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The role of self-efficacy in Armenian American women leaders in higher educational institutions in Southern California

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The role of self-efficacy in Armenian American women leaders in higher educational institutions in Southern California

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Content The Role of Self-Efficacy in Armenian American Women Leaders in Higher Educational
Institutions in Southern California
Ani Gemalmazyan
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
August 2024

© Copyright by Ani Gemalmazyan 2024
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Ani Gemalmazyan certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Artineh Samkian
Shushan Karapetian
Kimberly Hirabayashi, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024

iv
Abstract
This research employed the theoretical framework of self-efficacy, as proposed by Albert
Bandura (1977), to examine the leadership experiences and self-efficacy beliefs of
Armenian American women leaders in higher education institutions in Southern California.
The study aimed to identify the influence of intersectionality of gender and ethnic identity
on these leaders’ self-efficacy and leadership practices. Data were collected from ten
Armenian American female administrators through semi-structured interviews, focusing on
their career trajectories, leadership challenges, and the influence of their gender and ethnic
identity on their leadership styles. The analysis utilized thematic coding to extract patterns
related to self-efficacy sources, including mastery experiences, vicarious learning, social
persuasion, and emotional/affective states. Findings indicate that gender identity
significantly shapes leadership experiences. Ethnic identity also emerged as a pivotal
influence, with participants expressing a strong sense of cultural responsibility and
community engagement enhancing their leadership self-efficacy. However, challenges such
as isolation in leadership roles and a lack of mentorship opportunities were highlighted. The
study underscores the need for higher education institutions to foster inclusive environments
that acknowledge and support the diverse identities of their leaders, suggesting the
establishment of targeted professional development and support networks. This research
contributes to the literature on leadership and diversity in higher education by highlighting
the experiences of Armenian American women leaders and the factors contributing to their
leadership self-efficacy.

v
Dedication
To all the women in my family, from my great-grandmothers who were genocide survivors to
my little niece Monica, thank you for all the inspiration and motivation that you bring to my life.

vi
Acknowledgments
First and foremost, I am thankful to my dissertation committee, who invested in my
project and extended invaluable support through constructive feedback and encouraging
messages. Thank you, Dr. Hirabayashi, for your guidance and support, and for helping me
become a better writer. You are amazing, and your positivity and encouragement served as
driving force to me to stay on track throughout the dissertation process and meet my goals.
I owe a great debt of gratitude to Dr. Artineh Samkian for being there for me at every
step of my dissertation journey. She encouraged me when I was hesitant to pursue my dream
dissertation topic and helped me build a strong foundation in qualitative research methods. I
appreciated the time she spent reviewing my drafts, as her criticism and questions helped me
widen my vision and develop better perspectives. Dr. Samkian has played an integral role in my
growth and educational journey, and I am beyond grateful for her mentorship and guidance.
I am also immensely grateful to Dr. Shushan Karapetian for sharing her expertise in
qualitative research and the Armenian Diaspora with me. Dr. Karapetian is such an inspirational
professional in higher education and the Armenian community of Los Angeles, and I learned a
lot from her during my dissertation process. Her mentorship and feedback had a profound impact
on my development, and I appreciate her a lot.
I am thankful to my work families and supervisors at USC’s Registrar’s Office,
Computer Science Department, and the Marshall School of Business for always being
understanding and supportive of my educational journey.
I am grateful to my Glendale College family for continuously inspiring and supporting
me. My GCC experience was transformative, and I am where I am because of the people I met
during my years there. Specifically, I am forever grateful to Dr. Joe Puglia, Dr. Tzoler Oukayan,

vii
and Alen Andriassian for helping me realize my potential and shaping me as a professional. You
elevated me, instilled confidence, and helped me overcome fears and life challenges when I was
new to this country and clueless about how to navigate the educational system in the United
States.
I would like to acknowledge my friends and family for being so patient with me and
supporting me in so many ways. I could not be there for you as much as I wanted to be during
these past three years, but you were all so understanding and never stopped supporting me. To
my friend Stella, thank you for always being by my side, listening to me when I need ears,
lending a shoulder when I need to cry, and for helping me pilot my study. To my partner Narek,
who has been such a huge support during my dissertation process—always cheering me up and
organizing library dates on weekends so I could finish my writing. Thanks to my parents,
grandparents, my brother, and my sister-in-law for all the small and huge acts of support (the list
is too long to add here). To my niece and nephew, Monica and Suren, for keeping me grounded
and present, and motivating me to reach the finish line. I did this for you!
Finally, I would like to acknowledge the participants of my study, who made the
interview process a great experience for me. I enjoyed meeting and learning from each of you,
and I am hugely inspired by your journeys. This dissertation reflects your voices and stories, and
I would not have been able to write it without you.

viii
Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgments.......................................................................................................................... vi
List of Figures................................................................................................................................. x
Literature Review................................................................................................................ 5
Leadership Self-Efficacy ........................................................................................ 5
Women Leaders in Higher Education..................................................................... 8
Intersectionality and Leadership Self-Efficacy..................................................... 10
Complexity of Armenian Diasporan Identity ....................................................... 11
Armenian Female Leadership............................................................................... 13
Theoretical Foundation ..................................................................................................... 16
Positionality ...................................................................................................................... 17
Methods............................................................................................................................. 19
Research Question ................................................................................................ 19
Participants............................................................................................................ 19
Data Collection ..................................................................................................... 20
Data Analysis........................................................................................................ 21
Credibility and Trustworthiness............................................................................ 22
Ethical Considerations.......................................................................................... 23
Study Participants................................................................................................. 23
Findings............................................................................................................................. 26
Gender Identity Influences on Leadership Experiences ....................................... 27
Ethnic Identity Influences on Leadership Experiences......................................... 34
The Influence of Intersectional Identities on Self-Efficacy.................................. 42

ix
Other Identities and Self-Efficacy Beliefs............................................................ 50
Summary of Findings........................................................................................................ 53
Discussion......................................................................................................................... 54
Recommendations For Practice ........................................................................................ 58
Create Support Networks...................................................................................... 59
Leadership Training.............................................................................................. 60
Celebrate Cultural Identity.................................................................................... 60
Encourage Community Engagement .................................................................... 60
Limitations........................................................................................................................ 61
Recommendations for Future Research............................................................................ 62
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 62
References..................................................................................................................................... 64
Appendix A: Interview Protocol................................................................................................... 74
Appendix B: USC Social Behavioral General Information.......................................................... 78
Study Information ............................................................................................................. 78
What Is the General Purpose of Your Study? What Do You Hope to
Learn? (Maximum 1–2 Paragraphs of Explanation)............................................. 78
List the Research Questions.................................................................................. 78
Role of the Investigator/Research Staff................................................................ 82
Screening of Participants ...................................................................................... 83
Research Activities ............................................................................................... 84

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: Theoretical Framework .................................................................................................17

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The Role of Self-Efficacy in Armenian American Women’s Leaders in Higher Educational
Institutions in Southern California
The role of women leaders, specifically minority women leaders, in shaping higher
education has become undeniably critical. Although there have been notable improvements in
women's representation in higher education in recent years, women's advancement, compared to
their male colleagues, lags in leadership roles in higher education (Madsen, 2012). There has
been a noticeable shift in the number of women leaders in higher education, yet, as Hannum et
al. (2015) stated, “think leader, think male” (p. 8) is still a popular thought. When minoritized
women have the same potential as White males for fulfilling their leadership aspirations, their
career growth can be impacted by “leaky pipeline” a term referred to describe the loss of capable
individuals from academic careers (Manongsong & Ghosh, 2012, Findings section). In addition,
when it comes to the frequency of offering leadership roles to women, White women are more
likely to be offered those executive roles and less likely to get scrutinized than their non-White
counterparts (Hannum et al., 2015). We read in Cañas et al. (2019) that the lower academic staff
positions are filled with primarily women, yet men hold most positions as you go higher up.
Overall, it is prevalent that the representation of minority women in leadership roles in higher
education in the United States is problematic (Cañas et al., 2019). According to the most recent
2023 report by the American Council on Education, the percentage of women college presidents
has been rising, making it 32.88% in 2022. The improvement is significant, but the number is
concerning, considering that women students outnumber men on American College campuses.
Within this distribution, 69% of women presidents were White, 14% identified as Black, and 8%
identified as Latina (American Council on Education, 2023).

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Interestingly, the study claims that they cannot highlight unique experiences of Asian or
Asian American, American Indian, Asian Indian, Middle Eastern, or multicultural women
presidents since their numbers are small (American Council on Education, 2023). Nevertheless,
as Hodgson (2021) suggests, it is necessary to do some work to understand female leaders’
unique experiences if we wish to support female leadership in postsecondary settings better.
Studying the unique experiences of these groups who do not even make it to national annual
reports is necessary for fixing the disproportional distribution of minority female leaders in
executive roles. In addition, if these women make it to managerial or executive roles, they will
likely be the first ones with their background in their institutions at that level. Academia and
research should provide data and recommendations on supporting such trailblazer leaders in
higher education. That is the direction that this study will take and explore the experiences of
Armenian American women leaders in higher education.
According to the Consulate General of Armenia in Los Angeles website
(https://la.mfa.am/en/community-overview/), the United States is home to the second-largest
Armenian diaspora in the world. California now has the largest Armenian population outside of
Armenia. In the greater Los Angeles area, Armenians make up a considerable portion of the
population in the city of Glendale (Fittante, 2017). In addition, Armenian is California's sixth
most-spoken non-English language and first in Glendale (Karapetian, 2017). In the early 20th
century, the Circuit Court of Massachusetts classified four Armenians as White (The Federal
Reporter, 1910). Being considered White helped Armenians to become naturalized citizens of the
United States. However, categorizing Armenians as White implies that they are not a minority
and they cannot be discriminated against (Markarian, 2008). In addition, this classification has
made it challenging for researchers to disaggregate the larger White category and to study

3
experiences unique to Armenians in different settings, including academia. In her book
Armenian Americans: From Being to Feeling Armenian, Bakalian (1993) refers to Armenians in
the United States as a “hidden minority” (p. 4). In addition, Armenians are considered an ethnic
minority who struggle to keep their heritage alive (Markarian, 2008). When studying ethnic
minority students in predominantly White institutions, Jones et al. (2002) wrote that college
campuses need to arrange and organize ethnic communities if they aim to reduce the stress of
minority status in their organizations (Jones et al., 2002). By ignoring a presence or mislabeling a
group, it will be difficult to understand the struggles and specific needs of the group and,
subsequently, create a supportive community for them. Therefore, it is problematic that
Armenians receive no scholarly attention in social sciences after being present on the diverse
Californian canvas for centuries (Baran, 2012; Fittante, 2017; Tcharkhoutian, 2019).
Due to a lack of research and continuous invisibility, fostering diverse and inclusive
environments for Armenian American professionals in higher educational institutions in
Southern California can be problematic. The research literature that can help us understand
leadership struggles unique to Armenian American female leaders is scarce; it may even be
difficult to build any argument about the specific needs of this group because backing up this
argument with timely research might be nearly impossible. Aside from some doctoral
dissertation studies (see Baran, 2012, and Tcharkhoutian, 2019), this subgroup has yet to be
broadly investigated by higher education researchers. Specifically, we are yet to learn how
Armenian American women administrators on college campuses function as leaders and how
they experience the sources of self-efficacy. We have yet to ask how and whether their identities
affect their leadership experiences.

4
To better understand Armenian American women leaders’ experiences in the realm of
higher education, the research should start investigating the factors that motivate them to climb
the career ladder and the barriers they encounter during their leadership journey. Byrd (2009)
argues that some barriers that minority women often encounter include disempowering
experiences, being the only one in the organization, seeking validation, demystifying the
stereotypical myths about their ethnic group, and being excluded from the good old boy network.
Further, to learn more about Armenian American female higher-education leaders, the research
should consider factors that increase leadership self-efficacy and chances of successfully fighting
gender disparities in their careers. Those factors can be related to their ethnic and cultural
background, previous experiences, and support systems such as family, community, mentors, and
so forth (OpenAI, 2023).
The research gap concerning Armenian American female leaders in higher education
administration is clear. This study aims to narrow this gap by investigating Armenian American
female leaders’ leadership experiences in Southern California's higher educational institutions. It
has three primary objectives. The first is to identify any unique experiences that influence the
leadership self-efficacy of Armenian American female leaders who have achieved upward
mobility in these institutions. The second is to support and guide future research involving
Armenian American female leaders. Lastly, the study seeks to encourage, support, and provide
firsthand information to future Armenian American female leaders aspiring to careers in higher
education. This work is significant because it influences four distinct areas. Firstly, it generates
knowledge that deepens our understanding of the experiences of Armenian American female
leaders, thereby fostering a sense of belonging and inclusivity within Southern California's
higher education institutions, where there is a substantial Armenian population. Secondly, it

5
explores the connections between ethnicity, gender, and leadership self-efficacy through personal
narratives. Additionally, this research enriches the literature on intersectionality by focusing on
an underrepresented group of female leaders. Lastly, it prepares future Armenian female leaders
in higher education with the necessary knowledge, tools, and inspiration to pursue successful
careers.
Literature Review
This literature review first defines and explains Albert Bandura's self-efficacy theory with
its four sources to provide a better understanding of the theoretical framework of the study. It
also shows the connection between self-efficacy and one's leadership experiences and behaviors.
It further helps understand the gender disparities and the challenges experienced by women
leaders in higher education. In addition, the section on women leaders in higher education
discusses how researchers provide dozens of reasons why having more women leaders is
important for organizations, especially in higher educational institutions. Since this study evolves
around Armenian American females, the literature reviewed presents relevant research about
Armenian diasporic identity and talks about the heterogeneity of experiences of ethnic Armenian
sub-groups that live in Southern California. Finally, it presents some research on Armenian
female identity and leadership so that the reader better understands the population examined in
this study.
Leadership Self-Efficacy
A person's self-efficacy beliefs have an integral role in their leadership development.
Self-efficacy, a concept coined by Bandura (1977), is the belief in one's ability to perform a
behavior and sustain that behavior when facing obstacles and aversive experiences. Self-efficacy
is both a pre-requisite and an outcome of high-performance levels (Bandura, 1997). Positive self-

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efficacy beliefs affect people's emotions, cognitions, and actions, influencing their achievements
(Bandura, 1997). Bandura (1977) suggests that individuals with higher self-efficacy will perform
better for a given task than ones with low self-efficacy.
In his model, Bandura (1977) suggests that self-efficacy is composed of four sources:
“performance accomplishments, vicarious experiences, verbal persuasion, and
physiological/affective states” (p. 191). These four sources help people initiate and persist in
goal-oriented behaviors (Paglis, 2010) and, according to Murphy and Johnson (2016), improve
people's leadership skills. It is important to note that the nature and impact of these sources are
not static, and they can vary across a person's lifespan (Ruggs et al., 2023).
Mastery experiences/performance accomplishments are the strongest predictor of selfefficacy (Machida-Kosuga, 2017; Montas-Hunter, 2012). One’s perceived success of past
performances leads to increased self-efficacy beliefs, whereas perceptions of failure may indicate
a decrease in self-efficacy beliefs (Wilson et al., 2018). Self-efficacy gets stronger after repeated
success (Bandura, 1977). Hence, the more exposure and opportunities a person has to experience
in a particular area, the higher their self-efficacy may be.
The second most influential source of self-efficacy is the person’s vicarious experiences
(Bandura, 1977; McCormick et al., 2002), also known as social modeling (Montas-Hunter,
2012). Our efficacy related to a task can be influenced by seeing how others accomplish the tasks
(Bandura, 1977). If the role model has competence similar to that of the vicarious learner, the
vicarious learner seeks to replicate the efforts and strategies to achieve similar success (Versland,
2016). When a model experiences failure, the learner can alter the tactics to avoid a similar
failure (Versland, 2016). Therefore, the similarities between the social models/mentors and the
learner/mentee can positively impact one's beliefs in their abilities to accomplish the task.

7
The third source of self-efficacy is verbal persuasion, which is the feedback people get
from others regarding their capabilities to accomplish a task (Versland, 2016). Verbal persuasion
occurs through appraising and supporting one's success (Bandura, 1977). Family and support
networks are considered the primary sources of verbal persuasion (Montas-Hunter, 2012).
Building and sustaining a sense of confidence becomes easier when those we admire and respect
express confidence in us (McCormick et al., 2002). In addition, according to Versland (2016),
people feel competent, and their performance is enhanced when they receive verbal persuasion
from experts in an area. Having family members or mentors in the field where the person
performs and receiving their feedback can strongly influence their perception of self-efficacy.
Lastly, our physical state or emotional arousal is the fourth source of self-efficacy. The
changes in our physiological reactions and emotions can be associated with changes in selfefficacy (Machida-Kosuga, 2017). McCormick et al. (2002) argue that the better one feels (both
physically and emotionally), the more efficacious one will be about accomplishing a task.
The concept of self-efficacy helps understand people's behavior when accomplishing a
particular task. One of the most reported findings in leadership literature is the relationship
between a leader’s self-confidence and successful leadership (McCormick et al., 2002).
Therefore, self-efficacy is essential in developing an individual's leadership (Murphy & Johnson,
2016). Researchers started paying more attention to the concept of self-efficacy in leadership
development in the past 30 years; as a result, we now have extensive research on leadership selfefficacy (LSE; Hoyt & Bascocovich, 2010; Murphy & Johnson, 2016; Paglis, 2010; Ruggs et al.,
2023). LSE is defined as the person's judgment about their ability to perform as a leader (Ruggs
et al., 2023). Research supports the prediction that LSE positively affects leadership performance
(Paglis, 2020).

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Ruggs et al. (2023) suggest that the role of LSE becomes more salient when examining
the development of female leaders. Furthermore, Montas Hunter's (2012) study shows us how
self-efficacy beliefs can shape the journeys of minority women (Latinas in Hunter's study) in
leadership positions in higher education. Women of different racial backgrounds enter the
workforce with different prior experiences of LSE sources (Ruggs et al., 2023). By studying
those differences, organizations can manage the negative consequences of failures, and, as we
read in Pillay et al. (2022), institutions of higher education can strengthen the resilience of
women leaders through interventions that utilize their positive self-efficacy. Hence, studying and
learning how to manage women leaders’ self-efficacy can make a huge difference for those
institutions aiming for diversification and inclusion.
Women Leaders in Higher Education
Women leaders have historically been underrepresented in leadership roles in higher
education. The low number of women in leadership positions in community colleges and
baccalaureate granting institutions remains an equity issue nationwide (Airini, 2011; Madsen,
2012; Wong, 2018). In many countries, the ratio of senior-level female leaders over female staff
members and female students is disproportionate compared to men (Airini et al., 2011; Hunnum
et al., 2015; Shepherd, 2017). However, there has been noticeable progress in increased numbers
in recent years (Hannum et al., 2015; Madsen, 2012).
There are many reasons why higher education institutions should promote and support
women in leadership positions. Women leaders impact higher education by bringing in diverse
leadership qualities and characteristics. Madsen (2015) argues that higher educational institutions
can achieve effective and equitable student outcomes only when they value women's leadership.
Research findings show that women are innovative, productive, and successful leaders (Teague,

9
2015). According to Teague (2015), having women in leadership positions does not just solve
equity or social justice issues; it will likely show better results in “organizations’ profitability,
productivity, innovation, employee satisfaction, and social responsibility” (Teague, 2015, p. 2).
Overall, the increased number of women in leadership positions in postsecondary settings yields
multidimensional benefits to the institutions, their teams, and the student population they serve.
Nevertheless, gender disparities are prevalent in the experiences of women leaders in
higher education, creating a glass ceiling for their career advancement (Diehl, 2014). In Deihl’s
qualitative study on women leaders in higher education, the author identified 21 distinct
adversities, such as discrimination, unsupportive leadership, work-family life balance, tokenism,
and salary inequalities, that impact female leaders. In their comprehensive study on female LSE,
Rugged et al. (2023) discuss how minority women leaders lack vicarious experiences in
childhood and adulthood. They also mention how Latinas and Asian Women have fewer
opportunities to develop mastery experiences (Rugged et al., 2023). In addition, Eagly and Carli
(2007) talk about the double bind effect in female leadership, which requires women leaders to
express assertiveness and show competitive behaviors while at the same time avoiding
directiveness and assertiveness, so they are not ostracized. Furthermore, barriers to advancement
are even higher for minoritized women (Hozien, 2018; Manongsong & Ghosh, 2021).
Manongsong and Ghosh (2021) suggest that the imposter phenomenon is the critical barrier to
advancement in higher education leadership roles for minoritized women.
Santovec (2010) argues that high self-efficacy is a critical factor that helps women leaders
overcome gender-related obstacles as women need to believe in their capabilities when others
doubt them because of their gender. Women with high self-efficacy are generally unaffected by
traditional gender stereotypes and have better tools to deal with job-related stress (Santovec,

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2010). Ruggs et al. (2023) suggest that for accurate and complete theorization of women’s LSE,
researchers should stop treating women as a monolithic group and start considering the unique
experiences of women who belong to different racial categories. Therefore, this research will
study Armenian American female higher-education leaders through their intersectionality and its
impact on their LSE.
Intersectionality and Leadership Self-Efficacy
When discussing female experiences, it is important to consider the intersection of all
aspects of their identity—their intersectionality, to achieve an in-depth understanding of
participants’ experiences. The term intersectionality was first introduced by Kimberle Crenshaw
in 1989 to address the marginalization of Black women (Carbado et al., 2013). Since then,
intersectionality has become an important theoretical tool for studying many intersecting systems
of oppression (Carastathis, 2014). Harris and Leonardo (2018) suggest that intersectionality is a
powerful reminder of social identities that are often treated as marginal or invisible as they are
viewed as a subcategory of more prominent, more significant groups such as women, Whites,
people of color, or sexual minorities. This theory argues that women from different racial and
ethnic groups have unique experiences with racism, classism, politics, and other threat-causing
factors, all of which must be considered together as experiences that can empower them or
continuously perpetuate their oppression (Ruggs et al., 2023).
According to Ruggs et al. (2023), we can utilize the framework of intersectionality to
understand leadership self-efficacy (LSE) as LSE is formed through gendered and racialized
experiences throughout the person’s life span. The intersectionality theory can help us better
understand the complexities of women’s leadership experiences considering the woman’s racial,
ethnic, gender, and class status in society. For instance, Ruggs et al. (2023) talk about how

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women from different racial groups experience the four sources of LSE differently. Mainly,
across racial groups, there are differences in access to opportunities to develop mastery
leadership experiences, in receiving verbal persuasion related to leadership aspirations, in having
vicarious experiences through role models, and in arousal caused by stereotypes and identity
threats (Ruggs et al., 2023). Overall, the theory of intersectionality can serve as a framework in
this study, helping to maintain awareness throughout this study on how the interactions of
different components of Armenian American female leaders’ identity influence their LSE
development.
Complexity of Armenian Diasporan Identity
According to Bolsajian (2018), the Armenian diaspora is notable for having more
members living outside their homeland than within it. Nearly 1.5 million Armenians reside in the
United States with a significant concentration in California. Bolsajian (2018) emphasizes the
importance of understanding this diaspora’s sense of belonging—or the lack thereof—and how it
affects the functioning of Armenian communities in their host nations. This understanding is
particularly crucial today, when identities are more fluid than ever.
The three waves of Armenian migration related to the states are tied to historical and
geopolitical events. The first influx happened earlier in the 20th century due to the Armenian
Genocide in 1915, when thousands of Armenians were forcefully displaced from their homes.
The second wave of migration was related to the political events and dictatorships in Middle
Eastern countries when Armenians, already displaced once before, moved to the United States
for political and financial reasons (Pezeshkian, 2011). The third migration wave resulted from
three events—the earthquake in Spitak in 1988, the First Artsakh War between 1988 and 1994,
and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. We are likely experiencing the fourth waiver of

12
migration due to the 44-day War between Azerbaijan and Armenia in 2020. In the recent
Yerevan Report article, we read about the high number of Armenians crossing the border with
Mexico in recent years to find a refugee in the United States (Tavtian, 2024). According to the
data shared in this report, the number of Armenians crossing the border went from 362 in 2019 to
3271 in 2022 (Tavtian, 2024).
To study and understand Armenian diasporan identity, we need to acknowledge its
complexity. Depending on the regions from which Armenians arrived in the United States each
sub-group has produced its own social, cultural, linguistic, and organizational distinctions (Der
Sarkissian, 2024). The bi/multi-cultural identities of Lebanese Armenians, Turkish Armenians,
Egyptian Armenians, Iranian Armenians, and other Armenians break the homogenous notion of
an Armenian cultural identity as each group offers a different perspective of what this cultural
identity entails (Bolsajian, 2018). In addition to cultural identity, these various sub-ethnic groups
have different relationships and perceptions of their homeland (Der Sarkissian, 2024). For
instance, most Western Armenians lost their ancestral homeland, which is currently Eastern
Turkey, after their great-grandparents were forced out of their homes during the Armenian
Genocide; as a result, they accept today’s Republic of Armenia (where they might have never
been) as a step-homeland (Bolsajian, 2018). The complexity of diasporan Armenian identity is
further compounded by spoken dialects. Immigrants from the Middle East typically speak
Western Armenian, while those from the Republic of Armenia use Eastern Armenian
(Karapetian, 2017). Additionally, the Iranian Armenian subgroup also communicates in the
Eastern Armenian dialect (Karapetian, 2017). According to Karapetian (2017), these variations
in language contribute to a unique linguistic environment, as different Armenian sub-ethnic
groups bring their distinct versions of the Armenian language to the diaspora.

13
The Armenian population in California represents an amalgam of people who arrived
from the Republic of Armenia and different Armenian diasporan communities worldwide
(Bolsajian, 2018) throughout the different significant waves of migration. Hence, Armenians
here can be distinguished by their origin of migration and their levels of integration (Der
Sarkissian, 2024). The integration process into the new environment can vary for different
Armenian sub-ethnic groups. For those who arrived from a different host country and previously
adapted to cultures outside their homeland identity, it is often easier to adapt to the new
American culture than Armenians who immigrated directly from Armenia (Bolsajian, 2018).
Furthermore, Bakalian (1993) argues that the density and well-developed infrastructure of
Armenians in Los Angeles, including Armenian churches, groceries, schools, and bookstores,
make the region atypical and slow the onset of assimilation. However, the factors that unify
different Armenian subgroups in California include the idea of a common homeland, cultural
values such as family (Ghazarian et al., 2008), the concern of preserving the culture, and the
collective suffering and trauma from catastrophic historical events (Tölölyan, 2007) such as the
Armenian Genocide or the recent wars with Azerbaijan.
Armenian Female Leadership
Considering the complexity of Armenian identity, we must be mindful of not
generalizing Armenian female identity. Depending on the different Armenian sub-ethnic groups,
the women’s experiences of success and views on gender roles may vary. Below, we will discuss
two major perspectives on Armenian female leadership.
The first perspective that can help us study the Armenian female leadership is the
traditional or nationalist perspective. Fertaly (2012) studied post-socialist women in Armenia and
suggested that generally, women in Armenian cultural and national practices are often seen as

14
mothers and caretakers who belong to the domestic sphere. This perspective assumes that
success can be defined through motherhood and an established family. Sevan Beukian (2014)
who also studied Armenian women in Armenia and Karabakh a decade ago, wrote that the
traditional Armenian female role assumes that a woman’s ultimate goal in life is motherhood.
This image may be relevant to other cultures built on patriarchal values. What may be different
in the case of the Armenian women is that in the aftermath of the Armenian Genocide, women
assumed motherhood as their contribution to the nation-building process. Beukian (2014) further
explained that motherhood for women means supporting the nation with its struggles and coping
after the Genocide. She suggested that the image of an ideal Armenian woman can be described
by characteristics such as sacrificing, caring, and nurturing mothers for her family and her nation
(Beukian, 2014). According to the old tradition, a newly married woman, who by Armenian
custom lives with the groom’s family, had a subordinate status in the family and was not allowed
to speak to anyone for a year (period of silence) except her husband only when she was alone
with him (Okoomian, 2002). Even though modern Armenian families no longer observe this
period of silence, traditionally, women are not expected to be vocal. Vocal women in leadership
roles may be ostracized and judged for speaking up or being assertive.
The contemporary or more Westernized perspective is the second central perspective of
viewing Armenian female leadership. Here, motherhood is not the only definition of success, and
women entering the public sphere becomes the new norm. The change in perceptions of female
gender roles took place both in the homeland as a result of the Communist regime and in the
diaspora as a result of integrating with more Westernized cultures. In 2013, Malakyan examined
five historical and contemporary models (Monarchic, Church, National, Communist, and
Democratic) of the Armenian leadership in the Republic of Armenia. The leadership styles were

15
examined in the context of 11 cultural characteristics, including masculinity versus femininity.
This study suggests that all five models are masculine, and only the Democratic leadership
model (1988–present) is somewhat inclusive to females (Malakyan, 2013). He confirms that in
the past century, starting with the Communist regime, women have become more active in the
social and political life of Armenia and changed the perception of how society perceives
leadership (Malakyan, 2013). The data from 1995 showed that Armenia women comprised
52.6% of scientists and had equal representation in other professions (Ghazaryan, 1995)
compared to more progressive Westernized countries such as the United States, where the
percentage of women who earned degrees in Science and Engineering was 47% (National
Science Foundation, 1997). In addition, Etmekjian (2012) provides us with the example of
diasporan Armenian women in the United States. She writes that after migrating to the United
States, Armenian women saw that the opportunities were infinite and that those who became
more involved in entrepreneurship in addition to their traditional domestic roles became more
independent (Etmekjian, 2012). The study further states that Armenian female entrepreneurs face
two main challenges—being a woman and an immigrant (Etmekjian, 2012).
One common aspect for both perspectives on Armenian female leadership is the value of
education. The nationalistic perspective assumes that education goes hand in hand with
motherhood. Sevan Beukian talked about how Armenian mothers in the Republic of Armenia are
considered “transmitters of the culture” and the “guardians of the memories” (p. 262), and,
subsequently, intelligence and education are highly valued for women. For diasporan Armenians,
the pressure of being an immigrant in a new country intensified the importance of education as it
is viewed as a tool to overcome barriers typical to their minority status (Bakalian, 1993). Several
Armenian women in the United States have successfully attained leadership positions in higher

16
education (Baran, 2012), which can be related to education being highly valued and regarded in
Armenian culture.
Theoretical Foundation
In this study, I will gather and analyze data to provide a better understanding of the
leadership experiences of Armenian American women leaders in higher education. Investigating
or defining leadership might be challenging since leadership is a complex phenomenon and can
be conceptualized in multiple ways (Northouse & Lee, 2022). This research will use Albert
Bandura’s (1977) theory of self-efficacy to conduct a grounded and organized study of the
leadership experiences of Armenian American women leaders. Bandura’s theory states that
perceived self-efficacy determines the strength of a person’s behavior, persistence, and effort
(Bandura et al., 1977). Bandura originally suggested four sources of self-efficacy—enactive
mastery experiences, vicarious experiences, verbal persuasion, and physiological arousal. The
interview questions will be formed in a way that generates data about the four sources of selfefficacy (see Appendix A). Through these questions and gathered data, the study will look for
patterns to determine how previous leadership opportunities, successes and failures, role models,
words of encouragement, and participants’ identities affect their leadership.
In addition, this study aims to explore the role that gender and ethnic identity play in the
leadership experiences of Armenian American women administrators in higher educational
institutions. This study examines how the intersection of womanhood and Armenianness plays a
role in participants’ leadership experiences. According to Carastathis (2014), in general, minority
women’s lives are composed of many intersecting systems of oppression. Therefore, it is
appropriate to utilize the theoretical lens of intersectionality. The theory of intersectionality was
first introduced by Kimberly Crenshaw in 1989, and its goal is to demarginalize the intersection

17
of race and sex (Carbado et al., 2014). Carbado et al. (2014) describe intersectionality as an
analytic tool, a method, a heuristic, and a disposition. Intersectionality is the theory and the
analytic tool that will be utilized when examining the participant’s identity.
Figure 1
Theoretical Framework
Positionality
The perspective through which I view the research question of this study is shaped by my
location (social and theoretical) and observer lens (Maxwell, 2013). I navigate multiple
identities—I am a daughter, sister, aunt, a mentor, mentee, doctoral student, working

18
professional, and a leader. I am an Armenian born and raised in the Republic of Armenia. I am a
naturalized citizen of the United States and identify as Armenian American and Diasporan
Armenian.
Growing up in Armenia, I received messages that portrayed men as the main
breadwinners, suggesting that there was no need for women to pursue a career. The prevailing
notion was that a woman’s place is at home in the kitchen, and her primary role is to raise
children. For many girls in my generation, education was important for securing a successful
marriage and raising intelligent children. However, my diasporic identity exposed me to different
realities about women’s roles in the public sphere. In my current environment, women are
encouraged to be more independent. They expect to pursue education and establish successful
careers before starting a family. The study participants, who work in the same field as me and
possess substantially more experience and responsibilities, likely share a similar reality with me
and can relate to my perspectives.
I acknowledge that my positionality will influence the interpretation of the findings.
According to Domhoff (2005), power is about being able to realize wishes to produce the results
you want to produce. My wish with this study is to give power to Armenian American female
leaders in higher education and potentially in other fields. I aim to make their voices heard and
find out if there is anything unique about their LSE. Although I do not hold a positional power
over the group that will be studied, as a researcher, I can wish and decide what to study, what
questions to ask, and what theoretical lens to use to conduct my research. I also have the power
to analyze and interpret the data I gather from my participants through interviews. As a research
tool, I may enter this study with certain assumptions and biases because I belong to subgroups
that this study will examine. I acknowledge my power in this study. Therefore, to make my study

19
credible, I will gather rich descriptive data and do member checks in addition to reviewing my
work by my peers.
Methods
Research Question
The general goal of this study was to understand the experiences of women who are
leaders in higher education and who identify as Armenian. To do so, I asked the following
research question: How do gender and ethnic identity shape the experiences and self-efficacy
beliefs of Armenian American female leaders in higher education in Southern California?
Participants
To address the research question above, I collected data from 10 Armenian American
female administrators from Southern California who work in community colleges and
baccalaureate granting institutions (both private and public). Southern California is known to be
highly populated with Armenians and, therefore, it made sense for a study of this caliber and
specificity to select participants from this area. Since this is a qualitative study, I needed to be
purposeful in selecting my participants to gain accurate knowledge (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015).
Hence, I selected non-probability purposeful sampling as my study method. This strategy
allowed me to discover and gain more insight and understanding of the specific population in the
study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Due to the nature of the study and the specificity of the group
investigated in this research, I utilized snowball sampling, where I asked people in my network
from different higher educational institutions across Southern California to recommend eligible
participants from their institutions to develop my sample (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). After
receiving recommendations from my network, I then reached out to those women with an
invitation to participate in my study. I also utilized LinkedIn as a research tool for finding some

20
of my participants. In the search field, I typed the name of the institution and searched for
Armenian female names from the list. After identifying potential participants, I found their
contact information in the college or university’s directory and sent them the study invitation.
Data Collection
I reached out to potential participants, the list of which I gathered from my network in
higher education and LinkedIn and invited them to interview. The participants had the autonomy
to identify meeting locations. I met with one of them remotely on Zoom, with one person outside
at the coffee shop near their campus and another participant on the front porch of their house.
The other seven were interviewed at their respective offices. Each participant was interviewed
once, and each interview lasted between 40–60 minutes. At the start of the interview, I
introduced them to my study and provided them with an information sheet that spelled out their
rights as participants. I started the interview after I answered all the questions they had related to
the study. Since this study aimed to explore participants’ beliefs and perceptions, I collected data
through semi-structured interviews and open-ended questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). At the
start of each interview, I asked my participant’s permission to record the conversation on my
Zoom cloud and proceeded only after receiving verbal consent; all participants agreed to be
recorded. The Zoom recordings allowed me to access interview transcription and make accurate
and organized electronic notes post-interview.
Prior to the data collection process, I had created an interview protocol (see Appendix A)
following Lochmiller and Lester’s (2017) recommendation to make it by keeping in mind the
focus of the interview. In this case, my focus was obtaining data related to participants’ gender
and ethnic identity and their self-efficacy beliefs. The interview was semi-structured and divided
into themes around four sources of self-efficacy, gender, and ethnic identity, with the questions

21
derived from the literature on self-efficacy. The interview structure gave me the flexibility to ask
open-ended follow-up questions. My research question assumed that interviews need to have a
more conversational manner and an organic flow to allow participants to explore and express
their own beliefs. My role as an interviewer was to create a reflective space for them. The semistructured interview served this purpose the best since it provided flexibility, a conversational
manner, and the opportunity to explore unexpected understandings and knowledge (Lochmiller
& Lester, 2017). In addition, standardized open-ended questions helped to be more consistent
with the data and helped be more efficient with the time requested from each interviewee
(Patton, 2002). Before going to the field, I piloted my questions with two professional Armenian
American women working in higher education to ensure my questions were clear, focused, and
unbiased.
Data Analysis
Data analysis is an integral part of qualitative research, and it is the data analysis that
shapes the research outcomes (Flick, 2013). According to Merriam and Tisdell (2015), the most
efficient and preferred way of analyzing data is doing it simultaneously with the interview
process. After each interview, I used the interview transcripts saved in my Zoom recordings to
finalize my notes. When working on my notes, I wrote short reflective personal memos about
emerging themes to keep track of my “thoughts, musings, speculations, and hunches” (Merriam
& Tisdell, 2015, p. 200). I also used those notes to identify any flows in the interview process
and improve my interview organization.
Once the data collection was complete, I started organizing the data through the thematic
coding process. Coding helps keep data organized and, most importantly, helps easily retrieve
specific pieces of the data when needed. Through the initial coding process on the Google

22
spreadsheet, I identified commonalities, differences, and relationships between various themes.
During the second round of coding, I utilized AtlasTI software. Through this software, I could
write my color-coded codes alongside the transcript. The software was an efficient tool that
helped me follow the steps of summarizing, selecting, and interpreting my data (Harding, 2013).
In this second round of coding, I reviewed and refined the list of codes (i.e., “Armenianness and
leadership,” “parental influence,” or “gender identity & challenges”) and combined them into
bigger categories such as “gender identity influences” or “ethnic identity influence.” The codes
and categories addressed my research question and helped me to analyze my findings.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
The validity or, in the case of qualitative study, the credibility of research is an important
concern for researchers. The credibility of qualitative study addresses how well study findings
capture reality and how compatible the findings are with reality (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015).
There are several ways to increase the internal validity of a qualitative study, including data
triangulation (multiple sources of data), member checks, reflexivity of the researcher, etc.
The data triangulation method requires multiple data sources (observation, interviews,
etc.), follow-up interviews, or interviews conducted by different people (Merriam & Tisdell,
2015). This approach was not feasible for this study, considering the answer to the research
question cannot be observed. In addition, there were not enough resources available to have more
than one interviewer. I, therefore, used the member check strategy, also known as the respondent
validations strategy (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). I emailed the raw interview transcripts to each
participant individually and gave them 2 weeks to review and confirm the accuracy of the
transcripts. Seven out of 10 participants responded to me with their minor edits and confirmation
that the transcripts accurately captured their responses to the interview questions.

23
In addition to the member check, I utilized the researcher’s position/reflexivity strategy
and stated my positionality, possible biases, and assumptions that could have affected the
research process (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Disclosing my identity as an Armenian American
woman who works as an administrator at a baccalaureate granting institution will help the
readers better understand the lens through which I will interpret the findings (Merriam & Tisdell,
2015).
Ethical Considerations
It is essential to remember that interviewing as a data collection process comes with
ethical considerations. For instance, it might have some implausible or adverse effects on
participants if it triggers traumatic memories. In addition, Merriam and Tisdell (2015) stated that
the researcher-participant relationship can cause ethical dilemmas when collecting and
interpreting the data. The University of Southern California’s Institutional Review Board (IRB)
thoroughly reviewed and approved my data collection process. Moreover, my interview protocol
addressed ethical issues by including details about the study (transparency), asking for consent,
providing room for clarification questions, and ensuring the confidentiality of the participants.
There was a concern that participants could perceive me as a friend due to my Armenian female
identity. That could impose a potential ethical dilemma. Therefore, at the start of the interview, I
emphasized that I was strictly wearing the researcher’s hat.
Study Participants
Tamar
New to higher education administration and student affairs, Tamar has been a healthcare
professional and started lecturing at local colleges in 2021. A colleague encouraged her to pursue
a leadership role in higher education administration about two years ago. She is originally from

24
the Middle East. She migrated to the United States as an adult and started her educational
journey at 27. Armenian identity, for her, is a “full-time job,” and she advocates for female
education, leadership, and growth.
Sona
Sona has been working in student affairs for 18 years. She was initially interested in
education and teaching and found information on careers in student services during a college
career search in the Occupational Outlook Handbook. Her parents are diasporan Armenians from
Kuwait and Cyprus, and she was born and raised in the United States. She identifies as bicultural
and sometimes finds navigating both American and Armenian identities confusing, especially
considering the influences from Greek and Arabic cultures.
Arpi
Arpi started her career as a teacher and transitioned to higher education 16 years ago. Her
mentors significantly impacted her career in student affairs, as their words of encouragement and
persuasion were the reason she applied for every position she had in higher education. Arpi
moved to the United States as a teenager from the Middle East. Her strong connection to her
Armenian identity is visible in the decoration of her office space. In addition, she mentioned that
she is proud to be the first Armenian in her role.
Nairy
Nairy has officially been in academic roles in different capacities for 15 years. After
earning her doctoral degree, she followed an organic career path, and, as she claims, her career in
academic affairs found her. She is the eldest daughter of an immigrant family who moved here
from Iran when she was a young child. When asked about her identity, she talked about her

25
professional and personal identities and did not specify her ethnic identity. However, her
immigrant family and identity influenced her educational journey from a young age.
Anahid
Anahid started her career in academic affairs as an undergraduate student and has been
working in the field for about 21 years. She moved to the United States with her family from
Armenia when she was 9, and she thinks that her family influenced her to go to college and
become a professional early on. She is the only Armenian professional on her campus and one of
the few in her profession nationwide. But she is proud of her ethnic identity and ensures
everyone around her knows that fact about her. Her office decoration and ambiance proved that.
Hasmik
Hasmik started her professional career as a cafeteria director at a higher education
institution in Armenia. She moved countries and roles since then, and when finally residing in
Los Angeles, she applied for a job at a local community college. Her Armenianness, especially
her “Armenian mom” identity, is important to her as it informs her career decisions and
leadership in academic affairs. Her mother was her role model and greatly influenced her career
outcomes.
Arevik
Arevik started her career in student affairs as a graduate assistant 16 years ago. Her
parents moved to the United States from Iran, and the participant was born in the United States.
When attending a community college, she had a huge role model who impacted her career
decision to work in student services. Finding her place on her campus is a little bit of a struggle
since she is a minority in terms of ethnicity. Even though she is very proud of being Armenian,
she had to suppress that part of her identity on her campus so that she was perceived as a

26
competent leader. Yet, she is trying to find ways in which she can serve her Armenian
community in her capacity as a higher education leader.
Talar
Talar has always been in academia. She started as an instructor at one of the bachelorettegranting institutions in Southern California after filing for her PhD Her family moved to the
United States from Lebanon when she was 9. Ever since childhood, she has liked teaching and
wanted to earn the highest possible degree. Her main career drives and motivators are the
discipline and field she studies when her Armenian identity also has to do with the field choice
and her current administrative role in academic affairs. Her office decor and Armenian books
everywhere showcased her culture and identity.
Lilit
Lilit started her career in a K–12 setting. Then, she taught at a community college and, in
2012, shifted the focus of her career to higher education. She is the first in her family and
the only one of her siblings with a college degree. She reported that her identity (without
specifying which one) influenced her career decisions in academic affairs at the start of her
career, but not anymore.
Lusineh
Lusineh started a career in student affairs by following the path of her counselor, whom
she met during her undergraduate years. She was born in Armenia and migrated to the United
States with her family when she was 6. She mentioned that she grew up very Armenian, and her
Armenianness may have impacted her career. However, our conversation primarily focused on
her gender identity and how it affects her leadership journey.
Findings

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This study examined the Armenian American female leaders in higher educational
institutions across Southern California. Specifically, it looked into the relationships between
gender and ethnic identity with leadership self-efficacy (LSE) beliefs. This study answered the
following question: How do gender and ethnic identity shape the experiences and self-efficacy
beliefs of Armenian American female leaders in higher education in Southern California? In the
following three sections, I will analyze the findings first to examine how the participants’ gender
identity influences their leadership experiences and LSE. Then, I will explore how their ethnic
identity interplays with their leadership experiences and self-efficacy. Finally, in the last section,
I will examine the participants’ leadership experiences and self-efficacy beliefs through the lens
of their intersectionality.
Gender Identity Influences on Leadership Experiences
Participants identified their gender identity as an important aspect that shapes their
leadership experiences. When asked to describe how their identity interacts with their leadership
without being cued for a specific identity, eight participants emphasized the role of their gender
identity in their leadership experiences. The women participating in this study referred to their
gender identity in the following terms—the only female, the only woman, a daughter of aging
parents, the older daughter, a young woman, and the mother. Gendered experiences were
described as having positive and negative effects on leadership. I will analyze them in more
detail in the following paragraphs.
The Positive Influence of Gender Identity on Leadership Self-Efficacy
Many participants had a positive perception of their gender identity. According to
Karelaia and Guillen (2014), positive gender identity views can reduce the perceived conflict
between women’s gender roles and their leadership identity. Arpi spoke positively and

28
confidently about her leadership experiences in her organization; she mentioned that few women
in her organization lead at the top level. She added, “It [being a leader at the top level] makes me
really proud, and I think I have a certain responsibility as a female administrator to my
colleagues and this institution.” Being one of the few female leaders in the organization gave
Arpi a feeling of pride, influencing her self-efficacy through a positive affective state. In
addition, the increased sense of personal responsibility, which is one of the pillars of corporate
responsibility (Mostovicz et al., 2011) and is crucial in optimizing organizational performance
(Smith et al., 2002), can positively influence her leadership experiences.
A different participant, Sona, mentioned how her identity as the older daughter has
always been tied to high expectations in her family. Sona believed those family expectations
were the reason for her high career achievement, as she did not want to disappoint her parents.
As we read in the previous literature, family, and support networks are considered the primary
sources of verbal persuasion (Montas-Hunter, 2012). Sona’s case demonstrated how verbal
persuasion/feedback received from family affects one’s self-efficacy.
In addition, Anahid associated her gender identity with her being an advocate for others.
When a new policy was implemented in her organization that would negatively impact on her
staff’s quality of life and productivity, she did anything in her power to make the administration
reevaluate their decision. Anahid spoke proudly about this successful mastery experience in
advocating for her employees. When reflecting on the situation, Anahid said, “I think that just
came more from me, like, just being a voice for others. I don’t know. Maybe it was because I am
a woman.”
Moreover, Anahid attributed her decision to step out of her comfort zone and advocate
for a fair working environment for her employees to her increased sense of empathy, which was

29
tied to her identity as a woman. Existing research on empathy talks about gender differences in
empathy and affective arousal, arguing that females demonstrate superior performance over
males when it comes to the feeling of empathy (Schulte-Rüther et al., 2008). In addition,
empathy is a critical predictor of organizational effectiveness (Clark et al., 2019). Therefore, we
saw how Anahid’s positive experience in advocating for others and her leadership effectiveness
is perceived to be associated with her gender identity.
Furthermore, two participants mentioned that their gender identity positively influences
their leadership. For instance, when asked how her identity plays a role in her leadership style,
Hasmik responded the following: “I think I am a mother by nature. And I like having a homey
office. I do want them [the staff] to respect me, but I also treat them kind of like my kids.”
Hasmik associated her leadership with motherhood. Like a mother, she mentioned that she
created a caring, inclusive environment at work, something that is defined in Bettina Love’s
(2019) book as a “homeplace” (p. 63). Lusineh, who later clarified she is not a mother, also
identified with a mom identity and expressed a similar sentiment when asked to define success.
She mentioned feeling fulfilled and accomplished when she impacts the development of her staff
and sees growth in them: “I am like a proud mother; I am such a mom. Sometimes I look back,
and I am like, OMG, this person did that? And a year ago, they would not.”
Anahid, who advocated for her staff; Hasmik, who created an inclusive office
environment and treated her staff like her children; and Lusineh, who took pride in the
professional development of her staff, all embody the general qualities Madsen (2015) identifies
with women leaders: inclusiveness, development of others, and heightened social sensitivity.
These examples also support Teague’s (2015) claim that women leaders can enhance employee
satisfaction. Overall, all five participants (Arpi, Sona, Anahid, Hasmik, and Lusineh) reported

30
situations where their gender identity positively influenced their leadership experiences. Their
gender identity also promoted an increase in their LSE in the following ways: Arpi advanced up
the career ladder and, as a result, developed mastery experiences. Similarly, Anahid’s successful
advocacy for her staff added to her mastery experience. Sona’s self-efficacy improved due to
verbal persuasion and messages of heightened expectations she received as the older daughter in
her family while growing up. Lastly, the positive feelings of pride and personal and professional
fulfillment from the impact participants made influenced the fourth source of self-efficacy—their
affective state.
Double Bind Effect in Female Leadership
Eagly and Carli (2007) described the double bind effect in female leadership, which
refers to the dilemma leaders face in managing others’ perceptions of them. Based on discussions
with participants, it became evident that at least four had experienced challenges in appearing
both weak and overly assertive. Lusineh shared her experiences with balancing her actions as a
leader when discussing gender-related challenges: “As a female, it is harder; you have to do
more, you have to be both loud and quiet, and you cannot joke around in the same way men do.”
This search for balance requires increased self-awareness and imposes additional stress on
female leaders, which then impacts their affective state and leadership self-efficacy.
The next participant, whose experiences also indicated challenges in balancing their
leadership, was Arevik. Her response to whether she had encountered situations where others
doubted her leadership abilities was both interesting and unsurprising. Before being officially
hired for her current position, Arevik had acted in that role temporarily. She mentioned that
people in her organization perceived her quietness as a weakness. When she believed that her
permanent status in the role would allow her to freely express her opinions, her mentor cautioned

31
her about the need to navigate carefully as a female. Arevik explained this by paraphrasing the
feedback she received from her mentor:
Because there are two ways women are perceived: we’re either perceived as weak or
perceived to be the bi*** [revised to avoid profanity], and I still have several years in this
field. Then, it would be a shame if people thought that I was a bi*** [revised to avoid
profanity].
Arevik faced implicit restrictions as an acting leader, which led others to perceive her as weak
due to her quiet demeanor, a result of the limitations imposed by her temporary role. Arevik
concluded her story by contrasting her experience with that of a male colleague in her
organization who transitioned from an acting to a permanent role. I share this story to highlight
the differences between female and male leadership, particularly in relation to the double bind
effect. Similar to Arevik, this male leader felt liberated to express himself more freely once his
position became permanent:
He was told, “Attaboy, go get them!” It was just crushing to see. It took a while to
process the reality of, like, it is what it is, and I have to figure out how to navigate it.
Because I am not the “attaboy.” I need to be careful. So that’s another stress.
Arevik’s and Lusineh’s experiences illustrated that while men are encouraged to speak
their minds freely in the same organizational context, women leaders have to deal with a double
bind. They must navigate their roles more cautiously, working extra hard to prevent the
formation of incorrect assumptions about them. This additional effort, coupled with the stress
and other negative emotions associated with the double bind effect or the misconceptions and
rumors about female leaders, can adversely affect a participant’s affective state and,
consequently, their LSE.

32
Gender Disparities and Experiences of Armenian American Female Leaders
As supported by previous research, gender disparities are prevalent in higher education
(Diehl, 2014). Most participants in the study also referred to gender disparities as career
challenges in their organizations. For instance, seven out of ten participants reported that their
leadership was questioned, or their abilities were doubted. Sona shared that she was doubted
based on her gender and how she looked:
Being young, being a woman, others have definitely made judgments about me, just
viewing me and seeing what I look like. And then it’s making assumptions. And that
makes me feel very angry because I feel that I worked hard to get to where I am, and I
have a lot to offer, and if they were just, you know, a little more open and like would wait
to see what I have to say before they make that judgment.
Sona reported feelings of anger due to the incorrect assumptions people make about her because
she is a young woman. This anger can negatively affect her leadership self-efficacy by inducing
a negative affective state.
Furthermore, in some of the participants’ organizations, gender disparities manifested in
the experiences of exclusionary networks. When discussing how her identity influenced her
leadership, Nairy highlighted the unique challenges she faced as a woman navigating her role.
She specifically pointed out the gender dynamics within her organization, stating, “Your role as a
woman is so different, and people view you so differently, especially when dealing with the old
boys’ club.” Similarly, Lusineh addressed the difficulties of working in a male-dominated
environment at her college when discussing identity-related career challenges. She mentioned
that she encountered with the good old boys’ club, which is an exclusionary network of typically

33
powerful men who support and promote each other’s interest often excluding women and
minorities. She shared the following:
When we are having meetings, they talk about sports-related references, and you can tell
they talk more like buddy-buddy, and there are many things that, as a male leader, you
get away with as opposed to a female leader. I have seen that so many times, not just here
[her organization], but in higher education.
Lusineh further explained that male leaders can get away with the inappropriate comments and
jokes they make during the meetings. She mentioned that she sometimes takes notes of the
comments that her male counterparts make, and if any female leader said something similar in a
meeting, “there would be hell to pay.” She continued:
Good old boys’ club also makes me mad because where is that leadership group you can
rely on? You do not feel you fit in. You want someone to trust and bounce off things, you
want that club too, you know. I wanna play golf or whatever.
Lusineh’s comments highlight significant issues with the ‘good old boys’ club’ culture.
Those not part of the club, primarily women, often feel excluded and find their ideas
marginalized. Lusineh experienced this firsthand when her contributions were only
acknowledged behind the scenes and never brought to the forefront of discussions. Such
exclusionary networks can significantly affect female leaders’ sense of belonging within an
organization. According to the participants’ experiences, these networks can undermine their
LSE by negatively impacting their affective state, leading to frustration, disappointment, and
anger.
Gender disparities were further discussed through the anecdotal stories that happened to
the study participants but will likely not happen to their male counterparts. Some of the

34
participants mentioned that specific experiences made them wonder what would happen if they
were men. The examples that they shared indicated more gender disparities. For instance, Lilit
mentioned, “Sometimes I wonder if I was a man, would they dare do that or not.” She was
referring to times when, in a room full of people, they failed to acknowledge her doctorate title
but addressed her male counterparts with their doctorate titles. Talar also shared some
experiences where she would receive a different treatment if she were a man. Specifically, she
mentioned how she was questioned about having a light workload during a particular term: “I am
being questioned because I am a woman, and they think they have a right as men to question
me.” She also shared a story when she received an email from someone in the community asking
her to set his sons up with young Armenian “ladies.” Talar continued, “I thought nobody in their
right mind would dare write this email to [her male counterpart] when he was alive. No one.”
The participants’ personal experiences once again demonstrate that gender disparities
exist in higher educational institutions and negatively affect their self-efficacy development. The
literature review earlier revealed that self-efficacy can change due to shifts in one’s physical and
emotional states (Machida-Kosuga, 2017). Negative emotions are associated with diminished
self-efficacy beliefs. Therefore, the participants’ self-efficacy, which is crucial for developing
their leadership (Murphy & Johnson, 2016), can be compromised by feelings of anger,
disappointment, and frustration arising from gender disparities within their organizations.
Ethnic Identity Influences on Leadership Experiences
So far, I discussed how gender identity influences the leadership experiences and selfefficacy of Armenian American female leaders in Southern California higher educational
institutions. In the next section, I will explore the second part of the research question and

35
examine how participant’s ethnic identity influenced their leadership experiences and selfefficacy development.
Ethnic Identity and Positive Leadership Experiences
When asked questions about identity and how it interacts with leadership without
directly being asked about ethnic identity, eight out of ten participants mentioned that
associations between their leadership and ethnic identity exist. The participants shared their
perception of their Armenian identity or what it means to be an Armenian in their organizations.
They also talked about their Armenian upbringing, the cultural norms and expectations, and how
their Armenianness interplays with how they lead. As mentioned in the literature review, the
diasporic Armenian identity is diverse. This diversity was reflected in the participants’ responses
to how they perceived or wore their ethnic identity. The responses varied from “Being Armenian
is my full-time job (Tamar)” to “I’m very proud of being Armenian, but I try very hard not to
involve my ethnicity in my work” (Arevik). In other words, there was not a singular way I could
describe how participants’ ethnic identity influences their leadership experiences. However,
below, I will use the common themes in the data to discuss how the participants’ ethnic identity
supports and improves their leadership.
Participants generally reported that their ethnic identity and values have a positive
influence in shaping their leadership. Eight out of ten participants mentioned that their
Armenianness informed their career decisions and leadership. For instance, Arpi, who works at
an institution that has a large Armenian student population, emphasized how her identity helps
her connect with the students.

36
I’m proud because I’m the first Armenian administrator in the college. It’s kind of cool,
right? You feel perfect about that, and then your Armenian students connect with you
differently. ... It’s kind of neat, so you feel really proud of that.
Arpi continued that she needs to ensure that her Armenianness is visible and can be found in her
spaces. Her office, where the interview took place, was full of Armenian artwork and
decorations:
I think our unique backgrounds and our unique identities help us bring different
perspectives and different things or priorities to the table. You know when things go
wrong, like what’s happening in Artsakh, right? It may not affect you and me directly,
but I know how much it’s affecting our students, and I wouldn’t be able to share that with
my colleagues had I not been part of that identity, right? ... And so, you can build
programs and services that can serve those students who need them.
Arpi’s words speak to the importance of diversity and representation in campus climate in
providing culturally relevant practices and programming, creating positive learning environments
for minority groups. She reported that her ethnic background positively influenced her leadership
particularity within her institution because she can serve as a success model for a large Armenian
student population.
Another participant, Sona, mentioned that her ethnic identity and values significantly
inform her leadership, emphasizing that her community values are deeply connected to her ethnic
identity. Sona explained that being part of the community and being an inclusive leader means:
“you consider very deeply and highly value people’s opinions, feelings, and their ability to be
comfortable in their work environment.” These words suggest that Sona’s inclusive leadership

37
style is connected to her ethnic values. Additionally, growing up in an immigrant Armenian
household, Sona acquired insights that she has since implemented in her leadership approach:
I think that [taking into account people’s feeling of belonging, safety and security] comes
across somehow in my leadership from my upbringing. I also think that it really deepens
my empathy and understanding of others because I grew up in an environment that looks
a little bit different than maybe those who are in the mainstream.
Sona shared that even when students come from different backgrounds, she can easily empathize
with those groups who face unique challenges. These groups include re-entering adults, English
as a second language learners, and immigrant students transitioning to a new country while
trying to improve their educational and job prospects. Sona mentioned that she feels a deep
empathy for them, having observed similar struggles faced by her own parents. She learned
about these challenges vicariously and possesses both the knowledge and confidence to support
students who, in her own words, are not mainstream and face unique challenges. Her LSE is
reinforced through two sources of self-efficacy: vicarious experiences (knowledge gained from
her immigrant parents) and affective states (feelings of empathy).
Arevik reported that she is gradually becoming more confident in expressing her ethnic
identity within her organization, attributing this growing confidence to the network of Armenian
higher education professionals she has built. This informal network provides support and a boost
in confidence. Such a supportive network can enhance Arevik’s and other members’ LSE by
enabling Armenian leaders within the network to learn vicariously from one another and to offer
mutual verbal support and encouragement.
While Arevik is just beginning to embrace her ethnic identity within her leadership role,
Tamar views being Armenian as integral to her life and career:

38
It’s [being Armenian] a full-time job. I feel an obligation to my community to serve my
church, to teach the younger generation of Armenians whatever, in whatever capacity I
can, and to donate to share the wealth and my knowledge with our community.
Tamar reported that she proudly asserts her Armenian identity in every setting, making it known
that an Armenian woman can be both accomplished and successful. For Tamar, her sense of
ethnic pride motivates her and significantly shapes her leadership style. Her success and mastery
experiences are deeply intertwined with her ethnic identity, reinforcing her leadership selfefficacy.
One theme that emerged from the data is the role of the Armenian community in
enhancing the participants’ engagement beyond their institutional roles, particularly in
environments where they feel a strong sense of belonging. The Armenian community in
Southern California provides numerous opportunities for these leaders to build mastery
experiences, which are known to be the strongest predictors of self-efficacy (Montas-Hunter,
2012). This involvement not only strengthens their community ties but also significantly boosts
their confidence and effectiveness in their professional roles. Half of the participants mentioned
that at some point during their careers, they had some involvement in Armenian groups and
organizations in the community, which provided them with more chances for mastery building.
Arevik, Tamar, and Arpi were the three participants who currently had a high involvement in the
community, and their impact crosses the boundaries of the organization to which they primarily
belong. Arevik shared that she works with elementary, high, and middle schools in the Armenian
community to help educate the leaders in those fields about college opportunities. She found the
need to do that because, especially in Los Angeles and nearby communities, Armenian parents

39
push their kids to go to good schools, and the only good schools they know are UCLA or USC.
She specified:
By educating the community through interacting with elementary, middle, and high
school administrators, parents will know their kid doesn’t have to be a doctor or lawyer,
and they don’t have to go to UCLA or USC. There are other options. There are many
many other fellowships, Ivy Leagues, and moving out of state. And so, working with
those administrators, I’ve learned a lot, and I’ve helped inform them.
Arevik’s involvement and care in educating school administrators and parents in the Armenian
community is an example of mastery building and, hence, can increase her self-efficacy. Arpi, on
the other hand, extended her impact outside of the borders of the college she works in by helping
newly migrated students with their educational journey in the new country. She said, “If I could
tell you how many students from Lebanon and Syria I’ve helped, but I continue to help because
somebody referred them to me.” Then, she continued, “I’m very involved in my Armenian
community. I do a lot of different things, particularly in education.” Another participant getting
mastery experiences outside of their primary leadership role was Tamar. At the time of this
study, Tamar was serving as the president of the professional Armenian Association in her field,
maintaining strong connections with Armenia. She had recently traveled to Armenia to
contribute to the country by exchanging knowledge and expertise. Sharing her expertise and
supporting her homeland provided her with personal fulfillment and aligned with her definition
of success. Tamar’s productive experiences in Armenia allowed her to accumulate additional
mastery experiences, further enhancing her leadership self-efficacy.
Generally, participants reported positive feelings and experiences associated with their
ethnic identity. So far, it is noticeable that the participants leveraged their ethnic identity to be

40
better leaders for the student body and Armenian students. They also engaged in successful
experiences outside of their organizations, leading to increased self-efficacy (Wilson et al.,
2020). Most participants reported positive feelings such as feelings of responsibility, dedication,
support, empathy, sympathy, relatability, and so on associated with their Armenianness. Positive
affective states with mastery experiences can influence the participants’ leadership self-efficacy.
Ethnic Identity and Leadership Challenges
Besides the positive experiences, leadership values, and networking opportunities, some
participants also discussed the challenges their ethnic identity presented in their roles. Three
participants, in particular, shared that they have non-combative personalities, making it difficult
for them to respond assertively or express their feelings when they are not treated fairly. Arpi,
Sona, and Lusineh indirectly tied this rule-follower- non-combative personality to their
Armenian upbringing and identity. Arpi specified how she often avoided expressing herself or
voicing her opinions in leadership meetings when, for example, a colleague crosses the
boundaries. Here is what she said:
As a woman and an Armenian … you don’t get mad at somebody. You know, you
respect people, right? And so, I have this colleague, who constantly takes over the space,
and takes over the room dialogue all the time, or pushes work onto other people. And I’m
so hesitant to say things sometimes because I don’t feel comfortable saying them, and I
feel as if everybody else in the room is seeing it. Why should I be the one to say it right?
... I don’t want to create enemies, you know? I don’t want to ruffle people’s feathers, but
it’s so frustrating.
Sona also brought up her non-combativeness and how her culture connects this trait to success.
She mentioned that that trait helps her please people around her, specifically her parents and

41
community: “I wanted to please my Armenian community and family to show them that I can be
successful. And so that [being non-combative, staying away from conflicts] was something that
is perceived as being successful.” Lusineh did not directly emphasize a connection between
Armenianness and her personality, but she mentioned that she was a rule follower which had to
do with her upbringing. Earlier, she mentioned that she had a “very Armenian” upbringing. In six
instances throughout the conversation, she mentioned that she had been a rule follower since she
was a little girl. When asked to discuss a failure at work, she began her response with, “At the
beginning, I strictly adhered to the rules, refrained from asking too many questions, and aimed to
be a “good girl.” As a result, I often ignored my instincts.” She reflected on past failures, such as
accepting “no” for an answer and not advocating for additional resources and funding for her
team. She associated these failures with her reluctance to challenge the status quo. She also noted
that she has been actively working to change this aspect of her character since realizing its
impact:
The more you put your head down and follow the rules, you become known as the person
who is going to be okay with whatever they tell you. For example, when the resources are
going to be divided, she is going to accept less. I had that reputation you know—I am
going to follow the rules, I’m going to be quiet, be humble; growing up I thought that
was the right thing to do and that resulted in me turning down staffing, getting less
funding, getting a program not approved.
I did not ask direct questions about ethnicity and personality or ethnic character during the
interview, so it is hard to tell if other participants also had similar perceptions about their
identities. However, these three examples indicate particular shared characteristics for the
participants of this study, which they tied to their cultural values and upbringing, and which

42
impacts their mastery of leadership experiences. In addition, the non-combative personality
associated with the Armenian female upbringing can impact the participants’ affective states, as
they mentioned feelings of hesitation, frustration, and disappointment.
The Influence of Intersectional Identities on Self-Efficacy
So far, I have separately analyzed how gender and ethnic identity influenced and
informed the leadership and self-efficacy development of the Armenian American female leaders
in this study who work in higher education institutions in Southern California. As mentioned
earlier in the literature review, the person’s leadership self-efficacy is shaped by gendered and
racialized experiences (Ruggs et al., 2023). Therefore, it is important to explore the intersection
of the participants’ gender and ethnic identities to examine how their intersectionality interplays
with their leadership self-efficacy.
Intersectionality-Related Messages and Self-Efficacy Beliefs
One way intersectionality of gender and ethnicity reportedly affected the participants’
self-efficacy is through the mixed messages they received from their families or the Armenian
community about prioritizing careers over personal lives. One may argue that messages about
marriage or motherhood are gender-specific and have nothing to do with ethnic identity.
However, as discussed in the literature review, the traditional ultimate goals for Armenian
women are establishing a family and becoming a mother (Beukian, 2014). Resonating with
previous research, some participants shared that they received similar messages growing up from
their families, ethnic cultures, and communities. They perceived those messages to be connected
to their ethnic background. Hence, we assume that the personal-life-related messages are ethnic
and gendered simultaneously. Six participants shared that, at younger ages, when women
typically prioritize their personal lives, they were focused on their careers, which is not what

43
their community expects from them. Some participants felt they were doing something wrong
when prioritizing their careers over starting traditional families and becoming mothers at young
ages. With Lusineh, when speaking about her identity’s influence on her career decisions, we
spoke about her personal life. I asked if she ever felt pressured about neglecting her personal life.
She responded:
Of course, I am Armenian! I’ve never felt pressure from my parents. They, of course,
wish that happened. “Ափսոս [what a pity!], you can’t find the person, blah blah blah”
but they also understand how hard it was after I was older, because in my 20s that
[dating] wasn’t my focus.
Sona also shared her experiences. She mentioned that she spent most of her young
professional life being hyper-focused to reach this point in her career. She shared that she felt she
was neglecting dating and her personal life. She got married close to the age of 40, which might
not be typical for Armenians:
I’m 40 now, and I just got married. But it’s like, okay, gosh! Armenians don’t
understand me getting married that late. But you know, like there were these expectations
of things, and I sort of put all those on the back burner to be like, well, I’m gonna focus
on this area that I know I can have control over and do well.
Arevik shared that since she met all her educational and career goals, her family expects
her to focus on starting a family and ensuring her children are involved in the Armenian
community. This expectation underscores her Armenian family’s importance in traditional
family roles, projecting specific expectations onto her future children. Arevik is now trying to
find a balance between her professional achievements and her personal life:

44
I’ve worked my entire professional career to get where I am right now. And now, I’ve
taken a step back and decided to focus on my personal life. You know, building a family
and work-life balance and figuring out how that works and how that pans out because I
put the personal part on the back burner while I was focusing on my career.
Her words highlight the challenges leaders like her face in balancing personal and professional
life, particularly in light of the messages and expectations from their ethnic backgrounds.
Another participant, Arpi, shared that her family and community expect her to be a mother at her
age: “They [her family] wish that I just had children and stayed home; I’m too busy for that now.
It is difficult, especially as an Armenian woman, to be 40 with no children.” Later in the
interview, when discussing messages received from the community, she added that people find it
unusual that she is not a mother at 40. She noted a prevailing expectation from the community in
this regard; she has been married for 12 years and does not have children. These societal
pressures about motherhood and age can cause Arpi to question her life choices and career
ambitions, potentially affecting her leadership self-efficacy.
This example of intersection-specific personal life-related messages and expectations can
influence the participants’ self-efficacy through the third source of self-efficacy—verbal
persuasion. As Montas-Hunter (2012) mentioned, family and support networks are the primary
sources for verbal persuasion. They can either enhance or diminish performance (Versland,
2016). In the case of the Armenian American female participants of this study, the messages
received from the community and families about the timing of dating, getting married, or having
children can be confusing. When these leaders have their goals and definitions of career success,
receiving reminders that they are not doing what they should or are choosing career success over

45
personal success can potentially make the participants doubt their choices and, hence, affect their
leadership self-efficacy.
Intersectionality of Gender Identity and Age
A group of participants with a particular intersectionality reported more gender-related
challenging experiences causing self-efficacy threats than others. This group was of younger
female leaders in their late 30s and early 40s. Those four participants—Arevik, Arpi, Sona, and
Lusineh—mentioned that they experience challenges related to their appearance. Arpi mentioned
that at times she feels intimidated because of her age as she is the youngest one in the room:
It can be very intimidating and challenging to either speak up or say something as you
feel like you’re gonna say something stupid. Or maybe you’re not understanding it right,
you know, but it creates a very intimidating environment. It’s difficult to actually speak
up and say things sometimes. … I don’t know why if it’s because I’m a woman, or if it’s
because I’m young, but it’s sometimes not comfortable because I don’t want to feel
stupid.
This excerpt suggests that Arpi experienced intimidation and reluctance to express herself
and voice her opinions. She also feared appearing uninformed or uncertain in front of her
colleagues. These negative emotions and challenges stemmed from her intersectional identity as
a young female leader and significantly impacted her confidence in her leadership abilities.
When discussing the leadership challenges, Sona also shared how she thought there were
many perceptions of somebody who looks young in a leadership role. She often received
comments that suggested she looked too young to be qualified for her leadership role. One
particularly troubling incident involved her college president, who began a speech by saying, “I
know she doesn’t look old enough to.” This introduction made Sona feel embarrassed and

46
undermined because of her appearance. As a result, she has adapted her approach to leadership,
feeling compelled to immediately establish her competence in new situations to counteract the
skepticism about her abilities. This constant need to prove herself, born out of frustrating and
demoralizing assumptions, significantly impacts her leadership self-efficacy by affecting her
emotional state.
Lastly, Talar, who is in her 50s now, recalled that at younger ages, her age would make
people doubt her abilities. She mentioned that earlier in her career, people would question her
when she would give talks:
They [the men] would even say, have you read this book? And it would be like the first
book you would ever read if you ever did the topic. And so that to me indicates that they
don’t honor or give me credit for what I’ve accomplished to be where I am.
Talar specified that at younger ages her position was also questioned by young male Armenian
students. She shared another incident highlighting the challenges she faced as a younger female
leader, particularly from male Armenian students. She described a disrespectful interaction
where a student addressed her dismissively in the hallway by calling out “pssst” several times.
He then followed her to her office to inquire inappropriately about her marital status. When Talar
deemed his question inappropriate and his persistence aggressive, asking him to leave, he said,
“Oh, I knew you weren’t married! If you were married, you’d be nicer to your students.” This
encounter left Talar feeling belittled and angry, interpreting it as a disrespect that younger female
leaders often face in smaller communities—a disrespect unlikely to be directed at a male leader.
These experiences, which provoke strong negative emotions, can significantly impact Talar’s
self-efficacy at younger ages.

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Based on the findings in this section, the younger participants of this study felt the need
to put extra effort into proving themselves as competent and worthy of their roles. They also
experienced more negative emotions related to their age and gender, which is a threat to their
leadership self-efficacy. However, these negative experiences and emotions appear age-related
and tend to decline over time.
Armenian American Women’s Intersectionality
Many of the participants in this study shared that they are the first and the only Armenian
American female leaders in their institution at their level. Being the first of your kind in your role
at your organization can assume some responsibility and can also be mentally taxing (Zimmer,
1988). Most participants reported certain feelings, such as a lack of acceptance, loneliness, and
exclusion in their organizations (or communities) because of being Armenian female leaders.
Arpi shared the following:
As a female, as an Armenian, and as a female mostly I have a lot of self-doubts because
you’re always in spaces where there’s just not a lot of women like you. The men are
talking, and they’re constantly talking. And so, it’s really hard to feel like you belong in
this, in this role or in the job, or like you’re or like every like job I’ve taken—those are
big feet to fill.
What Arpi describes—the absence of leaders similar to her around the table, a woman being
excluded from conversations in male-dominated rooms, and a lack of a sense of belonging—are
all signs of the imposter phenomenon. We know from the literature that the imposter
phenomenon is a barrier to advancement for minoritized women in higher education
(Manongsong & Ghosh, 2021). This phenomenon represents a barrier of career advancement for
minority women, and the data showed in this study that Armenian American women are not an

48
exception. The feelings of self-doubt associated with imposter phenomenon can impact the
affective states of minority female leaders, resulting in decreased leadership self-efficacy.
In addition, Talar has also experienced the imposter phenomenon in her current role. She
is the first person to hold her position in a newly established department within her institution.
Talar feels that her situation is unique because she sensed reluctance from her institution
regarding the creation of her department and role, making her feel somewhat imposed upon the
organization. Consequently, she has had to invest considerable effort in developing relationships
as part of her leadership role. Additionally, as an Armenian woman in a leadership position, she
is viewed as an outlier in the Armenian community, which, according to her, traditionally does
not expect women to hold such positions. She specified:
But I have constantly, and it’s only as I get older that I assert myself even more that I
fight this, but I’m constantly aware that the way that I’m treated has a lot to do with the
fact that I’m a woman, especially in our community. Things that they would not do or say
to a man in my position, they feel completely free to do so with me.
Although Talar appeared confident in her leadership abilities, this unfair treatment from her
community can lead to a negative emotional state and, therefore, impact her self-efficacy.
Anahid also experienced loneliness on her campus due to her intersectionality. She
mentioned that she is the sole Armenian woman on her campus: “Population-wise, the Armenian
students are overrepresented, but on the employee side, there were no Armenians. I was the only
representative Armenian on the entire campus, and then, over the years, we’ve had them on and
off.” In addition, she also mentioned that she is one of the few Armenian women in her career in
general. It becomes clear that participants’ intersectionality can sometimes be associated with
feelings of loneliness or invisibility in their organizations.

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What connects Arpi, Talar, and Anahid is that they are pioneers in their organizations,
each embodying the intersectionality of being Armenian American women. They all experience
the imposter phenomenon, accompanied by feelings of loneliness, exclusion, and nonacceptance. Within the conceptual framework of this study, these negative emotions can directly
impact the participants’ self-efficacy beliefs.
Lack of Mentorship and Self-Efficacy
One consistent theme across nearly all interviews was the critical need for mentors,
particularly those with similar identities to the mentees. Research indicates that mentees’
perception of similarity to their mentors plays a crucial role in their assessment of mentorship
quality (Hernandez et al., 2016). Most participants emphasized the pivotal role of mentorship in
their career development, especially in the early stages. Several participants credited their
mentors as critical influences in their decisions to pursue careers in higher education.
Additionally, they noted that without the supportive messages from their mentors, they might not
have achieved their current professional status. However, as these women advanced in their
careers, they experienced a scarcity of relatable mentors, primarily due to the limited number of
Armenian women in senior leadership positions. For example, Lilit mentioned that she outgrew
her mentors and has not had any in the past eight years. Nayiri said she always had hardworking
and inspiring people around her at work and in the family, but when asked if she has any
mentors, she said, “Can’t say that there’s been one.” Talar reported that she mentors many
students in her role and takes mentorship very seriously. Unfortunately, however, she did not get
lucky with her mentors. She even mentioned that, sadly, she could not even call them mentors
since they did not guide or direct her. Hasmik said that her biggest mentor was her mother. She
used to have other mentors in her profession, but none of them were Armenian. Arevik

50
mentioned that her mentor is an Armenian male who helps her navigate and balance family,
school, and identity. However, her mentor told her that she might need to start looking for a
female mentor to help and guide her personal and professional lives as she grows in her ranks in
higher education. She continued, “He [the male mentor] reached out to someone and tried to
assign her to me. However, it was not the best fit, so it did not work out.” Arevik explained that
she could not find a mentor because “there is not a very large pool of female mentors in the field,
especially Armenians.” Another participant—Arpi, whose mentor is a non-Armenian male,
values and appreciates his mentor a lot. However, she mentioned that male-female dynamics are
different. Like Arevik, she also stated that finding female mentors with similar backgrounds in
her field is difficult. The experiences of Arpi, Arevik, and other women who reported challenges
with finding mentors is described in Almjeld et al. (2017) on how existing traditional mentoring
systems, based on a hierarchical structure, are less effective compared to organic relationships
that grow in informal ways, which are based on personal connection, care, and reciprocity.
The lack of mentors for Armenian American female leaders in higher education can be
problematic. As mentioned in the literature review, Versland (2016) suggested that vicarious
learners better replicate the effort and strategies of their role model/mentor when the learner and
the model have similar characteristics. The more leaders see how others accomplish their tasks,
the more efficacious they will become regarding their tasks (Bandura, 1977). Therefore, poor
vicarious learning experiences can hurt the self-efficacy of Armenian American female leaders in
this study.
Other Identities and Self-Efficacy Beliefs
When participants were asked to share how their identity influenced their leadership, they
were not directed to share any particular part of their identity. As a result, they talked about other

51
parts of their identities in addition to gender and ethnic identities. Mainly, they mentioned that
their immigrant, first-generation college graduates, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals
(DACA) students, mothers, siblings, and daughters’ identities helped them be inclusive, positive,
and resilient leaders. For example, Arpi shared that her undocumented student identity helped
her “be a better administrator and leader for my students who are having those challenges,
whether they’re undocumented, have basic needs challenges, or live paycheck to paycheck.”
Hasmik’s resilience was associated with her immigrant identity. She relocated four times before
settling in Los Angeles, and she had to start from zero each time: “Every year, I was becoming
stronger. I learned to rely only on myself.” These examples show that when discussing the
relationship between one’s leadership and intersectionality, it is essential to include the person’s
multiple identity layers in the discussion.
Six of the 10 participants talked about their immigrant identities. They stated in the
interviews that they were born abroad (mainly in the Armenian diaspora) and moved to the
United States at younger ages. For the participants of the study, ethnic and immigrant identity
went hand in hand. The conversations with participants showed that being raised in Armenian
immigrant families came with specific upbringing and expectations. When I asked them to share
the expectations of their families when growing up, Lilit, Anahid, Lusineh, Hasmik, Sona, Arpi,
and Arevik all mentioned that their families expected that they would get good grades at school,
receive a good education, and have secure careers, which is not aligned with the traditional
Armenian female roles we encounter in the literature (Fertaly, 2011). Their parents, most of
whom did not have higher education themselves, always provided support and encouragement
even when they did not know how the educational system works in the United States. Nairy
shared the following story from her childhood:

52
If I did a quiz or something and I got an A+, I would go and proudly show my parents
and cousins, who were usually around our table in the kitchen. I would show them, and
they’d say, “Oh, good job, Բրավո քեզի. … Մյուս անգամ A plus plus [Bravo, next time
you should get an A plus plus].” They didn’t have any bad intentions. There was no
malintent. It was just like a joking encouragement of “Do better, do better.” And then,
when I would say there’s no A plus, plus, they would say you could create one.
Nayri’s example perfectly illustrates a connection between immigrant identity and self-efficacy.
It is clear that her immigrant parents boosted her self-efficacy through verbal persuasion by
encouraging her to excel and strive for greater achievements. Later, Nayri mentioned that maybe
her career success and her motivations to achieve more and innovate non-existent opportunities
are related to the encouraging messages received from her immigrant parents. Anahid’s mother
also always emphasized the importance of getting good grades. She recalled her mother always
saying that she needed to ensure she earned good grades at school to go to college. Her mother
did not even question the fact that she might not attend college; that was not an option in
Anahid’s family.
Arpi received such encouraging messages about her academic achievements from her
aunts, whom she considers her family:
My aunt, who didn’t go to college, would always be like, “Okay, you’re gonna go to
college, right? You gotta go to college. You’re not getting married until you have a
degree.
Some may find that this message contradicts with the traditional expectations of Armenian
females discussed in literature review. This message of getting good grades, going to college,
becoming an established person, and only marrying after, seems to be related to the

53
immigrant/diasporan identities of the parents rather than the traditional Armenian identity of
Armenians in the Republic of Armenia that Beukian (2014) discussed in her article on
motherhood and Armenianness. Furthermore, Arpi told me how every time she got a degree, her
grandmother’s sister would say, “This is your ‘ոսկի ապարանջա [gold bracelet].’ If everything
else in your life fails, you have this.”
Even when family members, like Arpi’s aunts or Anahid’s mother, could not provide
direct support and career guidance, their encouraging messages motivated the participants to
succeed as students, professionals, and leaders. Research on self-efficacy suggests that building
and sustaining confidence is facilitated when respected and admired individuals express
confidence in us (McCormick et al., 2002). Therefore, the positive and supportive messages the
participants’ families shared likely enhanced their self-efficacy.
Summary of Findings
The findings of this study illuminate how gender and ethnic identities shape the selfefficacy of Armenian American female leaders. Participants reported both positive and negative
impacts of gender on their leadership roles, often related to societal expectations and personal
identity factors, such as being mothers or the only women in their positions. These experiences
can enhance self-efficacy through positive feelings of pride and responsibility. Conversely, selfefficacy may decline due to challenges like the double bind effect, where female leaders must
navigate a delicate balance between assertiveness and the risk of being perceived as either weak
or overly aggressive. Their leadership experiences are further complicated by gender disparities
and the presence of exclusionary networks, such as good old boys’ clubs. Additionally, the study
explores how ethnic identity enriches their leadership by fostering a sense of connection,
community, inclusivity, and a sense of duty towards their community. However, challenges arise

54
from cultural tendencies that discourage assertive communication in leadership roles, hindering
their effectiveness.
Furthermore, the study explores the intersectionality of gender and ethnic identities and
their impact on the self-efficacy of Armenian American female leaders. The participants’
experiences reveal those societal expectations around traditional roles, such as marriage and
motherhood, conflict with their career aspirations, influencing their self-efficacy through verbal
persuasion. This pressure is particularly pronounced in personal life decisions, where deviating
from community expectations can lead to feelings of guilt or doubts. Additionally, younger
leaders face challenges related to appearance and age, affecting their confidence and ability to
assert themselves. The presence of the imposter phenomenon further complicates their
experiences as they navigate being pioneers in their fields while dealing with isolation and
skepticism. The lack of mentors who share similar identities with the participants is highlighted
as a significant gap, underscoring the need for more relatable role models to enhance vicarious
learning and self-efficacy. Overall, the study underscores the complex dynamics of gender and
ethnicity in leadership roles and the critical role of supportive networks in enhancing leadership
self-efficacy.
Discussion
This study is among the few that examine Armenian American female leaders in higher
education institutions in Southern California, and the first one focusing on their identity and
perceived leadership self-efficacy experiences. When studying the identities of individuals who
are part of the Armenian Diaspora, we need to acknowledge the complexity of their identities.
The participants’ diasporan demographics varied significantly; most were born outside the
United States, either in Armenia or other diasporan communities, and immigrated to the United

55
States at different stages of their lives. Despite their diverse backgrounds, semi-structured, hourlong interviews revealed several common themes, which will be discussed below.
The findings section discussed the identities of Armenian American female leaders.
Based on the participants’ responses, gender was perceived as the most influential identity
affecting their organizational leadership experiences. Most participants viewed the roles in their
personal lives, such as mothers, older daughters, or sisters, as enriching and influencing their
empathetic and inclusive leadership style. Nevertheless, consistent with research on other
minoritized groups (Hozien, 2018; Manongsong & Ghosh, 2021), gender disparities have
significantly impacted the careers of Armenian American female leaders and continue to shape
their leadership experiences. The experiences reported by participants reveal a delicate balance
in how they are perceived: they must navigate between being seen as competent and strong
leaders and avoiding the labels of being weak or bossy. This /report makes it clear that Armenian
American female leaders experience what Eagly and Carli (2007) call the double bind effect,
which requires them to show assertiveness and competitiveness while avoiding being called
direct and assertive. The anecdotal stories from the participants’ professional lives further
revealed how the male-dominated networks in higher education, which they referred to as good
old boys’ clubs, impact the self-efficacy in female leaders. The study findings illustrate how
gender disparities within organizational contexts can affect the participants and women in
general and evoke negative emotions like frustration and stress, undermining leadership selfefficacy. The literature review argues that high self-efficacy helps female leaders to overcome
gender-related disparities (Santovec, 2010). However, the participants, specifically younger
participants, reported that gender-based disparities cause some job-related stress. In contrast,
those aged 50 and above reflected more on past discrepancies and discrimination, with less

56
emphasis on current experiences. Participants in this age group seemed to have high LSE and,
likely, they have better tools to navigate and fight with the traditional gender stereotypes.
Next, the study explored the interplay between participants’ ethnic identities and
leadership experiences. This study pioneers the discussion on how Armenian identity shapes the
leadership of Armenian American female leaders in Southern California’s higher education
institutions. A significant number of participants acknowledged the influence of their ethnic
identity on their leadership, noting the positive traits it instills, such as responsibility, resilience,
dedication, empathy, and relatability. These positive experiences, rooted in their Armenian
identity, can make participants feel better about their abilities to perform the task. As
McCormick et al. (2002) argue, the better one feels, the more efficacious they will be. Therefore,
traits related to the participants’ ethnic identity causing positive affective states will potentially
increase their efficaciousness.
Furthermore, the participants’ involvement in the Armenian community offers additional
opportunities for mastery experiences. We learned from research that mastery experiences are
strong predictors of one’s levels of self-efficacy (Machida-Kosuga, 2017; Montas-Hunter, 2012).
Therefore, this additional exposure to leadership experiences in the Armenian community is
another way in which participants’ self-efficacy may increase.
Lastly, this study explored the complex interplay of participants’ multifaceted identities
and how these identities intersect and impact their sense of leadership self-efficacy. Viewing the
participants through the lens of intersectionality theory helped me better present the complex
identities of Armenian American female leaders in higher education. Notably, many participants
were pioneers, the first and only Armenian American female leaders in their respective
institutions. As a result, some participants noted the solitude and barriers they faced as the first or

57
only Armenian American female leaders in their institutions. While often viewed as a hallmark
of success and a source of pride, this unique position also brought challenges, such as feelings of
isolation, doubt, and exclusion. In the case of some participants, they experienced the imposter
phenomenon. As existing research suggests, the imposter phenomenon is a well-known barrier to
advancement in leadership roles for minoritized women in higher education (Manongsong &
Ghosh, 2021).
The negative affective states associated with feeling like an imposter can also be a barrier
to developing positive leadership self-efficacy for the participants. These leaders had to take
extra steps to fit in, establish connections, and be seen as approachable colleagues. One can
argue that being a pioneer could enhance the mastery experiences and bolster self-efficacy for
the participants. Yet, the participants of this study also grappled with emotional challenges. A
significant need was identified for mentors who shared similar intersectional identities, limiting
vicarious learning opportunities. Some participants recounted outgrowing early mentors, while
others noted their current mentors—often male—lacked insight into specific personal challenges
they faced. The research on self-efficacy states the importance of role models and highlights that
when the role model has similarities to the vicarious learner, the learner seeks to replicate their
strategies to achieve similar success (Versland, 2016). With no such mentorship opportunities,
Armenian American female leaders may find themselves disadvantaged regarding their
leadership self-efficacy development.
Additionally, a recurring theme was the influence of participants’ immigrant identity on
their leadership self-efficacy. All participants acknowledged their upbringing in immigrant
families. The immigrant identity influences the participants’ leadership self-efficacy in two
ways. Research suggests that minority women leaders generally lack vicarious experiences in

58
childhood and adulthood. This was primarily true for our participants, most of whom identified
as the first ones in their families to earn a college degree. However, most participants mentioned
that they were reinforced by the positive affirmations and high expectations from their families,
emphasizing education and career success as non-negotiable goals. According to Mondas-Hunter
(2012), family and support networks are considered the primary sources of verbal persuasion in
self-efficacy. Therefore, for the Armenian American female leaders who participated in this
study, their immigrant families served as sources of support and encouraging messages, which
we know from research have a positive impact on leadership self-efficacy development.
Recommendations For Practice
Given Southern California’s position as home to the largest and growing Armenian
diasporic community, it’s imperative for educational organizations to recognize, understand, and
support this significant ethnic minority group. This study, focusing on Armenian American
female leaders within higher education institutions across Southern California, sheds light on the
unique challenges and needs of this demographic. The study also helps to see the similarities
between the experiences and challenges between the Armenian American female leaders and
other minoritized female leaders in higher education. Therefore, the recommendations section
can be applicable to other minoritized groups as well.
The research literature on women in higher education argues that high self-efficacy is a
critical factor in helping women fight against gender-related disparities (Santovec, 2010). In
addition, research on self-efficacy states that in order to increase self-efficacy, one needs more
mastery experiences and repeated success (Bandura, 1977; Wilson et al., 2020); engagement in
vicarious learning through role models and mentors (Bandura, 1977; McCormick et al., 2002);
positive feedback from loved ones or experts in the field (Montas-Hunter, 2012); and a positive

59
emotional state (McCormick et al., 2002). Based on the prior research and the findings of this
study, the following recommendations are designed to enhance support and foster an
environment conducive to the success of current and future Armenian American female leaders
in higher education:
Create Support Networks
Aligned with my findings and with the previous research (Jones et al., 2002), it is
recommended that organizations sponsor the creation of robust support networks and provide
spaces for sharing experiences for Armenian American female leaders and allies in higher
education. Findings indicated a difference between more experienced leaders and young leaders
in terms of experiencing leadership challenges. These networks can provide opportunities for
both young and experienced minoritized leaders, regardless of their ethnic and gender
background, to share experiences and support each other. They can also address the problem of
mentorship identified in the findings. These support systems can provide fruitful environments
for developing organic mentorship relationships, as described by Almjeld et al. (2017).
Establishing such networks and creating spaces where relationships can develop organically
across educational districts or university systems could provide crucial support, fostering an
environment in which these leaders can thrive. In addition to addressing the mentorship issue,
these support networks can significantly increase the visibility and recognition of Armenian
American and other minority leaders, helping to counteract the feelings of isolation that come
with being pioneering leaders in their field. Organized support networks can increase the selfefficacy of Armenian American female leaders, as stated by Jones et al. (2002) organized ethnic
communities on college campuses can reduce the stress of minority status in the organizations.

60
Leadership Training
Once the support networks for Armenian American female leaders and allies in higher
educational organizations are established, the next step should be to provide leadership training
programs. These programs should address specific challenges faced by minoritized female
leaders, including navigating their intersectional identities within their organizations.
Additionally, the programs should offer solutions and strategies for (a) overcoming challenges
related to their intersectionality such as the imposter phenomenon, (b) coping with stress related
to gender disparities, and (c) dealing with the double bind effect. Such trainings can be beneficial
for not just Armenian American female leaders but other minoritized female leaders who have
similar experiences and challenges.
Celebrate Cultural Identity
To enhance and sustain the self-efficacy of Armenian American female leaders in higher
educational institutions, this research recommends that college leaders allocate time throughout
the academic year to acknowledge and celebrate Armenian culture. Such celebrations would
require college administrators to educate themselves about Armenian history, culture, and
identity. This initiative would not only increase inclusivity but also support efforts related to
diversity, equity, inclusion, and belonging (DEIB). An enhanced sense of belonging and a
positive affective state, resulting from being acknowledged and celebrated, can significantly
boost the self-efficacy of Armenian American female leaders in environments where their ethnic
identity is recognized, and their culture celebrated.
Encourage Community Engagement
Research underscores the importance of high self-efficacy in combating gender-related
disparities in higher education (Santovec, 2010). My findings suggest that engagement within the

61
Armenian community offers valuable mastery experiences for these leaders. Educational
organizations should promote and reward such community involvement, creating programs that
provide Armenian American female leaders with opportunities for continued success, both
within and outside their professional roles.
This study not only offers a roadmap for current institutional support but also serves as an
inspiration for future Armenian American female leaders and other minority leaders in Southern
California’s higher education sector. Through this study, future leaders can learn that there are
others with similar backgrounds to them; this may mitigate the negative feelings of loneliness
and exclusion. As we saw in Versland (2016), if the role model has similar competencies as the
curious learner, the learner will seek to replicate the efforts and strategies to achieve similar
success. Consequently, future generations of Armenian American female leaders can learn how
the participants of this study leverage their gender and ethnic identity to become more inclusive
and successful leaders. By highlighting the journeys of ten trailblazing women, this research
provides a beacon for those aspiring to leadership roles, demonstrating the power of leveraging
one’s gender and ethnic identity to foster more inclusive and effective leadership.
Limitations
Although qualitative research offers valuable insights into participants’ lived experiences,
it also has inherent limitations. Primarily, this study relies on self-reports, which depend on the
participants’ detailed memory, honesty, and ability to articulate their experiences. Furthermore,
the small sample size and the purposive sampling approach used in this study limit the
generalizability of the findings (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). However, generalizing the findings
was different from the objective of this study. Additionally, my status as a novice researcher may
have restricted my ability to ask more probing questions during data collection, potentially

62
missing some opportunities to explain complexities and contradictions in their responses.
Finally, while this study defines common concepts and suggests avenues for future research, it
can only provide partial answers to the proposed research question.
Recommendations for Future Research
Future research can build on this study in several ways to delve deeper into issues
surrounding minority leadership, or more specifically, the leadership dynamics of Armenian
Americans. While this study primarily focused on the perceived influences of gender and ethnic
identity on the leadership experiences and self-efficacy beliefs of Armenian American female
leaders in higher education, the theme of immigrant identity also prominently emerged. I
recommend that future studies replicate this research, with a particular emphasis on exploring the
immigrant identity of participants. Additionally, it would be valuable for future researchers to
examine this group of higher education leaders through the context of their family influences and
upbringing. Furthermore, extending this research nationwide to include a broader range of
organizations and diverse leadership levels within those organizations is also recommended.
Conclusion
This study has unpacked the interplay between gender, ethnic identity, and leadership
self-efficacy among Armenian American women leaders in Southern Californian higher
education institutions. Through the stories of the ten Armenian American female leaders, the
study highlights the influence of their intersectionality on their leadership self-efficacy, revealing
a connection between the participants’ cultural values, resilience, responsibility, empathy, and
leadership styles. The importance of this study extends beyond the academic realm; it addresses
a critical gap in understanding and supporting minority women leaders, particularly those from
hidden or underrepresented communities like the Armenian diaspora in California. It calls

63
attention to the broader implications of fostering diversity and inclusivity in leadership,
advocating for systemic changes that recognize and value the multifaceted identities of leaders.
The findings not only contribute to the academic discourse on leadership self-efficacy and
minority representation but also serve as a beacon for future Armenian American female leaders,
inspiring them to navigate their leadership journeys with confidence and resilience. In doing so,
this dissertation not only enriches our understanding of the complexities of minority leadership
but also emphasizes the transformative potential of inclusive leadership practices in shaping the
future of higher education.

64
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intergenerational transmission of trauma and resilience among women in university
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Appendix A: Interview Protocol
Thank you for agreeing to participate in my study. I appreciate the time that you have set
aside to answer my questions. This interview should take about an hour, does that still work for
you?
Before we get started, I want to just provide a quick reminder about this study, the
overview for which was provided to you in the Study Information Sheet and answer any
questions you might have about participating in this interview. I am a doctoral student at USC
and am conducting a study on Armenian American female leaders in the realm of higher
education. I am particularly interested in understanding these leaders’ self-efficacy and whether
and how their leadership is informed by their ethnic and gender identity.
I want to assure you that I am strictly wearing the hat of researcher today. What this
means is that the nature of my questions is not evaluative. I will not be making any judgments
on how you are performing as a leader or any views that you express during our conversation.
My goal is to understand your perspective.
As stated in the Study Information Sheet I provided to you previously, this interview is
confidential. What that means is that your name will not be shared with anyone outside. The data
for this study will be compiled into a report and while I do plan on using some of what you say
as direct quotes, none of this data will be directly attributed to you. I will use a pseudonym to
protect your confidentiality and will try my best to de-identify any of the data I gather from you.
I am happy to provide you with a copy of my final paper if you are interested.
As stated in the Study Information Sheet, I will keep the data in a password-protected
secure cloud.
Do you have any questions about studying before we get started?

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I am planning to record our conversation so that I can accurately capture what you share
with me. The recording is solely for my purposes to capture your perspectives and will not be
shared with anyone outside this research. May I have your permission to record our
conversation?
Let’s begin with a couple of background questions.
1. Tell me how you decided to pursue a career in higher education. How long have you
been working in higher education?
2. Tell me about your current role at __insert the name of the college.
• How long have you been in your current role?
• What was your position before? For how long?
• What are some ways in which your previous roles make you successful in
your current role?
Alright, now, we can shift to leadership-related questions.
3. How would you describe an ideal leader?
• Can you talk about a leader within your network who fits your description?
• What kinds of support do you need in the ideal world to be that leader?
4. How would you describe your leadership style?
5. What does it feel like to be a leader in your organization?
• How does your identity interact with your organization?
• Can you describe a time when you faced a challenge in your
organization/career related to your identity and how you overcame it?
6. Give me some examples of stressors and challenges that you experience in your
current role.

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• What are some ways that stress impacts your work performance?
• Can you share with me your strategies for coping with these stressors?
7. What is your definition of success (in terms of personal fulfillment and professional
accomplishment)?
• Tell me about a successful project that you worked on.
• What is your formula for success?
• How does your cultural background/heritage has shaped your concept of
success?
8. Now, can you tell me about a time when you failed at work?
• How do you feel about failures?
• What is your method of addressing failure?
Alright, we are halfway with our questions and we will now shift a bit and I will ask you
more personal questions about your family and community.
9. Describe your family
10. What are some of the expectations that your family had for you growing up? What
are the expectations they have now?
11. Growing up, if you can recall what messages did you get from your family about
being successful?
12. Tell me about the person who supports you and your career decisions the most in
your family.
13. In your understanding, what are the expectations that your community has for you?
14. How does your community inform your work as a ____insert their position____ ?
15. How would you describe the influence that your identity has on your career

77
decisions?
16. Are there people in your organization who inspire you? Please describe this
person/these persons for me.
17. Can you discuss a mentor or a role model who has had a significant influence on your
pursuit of success? What lessons or advice did you get from this person?

78
Appendix B: USC Social Behavioral General Information
Study title: The Role of Self-Efficacy in Armenian American Women’s Leaders in
Higher Educational Institutions in Southern California.
PI Name: Ani Gemalmazyan.
If following the single IRB mandate OR collaborating with colleague/Institutions, please
fill out the Collaboration section.
Study Information
To hear from an IRB Analyst regarding this section, please click on this link.
What Is the General Purpose of Your Study? What Do You Hope to Learn? (Maximum 1–
2 Paragraphs of Explanation)
The general purpose of this study is to explore Armenian American women leaders who
work in higher education institutions in Southern California. Specifically, it will study how these
women’s perception of the intersection of their gender and ethnic identity influences their
leadership self-efficacy. Through this study, I hope to learn about the complex experiences and
perceptions of Armenian American women leaders in higher education. I hope to learn about the
nuances and uniqueness of their experiences and how they help them navigate their leadership
journey in higher education.
List the Research Questions
How do gender and ethnic identity shape the experiences and self-efficacy beliefs of
Armenian American female leaders in higher education in Southern California?
Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria
To hear from an IRB Analyst regarding this section please click on this link.
1. Describe the inclusion and exclusion criteria for enrollment.

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The study aims to investigate and understand the experiences of women leaders in
executive positions within higher education who identify as Armenian American and who work
in two-year or baccalaureate granting institutions in Southern California. Therefore, only
Armenian American women who work as deans/directors in Southern California will be included
in this study. Everyone else who does not meet this criterion will be excluded from the study.
The targeted sample size for this study is approximately 8-12. The leadership positions that I am
interested in studying include dean, director, and above in community colleges and baccalaureate
granting institutions.
2. Provide justification for the population you are including.
I chose to study Armenian American women who hold executive roles (deans, directors,
and above) in higher educational institutions for the following reasons. The number of Armenian
students in Southern California and the Armenian-focused programs in post-secondary
institutions is growing. However, it is difficult to make conclusions about the representation of
Armenian American leaders in higher education administration since this population remains
unstudied. The Armenian American female representation and experiences in higher education
leadership remain invisible. Given the growing Armenian American student body at California
Community Colleges, California State Universities, the University of California, and other
private baccalaureate granting institutions, it is important to assess leadership experiences and
opportunities for Armenian Americans.
3. Please describe (maximum 1–2 paragraphs) how equity, diversity, and inclusion have
been considered.
This study includes selection criteria for participants’ gender and ethnic identity.
However, all who meet the criteria shall have equal chances to be included in the study. To

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ensure within-group diversity, I will recruit both from community colleges and four-year
institutions.
Where Will Recruitment Occur?
To hear from an IRB Analyst regarding this section please click on this link.
1. List all sites or locations where you will recruit participants (e.g., on USC campus,
your place of employment, a specific elementary school, Amazon Turk, Qualtrics
panel, specific groups within Facebook, Instagram, etc. Provide exact locations and/or
web links as applicable).
The recruitment of my study will take place via email, snowball sampling, and Linkedin.
First, I will email higher education professionals in my network to ask if they know of any
Armenian American women deans/directors (or above) within their professional networks. I will
then utilize the snowball sampling technique and ask my initial participants to point me to other
professionals who meet the participant criteria. I will also post an announcement on my
LinkedIn page and ask my network to share my post to reach wider networks.
2. Are you specifically seeking any participants physically present in a country outside
of the United States?
�� No
☐ Yes If yes, please answer the additional questions regarding International
Research.
How Will Recruitment Happen?
To hear from an IRB Analyst regarding this section please click on this link.
Note: If using a paid panel (e.g., MTurk, Qualtrics Panel, Survey Monkey Panel, etc.,) please do
not fill out this section.

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1. What format(s) will you use to advertise (find) potential participants (e.g., Listservs,
personal emails, public email, flyer, letter, phone call, social media posts (e.g.,
Facebook, Twitter, Instagram)?
I will mainly use personal emails and snowball sampling to find potential participants. I
will also do a LinkedIn post.
2. Who will distribute the recruitment material, and how will it be distributed (e.g., Will
somebody be helping you share the material? or are you posting in a specific group or
place within social media? Will you be working with a moderator, etc.?)
I will reach out to people in my network who work in higher institutions in Southern
California and ask them to connect me with Armenian American female leaders in their
institutions. I will then ask the initial pull of participants to refer me to other potential
participants who meet the study criteria. If I still do not have a sufficient sample size (minimum
8 participants), I will reach a larger audience by doing a LinkedIn post that I am looking for
Armenian American women who are deans/directors (or above) in higher educational institutions
to interview for my study. I will ask my LinkedIn network to share the post and let me know if
they know of anyone who meets the eligibility criteria.
Please see this guidance on creating recruitment materials if participants will be
interviewed, surveyed/answering questions in a questionnaire, or in a focus group.
Please see this guidance if you will be asking for a partial HIPPA waiver and/or are planning to
request access from the Clinical Data Warehouse.
Please note: For full board and expedited studies all referenced materials should be
uploaded to iStar section 24.2. For exempt studies upload to section 40.1.

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Role of the Investigator/Research Staff
To hear from an IRB Analyst regarding this section please click on this link.
1. Will the primary investigator or research staff know any research participants, or have
a past or present relationship with participants (e.g., supervisors, principals, any kind
of authority or influence over the participants)?
☐ No
�� Yes: If yes, please explain the relationship.
The participants might be known to the investigator from previous work settings. They
might also be the investigator’s old advisors/mentors.
2. Will the primary investigator or research staff have a relationship with the data
collection site (e.g., Are you an employee, consultant)? Please explain.
☐ No
�� Yes: If yes, please explain the relationship.
The primary investigator works at the University of Southern California and potentially
can have a relationship with the data collection site if some of the participants end up being from
the University of Southern California.
3. If you have answered yes to either Prompt 1 or 2, please explain how can you ensure
that research participants will not feel forced to be in your study?
The investigator of this study will not have any influence over the participants and their
decision to partake in the study. All participation will be strictly voluntary, and the participants
can withdraw from the study at any point in time.
4. Provide the IRB with your relevant experience and background and/or that of
research staff as it pertains to supporting and understanding the participants in the

83
study (e.g., If you are with working teachers and you are also a licensed teacher, or if
you were studying a mental health condition and you are mental health
professional/therapist, or if you are targeting non-English speakers you have
experience working with them and can (or cannot) understand the language, or if you
are working with participants with a specific medical condition, or if you/study team
members have experienced this condition yourself, what is your experience, etc.).
The primary investigator has the same gender and ethnicity as the study participants. I
also work in higher education. As an Armenian American woman working in higher education
administration, I can relate to and understand the complexity of the experiences of my
participants firsthand.
Please note if you marked “yes” to any of the prompts above, include information about
how people will not be forced or feel obligated to participate in the “Risk” section of the
Informed consent (expedited or full board studies only).
Screening of Participants
To hear from an IRB Analyst on this section, please click on this link.
Please note: If you are keeping the screening data, even if a participant fails the
screening, a screening consent form will be required for expedited and full board studies. If you
are not keeping the data, you do not need to have a consent form.
1. Will you be screening participants?
�� No: Please skip to Research Activities.
☐ Yes: Please continue to #2.
2. Will you be screening participants and keeping the screening data?
☐ No: Please skip to Research Activities.

84
☐ Yes: Please confirm that you will consent all participants prior to keeping data.
☐ I confirm that I will consent all participants (or provide an information sheet)
prior to screening.
3. Please choose one option if you answered “yes” to question 2:
☐ The study will have one informed consent form for the screening and one
consent form for the main part of the study (please upload both consent forms
iStar section 24.7). If the study is exempt and you are using an information sheet,
upload to iStar section 40.1.
☐ The study will have only one main informed consent form that will cover both
the screening and the main part of the study (please upload the single informed
consent form to 24.7, or if an exempt study, upload the information sheet to iStar
section 40.1).
Please note: All informed consent forms must contain direct language that outlines what
will happen with the participants’ data if not eligible to participate in the study (i.e., screen fail).
Please note: Attach interview or focus group screening questions to iStar section 19.1. Attach
screening survey instruments to iStar section 21.2.
Research Activities
To hear from an IRB analyst about this section please click on the link.
1. List all activities (i.e., interviews, focus groups, surveys, interventions etc.)
participants will be asked to perform and how long each activity will take. For studies
with multiple populations, for each activity, specify which population is doing which
activity. If applicable and research activities will be happening at multiple sites,
please include what activities are happening at what site(s).

85
The participants of this study will be interviewed. Each interview will take approximately
an hour.
2. Where will you meet with participants for each listed activity?
The interviews will take place on Zoom or at a quiet and private place of the
participant’s choice.
3. How many times will you meet with each participant for each activity listed?
I will meet with my participants only once during the entire study.
4. Are you using survey instruments, interview/focus group questions, interview guides,
and so forth, to collect data.
☐ No
�� Yes: Please upload all information to iStar (surveys are uploaded to iStar
section 21.2 and Interview questions are uploaded iStar section 19.1).
5. Are you doing research uncovering, or discovering information related to participant
suicidality?
�� No
☐ Yes: Check this option in iStar “The research includes the risk or disclosure
that a participant may engage in self-harm or attempt suicide” in 27.1, and then
upload a suicide plan in iStar section 27.1.2.
Please note: Upload all participant related materials for the IRB team, for example:
surveys (iStar section 21.2), curriculum created specifically for this study and/or training
materials, (iStar section 40.1) debriefing scripts (iStar section 16). If you are not sure where
materials should be uploaded, please put them in section 40.1 and the IRB team will assist.

86
Secondary/Archival/Existing Data
To hear from an IRB analyst regarding this section please click on this link.
1. Will you be using any existing data sets?
�� No: You are done with this section.
☐ Yes: Please address all remaining prompts.
2. Please list the kind of data to be collected (e.g., demographic data, test scores, grades,
academic records, data from social media platforms, medical records, etc.). If data are
from multiple sites, please list what data will be collected at each site.
3. Will the data set include any identifiers? (Please carefully review this information to
determine if the data set contains identifiers.)
a. ☐ No
b. ☐ Yes. If yes, will the data set contain any of the following? (Please check all
that will apply.)
☐ information about abortion
☐ immigration status
☐ illegal or illicit behaviors (e.g., illegal drug use, criminal records)
☐ suicidality
☐ abuse victim or perpetrator (e.g., elder abuse)
☐ other ____________________
4. Is your data set private or publicly available (Public: anyone can access the data
without logging into a site)?

87
☐ Private. (A data use agreement may be needed. It’s the PI’s responsibility to
check with the USC Stevens Center for Innovation. If Single IRB is anticipated
and USC is the IRB of record, study team may upload other contracts/agreements
to iStar section 40.1)
☐ Publicly Available. Paste below the links to the website(s) where you will
download the data.
5. Will you be de-identifying data prior to analysis?
☐ Yes, I will de-identify (there are no links to the original data set) all data prior
to data analysis.
☐ No, I will retain identifiers or there will be links to the original data set during
analysis.
6. I confirm that all data will be protected using best practices and securities with data
storage including encrypting files, robust passwords, and following all university
practices and policy for storage of data. I also understand that the IRB may audit this
study, including how the data will be stored.
☐ I confirm that this study may be audited, and I will protect the data using most
current methods.
Collaboration
Collaborating investigator name: N/A.
Role in the research study:
Collaborator Email Address:
Institution name:
If you are part of the Single IRB Mandate please review this information.

88
International Research
To hear from an IRB Analyst about this section, click on this link.
If you plan for your research outside to take place outside of the United States, first
review the International Compilation of Research Standards for the country where the
participants reside. The IRB will review all participant facing documentation prior to approval
and translation. The IRB will request translated documents after approval of the English
language versions.
1. Will you be in a country governed by privacy law, policy, or regulations? If yes, how
will you address the regulations?
2. After reviewing the International Compilations of Research Standards, what
regulations are applicable to the country where the research will take place?
3. How will you address the regulations?
4. How will culturally appropriate access/permissions to the community be obtained?
5. Describe how cultural norms and/or laws differ between the host site and the United
States.
6. What strategies will be used to mitigate cultural, political, or economic climate
concerns that might increase risks for participants?
7. Are the participants fluent in English? If not, please describe the process for consent.
8. Are you or your co-investigator(s) fluent in the same language as your participants?
9. What is the experience of the PI and/or study team with the proposed participants?
10. Will local participant advocate will be available for participants? If yes, what is their
specific role?

89
Please note that if the researcher/investigators are on-the-ground, conducting research
in countries outside of the United States, even if they are residents of that country, all the above
questions must be addressed. In addition, directives followed as per the International
Compilation of Research Standards must be addressed.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Gemalmazyan, Ani (author)

Core Title The role of self-efficacy in Armenian American women leaders in higher educational institutions in Southern California

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2024-08

Publication Date 07/16/2024

Defense Date 05/09/2024

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Armenian,Armenian American,Armenian diaspora,Armenian female leaders,Higher Education,leadership,self-efficacy,women leaders

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hirabayashi, Kimberly (committee chair), Karapetian, Shushan (committee member), Samkian, Artineh (committee member)

Creator Email gemalmaz@usc.edu,gemalmazyan@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113997X5T

Unique identifier UC113997X5T

Identifier etd-Gemalmazya-13250.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-Gemalmazya-13250

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Gemalmazyan, Ani

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20240718-usctheses-batch-1184 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu