these
interviews, I delved into participants’ unique experiences, perspectives, and narratives, allowing
for a nuanced and comprehensive examination of their lives.
The interview sessions were conducted through the Zoom digital platform (Tillman,
2020), to provide the eight interview participants a virtual space to share their stories. This
qualitative dimension complemented the quantitative survey, providing an opportunity to extract
deeper insights that quantitative data alone might not capture. By incorporating personal
narratives and lived experiences, the Interview Protocol enriched the depth of the study's
findings, adding authenticity and credibility to the overall research.
Assessment Tool
In striving for the robustness of this study's findings, the choice of assessment tools plays
a pivotal role. The LSI-R (see Appendix A) has 54 questions spanning an extensive range of
domains, underscoring the comprehensive nature of this research. The LSI-R questionnaire data
provided information on criminogenic risk factors, which was used to derive quantitative survey
questions related to employment barriers. The questionnaire addressed topics ranging from
participants' criminal history to their emotional well-being and personal attitudes. This depth
reinforces the study's validity, as it facilitates a thorough exploration of factors affecting Black
men with a PHI and their interests and motivation to reenter society with positive outcomes.
Furthermore, incorporating open-ended questions in the interview protocol added a qualitative

93
dimension that complemented the quantitative survey, enabling participants to provide narratives
that enhance the study's credibility and authenticity.
Reliability
The LSI-R questionnaire encompasses important scales, such as criminal history,
educational and employment background, financial circumstances, family/marital status, living
arrangements, leisure activities, companionships, substance usage, emotional well-being, and
personal attitudes. This comprehensive coverage of dimensions is integral to understanding the
factors at play within the lives of Black men with a PHI. Utilizing a well-structured instrument
like the LSI-R questionnaire contributes to the study's validity by systematically capturing a
broad spectrum of relevant data (Lowder et al., 2019).
Validity
In this context, validity refers to the degree to which the questionnaire accurately
measures the constructs and variables it intends to assess. It ensures that the data collected
through the LSI-R questionnaire were an accurate and meaningful representation of the various
aspects of the lives of Black men with a PHI. For example, Lowder (2019) found that the total
LSI-R score was significantly correlated with recidivism for the total sample (r = .245, p < .01),
probation (r = .233, p < .01), and parole (r = .254, p < .01). This solid foundation of validity in
the data collection process enhanced the overall quality and trustworthiness of the study's
findings, strengthening my ability to draw accurate conclusions and make meaningful
contributions to the field. This survey instrument was used for decades. Lowenkamp et al. (2001)
found that the instrument predicted recidivism rates in male and female offenders. The
correlation for male offenders was r = .22, but the scores predicted recidivism equally well or

94
better for female offenders (r = .37). There is also evidence to support the LSI-R as one of, if not
the most, promising risk/need assessment tools currently available (Lowenkamp et al., 2001).
Data Collection
This section includes summaries of the procedures, confidentiality, data management,
and dissemination of findings. The data collection illustrates the importance of maintaining
participant confidentiality and anonymity throughout the research study. I managed the data with
integrity, security, and privacy.
Procedures
The quantitative phase preceded the qualitative phase, with the qualitative phase
building upon and further exploring findings from the quantitative phase. The procedures are
vast and comprehensive and include a recruitment process where I enlisted the participation of
Black males with a PHI from across the United States to obtain a cross-section of experiences in
different states. In response to their interest, participants were provided with a link to complete
the survey, which included a Demographic Survey, Demographic 2-question Survey, and the
LSI-R questions. I removed one of the LSI-R subscales (Alcohol/Drug) because it was not
pertinent to this study. After completing the survey, I asked them to contact me if they were
interested in participating in an interview. I provided my contact information. Although over 39
individuals stated they were interested in participating, I heard from one.
After repeated attempts to schedule time to meet with this individual, I was unable to
connect with this individual. Therefore, none of the interview participants were obtained through
the survey. All interview participants were obtained through outreach and communication with
people and organizations who interact with Black men with a PHI. I scheduled a meeting with
each participant. Thirteen people expressed interest in the survey. However, five individuals

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could not confirm a time and date for us to meet before I closed the survey and began analyzing
data. After scheduling time to meet with the participants, I conducted the interviews via Zoom.
Each interview was recorded, and the transcript feature was turned on to record the information
in audio and visual formats. I analyzed the survey and interview data separately.
Confidentiality Parameters
Maintaining the confidentiality and anonymity of participants was of utmost importance
in this research study. I implemented a rigorous approach to confidentiality throughout the study
to ensure the privacy and security of participants’ sensitive information. A clear statement about
the importance of confidentiality was provided upon obtaining participant approval to engage in
the study. Participants were informed that their responses, identities, and personal information
were confidential. Furthermore, participants were assured that their participation was voluntary
and that they could withdraw from the study at any point without repercussions.
I recorded each qualitative interview. The recordings were essential for accurately
transcribing the interviews and facilitating the subsequent analysis. To maintain confidentiality,
access to these recordings was restricted solely to authorized research team members involved in
data analysis. Additionally, the transcript option was activated during the recording to ensure an
accurate and verbatim representation of participants' responses. All collected data, including
survey responses, interview recordings, and transcripts, were securely stored on a passwordprotected drive with limited access granted only to authorized researchers. This drive was
encrypted using industry-standard encryption algorithms to prevent unauthorized access and
potential breaches.
To further protect participants' identities, interview participants were referred to as
Participants 1-8 throughout the research process. In the final dissertation, pseudonyms replaced

96
real names or identifiers, ensuring participants' anonymity and the confidentiality of their
personal information. In disseminating findings, I presented aggregate and anonymized data that
did not reveal specific details about individual participants.
While the dissertation contributes to academic knowledge, I took the needed steps to
protect participants’ identities and ensure their confidential information remained undisclosed.
Overall, the confidentiality parameters outlined in this research study upheld the ethical
principles of participant protection and privacy. These measures were designed to instill trust
among participants and ensure that their contributions to the study were treated with the utmost
respect for their confidentiality.
Data Management
Effective data management is crucial for maintaining research data's integrity, security,
and confidentiality. The data management procedures I employed in this study ensured that all
collected data were managed, stored, and analyzed securely and systematically. To ensure data
security, all electronic devices used for data storage and analysis were encrypted to prevent
unauthorized access. Industry-standard encryption algorithms safeguarded data during
transmission and storage. Access to encrypted data was limited to authorized research team
members, who used secure login credentials and multi-factor authentication.
Encryption
To safeguard the data against unauthorized access and potential breaches, all electronic
devices used for data storage and analysis were encrypted. Industry-standard encryption
algorithms encrypted data transmitted over networks and data stored on devices. This encryption
provided an additional layer of security, ensuring that sensitive information remained
confidential and protected. Additionally, data backups were conducted to ensure the availability

97
of research data in case of unexpected technical failures or data loss. These backups were stored
securely and separately from the primary data storage location. In the event of any data loss, the
research team could recover the data from the backups, minimizing disruptions to the research
process.
Research data were retained following ethical guidelines and institutional policies for a
specified period. Once the retention period ended, the data were securely deleted or disposed of
in a manner that protected the participants’ confidentiality. This approach to data retention
aligned with ethical considerations and minimized potential data exposure. While the primary
focus of data sharing in this study was for academic purposes and the completion of the
dissertation, the research team acknowledged the importance of data integrity and accuracy.
Should the research data be shared for collaborative or validation purposes, rigorous protocols
will be followed to ensure the data are anonymous and stripped of any identifying information.
All data management procedures followed ethical guidelines and standards for research
involving human participants. The research team prioritized participants' privacy, confidentiality,
and informed consent throughout the data management.
Dissemination of Findings
The dissemination of research findings is a critical aspect of the research process, as it
facilitates the sharing of knowledge and insights, providing information on findings to
participants and implications derived from the study. This section outlines the planned strategies
for disseminating the findings of this research to various stakeholders and audiences. By
implementing these comprehensive data management practices, I upheld data integrity, security,
and participant confidentiality. These practices contributed to the quality and reliability of the

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research findings, ensuring that the data were accurate, protected, and used responsibly for
scholarly purposes.
The findings were presented in a comprehensive dissertation as the primary output of
this research endeavor. The dissertation included a detailed account of the research objectives,
methodology, data analysis, and results. Through a systematic presentation, the dissertation was
a valuable resource for academic scholars, researchers, policymakers, and practitioners interested
in the intersection of criminal justice, reentry, and employment for Black men with a PHI.
Beyond the dissertation, the research findings may be adapted for publication in academic
journals. Manuscripts that focus on specific aspects of the research were prepared, offering indepth analyses of the conclusions, methodologies, or theoretical contributions. These
manuscripts underwent peer review and contributed to the scholarly discourse on reentry,
employment, and social justice for marginalized populations.
Through a multifaceted dissemination approach, the findings can influence academic
research, policy discussions, advocacy, and community initiatives. The goal was to maximize the
study's impact and contribute to positive changes in policies, practices, and perceptions related to
the reintegration and employment prospects of Black men with a PHI.
Data Analysis
I conducted three types of data analysis: descriptive, thematic content, and inferential (see
Table 3). The Demographic Survey (see Appendix C) data were collected and exported to Excel
from Qualtrics for analysis. The LSI-R Instrument (see Appendix A) data were collected from
Qualtrics, exported to Excel, uploaded to the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS), and
then analyzed with SPSS.

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The Semi-Structured Interview (see Appendix B) data from the thematic content
analysis (TCA) were gathered by entering the transcripts from the eight interviews into NVivo,
where they were analyzed thematically. The data were then coded and exported to Excel for
further analysis. This study used descriptive and inferential statistics to analyze all data sets to
address the following research questions and hypotheses:
Research Question 1: What are the lived experiences of Black men seeking employment
who were previously incarcerated?
Research Question 2: What are the challenges of Black men in obtaining employment
post-incarceration?
Research Question 3: What can be improved for Black men seeking employment postincarceration?
Directional Hypotheses:
1. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Criminal History.
2. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Family/Marital.
3. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Emotional/Personal.
4. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Education/Employment.
5. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Financial.
6. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Leisure/Recreation.
7. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Companions.
8. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Attitudes/Orientation.
9. There was an unsatisfactory LSI-R score for Stability.
Table 3 includes the data analysis elements of the utilized survey and interview.

100
Table 3
Types of Data Analysis
Descriptive
analysis
Thematic Content
Analysis
Inferential analysis
Demographic Survey (DS) x
DS 4 Questions x
Interview Protocol x x
LSI-R x
Descriptive Analysis
I used descriptive analysis to summarize the key characteristics of the quantitative
survey data from the Demographic Survey, Demographic Survey 4-Questions, and other
quantifiable themes that emerged from this study. Relevant variables such as employment status,
education level, and LSI-R scores were analyzed using means, standard deviations, and
frequencies. I conducted thematic analysis of the qualitative interview data to identify and
explore significant themes in the lived experiences of Black men seeking employment postincarceration. These themes were presented with supporting quotes from participants.
Descriptive statistics can be used to characterize data based on the properties of each
demographic data point. The types of descriptive statistics that can be used are frequency, central
tendency, variation, and position measures. I used frequencies to show how often something
occurred and I also used measures of variation to identify the spread of scores by state.
Demographic Data
The demographic data collected in this study were a foundational element for
understanding the composition of the participant cohort. The quantitative survey systematically
gathered information encompassing the geographical location of the participant, amount of time

101
currently out of prison, race, educational background, and employment history. With this
comprehensive dataset, I aimed to provide insights into the diversity and commonalities within
the sample of Black men with a PHI who sought or were seeking employment. I analyzed the
distribution of time since release from incarceration to discern trends and variations. The
representation of different racial backgrounds was explored to highlight the study's inclusivity
and reflect the heterogeneity of the Black community. Educational background, including levels
of attainment and types of credentials, were evaluated to discern potential correlations with
employment outcomes and job search preparedness.
Furthermore, demographic data were collected in addition to participants' employment
histories. This aspect included factors such as past job experiences, industries worked in, and
duration of employment before and after incarceration. Using these data, I assessed employment
trajectories and patterns among participants, offering valuable context to interpret the study's
findings.
Incorporating demographic data enriches the study's ability to contextualize
employment-seeking experiences, identify trends, and address potential intersections of time
since release from incarceration, race, education, and employment history. This integrated
approach ensured that the narrative from the data remained grounded in the diverse realities of
Black men with a PHI.
Thematic Content Analysis
I used TCA to analyze interview data from previously incarcerated Black men regarding
their experiences seeking employment. This systematic approach involves a structured process of
generating initial codes and themes from transcribed interviews. The process began with
generating initial codes, wherein I identified and labeled meaningful segments of the interview

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transcripts. These initial codes were then systematically organized into broader themes, capturing
common threads, patterns, and recurring ideas within the data. Any discrepancies or
disagreements in coding and theme generation were diligently addressed and resolved to ensure
the reliability and validity of the findings.
I used several strategies to enhance the trustworthiness and rigor of the research
findings. I also used member checking, which allowed participants to review and validate the
identified themes and ensure that the interpretations aligned with their experiences. Peer
debriefing sessions were also organized, involving discussions with fellow researchers or experts
in the field to gain diverse perspectives and insights. These sessions were a form of triangulation
to validate the analysis process.
Furthermore, I mitigated my researcher bias. I remained reflexive throughout the
analysis process, acknowledging, and addressing any potential preconceptions or prejudices that
may influence the interpretation of the data. The research findings resulting from the TCA were
systematically organized to respond to the research questions and hypotheses, providing valuable
insights into the multifaceted employment-seeking experiences of Black men with a PHI. I
selected representative quotes w to illustrate and enrich the themes, allowing for a nuanced and
comprehensive presentation of the qualitative findings.
Inferential Analysis
Inferential analysis was applied to the quantitative survey data to assess the hypotheses
and explore relationships between variables. I used correlational analysis to assess the
associations between LSI-R scores, educational attainment, and employment status. I also used
regression analysis to investigate the predictive impact of academic programs on post-

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incarceration employment outcomes while controlling for other factors. The inferential analysis,
based on the sample data, contributed meaningful insights.
I analyzed the data using inferential statistics to make inferences about the population
based on a given sample. This allowed me to generalize assumptions from small to larger groups.
Several inferential statistics exist, such as hypothesis tests, confidence intervals, t test, analysis of
variance, Pearson correlation, and regression analysis. I used correlation and inferential statistics
to analyze the data.
Quantitative Reliability
A two-fold approach was adopted to assess instrument reliability. For quantitative data,
the internal consistency of scales was rigorously assessed. Concurrently, intercoder reliability
was examined for qualitative data, ensuring coding consistency across different analysts.
Addressing potential sources of bias and confounding variables, inferential reliability was
bolstered by employing covariate control and conducting sensitivity analyses. The underpinning
assumptions of chosen statistical tests were systematically reviewed to ascertain their reliability
in capturing the intended information. Dependability, meticulous documentation, and a
commitment to reflexivity were upheld, lending an element of rigor and consistency to the
study's outcomes. Triangulation of data sources and including diverse interview participants
bolstered the trustworthiness of the qualitative findings.
Inferential Reliability
The focus of inferential reliability extends beyond solely mitigating biases; it
encompasses a comprehensive strategy to enhance the robustness of conclusions drawn from the
study. I utilized a meticulous approach to controlling potential confounding variables to achieve
this. Covariate control was implemented judiciously, guided by a thorough understanding of the

104
factors that could impact the relationships under investigation. By meticulously considering and
adjusting for these variables, I ensured that the inferences drawn were as accurate and unbiased
as possible.
Sensitivity analyses were conducted to further strengthen the reliability of inferential
outcomes. These analyses assessed the stability and consistency of results when certain
assumptions or variables were adjusted. By subjecting the findings to varying scenarios and
conditions, I aimed to establish the extent to which the conclusions remain robust across
different contexts. This diligent approach strengthens the credibility of the inferences and
provides a deeper understanding of the potential impact of numerous factors on the study's
outcomes.
Dependability
Dependability is a fundamental aspect of the study's integrity, ensuring the consistency
and coherence of its outcomes. This is achieved through meticulous documentation and a
commitment to reflexivity throughout the research process. Rigorous documentation involves
transparently and systematically recording the various stages of data collection, analysis, and
interpretation. This documentation provides an audit trail for the research process and facilitates
the ability to retrace steps, ensuring the research outcomes can be replicated and verified.
On the other hand, reflexivity involves self-awareness of my influence on the study's
design, implementation, and interpretation. Regular self-assessment allows researchers to
identify and address potential biases, assumptions, or preconceptions that might influence their
decisions or interpretations. By acknowledging and addressing these factors, the study enhanced
its dependability by minimizing the potential for undue researcher influence to impact the
outcomes.

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Conformability
Conformability, an integral aspect of inferential reliability, involves maintaining
transparency and reflexivity throughout the research process. I ensured that my interpretations
and conclusions accurately reflected the data rather than being influenced by preconceptions or
biases. Reflexivity involved examining my perspectives and potential biases and acknowledging
how these may impact the analysis and interpretation of findings. By consistently checking and
verifying the alignment between the data and interpretations, and by demonstrating the
correspondence between my understanding and the actual data, I enhanced conformability.
Qualitative Validity
The pursuit of validity encompasses several dimensions. Triangulation, achieved
through multiple data sources and methods, was pivotal in validating findings. Established
measurement instruments contributed to the validity of collected quantitative data. Contextual
descriptions were interwoven throughout the study to lend a comprehensive understanding of the
research context, further ensuring validity. I strengthened the inferential validity of the study by
the meticulous selection and application of appropriate statistical tests, coupled with diligent
control for potential confounding variables. This multi-pronged approach aligned with the
overarching aim of validating the study's findings and conclusions.
Inferential Validity
Inferential validity, a critical facet of this study, was approached through a multi-layered
strategy. Statistical tests selected for analysis were tailored to the research questions and context,
ensuring their alignment with the inferential objectives. Stringent control for confounding
variables was exercised, enhancing the inferences' reliability. With the systematic
implementation of these strategies, I amplified the inferential validity of the study's outcomes,

106
allowing for robust conclusions that accurately reflect the relationships and patterns within the
data.
Credibility
Credibility is a foundational aspect of research. It pertains to the trustworthiness and
believability of the study's findings. Inferential validity and credibility are upheld through
rigorous adherence to transparent methodologies and thorough documentation. By selecting the
appropriate statistical tests aligned with the research questions, I ensured that the findings were
grounded in sound analytical principles. A peer debriefing was conducted by having an editor
review the manuscript, along with two colleagues who have doctoral degrees. I used several
strategies to enhance the trustworthiness and rigor of the research findings. I also used member
checking, which allowed participants to review and validate the identified themes and ensure that
the interpretations aligned with their experiences.
Transferability
Transferability pertains to the applicability and generalizability of the study's findings to
broader contexts. While the specific sample comprises Black men with a PHI seeking
employment, I attempted to enhance the transferability of the findings. Detailed descriptions of
the study context, participant demographics, and methodologies were provided to assess whether
the findings could be relevant in other contexts. By acknowledging and documenting contextual
factors, I aimed to provide insights that can be extrapolated to similar populations and situations.
This approach underscored the commitment to generating knowledge that has the potential to
inform broader discussions and policy considerations beyond the immediate scope of the study.

107
Conclusion
In this study I employed a comprehensive data collection and analysis approach to
understand the employment-seeking experiences of Black men with a PHI. By integrating
quantitative and qualitative methods, I illuminated this unique demographic's multifaceted
challenges and opportunities. An in-depth examination of demographic data, thematic analysis of
qualitative interviews, and inferential analysis of quantitative survey responses provided a
holistic understanding of the complexities surrounding post-incarceration employment of Black
men.
The multifaceted strategy employed to enhance the inferential validity of the study's
outcomes contributes to the credibility of the conclusions. Tailored statistical tests and
meticulous control for confounding variables underscored the reliability of the study's inferences.
By systematically addressing potential biases and variations, I ensured that the relationships and
patterns identified accurately mirror the underlying data.
In conclusion, this study shed light on the multifaceted dynamics of post-incarceration
employment experiences among Black men. The multi-layered approach to data analysis
contributes to the robustness and depth of the study's outcomes, providing valuable insights into
a complex and often marginalized demographic. By meticulously addressing the facets of
inferential validity, credibility, and transferability, I set the foundation for informed discussions,
policies, and interventions to support the employment aspirations of Black men with a PHI.

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CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS
Introduction
This chapter reviews the comprehensive and meticulous data gathered to explore the
lived experiences, challenges, and improvements needed for Black men with a PHI. It includes
the descriptive and preliminary analysis of the demographic and LSI-R survey, hypothesis
testing, and subsequent inferential analyses. This chapter concludes with a thematic analysis of
each of the three research questions and a summary of the findings. The quantitative and
qualitative data collection was done concurrently as a mixed methods approach, ensuring a
robust and reliable dataset.
The LSI-R instrument comprises 10 subscales, of which 9 were utilized in this study. The
Alcohol/Drug subscale was intentionally excluded as it does not directly pertain to the study's
purpose, a decision that was made to ensure the study's focus remained on the experiences,
challenges, and improvements needed for Black men with a PHI. Seven of the 10 subscales
contain specific items labeled Rater Boxes. The LSI-R has a total of 13 rater boxes measuring a
participant’s protective factors. As the Alcohol/Drug subscale, which included 2 rater boxes, was
not used, this study analyzed only 11 of the 13 items that measure protective factors. Before
hypothesis testing and inferential statistical analysis, the data underwent a rigorous cleaning,
coding, and examination process to ensure accuracy and completeness. Cases with one or more
missing responses on the LSI-R were excluded from the analysis. The total risk of recidivism and
subscale scores were the main dependent variables, whereas protective factors and the length of
time to find work were the independent variables as measured by the LSI-R survey.
For thematic analysis, interview transcripts were analyzed using an inductive approach,
and all transcripts were coded and reviewed prior to final thematic development. The use of

109
NVivo, a sophisticated software program, for thematic analyses, and the SPSS software program
for all inferential statistical analyses, underscores the advanced technological approach employed
in this study.
Descriptive Analysis
In total, 123 Black men with a PHI completed the survey, which consisted of 53 items (8
demographic and 45 LSI-R items). Eight participants volunteered to be interviewed as part of the
qualitative analysis of this study. Interview participants did not partake in the quantitative inquiry
portion of this study. Of the 123 survey response sets, 13 participants could not be included in
the analysis due to incomplete responses. Therefore, 110 survey response sets were included in
the final data analyses.
Participant location was spread out across 26 States, with most participants residing in
Georgia, Florida, and Texas 29.0% (n = 32). Table 4 shows the location distribution of the study
participants. In addition to location, Figure 4 shows the frequency distribution of the length of
time it took participants to find employment after release. Most participants, 60.9% (n = 67),
found employment within the first year; however, 32.7% (n = 36) secured employment between
1 and 3 years after being released. Of the 110 participants, seven struggled to find employment,
with most securing a job 3-5 plus years after release. Further analysis of employment shows that
most participants were currently employed as full-time workers, 60.9% (n = 66), whereas 13.6%
(n = 15) were unemployed at the time of the survey. Table 5 outlines the frequency distribution
of participants’ employment status, and Table 6 shows the self-reported reasons for
unemployment.

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Table 4
Frequency Distribution of Participant Location by State (N =110)
Location Represented state n %
East

East North Central
East South Central
Northeast
Southeast

West

West North Central

West South Central

North Carolina
Virginia

Illinois
Indiana
Michigan
Ohio

Alabama
Kentucky
Mississippi
Tennessee

Connecticut
Delaware
Maryland
Massachusetts
New Jersey
New York
Pennsylvania

Florida
Georgia

Arizona
California
Washington

Minnesota
Missouri
Nebraska

Louisiana
Texas

6
5
3
3
6
5
4
1
1
1
1
2
4
1
3
5
6

8
12

2
5
3
1
5
1
4
12

5.4
4.5
2.7
2.7
5.4
4.5
3.6
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
1.8
3.6
0.9
2.7
4.5
4.5
7.2
10.9

1.8
4.5
2.7
0.9
4.5
0.9
3.6
10.9

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0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
<1 Year 1-3 Years 3-5 Years >5 Years Frequency
Time to Find Employment After Release
Length of Time to Find Employment
Figure 4
Frequency Distribution of the Length of Time from Release to Finding Employment (N=110)
Table 5
Frequency Distribution of Participant Employment Status (N =110)
Employment category and status n %
Full-Time
General
Self-Employed
Part-Time
General
Self-Employed
Unemployed
General
Temporary
56
11
14
3
13
2
50.9
10.0
12.7
2.7
11.8
1.8

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Retired
Student
8
3
7.2
2.7
Table 6
Self-Reported Unemployment Reasons by Participant ID (n =15)
Location Participant
ID
Quote
Georgia
Maryland
Michigan
Missouri
Nebraska
New Jersey
New York
Pennsylvania
Texas
Washington
23
45
46
47
50
51
59
64
65
68
84
91
92
108
I am now disabled and have been for some years
Looking for employment
Not working due to an injury
Trying to find a job
Disabled
Just got out of jail, in rehab
I am unemployed currently, but I am seeking employment
Disabled
Looking for employment
Disability
Married, wife looking out
I live in a small town in Texas and the only jobs we have here are fast
food restaurants which I exhausted when I was younger
Unemployed and not looking
Physically unable to work
Preliminary Analyses
Frequency Distribution
Unsatisfactory LSI-R scores indicate that the participant has a moderate to high risk for
recidivism and is likely to recidivate based on the challenges they face in their communities after
being incarcerated. Table 7 outlines the frequency distribution scores, showing that the overall
recidivism risk for moderate to high is 52.7%. Individually, the frequency distribution for all
subscale scores was above 50% in the mild to high-risk categories, except for

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Leisure/Recreation, where the moderate to high percentage was 33.6%. The most notable
findings were shown in the Companions high risk group 37.3% (n = 41) and the
Emotional/Personal high-risk group 26.4% (n = 29). Additionally, the majority of recidivism
risk fell into the moderate group for Criminal History 49.1% (n = 54). Collectively, more than
half of the participants’ LSI-R scores yielded findings that support a moderate to high likelihood
of recidivism. See Figure 5 for an illustration of notable subscale frequency findings and overall
risk of recidivism.
Further analysis of the 11 rater box items yielded notable findings within the frequency
distribution data. Of the 110 participants, 80.9% (n = 89) shared a relative satisfactory to
satisfactory evaluation of their participation and performance in their home, work, and/or school
environment, as well as a 70% response rate for relative satisfactory to satisfactory score for
enjoying their current role as a parent (n = 76). Although there were many satisfactory findings
within the rater box items, several concerning outcomes emerged among the unsatisfactory
categories. Close to half of the participants, 49% (n = 54), rated their current financial situation
as unsatisfactory, and 22.7% (n = 31) rated their current living situation as unsatisfactory.
Furthermore, 25.4% (n = 28), rated their interactions with authority figures as unsatisfactory, and
a significant proportion of participants rated their family relationships as unsatisfactory. See
Table 8 for the frequency distribution of LSI-R protective factor scores by subscales.

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Table 7
Frequency Distribution of LSI-R Recidivism Risk Categories (N = 110)
Variable Risk category N %
Criminal History High 9 8.2
Mod/High 21 16.4
Moderate 54 49.1
Low/Mod 18 16.4
Low 8 7.3
Education / Employment High 5 4.5
Mod/High 58 52.7
Moderate 38 34.5
Low/Mod 9 8.2
Financial High 23 20.9
Moderate 50 45.5
Low 37 33.6
Family / Marital High 14 12.7
Mod/High 21 19.1
Moderate 25 22.7
Low/Mod 50 45.5
Accommodation / Stability High 8 7.3
Mod/High 19 17.3
Moderate 46 41.8
Low 37 33.6
Leisure / Recreation High 2 1.8
Moderate 35 31.8
Low 73 66.4
Companions High 41 37.3
Mod/High 25 22.7
Moderate 27 24.5
Low 17 15.5
Emotional / Personal High 29 26.4
Mod/High 22 20.0
Moderate 26 23.6
Low/Mod 12 10.9
Low 21 19.1

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Table 7 (continued)
Variable Risk category n %
Attitude / Orientation High 9 8.2
Mod/High 21 19.1
Moderate 25 22.7
Low/Mod 30 27.3
Low 25 22.7
Recidivism Risk High 6 5.5
Mod/High 14 12.7
Moderate 38 34.5
Low/Mod 38 34.5
Low 14 12.7
Figure 5
Frequency Distribution of LSI-R Subscale Risk Categories and Total Risk of Recidivism (N
=110)

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Table 8
Frequency Distribution of LSI-R Protective Factors by Subscale (N = 110)
Subscale Item Item options n %
Education /
Employment
Participating and performing in home /
work / school
Satisfactory 44 40.0
Relatively Satisfactory 45 40.9
Relatively Unsatisfactory 18 16.3
Very Unsatisfactory 3 0.02
Peer interaction Satisfactory 45 40.9
Relatively Satisfactory 40 36.3
Relatively Unsatisfactory 20 18.1
Very Unsatisfactory 5 0.04
Interact well with authority figures Satisfactory 44 40.0
Relatively Satisfactory 38 34.5
Relatively Unsatisfactory 16 14.5
Very Unsatisfactory 12 10.9
Financial Current financial condition / stability Satisfactory 24 21.8
Relatively Satisfactory 32 29.0
Relatively Unsatisfactory 30 27.2
Very Unsatisfactory 24 21.8
Family / Marital Satisfied in your current marriage /
relationship
Satisfactory 36 32.7
Relatively Satisfactory 32 29.0
Relatively Unsatisfactory 26 23.6
Very Unsatisfactory 16 14.5
Enjoy your current role as a parent Satisfactory 49 44.5
Relatively Satisfactory 27 24.5
Relatively Unsatisfactory 16 14.5
Very Unsatisfactory 18 16.3
Enjoy relationships with other relatives Satisfactory 40 36.3
Relatively Satisfactory 37 33.6
Relatively Unsatisfactory 22 20.0
Very Unsatisfactory 11 10.0
Accommodation How would you rate your current living
conditions?
Satisfactory 29 26.3
Relatively Satisfactory 50 45.4
Relatively Unsatisfactory 25 22.7
Very Unsatisfactory 6 0.05

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Table 8 (continued)
Subscale Item Item options n %
Leisure /
Recreation
How would you rate your use of leisure
and recreational time?
Satisfactory 36 32.7
Relatively Satisfactory 43 39.0
Relatively Unsatisfactory 26 23.6
Very Unsatisfactory 5 0.04
Attitude /
Orientation
Are you supportive of criminal activity? Satisfactory 23 20.9
Relatively Satisfactory 22 20.0
Relatively Unsatisfactory 36 32.7
Very Unsatisfactory 29 26.3
How would you rate your attitude toward
conventional norms or rules?
Satisfactory 34 30.9
Relatively Satisfactory 44 40.0
Relatively Unsatisfactory 22 20.0
Very Unsatisfactory 10 0.09
Reliability
Evaluate-retest reliability for the LSI-R was calculated using the Pearson correlation
coefficient. Cronbach’s alpha revealed an internal consistency reliability as good ( = .86). The
11 rater box items within the LSI-R presented a reliability score of ( = .85). Subscale alphas
ranged from poor to average, with average reliability shown in the Companions ( = .74),
Criminal History ( = .73), and the Emotional/Personal ( = .71) subscales. The lowest
reliability was associated with Leisure/Recreation ( = .14), Financial ( = .16),
Accommodation/Stability ( = .34), and Education/Employment ( = .34). Additionally,
Attitude/Orientation ( = .55) and Family/Marital ( = .64) also yielded very low to low
reliability. Consequently, the subscales with less than ( = .70) were not included in further
analyses. Table 9 outlines the subscale variables, item correlations, reliability scores, and
definitions for the LSI-R.

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Table 9
LSI-R Subscale Variables, Survey Item Correlations, Reliability Scores, and Definitions
Variables Survey items
(total)
 Definition
LSI-R (45) .86 Consists of 45 items that measure the overall risk of
recidivism, as well as 11 items that measures
participant’s degree of protective factors.
1.Criminal History 1-10 (10) .73 Consists of ten yes or no type questions. The items are
static and assign a score for past criminal history
2.Education /
Employment
11-20 (10) .36 Consists of ten items. Seven of the items are yes or no
and assign points to the participant’s employment and
educational history. This section also contains three
items that are rated on a 0-3 scale. These Rater Box
items are based on the participant’s attitude towards
peers and authority figures. A score of 0-1 adds one
point to the total score. The scale uses the following
definitions:
 3 – Satisfactory (no need for improvement).
 2 – Relatively Satisfactory (some room for
improvement is evident).
 1 – Relatively Unsatisfactory (needs
improvement).
 0 – Very Unsatisfactory (very strong need for
improvement).
3. Financial 21-22 (2) .16 Consists of two items. The first item assesses the
participant’s attitude toward personal finances using the
0-3 scale. The second item is a yes or no question asking
if the participant requires social assistance.
4. Family / Marital 23-26 (4) .64 Three items utilize the 0-3 scale and are directed at
attitudes toward family relations. The fourth item is a
yes or no question measuring whether a family member
has a criminal history.
5. Accommodation
/ Stability
27-29 (3) .34 The first item measures the participant’s attitude
towards their current living arrangement. The final two
items are a yes or no question assessing the type of
neighborhood the participant resides in.

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Table 9 (continued)
Variables Survey items
(total)
 Definition
6.Leisure /
Recreation
30-31 (2) .14 The first item inquires whether the participant is a
member of a legal organized recreational activity. The
second item utilizes the 0-3 scale and addresses the
participant’s attitude toward their leisure time.
7.Companions 32-36 (5) .74 Consists of five yes or no items. Points are given for
having different degrees of criminal acquaintances as
friends.
8.Emotional /
Personal
37-41 (5) .71 Five items in this subscale all assign points for current
and past mental health issues.
9. Attitude /
Orientation
42-45 (4) .55 Half of the four items are yes and no questions, which
relate to attitudes toward sentencing. The remaining
two items utilize the 0-3 scale and rate the participant’s
attitude toward crime.
LSI-R Protective
Factors (Total of Rater
Boxes)
18-20, 21, 23-25,
27, 31, 42-43
(11)
.85 Consists of eleven items that utilize the 0-3 scale
measuring participant’s degree of protective factors.
Hypothesis Testing
Pearson product and Spearman correlation analyses were conducted to examine the
relationship among variables. Pearson correlation was used to analyze continuous variables and
Spearman correlation was used to analyze ordinal variables. The main dependent variable in this
study, total risk of recidivism, showed significant Pearson’s correlations across all continuous
variables (p < .001), as measured by the LSI-R total score and each of the 9 subscale scores.
There was a direct inverse relationship between participants’ risk of recidivism and the degree of
protective factors, as measured by the 11 rater box items. As participant’s protective factors
increased, risk of recidivism significantly dropped. Table 10 displays all corresponding Pearson
correlations. In addition to Pearson correlations, Spearman correlations showed a significant

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relationship between participants length of time to find work after release (demographic survey
item 5), and the degree of recidivism risk within each of the 9 subscale risk categories. The
degree of recidivism risk category (low, low/mod, mod, mod/high, high) was significantly
correlated with the length of time it took participants to find employment after release (p < .001).
See Table 11 for the Pearson and Spearman correlations for all variables.
Nine directional hypotheses were analyzed to determine relationships and how these
scales show recidivism as a likelihood based on the survey participants' responses.
Unsatisfactory scores indicate that the participant has a moderate to high risk and is likely to
recidivate based on the challenges they face in their communities after returning from prison.
This research study proposed that there would be an unsatisfactory score for each of the 9 LSI-R
subscales. Table 12 includes the findings for each of the nine measured hypotheses.

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Table 10
Sample Sizes, Means, Standard Deviations, and Pearson Product Correlations for LSI-R Scaled Variables
Variables n M SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
1.Total Risk of
Recidivism
110 20.29 7.56 -- .697** .680** .506** .490** .600** .590** .701** .710** .570** -.638**
2.Criminal History 110 4.25 2.39 -- .271** .181 .100 .237* .314** .451** .404** .333** -.233*
3.Education /
Employment
110 4.89 1.71 -- .415** .432** .393** .490** .305** .366** .263** -.488**
4. Financial 110 .87 .731 -- .289** .346** .315** .285** .225* .278** -.432**
5. Family / Marital 110 1.99 1.08 -- .293** .417** .100 .275** .282** -.764**
6. Accommodations /
Stability
110 .98 .898 -- .389** .481** .402** .165 -.429**
7.Leisure /
Recreation
110 .35 .517 -- .287** .309** .290** -.576**
8.Companions 110 2.97 1.61 -- .493** .313** -.249**
9.Emotional /
Personal
110 2.35 1.62 -- .310** -.346**
10.Attitude /
Orientation
110 1.63 1.25 -- -.519**
11.Protective Factors
(Total of Rater
Boxes)
110 20.81 6.82 --
** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
* Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).

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Table 11
Sample Sizes, Means, Standard Deviations, and Spearman Correlations for D5 and LSI-R Ordinal Variables
Variables n M SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
1. Length of time to find work 110 1.48 .700 -- .175 .273** .222* .108 .164 .188* .262** .328** .154 .328**
2.Criminal Risk Category 110 3.05 .990 -- .222* .197* .103 .253** .302** .397** .357** .318** .614**
3.Education /Employment
Risk Category
110 3.54 .713 -- .383** .502** .445** .445** .246** .364** .256** .618**
4.Financial Risk Category 110 2.75 .1.46 -- .268** .363** .298** .240* .227* .271** .472**
5.Family / Marital Risk
Category
110 2.99 1.07 -- .279** .421** .091 .281** .268* .460**
6.Accommodations / Stability
Risk Category
110 2.65 1.30 -- .358** .484** .422** .185 .591**
7.Leisure / Recreation Risk
Category
110 1.71 1.03 -- .233* .308** .301** .582**
8.Companions Risk Category 110 3.66 1.38 -- .451** .305** .651**
9.Emotional / Personal Risk
Category
110 3.24 1.44 -- .278** .693**
10.Attitude / Orientation Risk
Category
110 2.63 1.25 -- .539**
11.Recidivism Risk Category 110 2.64 1.03 --
** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
* Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed)

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Table 12
Hypothesis Testing for the 9-LSI-R Subscales using Pearson Correlations (N = 110)
Hypothesis M SD Risk for recidivism Outcome
Criminal History 4.25 2.39 Moderate Unsatisfactory
Education/Employment 4.89 1.17 Moderate/High Unsatisfactory
Family/Marital 1.99 1.08 Moderate Unsatisfactory
Companions 2.97 1.61 Moderate/High Unsatisfactory
Emotional/Personal 2.35 1.62 Moderate/High Unsatisfactory
Criminal History
The Criminal History subscale score revealed an average score (M = 4.25, SD = 2.39)
indicating moderate variability, an unsatisfactory outcome, in criminal history among the
participants. A moderate to high risk in criminal history was shown to correlate statistically
significantly (p < .001) with moderate to high risk in the Companions and Emotional/Personal
subscales. An inverse relationship was also found to be statistically significant (p < .001) between
participants’ Criminal History and the degree of protective factors. As participant’s risk of criminal
history went up, their protective factors went down. Using Spearman correlations, with a (M = 3.05,
SD = 0.990), the Criminal risk category shows a strong positive correlation (p < .001) with the
Recidivism risk category, implying that higher criminal risk is associated with greater risk in
recidivism.
Companions
The Companions subscale score revealed an average score (M = 2.97, SD = 1.61) indicating
moderate to high variability, an unsatisfactory outcome, in companions among the participants.
Pearson correlations revealed statistically significant relationships (p < .001) between the
Companions subscale and the Criminal History and Emotional/Personal subscales. This subscale

124
score also showed a significant correlation (p < .001) with participant’s total risk of recidivism. An
inverse relationship was also found to be statistically significant (p < .001) between participants’
Companions risk and the degree of protective factors. As participant’s Companions risk score went
up, their protective factors went down. A significant correlation was also revealed between
participants who had a high degree of risk within the Companions subscale (p < .001) and the length
of time it took to find work.
Emotional/Personal
The Emotional/Personal subscale score revealed an average score (M = 2.35, SD = 1.62)
indicating moderate to high variability, an unsatisfactory outcome, in emotional/personal wellbeing
among the participants. Pearson correlations revealed statistically significant relationships (p <
.001) between the Emotional/Personal subscale and the Criminal History and Companions
subscales. This subscale score also showed the highest significant correlation (p < .001) with
participant’s total risk of recidivism. An inverse relationship was also found to be statistically
significant (p < .001) between participants’ Emotional/Personal risk and the degree of protective
factors. As participant’s risk for Emotional/Personal wellbeing went up, their protective factors
went down. A significant correlation was also revealed between participants who had a high degree
of risk within the Emotional/Personal subscale (p < .001) and the length of time it took to find
work.
Subsequent Inferential Statistical Analyses
The LSI-R instrument revealed some profound quantitative findings that have helped enrich
this study's overall purpose. In addition to the previous data mentioned, several variables were
further evaluated to identify specific predictors of recidivism risk. Additional analysis of variables
also ascertained mean differences between groups. Linear regression and analysis of variance

125
(ANOVA) were the two inferential statistical tests conducted for the findings outlined in this
section.
Linear Regression
Linear regression was used to determine if a participant’s degree of protective factors
strongly predicted their recidivism risk level. The findings outlined in Table 13 show that a
participant's total protective factors can explain 40.7% of the variation in risk of recidivism. This
data shows that total protective factors are a significant predictor (p < .001) of recidivism risk
among Black men with a PHI. Figure 6 displays the scatter plot pattern showing the inverse
relationship between both variables.
Total protective factors were also shown to be a strong predictor for participants’ degree of
risk in Criminal History (p < .014), Companions (p < .009), and the Emotional/Personal (p < .001)
subscales. Figure 7 shows the regression line for Criminal History and Emotional/Personal risk by
total protective factors score.
An additional regression analysis was conducted to measure the strength of the length of
time to find work after release as a predictor for recidivism risk. Table 14 shows a mild variation
(10.3%) in the Emotional/Personal risk category, which can be explained by a participant’s length
of time to find work. This data shows that the length of time it takes to find work is a significant
predictor (p < .001) of participants' Emotional/Personal risk.

126
Table 13
Summary of Linear Regression Statistics for LSI-R Total Protective Factors as a Predictor of Risk
of Recidivism Among Previously Incarcerated Black Males
Variables n R2
df F B SE ß p
Criminal History
Total Protective Factors
11
0
.054 1, 109 6.181
-.082 .033 -.233 .014

Education / Employment
Total Protective Factors
11
0
.238 1, 109 33.783
-.122 .021 -.488 <.001
Financial
Total Protective Factors
11
0
.187 1, 109 24.790
-.046 .009 -.432 <.001
Family / Marital
Total Protective Factors
11
0
.584 1, 109 151.830
-.121 .010 -.764 <.001
Accommodation / Stability
Total Protective Factors
11
0
.184 1, 109 24.354
-.057 .011 -.429 <.001
Leisure / Recreation
Total Protective Factors
11
0
.332 1, 109 53.694
-.044 .006 -.576 <.001
Companions
Total Protective Factors
11
0
.062 1, 109 17.593
-.059 .022 -.249 .009
Emotional / Personal
Total Protective Factors
11
0
.120 1, 109 14.659
-.082 .021 -.346 <.001
Attitude / Orientation
Total Protective Factors
11
0
.269 1, 109 39.751
-.095 .015 -.519 <.001
Risk of Recidivism
Total Protective Factors
11
0
.407 1, 109 74.154
-.575 .067 -.638 <.001

127
Figure 6
Scatter Plot for LSI-R Total Protective Factors as a Predictor for Risk of Recidivism
Figure 7
P-Plot of Regression Standardized Residual for LSI-R Criminal History and Emotional/Personal
Subscales Risk of Recidivism by Total Protective Factors Score

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Table 14
Summary of Linear Regression Statistics for The Length of Time to Find Work as a Predictor of
Categorical Risk of Recidivism Among Previously Incarcerated Black Males
Variables n R2
df F B SE ß
p
Education / Employment Risk Category
Length of time to find work 110 .072 1, 109 8.349 .273 .094 .268 .05
Financial Risk Category
Length of time to find work 110 .037 1, 109 4.161 .402 .197 .193 .044
Companion Risk Category
Length of time to find work 110 .069 1, 109 8.060 .520 .183 .264 .005
Emotional / Personal Risk Category
Length of time to find work 110 .103 1, 109 12.441 .663 .188 .321 <.001
Recidivism Risk Category
Length of time to find work 110 .086 1, 109 10.194 .435 .136 .294 .002
ANOVA
The between-subjects analysis of variance (ANOVA) for total protective factors on the ISIR revealed a significant main effect for recidivism risk category placement, F(1, 109) = 17.763, p =
<.001. Participants that scored in the low risk and low to moderate risk categories (n = 52, 47.2%)
for recidivism had higher total protective factor scores than all other risk categories. Table 15
includes these findings.
Additional ANOVA identified the total protective factor score as a significant main effect
for the Companions subscale risk categories F(1, 109) = 3.905, p = .011. Participants that scored
high to high/moderate risk (n = 67, 39.0%) for recidivism in the Companions subscale, had lower
total protective factors than all other groups. Table 16 includes the means for total protective factor
scores by the Companions subscale risk category.
Further analysis of participants’ total protective factor score revealed a significant main
effect for the Emotional/Personal subscale risk categories F(1, 109) = 3.683, p = .008. Participants
that scored high to high/moderate risk (n = 51, 46.3%) for recidivism in the Emotional/Personal

129
subscale, had lower total protective factors than all other groups. See Table 17 for the mean scores
for total protective factors by the Emotional/Personal subscale risk category.
The between-subjects analysis of variance (ANOVA) for total ISI-R recidivism score
revealed a significant main effect for the length of time to find work post incarceration F(1, 109) =
5.338, p = .002. Participants that took more than one year to find a job (n = 43, 39.0%) had higher
recidivism scores than those that took less than one year. Table 18 outlines these findings.
Table 15
LSI-R Means for Total Protective Factors Score by Total Recidivism Risk Category (N = 110)
Recidivism risk category M SD n
High 16.00 11.15 6
High/Mod 14.71 2.75 14
Moderate 18.21 5.22 38
Low/Mod 23.55 5.40 38
Low 28.57 4.03 14
Table 16
LSI-R Means for Total Protective Factor Score by the Companions Subscale Risk Category (N =
110)
Companions risk category M SD n
Low 21.59 8.40 17
Moderate 24.26 5.83 27
High/Mod 19.36 6.04 25
High 19.10 6.46 41

130
Table 17
LSI-R Means for Total Protective Factor Score by the Emotional / Personal Subscale Risk Category
(N = 110)
Emotional / personal risk category M SD n
Low 24.33 6.83 21
Low/Mod 23.08 4.99 12
Moderate 21.38 6.38 26
High/Mod 19.36 6.37 22
High 17.90 6.97 29
Table 18
LSI-R Means for Recidivism Risk Score by the Length of Time to Find Work (N = 110)
Length of time to find work M SD n
< 1 Year 18.12 6.90 67
1-3 Years 23.69 7.76 36
3-5 Years 22.50 5.32 4
> 5 Years 25.00 6.24 3

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Thematic Analysis
Research Question 1
Research Question 1 was, What are the lived experiences of Black men seeking employment
who were previously incarcerated? As outlined in Table 19, a diverse array of themes emerged in
interviews with eight individuals, shedding light on their struggles, resilience, and aspirations in
navigating the complexities of securing employment. These conversations encapsulate seven
overarching themes: entrepreneurism, resilience, learning, negative emotions, negative experiences,
positive emotions, and positive experiences. Each participation expressed where some or all of these
themes were a part of the experiences they faced as they navigated the effects of being a Black man
with a PHI.
Entrepreneurship
Some participants (P) expressed an interest in being an entrepreneur. Their interests in
entrepreneurship stem from the fact that they needed help finding work in a timely fashion or
finding work that was sufficient pay. They embarked on the journey of small business ownership
driven by a desire for success and fulfillment in ways they could not find by having someone as
their employer. One participant operated a paint and construction business. A few individuals honed
essential skills necessary for entrepreneurship. This includes administrative skills like accounting.
Many yearned for autonomy and the freedom to chart their course. Several launched their own
company, determined to avoid rejection, and cultivate a sense of personal achievement. Becoming
their boss was a professional aspiration and a means to attain job satisfaction and the independence
to pursue their entrepreneurial vision.
Several comments were made during the interviews that further exemplify how these
individuals faced obstacles. P2 was able to start a business that allowed him to employ other

132
individuals who were previously incarcerated. Entrepreneurship has been one of the ways that many
of these individuals have been able to navigate the employment barriers they previously faced
(Francis, 2018; The White House, 2022; Williams, 2019). P2 commented, “I give back by
employing them in the businesses I was able to start after being released." This highlights how
entrepreneurship became a solution for not only personal employment but also for providing
opportunities to others in similar situations. P8 was also able to start a business, as one of the ways
he learned to navigate the employment landscape was from the misfortune of being denied jobs. He
stated, "After being released from prison, I interviewed 42 times before obtaining a job."
Resilience
The eight interview participants exhibited remarkable resilience in their pursuit of
employment post-incarceration. Despite facing challenges like pride, they refused to settle for less
and demonstrated tenacity, creativity, and grit. For example, one participant noted, 'They built
networks of resources, practiced interview skills, and diligently worked to relearn social skills, often
starting from scratch.'
Learning
The participants spoke of ways they had to adapt to the environment by learning how to
navigate post-prison life. Some were determined to learn this prior to being released from prison. P6
said that he started looking for opportunities inside the prison to prepare him for “the outside”. He
said he knew he would have to have better discipline in having a schedule so he started modeling
that behavior and understanding more about what it looks like. P8 said that he learned how to accept
rejection, but while learning that painful lesson, he also had an opportunity to understand more
about the field he was in so he could begin looking at ways to go into business for himself.

133
Negative Emotions
The interviews revealed a spectrum of negative emotions that colored their experiences.
They grappled with feelings of agitation, brokenness, and discouragement, unwilling to resort to
begging yet navigating a landscape fraught with disheartening setbacks. For example, P2 noted that
the relentless nature of their pursuit left them exhausted, fearful of judgment, and under immense
pressure to prove themselves despite feeling isolated and lacking empathy from others.
Frustrated by the lack of grace and overwhelming obstacles, they battled guilt, hopelessness,
and a sense of inadequacy, often plagued by regret and rejection. Amidst sadness, fear, and shame,
they confronted the stark reality of overwhelming stress, struggling to find motivation and maintain
their resolve in the face of formidable odds.
Negative Experiences
P1 shared some frustrations about the PHI landscape, saying that "There are a lot of scars
and emotional baggage from going to jail so many times." This statement encapsulates the profound
psychological impact of the lived experiences and ongoing struggles with emotional trauma. Many
participants indicated that they had to take any job that was offered to them, whether it fits their
schedule or pay scale, as their parole agent often pressures them to obtain a job irrespective of the
type of job they are interested in and may even have the skills for, but it takes them longer to obtain.
P1 found himself in this dilemma several times. P8 recalls taking a job outside his allowable travel
area so that he would not be violated for not having a job.
The interviews also shed light on the myriad challenges in their job search journeys.
Background checks proved detrimental, often resulting in missed opportunities and dashed hopes,
while the denial of a real estate license due to criminal records underscored systemic barriers to
reintegration. Confronted with the exhausting task of repeatedly explaining their past, they grappled

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with feelings of isolation and the weight of discrimination, compounded by language barriers and
cultural differences. Amidst empty promises from employers and a landscape rife with uphill
battles, they endured years of fruitless job searches, countless rejections, and a lack of
understanding and support. Forced to lower their expectations and settle for less, they navigated a
long and arduous process, facing mental strain and financial instability without the safety net of
retirement benefits or essential real-world skills. Faced with a pervasive sense of rejection and
alienation, they struggled to find their place in society, grappling with the harsh realities of
assimilation and the relentless pursuit of employment amidst overwhelming odds.
Positive Emotions
The narratives of the eight Black men seeking employment post-incarceration also
encompassed a range of positive emotions, reflecting their resilience and determination in the face
of adversity. They spoke of feeling determined and driven by a relentless pursuit of their goals and
aspirations. Despite their challenges, they experienced moments of profound accomplishment,
acknowledging their progress and successes. They felt fortunate for the opportunities afforded to
them, grateful for the support and resources that aided them in their journey toward rehabilitation
and reintegration into society. Amidst the trials and tribulations, these individuals found moments of
gratitude, recognizing the blessings in their lives and the potential for a brighter future ahead.
P5 shared, 'I am grateful that I can now use the misfortunes of my past to help others
understand pitfalls and ways to stay out of a life of crime.' Similarly, P3 stated, 'Thank you for
being a part of this cause, to help give a voice to the often voiceless.' These reflections underscore
the potential for positive impact and the importance of advocacy and support. P7 shared insight into
how he and his associates looked for ways to encourage each other, "We tried to encourage each

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other to refrain from criminality, but unfortunately, we lost touch with a couple of people, and one
of the men, who was revered and regarded as a leader, was tragically killed after being released."
Positive Experiences
The positive experiences the eight Black men shared in their quest for employment postincarceration illuminated moments of resilience, support, and personal growth. Engaging in
ministry with their church provided a sense of community and purpose, while acts of kindness, such
as a brother buying a car, symbolized the power of familial support. P6 shared “God is the reason I
was able to get out of my circumstances that were consuming my life. I now have a legal job and
was able to obtain my real estate license, which in many states is difficult for ex-felons to do.” This
narrative illustrates how faith and determination can lead to successful reentry and achievement.
Participation in CTE classes bolstered confidence and equipped them with valuable skills,
facilitating successful job placements upon release. Opportunities such as securing employment
before release and residing in a halfway house offered crucial steppingstones toward reintegration
into society. Additionally, mentors and support systems played pivotal roles, offering guidance,
advocacy, and practical assistance in navigating the complexities of the job market. Through faith,
perseverance, and the generosity of others, they seized opportunities for personal and professional
development, from learning trade skills to honing interview techniques. Engaging in educational
programs, seeking guidance from role models, and leveraging external resources, such as job
placement companies, underscored their initiative-taking approach to securing meaningful
employment and forging pathways to a brighter future.

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Table 19
Research Question 1 Themes
Theme development Final themes
Started own business Entrepreneur
Wanted freedom and autonomy
Wanted job fulfillment
Had to build a network of resources Resilience
Had to have grit, resilience, tenacity, and
perseverance.
Wanted a reliable job with job security
Wanted to find inspiring work.
Positive mindset Had to learn
People and relationship skills
Investing and the stock market
Leadership skills
Evaluate taking strategies
Solution thinking
Agitated, discouraged, fearful, frustrating Negative emotions
Guilt, shame, hopeless
Overwhelmed, regretful, sad, scared
Background checks Negative experiences
Employment discrimination
Language barrier (English to Spanish)
Lowering of expectations
Felt ignored
Had to settle for less
Struggled to fit in
Determined, thankful, fortunate Positive emotions
Accomplished, blessed
Had a support system Positive experiences
Job placement before release
Halfway House
Mentorship
Learned a trade skill

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Research Question 2
Research Question 2 was what challenges do Black men face in obtaining employment postincarceration? Additional insights surfaced in subsequent discussions, highlighting intrinsic
challenges to overcoming criminal mindsets and building confidence and extrinsic hurdles such as
systemic discrimination and limited access to resources. These interviews show intrinsic and
extrinsic systemic barriers as well as structural inequalities that exacerbate the already daunting task
of reintegration into the workforce for Black men with a PHI. Table 20 includes a diverse array of
themes that emerged throughout this research question, shedding light on the many extrinsic
challenges set up by systemic barriers that further perpetuate intrinsic trials.
Extrinsic Challenges – Systemic Barriers
The interviews highlighted numerous external obstacles hindering their reintegration into
society. These extrinsic challenges included being compelled to accept low-paying jobs due to
limited opportunities and facing denials for employment, travel, and housing due to their criminal
records. They lamented the need for more effective partnerships between potential employers and
prisons, exacerbating the difficulty of securing gainful employment. Participants often critiqued the
criminal justice system. For example, P6 shared, 'I am unsure why we call it the criminal justice
system because I do not believe that it is justice for all.' This critical perspective reflects broader
concerns about systemic inequities and the need for reform.
Furthermore, participants underscored the need for more programs to prevent recidivism and
expressed frustration over employer background checks, which often revealed expunged records
and contributed to further rejections. The gap in their work history resulting from incarceration
posed yet another barrier, compounded by a lack of essential resources such as housing,
transportation, and financial support. Additionally, they grappled with a technology disadvantage,

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further marginalizing their access to employment opportunities in an increasingly digital world.
These extrinsic challenges shed light on the systemic barriers and societal inequalities that impede
the successful reintegration of formerly incarcerated individuals into the workforce and broader
community.
Intrinsic Challenges
Many of the participants grappled with chronic rejection in their pursuit of employment,
which compounded the psychological impact of their time in prison. Overcoming deeply ingrained
outlaw and criminal mindsets and harmful defense mechanisms proved significant challenges.
Additionally, they faced struggles with confidence and battled against a victim mentality. Despite
these adversities, their narratives reflected a journey of resilience and personal growth as they
worked towards overcoming these obstacles and forging a path toward rehabilitation and
reintegration into society.
Table 20
Research Question 2 Themes
Theme development Final themes
Being forced to settle for low-paying jobs Extrinsic challenge –
Systemic barrier
Denied jobs, denied travel, and denied housing.
Lack of partnership between potential employers and the prison
population
Not enough programs to help prevent recidivism
Employer background checks
Expunged records showing up on employer background checks
Gap in work history due to incarceration
Technology disadvantage (learning gap)
Chronic rejection Intrinsic challenge
Overcoming an outlaw, criminal mindset
The psychological impact of being in prison
Overcoming harmful defense mechanisms
Lack of confidence
Overcoming adversity
Overcoming a victim mentality

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Research Question 3
Research Question 3 was, What can be improved for Black men seeking employment postincarceration? This research question highlights the myriad areas in which improvements are
needed for Black men seeking employment post-incarceration. The interviews surfaced four
additional themes to add to the previous nine in research questions one and two: resources, policy
changes, preparation, and program development. Recommendations for improvement were also
articulated, ranging from policy reforms to enhance equity in hiring practices to developing
comprehensive support programs addressing critical areas such as preparation, resource access, and
skill development. Table 21 depicts the four themes that emerged throughout this inquiry.
Resources
A prevalent theme emerged regarding the necessity for enhanced resources. Participants
emphasized the critical need for increased access to educational materials, advocating for initiatives
such as expanding library resources within correctional facilities. Additionally, they highlighted the
importance of facilitating direct connections between inmates and potential employers through job
fairs held within prisons and allowing employers to visit prisons for recruitment purposes.
Recognizing the significance of trauma-informed practices, they stressed the need for awareness
and implementation of such approaches within rehabilitation programs. Furthermore, they
emphasized the importance of computer literacy classes to bridge the technology gap and provide
essential skills for modern employment. Culturally relevant resources, including job interview
clothing and self-help groups tailored to the unique needs of Black men, were also deemed crucial.
Moreover, they underscored the necessity for comprehensive support systems encompassing
housing and medical care resources, as well as mentorship and peer support programs to guide
individuals through reintegration into society. By addressing these resource gaps, significant strides

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can be made in enhancing opportunities and support for Black men seeking employment postincarceration, ultimately fostering successful reintegration, and reducing recidivism rates.
Policy Changes
A prominent theme centered on the necessity for policy changes to address systemic
barriers. Participants advocated for eliminating job application inquiries into criminal history, citing
the detrimental impact of such inquiries on employment prospects for individuals with criminal
records. Furthermore, they emphasized the importance of ensuring that expunged records are
entirely erased from background checks, enabling formerly incarcerated individuals to compete
fairly in the job market. These policy changes were viewed as essential steps towards promoting
equity and opportunity for Black men seeking employment post-incarceration, facilitating their
successful reintegration into society, and reducing barriers to economic stability and social mobility.
Preparation
The theme of preparation emerged as a critical aspect of successful reintegration. They
emphasized the importance of adopting a longevity mindset, recognizing the need for sustained
effort and dedication in navigating the challenges of employment post-incarceration. Additionally,
they highlighted the necessity for a structured transition period to help individuals acclimate to the
demands of the workforce after release. Furthermore, they emphasized the importance of learning
essential skills such as work ethic and overseeing constructive criticism, equipping individuals with
the tools to thrive in their professional endeavors and sustain long-term success. These insights
underscored the significance of comprehensive preparation programs tailored to the unique needs of
formerly incarcerated individuals, ensuring their readiness for employment opportunities.

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Program Development
The theme of program development emerged as a crucial area for intervention. The
participants emphasized the importance of implementing comprehensive initiatives to equip
individuals with the necessary skills and support systems to facilitate successful reintegration into
society. This included advocating for programs focused on financial literacy to promote economic
empowerment and stability. Additionally, they stressed the need for classes designed to prepare
inmates for the workforce, including embedded courses in areas such as career technical education,
business, and computer literacy within the prison system. Moreover, they highlighted the
importance of cognitive behavior therapy in addressing underlying issues before release and
fostering positive behavioral changes.
Furthermore, they called for leadership training, life coaching, and support groups to assist
with transitions and provide guidance and mentorship. Small business and entrepreneur classes were
also essential to empower individuals to pursue entrepreneurial opportunities. Additionally, they
emphasized the importance of courses focusing on resume writing, job interview skills, workplace
behavior, and social skill development to enhance employability and promote successful integration
into the workforce. These insights underscore the need for comprehensive program development
initiatives tailored to the unique needs of formerly incarcerated individuals, addressing various
aspects of their personal and professional development to facilitate successful reentry into society.

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Table 21
Research Question 3 Themes
Theme development Final themes
Increased access to books Resources
Have job fairs in prisons
Allow potential employers to come into prisons
Awareness of trauma-informed practices
Computer literacy classes
Culturally relevant resources
Resources for job interview clothing
Housing and medical care resources
Self-help counseling groups, mentorship opportunities
Eliminate job application inquiry into criminal history Policy changes
Expunged records erased from background checks
Longevity mindset Preparation
Need for a transition period
Need to learn work ethic and how to manage constructive criticism
Financial literacy Program development
Classes offered to help prepare inmates for the workforce
Cognitive behavior therapy offered before release
Embed CTE, business, and computer courses into the prison system
Leadership training
Life coaches to assist with transitions
Support counseling groups for men before release
Small business – entrepreneur classes
Resume writing, job interview skills, and workplace behavior classes
Social skills development classes
Summary
By delving into the multifaceted experiences and perspectives of Black men seeking
employment post-incarceration, this chapter helps to illuminate the complexities of their journey,
identify areas for intervention and policy reform, and advocate for meaningful change to promote
equitable opportunities and social inclusion. The robust quantitative findings help to enhance the
collection of qualitative data. The lived experiences of Black men seeking employment post-

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incarceration reveal great challenges and systemic barriers that hinder their successful reintegration
into the workforce. Both the quantitative and qualitative findings presented in this chapter
emphasize the significant disparities faced by Black men with a PHI, who encounter formidable
obstacles. After evaluating all the subscale scores within the LSI-R, it is notable that more than half
of the participants are likely to recidivate if changes are not made to support them and the
experiences, they face post-incarceration. Not only do the interviews elucidate intrinsic and
extrinsic systemic barriers and structural inequalities that compound participants’ challenges, but
the inferential statistical data highlights important predictors and impactful factors to be considered
for such systemic improvements.

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CHAPTER FIVE: RECOMMENDATIONS
Introduction
For this research, I focused on the employment barriers faced by previously incarcerated
Black men upon reentry into society. Consistent with existing literature, there are systemic barriers,
racial discrimination, and the stigma of incarceration, which significantly impact Black men with a
PHI and their employment opportunities. However, our study also uncovered a nuanced layer of
personal and community support systems that play a crucial role in their job search process, a theme
explored in current research. This finding suggests a potential area for further investigation and
intervention development. This section discusses the findings and five recommendations to improve
the employment process for Black men with a PHI.
The hurdles are significant, from inadequate support programs to insufficient partnerships
between potential employers and correctional facilities. The prevalence of employer background
checks that reveal expunged records and the technology gap further hinder their prospects.
Addressing these issues requires a comprehensive approach that includes expanding access to
education and training programs, advocating for fair hiring practices, and fostering collaborations
between the criminal justice system and employers. By addressing these systemic deficiencies and
promoting equitable opportunities, meaningful strides can be made toward facilitating successful
reintegration into the workforce for Black men post-incarceration
Summary of Findings
The findings indicate that there is a gap in the research, as the need to prepare and develop
Black men pre- and post-incarceration has been given little attention. Few studies focused on this
phenomenon. Additionally, while there is some research on the challenges Black men with a PHI
have, slight improvements were made in this area. The summary of the findings explores a layered

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approach to the issues. I consider prominent organizations, such as the reentry programs, jails, and
prisons, and hiring organizations, as a vital part of the conversation if change is expected and will
be realized. Without sweeping changes in these areas, obtaining the educational programs and job
opportunities needed for Black men with a PHI to thrive will remain challenging.
These findings align with the literature because the research consistently shows that Black
men with a PHI continue to be incarcerated at the highest levels of any group and have difficulty
finding employment (Petit & Western, 2004; Royer et al., 2021). These findings also aligned with
the conceptual framework and the multilayered and multifactored ways that lived experiences are a
part of current and future identities. These Black men shared many aspects of their lives and their
environment, including how each layer within the systemic challenges affected their lives long-term
and their ability to navigate systems against them (Alexander, 2020; Travis, 2005).
These findings address the practice problem because they help bring more awareness to the
challenges of Black men with a PHI. These findings add to the body of research that will hopefully
continue to be analyzed and investigated to encourage and promote change so that stakeholders can
identify ways to change the narrative of Black men being held back and the effects it has on their
families. These changes will help stakeholders identify alternatives and more avenues to support
people who may not have these opportunities if they lack advocates to increase awareness and
improve policies.
Conclusions
The conclusions are presented in this section. The research questions were answered and the
hypotheses were evaluated in this research study. Eight courageous men discussed their lived
experiences as Black men with a PHI. This aligned closely with the 110 respondents who shared
information about their past experiences related to their education, family dynamics, relationships,

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authoritative figures, and employment opportunities. Understanding the challenges and successes
will be an essential part of the conversation.
There were nine directional hypotheses related to the LSI-R subscales. Nine of the 10
subscales were utilized, and these scales showed an unsatisfactory score of moderate to high in all
analyzed subscales. This included Criminal History, Family/Marital, Emotional/Personal,
Education/Employment, Financial, Companions, Attitudes/Orientation and Stability. The only
subscale that did not have an unsatisfactory score was Leisure/Recreation. One of the observations
in this scale is that there are two questions in this section of the survey instrument, which did not
allow for much variability in the responses
Discussion
This section includes recommendations for practice.
Recommendation 1: Reevaluate Federal & State Sentencing Laws
The research shows that there is a disproportionate number of Black men who are arrested
and incarcerated in the United States (Alexander, 2020; Pager, 2003, 2007; Pettit & Western, 2004;
The Sentencing Project, 2021). This disparity has persisted for decades (Pager, 2003; The
Sentencing Project, 2021). Many drug-related laws were recently changed (Western et al., 2015).
Although some participants were released from incarceration due to the changes in the law and the
sentencing adjustments, the crimes were not removed from their records. The charges may have
also been expunged, yet they still appear when they apply for jobs, attempt to travel outside the
country, or get fingerprinted. This recommendation is directed at the judicial system.
The United States Sentencing Commission directs the laws, processes, and policies federal
courts follow regarding the sentence of people committing crimes. Each of 50 states manages

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sentencing for crimes that fall under state law and United States territories manage some of their
judicial structures. These processes should be monitored and reevaluated.
The state with the highest incarceration rate per capita is Wisconsin (Nellis, 2021). Of the 50
states, Wisconsin, Oklahoma, Idaho, and Montana have the highest rates of incarceration among
Black people (Nellis, 2022). These states were not immensely popular amongst Black people, so
more research is needed to understand why Black people are incarcerated at higher rates. The
Sentencing Project shows that Black people are incarcerated in 40 of the 50 states with an average
of 1,240 per 100,000 people. No other states have that rate of incarceration for any other
demographic.
There are deep-seated disparities in the criminal justice system and the enduring impact of
criminal records, so pushing for policy reform in sentencing, rehabilitation, and societal
reintegration is necessary. Advocating for transparent sentencing practices and removing barriers to
reentry are crucial. It is vital to probe why states with smaller Black populations see high
incarceration rates among Black individuals, indicating a need for targeted reforms. This
comprehensive approach aims to rectify racial disparities in the criminal justice system, advocating
for systemic change. Utilizing holistic systems and programs like BEST would aid in understanding
more about the individual's circumstances and how they became a part of the criminal justice
system in these states. Additionally, their intersectionality may play a role in the arrest and
incarceration rates, as they are Black, primarily male, and live in states that are predominately
White. Additionally, studying prison systems in other countries may be beneficial for determining
why their incarceration rates are much lower and the systems they use to rehabilitate those with a
criminal background (Byrne et al., 2015).

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Recommendation 2: Reevaluate Racial Demographics of the Prison System
The research helped us understand the criminal justice system and its design. Two of the
study participants commented on the word justice and alluded to the fact that there is no true justice
in the system. One participant said that justice in the criminal justice system means just us,
indicating that is only relevant to Black people. This recommendation is directed at jails and prisons
that receive guidance and direction from the judicial system.
As previously stated, Black men are five times more likely to be incarcerated than White
men (Nellis, 2021). The disparity where Black men are significantly more likely to be incarcerated
than White men stems from systemic inequalities and biases within law enforcement practices and
judicial processes (Pager, 2003). These include racial profiling, disparities in sentencing, and
socioeconomic factors that disproportionately affect Black communities (Western & Pettit, 2010).
Legislative and enforcement practices historically targeted these communities at higher rates for
drug-related offenses and minor infractions, leading to increased encounters with the criminal
justice system (Alexander, 2020). Addressing these systemic issues requires comprehensive reform
across all levels of the criminal justice system (Travis et al., 2014).
Like looking at the sentencing structures, more research is needed to address racial
disparities in prisons and jails, which involves comprehensive reforms, including the reduction of
mandatory minimums for non-violent offenses, implementation of bias training for law enforcement
and judiciary members, and promotion of rehabilitation over incarceration. Enhancing access to
quality legal representation for marginalized communities and increasing transparency and
accountability in policing and sentencing practices are also crucial. Additionally, investing in
community programs that address socioeconomic factors contributing to higher rates of
incarceration can prevent crime and reduce reoffending.

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Recommendation 3: Restructure Reentry Programs
Structure and reforming reentry programs can help those with a PHI. More information
about how these programs work is needed. Many of the individuals that I interviewed stated that the
best support systems were the ones they created. Those support systems ranged from maintaining
good and healthy relationships with people they met in prison to staying connected with friends and
family and a spiritual connection such as a church body. The participants said their parole or
probation officer placed high demands on them with little support or direction on how to obtain
documentation, information, and paperwork to obtain an identification card and pay off debt
incurred before incarceration. This recommendation is for government structures that provide
guidance and support to states that provide funding and programs for people who utilized reentry
services and programs.
Many reentry programs could benefit from restructuring to address the complex needs of
individuals returning from incarceration more effectively. This may involve incorporating more
personalized support services, expanding partnerships with community organizations, and
enhancing follow-up mechanisms to track long-term outcomes. Adapting to participants' changing
needs and integrating evidence-based practices are also crucial for improving the efficacy of these
programs.
Reentry programs can better support Black men by focusing on personalized support
tailored to individual needs. These programs can offer job training and placement in fields open to
hiring those with criminal records. They can also provide mental health and substance abuse
counseling, legal assistance for clearing records where possible, and mentorship programs linking
participants with community leaders. Additionally, fostering partnerships with organizations

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focused on racial equity can provide a more holistic support system, emphasizing community
reintegration and addressing systemic barriers to successful reentry.
Reentry programs can contribute to rehabilitation by providing data on participant
recidivism rates, employment and education attainment post-release, and qualitative evidence of
improved mental health and community integration. Surveys, interviews, and case studies
highlighting individual success stories can offer valuable insights into the program's impact.
Additionally, tracking long-term outcomes and maintaining continuous follow-up can substantiate
the program's effectiveness in supporting reintegration and reducing reoffending.
Recommendation 4: Provide Greater Educational Opportunities
There are approximately 1.5 million people incarcerated in state and federal prisons today.
Since 1995, few programs were offered for individuals to obtain an education beyond a GED while
incarcerated. In 2023, this ban was lifted, and the Pell Grant was reinstated, allowing incarcerated
individuals to receive grant funding (up to $7,000) for college. California enacted the new law by
instituting bachelor’s programs in nine prisons. This recommendation is for public and private
colleges and universities that can implement plans and programs to support incarcerated people
wanting to learn and meet education goals.
Based on the available research and communication with interview participants, there is
little to no opportunity for a college degree in the prison systems when in prison. Many are allowed
to obtain their GED if they do not have it. There are some vocational training programs available;
however, by and large, there are many limitations on the way inmates spend their time in prison.
Most of the time, they work the jobs assigned to them with minimal monetary gain.
To expand bachelor’s programs for incarcerated individuals, correctional facility staff can
partner with colleges and universities to offer accredited degree courses. Securing funding, such as

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through Pell Grants, is crucial for supporting these programs. Additionally, providing adequate
resources, such as access to course materials and technology, qualified instructors, and a conducive
learning environment within facilities, are essential steps. Post-release support for degree
completion and transition to higher education or employment can further enhance the effectiveness
of these programs.
Recommendation 5: Provide Jobs to Black Men with a PHI
Hiring organizations can improve opportunities for Black men post-incarceration by
adopting Ban the Box policies to delay criminal history questions until later in the hiring process,
providing bias training for HR staff, creating internship or apprenticeship programs targeted at
formerly incarcerated individuals, and partnering with reentry programs. Offering mentorship and
support within the workplace to help navigate professional environments and career development
can also make a significant difference. This recommendation is directed to hiring managers and
organizations in the hopes that they will look at their processes and protocols for providing fair,
equitable, and gainful employment to Black men with a PHI.
In addition, hiring organizations can actively engage with community organizations and job
training programs that specifically focus on supporting formerly incarcerated individuals and
fostering relationships with local reentry service providers to access a pool of qualified candidates.
They can also implement fair chance hiring practices by considering qualifications and skills rather
than solely focusing on criminal history and offering opportunities for advancement and skill
development within the organization. Providing a supportive and inclusive work environment that
values diversity and equity is crucial for ensuring the successful integration of Black men postincarceration into the workforce.

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Fortunately, some companies state that they offer employment to people with a criminal
record. However, the Black men in my study needed to gain employment in this manner.
Nonetheless, it is crucial to share this information if it may be shared with others who face the same
challenges and want to gain employment. Please note that these websites may change over time and
become outdated. Several online resources provide valuable job listings and employer directories
for individuals with criminal records. Table 22 includes a range of employers and job opportunities
accessible to individuals with criminal records. These resources are instrumental in bridging the
employment gap and should be utilized and promoted by reentry programs. While Table 22 is a
comprehensive list of the companies which have employment opportunities for PHI, this list is
subject to change and the resources are scarce in some parts of the country. Table 23 specifically
calls out the region in which participants reside, as this has a significant impact on their ability to
obtain a job and the type of jobs that are available. Table 24 is listed solely by state.
Table 22
Employment Resources for Formerly Incarcerated Individuals
Website Description URL
ReentryWorks.com Offers a comprehensive list of employers willing to hire individuals with
criminal records.
Felon Friendly
Employer List
HelpForFelons.org Provides job resources tailored to formerly incarcerated individuals,
focusing on California.
Jobs for Felons in
California
HireFelons.org This site focuses on job opportunities for felons in California and offers
a directory of companies that consider applicants with criminal records.
California Jobs for
Felons
JailtoJob.com Lists companies across various industries that hire individuals with
criminal histories and provide advice on job searching and interview
preparation.
Companies That
Hire Felons
Yahoo Finance Lists high-paying job opportunities for felons, providing insights into
potential career paths.
15 High Paying
Jobs for Felons
Note. Sources: ReentryWorks.com (n.d.), HelpForFelons.org (n.d.), HireFelons.org (n.d.), JailtoJob.com (n.d.), and
Yahoo Finance (2022).
By leveraging these resources, reentry programs can better support their clients in finding
stable employment, which is a critical factor in reducing recidivism and promoting successful

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reintegration. Integrating these online resources into reentry programs can significantly enhance the
employment prospects for Black men with criminal records. Providing access to such resources as
part of a comprehensive reentry strategy is essential for addressing these individuals' systemic
barriers, contributing to more equitable and effective reintegration outcomes. Table 25 shows the
type of employment by full-time or part-time status, as well as whether or not individuals are selfemployed. Many participants stated their reason for self-employment as the only option they could
find to be gainfully employed, as no one would hire them (Table 19). In addition to stating the
difficulty of finding employment within the area they live, in Table 26, some participants listed
disabilities, schooling and disabilities as reasons for not being employed.
Limitations and Delimitations
While the study offers valuable insights into the employment barriers faced by previously
incarcerated Black men and presents well-founded recommendations for improvement, it is
important to acknowledge certain limitations and delimitations inherent in the research. The
following section will outline these aspects in detail, providing a comprehensive understanding of
the study's scope and constraints. By addressing these limitations and delimitations, we underscore
the significance and practical relevance of the proposed recommendations, while also highlighting
areas for future research and policy development.
Limitations
In this research I focused on the experiences of previously incarcerated Black men and their
challenges in reentering the workforce. While I made efforts to gather diverse perspectives, the
study's scope may not fully capture the breadth of factors influencing employment outcomes for this
demographic. In this study I examined the employment landscape and reentry programs within
specific regions of the United States. Variations in policies, societal attitudes, and available

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resources across different states and areas may impact the generalizability of the findings. The
research focused on a specific demographic group and the findings may reflect something other
than the benefits experienced by diverse groups.
Delimitations
In alignment with the study's objectives, I provided actionable recommendations to address
systemic barriers and enhance employment opportunities for Black men with a PHI. These
recommendations may serve as focal points for future interventions and policy initiatives. While
acknowledging the intersectionality of race, gender, and socioeconomic factors, I examined the
experiences of Black men with a PHI. The recommendations are relevant to this demographic
group's specific challenges within the broader context of reentry into society. The recommendations
are framed within existing policy and programmatic landscape, focusing on advocating for systemic
reforms in sentencing laws, racial demographics within the prison system, reentry programs,
educational opportunities, and employment practices. The effectiveness of these recommendations
may vary based on the implementation strategies and contextual factors unique to each setting.
Suggestions for Future Research
Continual research and focus on this topic are necessary to bring about change in hiring
organizations, reentry programs, and prison systems. Future research should include a review of
prison systems and how to change the processes, behaviors, and systems in the United States to
prepare individuals for reintegration into society so that they do not reoffend. This may require a
combination of changes within the prison system but also in the way that Black men are treated,
viewed, and regarded, causing challenges with law enforcement, being arrested, and subsequently
being incarcerated.

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Additional research should be done on the analysis, rehabilitation, and interaction with
Black men to prepare them for an environment where they can change their lives and not be
interested in the criminal activity, they previously engaged in. This recommendation is multifaceted
and will require the work of everyone in the offender’s circle of influence. This would be a novel
approach because the United States has not made significant enough strides to decrease the
incarceration of Black men, who are the largest proportion of incarcerated individuals.
Conclusion
In closing, this study was necessary to contribute to the limited research on the topic of
employment barriers for Black men with a PHI. Over the past 10 years, little attention has been
given to opportunities for Black men with a PHI. This topic remains relevant due to the growing
population and high incarceration rates among Black men. Additionally, it is crucial for changing
the narrative on dealing with the issue of crime, recidivism, and the stigma that suggests Black men
are naturally inclined to criminal behavior. By focusing on solutions rather than perpetuating
negative stereotypes in media and social settings, we can alter the trajectory of Black men’s lives.
This shift can have a genuine and profound effect on their quality of life, self-confidence, and the
important roles they play within the Black community and their families as leaders and contributors
to society (Collins, 2015). I hope this research compels others to act and ask why these challenges
persist. While the study offers valuable insights and recommendations to address the employment
barriers faced by Black men with a PHI, it is essential to recognize the inherent limitations and
delimitations. Future research should explore these issues from diverse perspectives, incorporate
longitudinal analyses, and evaluate the impact of proposed interventions to foster equitable
opportunities for all individuals reentering society following incarceration.

156
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Appendix A
THE LEVEL OF SERVICE INVENTORY-REVISED
By D. A. Andrews, Ph.D., and James L. Bonta, Ph.D.
Name: Identifying Number:
Date of Birth: / / Sex: M F Date: / /
Referral Source: Reason for Referral:
Disposition: Present Offenses:
The LSI-R is a quantitative survey of attributes of offenders and their situation
relevant to the decision regarding level of service. The LSI-R is composed of 54
items. Items are either in a "yes-no" format or in an "o-3" rating format based on
the following scale:
3: A satisfactory situation with no need for improvement
2: A relatively satisfactory situation, with some room for improvement
evident 1: A relatively unsatisfactory situation with a need for
improvement
0: A very unsatisfactory situation with an evident and vital need for
improvement. Place an "X" over the appropriate response for each question, whether it
be a simple "yes" or "no" or a rating number. The answers will transfer through to the
scoring sheet beneath for quick tallying of the LSI-R score. Be sure to see the manual
for guidelines on rating and scoring. For missing information, circle the question
number.
Criminal History
N
o
Ye
s
1. Any prior adult convictions? Number:
N
o
Ye
s
2. Two or more prior adult convictions?
N
o
Ye
s
3. Three or more prior adult convictions?
N
o
Ye
s
4. Three or more present offenses? Number:
N
o
Ye
s
5. Arrested under age 16?

170
N
o
Ye
s
6. Ever been incarcerated upon conviction?
N
o
Ye
s
7. Escape history from a correctional facility
N
o
Ye
s
8. Ever punished for institutional misconduct? Number:
N
o
Ye
s
9. Charge laid or probation/parole suspended during prior community
Supervision
N
o
Ye
s
10. Official record of assault/violence?
Education/Employment
When in labor market:
N
o
Ye
s
11. Currently unemployed?
N
o
Ye
s
12. Frequently unemployed?
N
o
Ye
s
13. Never employed for an entire year?
N
o
Ye
s
14. Ever fired?
School or When in school:
N
o
Ye
s
15. Less than regular grade 10?
N
o
Ye
s
16. Less than regular grade 12?
N
o
Ye
s
17. Suspended or expelled at least once?
For the following three questions, if the offender is a homemaker or pensioner, complete #
18 only. If the offender is in school, working, or unemployed, complete #18, #19 and #20. If
the offender is unemployed, rate 0.

171
3 2 1 0 18. Participation/performance
3 2 1 0 19. Peer interaction
3 2 1 0 20. Authority interaction
Financial
3 2 1 0 21. Problems
No Yes 22. Reliance upon social assistance
Family/Marital
3 2 1 0 23. Dissatisfaction with marital or equivalent situation
3 2 1 0 24. Non-rewarding, parental
3 2 1 0 25. Non-rewarding, other relatives
No Yes 26. Criminal-Family/Spouse
Accommodation
3 2 1 0 27. Unsatisfactory
No Yes 28. 3 or more address changes last year
No Yes 29. High crime neighborhood
Leisure/Recreation
No Yes 30. Absence of recent participation in an organized activity
3 2 1 0 31. Could make better use of time
Companions
N
o
Ye
s
32. A social isolate

172
N
o
Ye
s
33. Some criminal acquaintances
N
o
Ye
s
34. Some criminal friends
N
o
Ye
s
35. Few anti-criminal acquaintances
N
o
Ye
s
36. Few anti-criminal friends
Alcohol/Drug Problem
N
o
Ye
s
37. Alcohol problem, ever
N
o
Ye
s
38. Drug problem, ever
3 2 1
0
39. Alcohol problem, currently
3 2 1
0
40. Drug problem, currently Specify type of drug
N
o
Ye
s
41. Law violation
N
o
Ye
s
42. Marital/Family
N
o
Ye
s
43. School/Work
N
o
Ye
s
44. Medical
N
o
Ye
s
45. Other indicators Specify
Emotional/Personal
N
o
Ye
s
46. Moderate interference

173
N
o
Ye
s
47. Severe interference, active
psychosis
N
o
Ye
s
48. Mental health treatment, past
N
o
Ye
s
49. Mental health treatment, present
N
o
Ye
s
50. Psychological assessment indicated Area:
Attitudes/Orientation
3 2 1 0 51. Supportive of crime
3 2 1 0 52. Unfavorable toward convention
No
Ye
s
53. Poor, toward sentence
No
Ye
s
54. Poor, toward supervision

174
Appendix B
Interview Questions – Qualitative Interviews
1. Please tell me your name and how long you have been searching for employment?
2. Please describe your experiences searching for a job after returning from prison?
3. What are some of the successes you have experienced in securing employment?
4. What are some of the challenges you have experienced in securing employment?
5. How has incarceration affected your job search?
6. What type of interaction did you have with potential employers?
7. Have you faced employment discrimination due to your criminal background? If so, could you
share any specific examples?
8. What support systems or resources have helped overcome the employment challenges? Services
like obtaining identification, reading classes, GED programs, and mental health support.
9. Please describe any strategies or approaches you have used to address the barriers you
encountered during your job search.
10. what changes or initiatives could be implemented to improve the job prospects for formerly
incarcerated Black men?
11. Have you participated in any programs that help previously incarcerated people find
employment? If so, how have these programs supported you?
12. How does having employment after incarceration feel?
13. Is there anything I missed that you would like to share?

175
Appendix C
1. Do you identify as Black?
2. Do you identify as male?
3. Are you 18 years or older?
4. Were you previously incarcerated?

176
Appendix D
1. Did you find employment post-incarceration?
2. Are you still looking for employment after release from prison?
3. Would you be interested in participating in a 1-hour Zoom interview after completing the
survey?

177
Appendix E
Dear [Participant's Name],
I hope this email finds you well. I wanted to take a moment to express my sincere gratitude
for your participation in our research study focusing on Black individuals with a prior history of
incarceration (PHI) who are seeking employment. Your willingness to share your experiences and
insights is immensely valuable to our research efforts.
Your responses to the survey have contributed significantly to our understanding of the
challenges and opportunities faced by individuals in similar circumstances. Your perspective is
crucial in shedding light on the complexities of the employment-seeking journey for individuals
with prior incarceration experience.
As we continue to analyze the data and work toward our research objectives, please rest
assured that your confidentiality and privacy remain our top priorities. All information shared
during the interview was managed with the utmost care and used exclusively for research.
Your input will inform our research findings and contribute to a broader understanding of
the issues surrounding reentry, employment, and social justice. Ultimately, we aim to advocate for
more inclusive and equitable opportunities for individuals in your situation.
Once again, thank you for your time, honesty, and willingness to participate. Your
contribution makes a difference in advancing knowledge in this critical area, and we are truly
grateful for your support. Should you have any questions or wish to receive updates on the progress
of our research, please do not hesitate to reach out to me at [My Contact Information].
Thank you for being an integral part of our study. We look forward to continuing this vital
research journey together.
Warm regards,
[My Name]
[Title]
[Contact Information]

178
Appendix F
Subject: Invitation to Participate in Important Research on Employment-Seeking Experiences
Dear [Recipient's Name],
I hope this message finds you well. We are contacting you with a unique and vital opportunity to
contribute to a research study that focuses on the employment-seeking experiences of individuals
with a prior history of incarceration (PHI), specifically within the Black community.
As part of our commitment to understanding and addressing the challenges Black men face with
PHI in their pursuit of employment and reintegration into society, we are conducting a
comprehensive research study. The insights and experiences shared by individuals like you are
invaluable in shedding light on these critical issues and advocating for positive change.
We invite you to participate in this study if you meet the following criteria:
● You are a Black male with a prior history of incarceration (PHI).
● You desire to share your experiences and insights regarding the employment-seeking
process post-incarceration.
Your participation will involve:
● Completing a Demographic Survey: This survey will gather essential background
information about you.
● Participating in a Semi-Structured Interview: We will conduct an in-depth interview to
explore your employment-seeking experiences and challenges.
There is no cost to you for taking part in this study. Your involvement in this study is entirely
voluntary, and you have the right to withdraw at any point without any consequences. We are
committed to ensuring your privacy and confidentiality throughout the research process. All data
collected were anonymized, and your identity will remain protected.
By participating in this research, you will play a crucial role in advancing our understanding of the
barriers and opportunities faced by individuals with a PHI. Your insights will contribute to positive
changes in policies, practices, and perceptions related to employment-seeking post-incarceration.
If you are interested in participating or have any questions about the study, please respond to this
email, and we will provide you with further details, including the survey link and interview
scheduling options. Your voice matters, and your experiences are essential. We hope you will
consider joining us to create a more inclusive and equitable society for all.
Thank you for considering this invitation. We look forward to your response and the possibility of
working together to make a meaningful impact.
Warm regards,
Doris B Cohen
USC Rossier Doctoral Student
Email dbcohen@usc.edu
Phone 209.565.2511

179
Appendix G
Informed Consent Form
Title of the Study: Understanding Employment-Seeking Experiences of Black Men with a Prior
history of incarceration (PHI)
Principal Investigator: Doris B. Cohen
Study Contact Information: Email: dbcohen@usc.edu Phone: 209.565.2511
Introduction
You are invited to participate in a research study that aims to gain a deeper understanding of the
employment-seeking experiences of Black men with a prior history of incarceration (PHI). Before
you decide whether or not to participate, it is essential for you to understand why the study is being
conducted, what participation will involve, and the potential risks and benefits of participating.
Please take the time to read this document carefully, and feel free to ask any questions you may
have before making your decision.
Purpose of the Study
This study aims to explore and document the challenges, barriers, and opportunities faced by Black
men with a prior history of incarceration (PHI) when seeking employment after incarceration. It
aims to gather information that will contribute to a better understanding of the experiences of
individuals in similar situations and inform efforts to improve policies and practices related to
employment opportunities for this group.
Procedures
Participation in this study involves the following steps:
● Completion of a Demographic Survey: You were asked to provide background information.
● Participation in a Semi-Structured Interview: You were interviewed about your postincarceration experiences and challenges in seeking employment.
Risks and Benefits
Participating in this study may involve some risks, including the potential discomfort or emotional
distress associated with discussing personal experiences related to incarceration and employmentseeking challenges. However, the study aims to create a safe and respectful environment for sharing
these experiences.
Participation benefits include the opportunity to contribute to research that can lead to positive
changes in policies and practices related to employment opportunities for individuals with a prior
history of incarceration (PHI).
Costs
There is no cost to you for taking part in this study.
Confidentiality

180
Your participation in this study was kept confidential. All information in the survey and during
interviews was anonymized, and your identity was protected. Only authorized research team
members will access the data, and all data will be stored securely.
Voluntary Participation
Participation in this study is voluntary, and you can withdraw without penalty. Your decision to
participate or not will not affect any current or future services or benefits to which you are entitled.
Contact Information
If you have any questions about the study, your rights as a participant, or any issues during the
research process, please contact the Principal Investigator, Doris B. Cohen, at dbcohen@usc.edu or
209.565.2511.
Consent
I have read and understood the information provided in this document. I have had the opportunity to
ask questions and have received satisfactory answers. I voluntarily agree to participate in the
research study on the understanding that my identity and all information shared will remain
confidential. I understand that I can withdraw from the study without any consequences.
Participant's Name (Printed): ______________________________________________
Participant's Signature: ___________________________________________________
Date: ___________________________

181
Protocols
The following section outlines the protocols and instruments used for data collection in this study.
The aim is to ensure the research's reproducibility and provide a comprehensive understanding of
the methods employed. Appendices include the actual data collection instruments and detailed
protocols.
The study employs a mixed methods design integrating both qualitative and quantitative approaches
to explore the complex experiences of Black men with a prior history of incarceration. This design
is appropriate for capturing both numerical trends and personal narratives. Participants were
selected using purposive sampling to ensure diverse representation. Criteria for inclusion were
being over 18 years old and having been released from incarceration within the past five years.
Informed consent was obtained from all participants, ensuring their voluntary and informed
participation.
The study utilized a combination of surveys and interviews to gather comprehensive data. A
structured survey was used to collect quantitative data through Centiment, a survey company. The
survey included validated scales and demographic questions and was captured in Qualtrics for data
aggregation and analysis.
Semi-structured interviews were conducted to delve deeper into participants' experiences. The guide
was pilot tested for clarity and relevance. A protocol was developed to analyze relevant documents
and artifacts related to participants' incarceration and reentry experiences.
Data collection followed a systematic process. Participants completed the survey online, ensuring
accessibility and convenience. The average time to complete the survey was less than 5 minutes.
Interviews: In-depth interviews were conducted in private settings via Zoom, recorded with consent,
and transcribed verbatim. Documents were collected from various sources and analyzed following a

182
predefined protocol. Data was collected over three months, from January to March 2024.
Quantitative data was analyzed using NVivo software, employing descriptive and inferential
statistics. Qualitative data from interviews was analyzed using thematic analysis, identifying key
themes and subthemes. Document analysis was conducted using content analysis techniques.
Measures included training interviewers, conducting pilot tests, and regularly calibrating
instruments. Data audits were performed to ensure consistency and accuracy.
The study received ethical approval from the institutional review board. Participants were informed
about the study and their rights, and confidentiality was maintained by anonymizing data and
securely storing all materials. Limitations include potential response biases due to the self-reported
nature of survey data and the non-generalizability of purposive sampling. These are addressed
through data triangulation.
Appendices
Appendix A: LSI-R Survey Instrument
Appendix B: Interview Questions – Qualitative Interviews
Appendix C: Demographic Questions
Appendix D: Incarceration Questions
Appendix E: Email about the Study
Appendix F: Consent to Use Interview Information
Appendix G: Invitation to Participate

183
Tables
Table 23
Frequency Distribution of Participant Location by Region and State (N =110)
Region Represented state n %
East

East North Central
East South Central
Northeast
Southeast

West

West North Central

West South Central

North Carolina
Virginia

Illinois
Indiana
Michigan
Ohio

Alabama
Kentucky
Mississippi
Tennessee

Connecticut
Delaware
Maryland
Massachusetts
New Jersey
New York
Pennsylvania

Florida
Georgia

Arizona
California
Washington

Minnesota
Missouri
Nebraska

Louisiana
Texas

6
5
3
3
6
5
4
1
1
1
1
2
4
1
3
5
6
8
12
2
5
3
1
5
1
4
12
5.4
4.5
2.7
2.7
5.4
4.5
3.6
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
1.8
3.6
0.9
2.7
4.5
4.5
7.2
10.9
1.8
4.5
2.7
0.9
4.5
0.9
3.6
10.9

184
Table 24
Frequency Distribution of Participant Location by State (N = 110)
Represented state n %
Alabama
Arizona
California
Connecticut
Delaware
Florida
Georgia
Illinois
Indiana
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maryland
Massachusetts
Michigan
Minnesota
Mississippi
Missouri
Nebraska
New Jersey
New York
North Carolina
Ohio
Pennsylvania
Tennessee
Texas
Virginia
Washington
4
2
5
1
2
8
12
3
3
1
4
4
1
6
1
1
5
1
3
5
6
5
6
1
12
5
3
3.6
1.8
4.5
0.9
1.8
7.2
10.9
2.7
2.7
0.9
3.6
3.6
0.9
5.4
0.9
0.9
4.5
0.9
2.7
4.5
5.4
4.5
4.5
0.9
10.9
4.5
2.7

185
Table 25
Frequency Distribution of Participant Employment Status (N = 110)
Employment category and status n %
Full-Time
General
Self-Employed
Part-Time
General
Self-Employed
Unemployed
General
Temporary
Retired
Student
56
11
14
3
13
2
8
3
50.9
10.0
12.7
2.7
11.8
1.8
7.2
2.7
Table 26
Self-Reported Unemployment Reasons by Participant ID (N = 15)
Participant ID Quote
68
50
58
64
23
59
91
51
45
65
84
46
108
47
92
Disability
Disabled
Disabled
Disabled
I am now disabled and have been for some years.
I am unemployed currently, but I am seeking employment
I live in a small town in Texas and the only jobs we have here are fast food restaurants in
which I have exhausted those when I was younger
Just got out of jail, in rehab
Looking for employment
Looking for employment
Married wife looking out
Not working due to an injury
Physically unable to work
Trying to find a job
Unemployed and not looking

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Asset Metadata

Creator Cohen, Doris Beatryz (author)

Core Title Understanding experiences of previously incarcerated Black men and employment: a mixed methods study of racial disparities amongst Black men with a prior history of incarceration

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2024-08

Publication Date 08/05/2024

Defense Date 04/19/2024

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Black men,Bronfenbrenner,employment challenges,intersectionality,mixed methods,OAI-PMH Harvest,post-incarceration,systemic racism

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Riggio, Marsha Boveja (committee chair), Salim, Onaje (committee member), Trahan, Don Jr. (committee member)

Creator Email dbcohen@usc.edu,dorisbcohen@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113998T9S

Unique identifier UC113998T9S

Identifier etd-CohenDoris-13338.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-CohenDoris-13338

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Cohen, Doris Beatryz

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