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Mid-level Latina leaders in predominantly White institutions: balancing identities and cultural incongruity

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Mid-level Latina leaders in predominantly White institutions: balancing identities and cultural incongruity

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Content Mid-level Latina Leaders in Predominantly White Institutions: Balancing Identities and
Cultural Incongruity
Alma Gonzalez
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
August 2024

© Copyright by Alma Gonzalez 2024
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Alma Gonzalez certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Sheila Banuelos
Kimberly Hirabayashi
Robert Filback, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024

iv
Abstract
This case study used LatCrit and critical race feminism to capture the essence of Latina leaders
and their unique identity and experiences within a predominantly White institution (PWI). The
purpose of this study was to understand the experiences of mid-level Latina managers at a PWI
and how they navigate their overlapping identities. The study captured how participants
navigated the culture within their PWI environment. A qualitative approach using semistructured in-person interviews a snowball sampling were used to recruit participants. A total of
10 interviews were transcribed to collect data for the case study. The findings indicate that the
participants emphasized striving to support diverse populations, described their experience of
toning down their Latinidad, and were cautious of expressing who they are as Latinas. However,
the majority of the participants also identified as first-generation professionals, embodying the
term chingona, challenging the status quo of stereotypes, microaggressions, and sexism in their
field. The findings further support the necessity of mentorship within mid-level leaders and
Latina professionals in higher education.
Keywords: LatCrit, critical race feminism, Latina leaders, predominantly White
institution, chingona

v
Dedication
To my parents; they made me who I am today and without their sacrifices and inculcando
their values, ethics, and patience, I would not be here today accomplishing this great task. I value
education and continue my passion in education because of them. Father, you did reach the
education you wanted to reach because I reached it for you. Amá, no fui a calentar el asiento.
To mi abuelito Marcial; you did not deserve the life you were granted. You were a kind,
humble, honest man and the nicest human being I have ever met. I live by your example every
day as you made the man my dad is today, and for that, I will forever be grateful. This sense of
helping out others no matter what is what drove this study and is in dedication to those values of
hopefully providing these women with a voice that might have never been heard. I’m proud of
being a Gonzalez and hope I made you proud. Although I am the last Gonzalez in your linage, I
concluded the last name as the first doctora.
To the Alvarez family, I hope this degree makes you proud that a doctora stemmed from
your roots, from your family, and the first Alvarez to hold a doctorate degree. To Tulio, you have
always motivated me to do more and then some, and it is in fact, to make you proud. I hope I
have done that with this degree.
To Tony, there are no words I can put in this sheet or full dissertation to express the
gratitude I have towards you. You have been there for me and been my pillar of support
throughout my education and program and have been influential in this study, I will always thank
you for that and forever be grateful.

vi
Acknowledgments
To every pseudonym in this study, I wanted to highlight the impact and strength you have
even if it is not recognized elsewhere. I want to thank you for being there for me even if you
think you are not. Your name, your stories, our moments together, and your legacy drove this
study and I thank you for that. For pushing me to finish this process when I couldn’t, cause if
you could do it in your own way, then so can I, in your name.
Thank you to my crew, Janette L. Hyder, Rudy, and Mike for being there for me and
pushing me to finish this degree. The journey isn’t easy and if it wasn’t for going through the
program with you all, I don’t know if I would have ever finished the program.
To my committee, Dr. Filback, Dr. Hirabayashi, and Dr. Banuelos, thank you for guiding
me through this process and making my dissertation a reality. Applying my ideas, research, and
findings to paper requires more than me just writing. Your guidance, questioning, and support
really perfected and captured the study I had in mind.
To the participants of the study, I thank you for all your time and commitment to the
study. Your words mean so much to the professional Latinas in higher education.
To Chio, Mariela, and Edna May, you all have a special place in my heart, and I deeply
value the friendship we have. If it wasn’t for your words of encouragement and hearing me rant
about my study and my thought process, I would not have finished this study. I want to thank
you for hearing me out, you have no idea how much each and every one of you contributed to
this study with your wisdom and conversations. Your wise words assured me how meaningful
and how much contribution I would be making towards this study even if just one person read it.
To all of those who have supported, encouraged, and guided me, I will be forever grateful.

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Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ........................................................................................................................................v
Acknowledgments.......................................................................................................................... vi
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ xi
Chapter One: Overview of Study .....................................................................................................1
Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................................2
Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................................3
Research Questions ..............................................................................................................4
Methodology ........................................................................................................................4
Significance of the Study .....................................................................................................4
Definition of Terms..............................................................................................................5
Organization of the Study ....................................................................................................7
Chapter Two: Literature Review .....................................................................................................8
Section 1: Background on Critical Race Feminism and LatCrit..........................................8
Section 2: PWI Culture and Latina Experiences at PWIs ..................................................15
Section 3: What Is Latina Identity? ...................................................................................23
Section 4: Cultural Incongruity ..........................................................................................31
Section 5: Conceptual Framework .....................................................................................39
Chapter Summary ..............................................................................................................47
Chapter Three: Methodology .........................................................................................................49
Purpose of the Study ..........................................................................................................49
Research Questions ............................................................................................................50
Sample and Population ......................................................................................................50
Design of Study..................................................................................................................51

viii
Methodology ......................................................................................................................52
Qualitative Instruments ......................................................................................................53
Data Collection ..................................................................................................................54
Data Analysis .....................................................................................................................55
Positionality of the Researcher ..........................................................................................56
Credibility and Trustworthiness .........................................................................................57
Participants .........................................................................................................................59
Summary ............................................................................................................................64
Chapter Four: Findings ..................................................................................................................65
Question 1: How Do Mid-level Latina Leaders Navigate Cultural Incongruity Within
Their PWI Environment? ...................................................................................................65
Question 2: What Obstacles Do Mid-level Latina Leaders Experience Within a
Predominantly White Institution? ......................................................................................77
Additional Findings ...........................................................................................................86
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations..........................................................................90
Observation: No Contaban Con Mi Astucia, Chingona Instead of Toning Down ............90
Observation: Latinidad and Community, a Superpower....................................................91
Observation: ¿Mujer, Te Pido Un Consejo? Woman, Can I Ask Your Advice? ...............92
Observation: Maybe It’s Just Me? Experiencing Gaslighting and Questioning
Themselves ........................................................................................................................93
Observation: PWI Moving Forward but Not Enough ........................................................94
Observation: Critiquing the Theoretical Framework Based on the Findings of the
Study ..................................................................................................................................94
Recommendations ..............................................................................................................95
Recommendations for Future Research .............................................................................98
Limitations .........................................................................................................................99
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................99

ix
References....................................................................................................................................101
Appendix A: Interview Protocol..................................................................................................111
Introduction......................................................................................................................111
Questions (With Transitions)...........................................................................................111
Closing .............................................................................................................................113

x
List of Tables
Table 1: Participants 63

xi
List of Figures
Figure 1: An Intellectual Genealogy of Critical Race Theory 10
Figure 2: Latina Identity Scale 46

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Chapter One: Overview of Study
Mid-level Latina leaders in higher education institutions hold a unique position, reporting
to senior leaders’ demands while managing teams and meeting students’ needs (Espino & Ariza,
2022). Many of them stay for the greater good of the institution and possible opportunities to
“lead from the middle” and engage with institutional change (Espino & Ariza, 2022, p. 2).
However, they have experienced racism, disrespect, and hostility at predominantly White
institutions (PWIs) due to the intersectionality of being a Latina in education (B.A.L., 2017).
Latinas’ identity influences their experiences: “Due to their identification as a woman and a
woman in an underrepresented population, Latinas are more likely to face racism, sexism,
stereotyping, uneven promotion, and inequality in salaries” (Eiden-Dillow & Best, 2022, p .95).
They experience tokenism, a lack of support and mentorship, and systemic inequities in higher
education (Barrón, 2020). Due to their intersectionality, they experience different outcomes than
their male counterparts and White women, which ultimately affects their career trajectories
(Gonzalez-De Jesus, 2012). Their identity raises questions as to how they navigate their
experiences given their leadership roles and responsibilities.
Statement of the Problem
Mid-level Latina managers are expected to meet several demands with limited resources
“even if [those responsibilities are] not part of their position description” (Espino & Ariza, 2022,
p. 3). In addition, these leaders have to portray a strong professional identity to be taken
seriously in the workplace by their students, peers, and administrators (Menchaca et al., 2017).
Their workplace experience is different from that of other individuals with overlapping
identities, as “they experience racial bias differently than do the men in their racial or ethnic
group (Hill et al., 2016, p. 5). Latinas experience double discrimination, and they must overcome

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stereotypical images and assumptions about being female and racially and ethnically different
(Mateo, 2010).
To combat this gender bias and discrimination, many Latinas must “tone down” their
authentic identity and be the “Whitest version” of themselves to align with the environment
(Sánchez et al., 2021, p. 596). They might not feel “align[ed]” within PWIs and do not feel they
are “being authentic” as they are trying to navigate various identities in their professional setting
(Sánchez et al., 2021, p. 598). These feelings about balancing their identities and environment
create different barriers and experiences for Latinas than other women and their Latino
counterparts (Mateo, 2010). Their experience of tokenism, confronting assimilation, affirming
their intellectual competency, and maintaining cultural preservation are barriers that Latino men
and other women do not (Mateo, 2010).
Due to all these factors, Latinas experience cultural incongruity, trying to align with the
culture, which ultimately affects their various identities, limiting some aspects of themselves
while highlighting others (Cabrera, 2021). Understanding their experiences and how they
navigate the culture in their work environment and their identities will provide institutions
insight into retaining and improving their staff’s perceptions and career progress. It is important
to understand the experiences and identities of Latina professionals to limit generalizations about
them and their experiences and to acknowledge “how the intersection of race, ethnicity, and
gender distinctively impacts their professional pathways” (Sánchez et al., 2021, p. 594).
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study was to understand mid-level Latina leaders’ experiences at
PWIs and how they navigate their overlapping identities. This research highlighted how culture
shapes identity (Sánchez et al., 2021). Exploring the obstacles revealed how they affect the

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intersection of culture and multiple identities (Sánchez et al., 2021). This study focused on the
intersectionality of race, ethnicity, and gender, as it is key to understanding the Latina identity in
a professional context in the education field (Murakami et al., 2018).
The research sought to help determine common themes while providing an individual
voice to each participant’s experience. It examined intersectionality and personal and
professional identity to “illuminate a critical and political examination of behaviors, attitudes,
and values” and their impact on [the] professional setting (Murakami et al., 2018, p. 4).
Furthermore, this study sheds light on long-term tools, such as navigating career mobility,
resources, networking, and serving as role models for emerging Latina professionals.
Theoretical Framework
I used Latina/o critical theory (LatCrit) and Critical Race Feminism for this study to
capture the complexity of the Latina identity at a PWI and understand the intersections of
Latinas’ gender, race, and ethnicity. “LatCrit is an approach to understanding how Latinas have
been marginalized, yet resilient, and oppressed, yet successful despite all of the inequities they
have confronted” (Menchaca et al., 2017, p. 5). LatCrit depicts how the “Latina/o” identity is a
complex identity and challenge[s] the stereotypes of what it is to be a Latina” (M. T. Gonzalez et
al., 2021, p. 1326). In addition, critical race feminism focuses on the intersection of race and
gender in the experiences of women of color. This includes experiences that are different from
those of their White counterparts (Wing, 2015). The conceptual framework also used
intersectionality and cultural incongruity. Because the focus was on the different avenues and
identities mid-level Latina managers juggle while working at PWIs, I also used the term
“chingona” in this study to articulate the layers of experiences involved in combating and
resisting White supremacy culture and colonization.

4
Research Questions
The following questions guided this study on professional Latinas in their work setting:
1. How do mid-level Latina leaders navigate cultural incongruity within their PWI
environment?
2. What obstacles do mid-level Latina leaders experience within a predominantly White
institution?
Methodology
This qualitative study used interviews to further understand mid-level Latina leaders at a
PWI. I sought to understand the participants’ intersectionality, positionality, and experiences.
Semi-structured interviews helped to meet the research needs and understand the participants’
perspectives, voices, and experiences. I sought to “interpret their experiences, how they construct
their worlds, and what meaning they attribute to their experiences” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p.
6).
Significance of the Study
Sánchez et al. (2021) called for more research on mid-level managers and their
experiences at PWIs. Pertinent to this study, more research is needed to understand the
professional Latina, as “it is essential for the experiences of the Latina/o/x to be examined to
ensure equitable practices and amend the effects of practices that may have an unfavorable
impact on a community or population” (Cabrera, 2021, p. 5). This study contributes to the
literature regarding mid-level Latina managers. Given the complexity of the Latina identity,
more research on their professional experiences is needed. This study also contributes toward
institutions’ “approach[ing] the retention and development of these professionals” (Sánchez et
al., 2021, p. 600) to recruit more of them and understand their overall experiences and

5
knowledge (Cabrera, 2021). Ultimately, this study can aid in retaining these professionals in
leadership roles at PWIs, directly influencing students.
This study sought to provide the voice of individual Latinas, which is important given
that they are stereotyped and generalized (M. T. Gonzalez et al., 2021). Each shared experiences
that could help other practitioners and professionals regarding challenges, successes, and
connecting with others in similar situations. Lastly, Latina professionals tend to choose their
careers in higher education based on their college experience, as their experiences at the
undergraduate level leads them to pursue graduate degrees and later employment opportunities in
academia as administrators (Pertuz, 2017, p. 1). This study can help future Latinas interested in
pursuing a career in higher education transition from student to staff member.
Definition of Terms
I use various terms interchangeably to describe Latinas, such as “Latinas,” “Latina
professionals,” and “mid-level Latina managers.” However, the definition of each term is listed
below per the literature to provide specific differentiation. In addition, I chose to use “Latina”
due to the nature of the study since it focuses on Latina women and their gender norms, race, and
ethnicity identities. For this reason, I did not use “Latine,” “Latinx,” or “Latina/o” (unless the
literature specifically did) to capture the differences between the Latina identity and others who
identify in the Latina/o community.
Mid-level administrators: Mid-level administrators have at least 5 to 15 years of
experience, are the largest group of administrators with organizational oversight, and play a
central role in interpreting and communicating the goals and values of the academic organization
(Espino & Ariza, 2022)

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Mid-level Latina managers: Latinas who are asked to manage their teams, resolve
conflict, and are recruited to meet the demands of Latinx/a/o students on their campuses with
limited organizational resources and who hold responsibilities that are not part of their position
description (Espino & Ariza, 2022).
Intersectionality: positionalities predicated along various social markers such as race,
gender, class, sexuality, or religion navigate the interlocking and hierarchical systems of
oppression (Aleman, 2018). Intersectionality is also a critical lens through which to interrogate
race, ethnicity, class, ability, age, nation, sexuality, and gender within structures of inequality
(Murakami et al., 2018).
Latina professionals: Latinas working in academia. The phrase can also be applied to
professionals working in business, policy, and politics (Sánchez et al., 2021).
Latina higher education administrators: Latinas who experience different dynamics in
the work setting than the larger Latinx community, including male professionals and Latino
colleagues (Sánchez et al., 2021).
Latina: Created within the Latino community, connotes common values (of
latinoamericanos) but leaves room for individual differences and does not strip people of their
historical identity (Murakami et al., 2018).
Chingona: a woman who embodies confidence, acceptance of self, creates their own path
without caring what others say and uses her strengths to empower and uplift others (Haro, 2019).
Predominately White institution (PWI): the term used to describe institutions of higher
learning in which Whites have historically accounted for 50% or more of enrollment (Thacker &
Freeman, 2021).

7
Predominately White Culture: “neglecting to identify how White ideological
homogenizing practices sustain the structure of domination and oppression, allow[ing]
institutional policies and practices to be seen as unproblematic or inevitable and thereby
perpetuate hostile racial climates” (Gusa, 2010, p. 465).
Organization of the Study
This chapter reviewed the context of the problem and study. Chapter 2 will review the
literature on LatCrit and critical race feminism (CRF), followed by the background of PWIs,
their culture, and how professional Latinas experience these environments. Chapter 2 consists of
five sections. Chapter 2 will begin with reviewing two theories: critical race feminism and
LatCrit. The second section of the chapter will examine PWIs, predominately White culture, and
their impact on Latina professionals. Section 3 will define and provide an overview of the
complexity of the Latina woman identity. Section 4 will explain cultural incongruity and how
Latinas navigate their intersectionality at PWIs. Chapter 2 will conclude with the theoretical
framework using LatCrit and CRF, intersectionality, and cultural incongruity to structure the
study. Chapter 3 will review the study’s methodology, population, and instruments, as well as
my positionality and the study’s limitations.

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Chapter Two: Literature Review
The following chapter consists of five sections. Section 1 will focus on the theories used
to frame an understanding of the Latina perspective using critical race feminism and LatCrit.
Section 2 will narrow the Latina perspective in the context of PWIs, providing an overview of
PWI origins and culture along with the professional Latina experience. Section 3 will focus on
the Latina identity and describe specific aspects of the uniqueness of being a Latina. Section 4
will describe the concept of cultural incongruity and how Latina professionals experience this
phenomenon, explaining the facilitators and inhibitors they experience within this concept.
Lastly, Section 5 will connect all concepts through the conceptual framework of the Latina
identity scale.
Section 1: Background on Critical Race Feminism and LatCrit
Understanding the multiple layers Latinas juggle due to cultural incongruity at PWIs
requires considering the theories through which to view the problem. This study used a blend of
critical race feminism and LatCrit to provide a better understanding of the problem of practice.
The following sections review critical race theory (CRT), as critical race feminism and LatCrit
are both derived from CRT.
Critical race theory focuses on five themes: the value of commitment to social justice,
challenging the dominant ideology, centrality of experiential knowledge, the transdisciplinary
perspective, and combating racism (Yosso, 2005). The theory “challenges the traditional claims
that educational institutions make toward objectivity, meritocracy, colorblindness, race
neutrality, and equal opportunity” (Solórzano & Yosso, 2000, p. 26), providing a perspective that
is not just beneficial to those who are Caucasian and have been the primary beneficiaries of
property and civil rights legislation (Ladson-Billings, 1998). Critical race theory has two major

9
components: unmasking and exposing racism and expanding on storytelling and
counternarratives to receive wisdom from those who are oppressed (Ladson-Billings, 1998). To
uncover and expose racism, one must think critically about the concepts and experiences
marginalized groups have experienced throughout the years and in a historical context. The role
of storytelling in the origins of CRT was a key concept throughout this study, as these stories and
perspectives hold power and value: “Stories provide the necessary context for understanding,
feeling, and interpreting” (Ladson-Billings, 1998, p. 13).
Critical Race Feminism
Critical race feminism (CRF) derives from CRT (Solórzano & Yosso, 2000) and focuses
on challenging racism through the lens of women, their experiences, and their storytelling.
Critical race feminism focuses on the intersection of race and gender. Like CRT, CRF focuses on
counter-storytelling and counternarratives to combat racism and the majoritarian storytelling
from these women of color (Solórzano & Yosso, 2000). Critical race feminism recognizes the
subornation women experience in a variety of areas, from social aspects to what land they are
from: “women of color are disproportionately stalled at the bottom of every societyeconomically, socially, and politically- no matter what country they call their own” (Wing, 2015,
p. 162).
Critical race feminism also recognizes the struggles women encounter and acknowledges
the differences between women of color and White women in terms of experiences and
privileges in their feminist views: “CRF is a race intervention with respect to feminism and uses
its perspectives to expose the varied experiences of women of color as distinct from White
women” (Wing, 2015, p. 165). In addition, CRF finds that women and men of the same
minoritized race have different experiences due to male privilege (Wing, 2015). Because women

10
have intersectional identities and multiple consciousness, CRF focuses on women’s experiences
regarding language, education, race, ability, gender, culture, class, and ethnicity (Wing, 2015).
This study used this lens to understand the Latina identity, experiences, and perspective, as
“these women view the world simultaneously from both a gendered and a racialized perspective”
(Wing, 2015, p. 165) and various other areas, including socioeconomic upbringings.
Latina/o Critical Theory
Since CRF focuses on women of color, I also incorporated LatCrit into this study to focus
on the uniqueness of the Latina identity. LatCrit is also an expansion of CRT that focuses on how
White supremacy ideals affect those who identify with the Latina/e community (Solórzano &
Yosso, 2000). LatCrit derives from CRT, being part of the family tree as shown in Figure 1.
Figure 1
An Intellectual Genealogy of Critical Race Theory
Note. Reprinted from “Whose Culture Has Capital? A Critical Race Theory Discussion of
Community Cultural Wealth,” by T. J. Yosso, 2005, Race Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69–91.
(https://doi.org/10.1080/1361332052000341006). Copyright 2005 by Taylor & Francis Group
Ltd.

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LatCrit became part of the family tree as the layers of racism, sexism, and classism were
not in the same paradigm of race, racism, and oppression that other family trees experienced,
such as Asian, Tribal, and African American (Yosso, 2005). LatCrit brings forward the various
layers of racialized subordination and forms of oppression that the Chicana/o, Latina/o
community experiences due to identity (Pérez Huber, 2010; Yosso, 2005). The theory focuses on
the fact that Latina/e encounter these forms of oppression due to their race, class, gender, and
sexuality (Pérez Huber, 2010). LatCrit focuses on the same aspects of CRT, which challenged
the dominant ideology of Whiteness, combating racism, valuing experiential knowledge and
transdisciplinary perspectives, and its commitment to social justice (Yosso, 2005).
LatCrit focuses on challenging stereotypes about Latinas (M. T. Gonzalez et al., 2021),
depicts how the Latina/o identity is complex and diverse, and acknowledges that Latina/o
experiences are different based on “immigration status, language, ethnicity and culture” (Pérez
Huber, 2010, p. 79). This diversity and complexity depict Latinas’ struggles with cultural
incongruity in PWIs as they are generalized and stereotyped (M. T. Gonzalez et al., 2021).
Similar Studies
Similar studies have used critical race feminism and LatCrit to help capture the
complexity of the experiences of being a woman and Latina. For example, a recent study
explored the cultural intrapersonal and interpersonal experiences of Latina women in graduate
programs using a LatCrit framework to examine the challenges they encounter. The study
focused on the influence family values carry on these women and the multiple identities they
must navigate (Gutierrez et al., 2022). Major themes in that study were that the participants
experienced stereotypes and discrimination, encountered conflict or lacked familial support, and
had challenges with representation, isolation, and gender-role expectations (Gutierrez et al.,

12
2022). These women indicated that they “are the unicorns” in their program and institution due
to the uniqueness of their positionality (Gutierrez et al., 2022, p. 132).
Another study focused on Latina school leaders and the challenges they encountered
personally and professionally through a critical race feminism and LatCrit framework. The study
focused on “two Latinas who emerged from traditional cultural and familial roles and broke the
mold of male school leaders” (Menchaca et al., 2017, p. 2). This study focuses on traditional
Latina identity (such as beliefs, traditions, practices, values, and language) and experiences as
educators and leaders in education (Menchaca et al., 2017). The study found that the
participants’ cultural identity and experiences shaped their identities. Through counterstorytelling, these women challenged presuppositions and assumptions of the traditional Latina
as nurturing educators and “chose to change their mother’s perceptions of a good Latina and
became strong, high-energy leaders … to support their professional development” (Menchaca et
al., 2017, p. 2). Furthermore, the study found that these women experienced a sense of isolation
and being silenced, given that their “male counterparts had already reached the decision”
(Menchaca et al., 2017, p. 12).
Considering LatCrit in the higher education context also requires considering a prevalent
study by Solórzano and Yosso (2000). Solórzano and Yosso used Lat Crit to focus on the
counter-storytelling of Chicana/os concerning their experiences with racial and gender
discrimination. They used a LatCrit lens to further understand graduate Chicana/o students and
the microaggressions encountered in higher education. Similarly, Pérez Huber (2010) used
LatCrit concerning undocumented Chicano/a students to explore their experiences as testimonios
concerning racist nativism (Pérez Huber, 2010). This study focused on Chicano/a students’
experiences at PWIs in areas like language, ethnicity, and cultura (Pérez Huber, 2010). Pérez

13
Huber’s study used LatCrit, given the participants’ multi-layered identity and stories concerning
racist nativism (Pérez Huber, 2010). This is important to note as Latina women begin their
higher education experience as college students (Menchaca et al., 2017). In addition, it is
important to note that Latinas graduate from college at higher rates than their Latino counterparts
but trail behind women of other ethnic groups (Menchaca et al., 2017), experiencing higher
education differently from these other populations.
Lastly, one study used the combination of LatCrit and CRF to understand the experiences
and identities of Latina administrators at predominantly White research institutions. Crespo
(2013) used LatCrit and CRF to address these leaders’ identities and understand their multiple
identities and experiences (Crespo, 2013). This study focused on “understanding Latina women
in higher education,” (Crespo, 2013, p.2) the intersectionality of the Latina, and what factors
support these women in leadership roles on campus. The study also focused on how these
women can be further supported with leadership development programs (Crespo, 2013). The
study determined that Latina administrators need to be highly considered and further research
their multi-layers of identities as educators and professionals as they are leaders of the next
generation (Crespo, 2013).
Relevance to the Study
Both LatCrit and critical race feminism are derived from CRT and focus on combating
racism and supporting social justice. In addition, White privilege is a focal point in higher
education since it derives from both racism and privilege. Thus, this study used both LatCrit and
CRF, as these theories focus on exposing and resisting racism. Furthermore, providing an indepth understanding of the Latina perspective and experience within a predominantly White
culture in a higher education institution can further challenge stereotypes, resist and expose

14
racism, and provide a voice directly from Latina women. According to Solórzano and Yosso
(2000), LatCrit in education “examines [the] place where racism intersects with other forms of
subordination” (Solórzano & Yosso, 2000, p. 479), so using LatCrit and CRF allows for defining
and interpreting the overlapping experiences professional Latinas encounter at PWIs.
This study discussed a variety of lenses or experiences, such as language, culture, race,
and ethnicity, more than others. I chose the framework of CRF and LatCrit for this study as it
depicts the intersection of Latinas and the barriers they encounter even within their Latina/e
community due to their cultura (culture), such as the broader comunidad latina (Latin
community), cultura latina (the culture of the Latina) and machismo (strong manliness). For
example, based on their cultura and comunidad latina, Latina women face machismo, as they are
seen as instruments for masculine desires (Wing, 2015). In addition, CRF relays that familia is a
large component of cultura Latina and the complexity of how family affects the life and direction
of Latinas (Wing, 2015). These influences and components of the Latina/e community have a
direct influence on the Latina identity and perspective.
Understanding the layers of being a Latina woman at a PWI requires understanding the
layers of misogyny and machismo they encounter. For example, cisgender Latinos on campus
have male privilege (Wing, 2015). This lens can be viewed through CRF with the added layer of
LatCrit. Although Latinos may encounter similar experiences concerning White privilege or
culture at PWIs, they do not encounter the same obstacles or experiences as Latinas.
In addition, this study focused on Latinas as their experiences might be different from
other women on campus, which requires a blend of CRF and LatCrit. LatCrit works toward
challenging the stereotypical image of the Latino/a, as there are “complexities and diversities of
Latina/o communities in terms of race and ethnicity, religion, culture, imperialism and

15
colonialism, language and its suppression, class, and immigration status” (M. T. Gonzalez et al.,
2021, p. 1327), which requires an individualistic lens. According to LatCrit, each Latina might
encounter different experiences and facilitators or inhibitors toward their sense of identity, sense
of belonging, and navigating their identities in PWIs. Because this study explored facilitators and
inhibitors, the blend of LatCrit and CRF was needed to understand the complexities and
foundational understandings of the participants’ identities.
Section 2: PWI Culture and Latina Experiences at PWIs
The following section will review PWIs and their culture. It begins with the origins of
higher education institutions and the foundations of PWIs. Following the origins of higher
education and PWIs, it will define PWI culture, focusing on Whiteness and privilege. This
culture will be further discussed in the middle of the section, elaborating on the embedded racism
and oppressive environments PWI culture holds. The section concludes with how Latinas
experience PWIs, focusing on gender gap disparities in higher education and how mentorship
influences their experience.
Origins of Higher Education and PWIs
Higher education institutions derived from White privilege and White supremacy culture
focusing on expanding the Anglo-Saxon man’s education (Eliot, 1901). Higher education
institutions and the Anglo-White man went hand-in-hand: “Higher education was historically
and largely reserved for wealthy, White, males, the (perceived) “guardians” of American
society” (Taylor et al., 2012, p. 244). The rise of American universities was tailored to the
“American Boy” amid concerns about what the “Young Man” expected and desired from these
higher education institutions to “not behave like a child” (Eliot, 1901, p. 260) and contribute to
society in a meaningful way through leadership positions. Women were not considered or

16
thought to be in higher education spaces in any capacity, not as staff, faculty, or students.
Between the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries, the admission of women was the most
noteworthy advance in higher education (Moore, 1987).
It is important to consider the aspect of the original audience for higher education
institutions. As discussed, the American university focused on raising and upbringing the young
male figure to become a wealthy contributor to society (Eliot, 1901). Keohane (2001) noted that
this kind of education was intended to prepare the children of the privileged class for leadership
positions. Keohane (2001) further discussed the gap between affording college and simply
receiving access to information about admission. At the same time, there is “a sense of
entitlement” among “talented students from well-to-do families” (Keohane, 2001, p. 190), almost
claiming their right to be in elite spaces in higher education. Although higher education
institutions have moved into a collaborative space and increased diversity among students, staff,
and faculty, PWIs still embed this predominantly White privilege (Gusa, 2010).
PWI Culture: Whiteness and Privilege
Organizational culture is “composed of many intangible phenomena, such as values,
beliefs, assumptions, perceptions, behavioral norms, artifacts and patterns of behavior” (Barrón,
2020, p. 63), which must be considered in PWIs. These institutions’ culture is based on these
foundations of elite privilege and Whiteness at a higher education institution. Harris (1993)
defined Whiteness as a legally protected immaterial and material propertied resource available to
some and denied to others. Harris elaborated that whiteness is predicated upon a historical
wedding of racial identity, legal rights, and economic exploitation. Predominantly White culture
omits racial biases and embedded roots of racism and White supremacy culture, encouraging and
seeing White privilege culture as the institution’s focal point (Gusa, 2010). Gusa (2010) found

17
that not acknowledging the dominance of white ideology “allow[s] institutional policies and
practices to be seen as unproblematic or inevitable” and “perpetuate hostile racial climates,”
which can be experienced by those who do not fit this mold of Whiteness and privilege (p. 465).
Elephant in the Room: Embedded Racism
The origin of privilege and racism in higher education aids in understanding the
dynamics of PWIs and Latinas working in them in mid-level leadership capacities (Taylor et al.,
2012). Although higher education institutions are moving toward diversity, racism is interwoven
in them. Nonetheless, researchers are hesitant to call out systemic racism at these institutions
(Harper & Hurtado, 2007). This racism includes experiences of microaggressions toward
minorities (Pecina & Marx, 2023). Racial microaggressions are subtle forms of racism that “are
endemic to the PWI experience for Latina/o, African American, and other students of color”
(Von Robertson et al., 2016, p. 718). The experience for Latina/e students is different in
comparison to that of White males, as Latina/e students experience a lack of representation and
embedded racism in addition to microaggressions (Pecina & Marx, 2023).
These experiences are not different for Latina staff, as many experience tokenism,
cultural biases, and a lack of representation as they move from a student position to a
professional one (Barrón, 2020). However, according to Harper and Hurtado’s (2007) study,
many of those working for these institutions become silent due to the power dynamics. Harper
and Hurtado found that nearly 88% of staff who were racial/ethnic minorities feared publicly
calling attention to these racial realities for backlash and potentially losing their jobs. These
racial realities are set reminders that the Latina/e community as staff “do not have a rightful
place in leadership” and are “mechanisms that relegate Latinx/as/os,” treating them as guests
rather than leadership of the institution (Espino & Ariza, 2022, p. 6).

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Oppressive Environments
White privilege and supremacy culture are embedded in PWIs and amplified due to their
roots regardless of their equity, inclusion, and diversity efforts. As Gusa (2010) mentioned,
“Today’s PWIs do not have to be explicitly racist to create a hostile environment,” as it can
perpetuate these White cultural ideologies through “language, cultural practices, traditions, and
perceptions” and allow these institutions to remain racialized (p. 465). For example, PWIs have
psychological and cultural consequences on minority staff and students due to the sociohistorical
privilege there is in higher education. For instance, a study found that Latinas experience racism,
disrespect, and hostility at PWIs and HSIs due to the intersectionality of being Latina women in
education (B.A.L., 2017). This study’s findings further indicate that the participants experienced
racist and disrespectful encounters with students and faculty at PWIs from both White and Latino
men (B.A.L., 2017).
Another study found that Latina professionals were made fun of and ignored by students
and staff members who identified as White males (Sánchez et al., 2021). This puts into
perspective the experience and challenges professional Latinas face at PWIs, their interactions
with males on campus, and how they move forward professionally. For example, one Latina
questioned her positionality as an educator since they contribute to “reproducing the elite”
(B.A.L., 2017, p. 179). This reproduction of the elite entails both the male and White privilege in
higher education. Reflecting on their positionality and their contribution emphasizes how to
navigate these spaces when facing an oppressive environment.
These environments and experiences provide perspective as to how professional Latinas
are viewed on campus. Despite efforts to promote diversity and inclusion at PWIs, Latinas are a
generalized category even when they have a variety of ethnicities and backgrounds. One study

19
indicated that Latinas are viewed as a homogenous group (C. Gonzalez et al., 2018). In addition,
faculty overgeneralize professional Latinas regardless of their different roles, responsibilities,
and aspects of higher education politics. Latinas feel that the institution could still do more about
promoting their ethnicity and intersections of identities as they are lumped into one category
(C. Gonzalez et al., 2018). They “navigate White power structures” and have to “educate the
campus” about racial and ethnic differences (Espino & Ariza, 2022, p. 3). Due to this generalized
lack of understanding of who they are, Latinas experience alienation and isolation on campus.
Alienation and Isolation
There is “a sense of alienation” in academia (B.A.L., 2017, p. 178). For example,
Sánchez et al. (2021) found that Latina administrators expressed that even if they are confident in
their expertise, they experience invisibility and alienation at PWIs “often caused by White males
who would ignore them” (p. 598). There is a sense of belonging that is not aligned for Latinas at
PWIs, whether they are students, staff, or faculty (Flores & Garcia, 2009). Language,
mentorship, navigating academia in PWIs, and a Latina space need to be nurtured to cope with
alienation and isolation (Flores & Garcia, 2009). Flores and Garcia (2009) noted that reflecting
and testifying in this space is needed for these women to succeed. This sense of belonging for
both staff and students is important to note as students seek advice from administrators for their
own success, specifically in female-to-female relationships. Barrón (2020) noted the need for
Latina representation in various layers, as “female students of color tend to seek out female
professors of color for advice and help” and “young women faculty or administrators need
effective mentoring of more senior women” (p. 60). In addition, these senior leadership and
administrator positions are the ones serving minoritized populations due to the student and
community demand (Espino & Ariza, 2022).

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Sánchez et al. (2021) found that Latinas did not feel “align[ed]” when it came to the
workforce and not “being authentic” (p. 598). Professional Latinas are expected to “address
student demands and educate the campus about racially and ethnically minoritized student
populations” (Espino & Ariza, 2022, p. 3) due to relatability with the students but at the same
time, cannot be considered in the same space as a professional at par with their male counterparts
or faculty. Colvin (2021) described this as a broken rug because mentorship efforts to help cope
with alienation and isolation take place at lower rates for Latinas than for men and White
women. In addition, Eiden-Dillow and Best (2022) found that women of color are promoted less
frequently and encounter more obstacles to career advancement than White women, including a
lack of support. Collectively, the PWI culture and environment do not have the professional
Latina in mind, and the only time they are heard, seen, or valued is when they hold a high
position of power (Eiden-Dillow & Best, 2022).
Gender Leadership Gap
In general, when it comes to higher education institutions, female employees outnumber
male employees, yet more males hold senior leadership positions than females (Eiden-Dillow &
Best, 2022). For example, The Campaign for College Opportunity (2018) found disparities in
both race and gender in California colleges and universities, as over 60% of senior leaders
identify as White and male. In addition, the field of education is typically associated with
mothering or nurturing (Barrón, 2020). Research has found that Latinas who worked in PWIs
experienced a gender leadership gap (Hill et al., 2016). Most of these campuses lack women in
leadership as more men hold those positions (Hill et al., 2016). There are various barriers for
professional Latinas to obtain higher leadership positions aside from the glass ceiling and
labyrinths (Barrón, 2020). Other barriers are preferential treatment for male candidates, gender

21
norms, family responsibilities, and lack of support for their career expectations (Barrón, 2020).
In addition, for certain Latinas, there is a sense of a power dynamic and power struggle when
working at PWI, as Anglo-Saxon men were the primary focus of these higher education
institutions. Latina administrators feel invisible, ignored, or discounted “often by White male”
counterparts in PWIs and have negative encounters at their institution (Sánchez et al., 2021).
Many consider this sense of power struggle within cultures and “feel limited in their ability” to
manage campus politics and white power structures (Espino & Ariza, 2022, p.3). Because of
these power dynamics and PWI culture, professional Latinas in mid-level leadership positions
might experience tokenism.
Tokenism
Tokenism is the concept of providing someone a promotion or placing them in a higher
role in an organization to mask the concept that minorities are holding positions of power
(Barrón, 2020). Those Latinas who have been provided with promotions or senior leadership
positions questioned the reasoning behind being granted these positions and strongly believed
they were only granted these positions for purposes of tokenism (Eiden-Dillow & Best, 2022).
Eiden-Dillow and Best (2022) reported that women noted that tokenism is a challenge either in
their current positions or when seeking a senior-level position. Latinas who are “a token” also
express how they “don’t get credit” for their work (Eiden-Dillow & Best, 2022, p. 97). In
addition to not receiving credit for their position, they are isolated from sharing their experience
due to the nature of gendered leadership, “Since many senior leaders are White men, they may
not understand what tokenism or cultural taxation entails” (Eiden-Dillow & Best, 2022, p.97).
Furthermore, Latinas are readily considered as potential candidates to promote diversity, as “the
expectations of women, specifically Latinas, show how easy it is to tokenize them” (Barrón,

22
2020, p. 88). This finding leads Latinas to question how their careers would be affected if their
gender or ethnicity were different and to feel undervalued.
So, What Is Working? Mentorship
A factor supporting professional Latinas at PWIs is representation and collaboration with
other Latinas via mentorship (Barrón, 2020). Having guidance and relating to other Latinas on
the same career trajectory and with similar experiences provides support (Hill et al., 2016).
Barrón (2020) stated that mentors seek to take on work to continue to grow and support new
Latinas in education. Mentors help their mentees navigate “hidden curriculums” of norms and
values that are not taught or discussed in the workplace (Cabrera, 2021, p. 45). Mentorship for
women empowers them in the campus climate “not only to survive, but also to thrive in a sexist
campus climate and male-dominated hierarchy” (Vaccaro, 2011, p. 34), allowing them to
flourish even in oppressive environments. Mentors can be a “larger support group” for Latina
women and be “support systems [that] are especially important when women encounter
challenges maintaining a work-life balance” and retain these administrators (Sánchez et al.,
2021, p. 593). In addition, seeing other Latinas in leadership positions and their representation in
higher positions provides a sense of future career opportunities as others have achieved senior
positions (Hill et al., 2016).
Mentorship: A Double-Edged Sword
However, a recurring theme in the research was ineffective or lacking mentorship or
mentorship for professional Latinas in higher education. Although mentorship provides support
and success, there is still a lack of mentorship for this population (Barrón, 2020). Those who
struggled to find mentors indicated a sense of being invisible as there are not many Latinas in
senior positions or with whom they could connect for mentorship (Hill et al., 2016). Due to the

23
few Latina senior leaders, many questioned their own career mobility as there are few Latinas in
said positions: “Women of color aspiring to leadership positions face unique challenges in
finding a sponsor” (Hill et al., 2016, p. 20). In this context, sponsorship is a form of mentorship
that focuses on both status and opportunity (Hill et al., 2016).
In addition, Hill et al. (2016) found that women of color seeking mentorship or career
advancement experienced different barriers than White women and men due to their lack of
overlapping personal lives such as a shared community or community organizations. Women of
color have to make more “effort” when networking and building social networking connections
outside the work environment (Hill et al., 2016). In addition, there are not enough women
advocating for mentorship in the field: “Still there are not mujeres que aboguen (women who
advocate) or mentoring programs to help Latinas navigate through higher education institutions
(Barrón, 2020, p. 60). However, this might be due to the same gender gap in leadership
previously discussed in higher education.
Section 3: What Is Latina Identity?
The following section will review the main components of the Latina identity. It will
review the gender norms of the Latina identity through a LatCrit lens and the influence of family
and the value of education. It will then review the value and pride of one’s ethnicity and how that
shapes one’s authentic identity. Given these various identities, it will also review the
intersectionality of being a Latina woman and how these women navigate multiple identities,
embodying the definition of the term “chingona.” The section concludes by reviewing the
phenomenon professional Latinas experience of imposter syndrome.

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Gender Norms
Understanding the complexity of identity for Latinas requires reviewing LatCrit. For this
study, Latinas were defined as women who identify as Latina and are part of the Latina/e
community, which aided in understanding the intersection of gender and race. This does not
exclude any ethnicity or region of that community. According to LatCrit, the Latina/e
community deeply values and considers the family’s contributions, responsibilities, and input
(Yosso, 2005). Holding the gender norms of being a mother figure and homemaker is the essence
of the traditional Latina: “Traditionally, women were protectors of the home. Latinas learn to be
submissive to their parents and their spouses. Mothers equipped their daughters to take care of
the family” (Menchaca et al., 2017, p. 2). It was vital to maintain their family as the focal point
of their lives as “their community revolve[s] around the family” (Menchaca et al., 2017, p. 2),
and everything else is secondary, including career aspirations. Many Latinas hold the gender
norms of being the mother figure and homemaker and placing family at the center of their lives
even if they align with feminist values (Martinez & Mejia, 2015). Since gender norms are a large
component of their identity, they struggle between advocating and pursuing feminist values that
break these norms and continuing to uphold traditional and cultural norms (Martinez & Mejia,
2015). Based on these gender norms, despite understanding its value, education is secondary to
household and family responsibilities (Menchaca et al., 2017).
Value in Education
Although the traditional values are to stay and home and focus on the family, “Latinas
have a long history of valuing education” as they see that education brings them great
opportunities for themselves and their families (Menchaca et al., 2017). Latino/e parents push
their daughters to seek education for a brighter future. “Many Latino families encourage their

25
daughter to go to college” as they see the value in education as it can provide future financial
stability, career mobility, and better employment opportunities (Menchaca et al., 2017, p.3). In
addition, there is a sense of pride when attending school and going to college, especially if they
are first-generation (Menchaca et al., 2017, p. 2). Yet, the experience of either being the first to
attend college or focusing on education brings guilt and cultural incongruity as it brings “changes
in family structure” (Menchaca et al., 2017, p. 3). For Latina/e communities, by leaving or
changing their norms, families experience attending college as relating to the White privilege
culture (Rischall & Meyers, 2019).
In addition, “for Latinas, a college degree ensured autonomy and independence,
preventing financial dependence on men” (Aleman, 2018, p. 188), which is misaligned with
traditional customs. Being part of higher education challenges these gender norms, and attending
these institutions makes Latinas clash with their cultural norms as they have to adapt to White
culture (Rischall & Meyers, 2019). By enrolling in and further assimilating into the structure of
the higher education institution as staff, these Latinas experience a struggle between their
cultural identity and conforming to the White institutional environment while maintaining a
healthy family balance. However, many see that it is important to be a change agent in the
education field (Espino & Ariza, 2022) and seek graduate education once they persist through
the challenges and obtain success of their bachelor’s degree (Menchaca et al., 2017) to create
change from the inside.
Ethnic Pride and Culture
A large component of the Latina identity is based on cultural roots and ethnicity. There is
a sense of pride and wearing their ethnicity, culture, and heritage as a badge of honor. Although
part of the Latina/e community, there is a distinction based on birth country. For example, a

26
woman can identify as a Latina and can be proud to be Puertorriquena, Mexicana, or Chicana.
Their strength of ethnic identity and cultural roots is based on the experiences, expectations, and
beliefs different from others, as “ethnic groups … share characteristics or traits that differentiate
them from ‘others’ which include the core group itself and other ethnic groups” (Rinderle &
Montoya, 2008, p. 147). They also have symbolic markers that are based on heritage roots and
traditions. Such markers become the basis of racial/ethnic pride (Rinderle & Montoya, 2008).
Rinderle and Montoya (2008) discussed the cultural values and personal experiences that
Latina/es most identify with, such as physical appearance, familism, ethnic pride, political
beliefs, and collective discrimination. These different categories vary per person based on their
life experiences and upbringings (Rinderle & Montoya, 2008). For these reasons, Latinas should
not be placed in one or another category, as it minimizes a substantial portion of their identity.
Latinas self-identify to take ownership of their identity and combat stereotypes: “We are Latina,
pochas, Mexicanas, Hispanics, Chicanas, Mestizas” (Flores & Garcia, 2009, p. 165) and take
over control of our latinidad. To take ownership of our latinidad, Latinas reject American culture
more often than Latino men and take pride in their culture and being distinct (Flores & Garcia,
2009). Due to their ownership of their cultural roots, ethnic distinction, and pride, Latinas are
more than just the broad term of ‘Latina’ as they have their own layered authentic identity.
Authentic Identity
Anzaldúa (1990) depicted the complexities of defining a Latina, from the exterior
aesthetics to what a Latina should be capable of doing. The authentic identity of a Latina goes
beyond skin color and is comprised of a variety of characteristics such as language, accents, hair
texture, and appearance in general (Flores & Garcia, 2009). Although Flores and Garcia (2009)
argued that these characteristics do not determine a person’s latinidad (how much a person is

27
Latina/o), they are valued and depicted by the Latina/e community. Latina women have different
characteristics from each other and other women of color. Various participants in Flores and
Garcia’s study stated that “we are different,” describing how a “mujer de color” (a woman of
color) can be blonde, brunette, with curves, beautiful or not so attractive, some short, some tall.
In addition, Flores and Garcia’s (2009) participants elaborated on how Latinas use
characteristics like language differently: “We speak English o español, mixteado or code-switch”
(Flores & Garcia, 2009, p. 161). These Latinas expressed that they represent various aspects of
the Latina woman and their latinidad as they “are all holders of knowledge. … We come from all
directions” (Flores & Garcia, 2009, p.161). Their various characteristics (from physical
appearance to language), experiences, and knowledge allow them to expand and be diverse all in
one of identity: “We are immigrants, mothers, daughters, amigas (friends), teachers, comadres,
nietas … workers colleagues … somos diversas (we are diverse)” (Flores & Garcia, 2009, p.
161). Latinas embrace the diversity of their characteristics and overlapping identities, are proud
of where they come from, and embrace their authentic self and who they are as Latina women
and part of the Latina community.
Multiple Identities: Intersectionality
A critical component of the Latina identity is intersectionality, which is the concept of
various identities overlapping and how they are related to each other: “Intersectionality views
categories of race, class, gender, sexuality, class, nation, ability, ethnicity, and age - among other
- as interrelated and mutually shaping one another” (Collins, 1990, p. 1). Feminist scholars view
the concept of intersectionality as “how women are simultaneously positioned as women”
(Phoenix & Pattynama, 2006, p. 187). Family, education, ethnicity, and cultural roots are a
central component of the Latina identity, along with the gender norms of being a woman. These

28
identities are incorporated into the professional identity, “as these [Latina/o] students transition
into their professions, in particular to those in Student Affairs, their cultural and collective
practices are carried into the profession” (Cabrera, 2021, p. 5).
For Latinas who transition into professional careers in higher education, “all their social
identities impact their experiences as professionals navigating race/ethnicity challenges”
(Sánchez et al., 2021, p. 594). They are aware of their overlapping identities and how they can
use these in a professional context. This study focused on the intersectionality of race, ethnicity,
and gender for Latina women as professionals in higher education, as their various identities can
affect their experiences. Per Murakami et al. (2018),
At the intersection of race and other professional identities, … an individual may attribute
their experiences to a single category (gender), to a different category (race), or to many
categories at once (language gender, and race), which, in turn, shapes their perception of
the experience. (p. 4)
Latinas must navigate their various identities in addition to their job duties. “Latinx/a/o mid-level
managers must balance job responsibilities while serving as mentors and resources for students
and their families,” including responsibilities that are not in their job description (Espino &
Ariza, 2022, p. 3).
Feminist theorists consider how power plays into intersectionality more than personal
identities for Latina/os: “The analysis of intersectionality of race and identity for Latinos,
especially Latina/o educators, is critical as spaces of political power within the spheres of
education continue to situate Latina/o identity in marginalized contexts” (Murakami et al., 2018,
p. 3). In addition to the political powers of the work dynamic and proving themselves, this power
also describes the navigation and tugging that Latinas must deal with, given how some identities

29
are strengthened at times and how other identities are felt to be less dominating or focused. For
example, the group with the highest emotional exhaustion are married women who have children
due to their professional demands (Sánchez et al., 2021, p. 593). These overlapping identities are
felt by Latina professionals. They experienced “feelings of guilt for not being the perfect
reflection of the Latina women of the time. They were absent from their families and were not
able to engage in family obligations and outings” (Menchaca et al., 2017, p. 4). This sense of
power and balancing their complex identities can be captured with the term “chingona,” which
will be discussed in further detail.
Being a Chingona
Chingona is a term in Spanish that originated as derogatory toward women, describing
someone who annoys or is bothersome (Mexicanist, 2022). However, in a masculine context, a
chingon traditionally describes a male who is conquering, typically associated with a badass
dynamic and someone not to be messed around with (Mexicanist, 2022). In recent years,
however, women reclaimed the term “chingona” to associate it with a badass mujer (woman)
who chooses to live by her terms and accepts herself: “A chingona in this newly reclaimed use
means a woman who embodies confidence…siguiendole adelante por su propio camino sin
importarle lo que digan los demás” (Haro, 2019). Those with a chingona identity break past
challenges, barriers, norms, and expectations and use their strengths to “empower and uplift
others” (Haro, 2019, p. 1). For this study, these Latinas can be depicted as chingonas, as they can
dominate their careers as leaders and dominate in other areas of their lives while navigating
multiple identities.
Mid-level Latinas leaders have to push forward and break norms as “they are engrained
in complex patterns of race, gender, and class hierarchy where they have to learn to navigate and

30
advocate for themselves” (Barrón, 2020, p. 68). This advocating for themselves makes them
“tough” and requires them “to acquire the strength for a louder voice” (Barrón, 2020, p. 68). In
addition, managing multiple areas of their lives while holding a leadership position and
challenging gender norms while maintaining traditional family values further contributes to the
chingona perception. Given the complexity of what these professional Latinas must juggle
concerning their identities and responsibilities (Barrón, 2020), many of these Latina
professionals can be considered chingonas and are the embodiment of this reclaimed term as they
have reclaimed their space with the workspace that is predominantly White and with
predominantly White male leadership.
Navigating Multiple Identities: Imposter Syndrome
Given the complexity of the Latina identity and the various layers professional Latinas
hav,e many find both strength and doubt when balancing their identities. Juggling various
identities in a professional setting, they experience imposter syndrome or imposter phenomenon.
Colvin (2021) argued that keeping women of color from leaving their workforce requires
employers to address imposter syndrome first. Colvin (2021) found that employees need to
consider the critical lens of how imposter syndrome comes from “the impact of system racism,
classism, xenophobia, and other biases,” as indicated by the Harvard Review (Colvin, 2021, p.
1). There is a unique dynamic for women of color who experience imposter syndrome as they are
the “first in many situations.” Many experience imposter syndrome as first-generation students
and once they begin working in the college setting. (Cabrera, 2021). This imposter phenomenon
carries over from being a student to a staff member as they are the first while at the same time
trying to balance their various identities in these new capacities.

31
In addition, Clance et al. (1995) indicated that one factor that contributes to imposter
phenomenon is the perceptions of others and beliefs of the person. For example, societal
expectations and childhood upbringing contribute to developing imposter feelings (De La Torre,
2022). Because Latinas already have overlapping expectations of family responsibilities along
with gender roles and societal pressures (Menchaca et al., 2017), there is an additional layer of
presenting themselves as confident leaders and being precise in their work environment
(Murakami et al., 2018). This precision in completing their jobs contributes significantly to
imposter phenomenon as staff of color are questioned on various areas of their skills, which often
becomes exhausting (Gomez, 2017).
Section 4: Cultural Incongruity
Mid-level professional Latinas encounter cultural incongruity, which “describes the fit of
an individual’s cultural values, beliefs, and expectation with their environment” (McAndrew et
al., 2019, p. 679). Therefore, cultural incongruity is experienced by those trying to balance these
cultural beliefs and values, “[those] who belong to more than one culture experience cultural
incongruity if they are unable to reconcile each culture’s values, beliefs, and expectations with
one another” (McAndrew et al., 2019, p. 679). This incongruence arises when trying to balance
different cultures: “The problem becomes one of conflict in knowing how to balance
participation in two different cultures without ‘stepping on toes’” (Gloria & Kurpius, 1996, p.
535). One outcome of cultural incongruity is isolation, as one questions one’s identity and has to
choose between their Latina/e culture and the dominant White culture (Gloria & Kurpius, 1996).
Professional Latinas have long encountered this cultural incongruity as either undergraduate or
graduate students (Gloria & Kurpius, 1996).

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However, there is another level of cultural incongruity as being a participant and entity of
the institution and culture. There is a conflict when trying to balance both cultures as there is a
misfit phenomenon where the individual is either too Latina/o to be within a White culture or too
White to be within their Latina/o roots (Sánchez et al., 2021). This cultural incongruity can occur
in various aspects due to various identities, such as family dynamics, work environment, campus
environment, and other responsibilities. For example, professionals of color juggle various
values different from their own: “Staff of color frequently report stress and frustration provoked
constantly negotiating a campus ethos contrastive with their familiar family values and
traditions” (Gomez, 2017, p. 156). They struggle with balancing these cultures and misfit
phenomena due to their various identities and conceptualizing what aligns with their values and
the campus ethos.
Limiting the Authentic Self
Due to cultural differences and incongruity, professional Latinas limit their truest version
of themselves in the workplace, embodying and amplifying imposter syndrome. For example,
some feel they cannot fully express themselves as they cannot talk about their personal lives or
their cultures to others because cultural differences will “make people uncomfortable” (Sánchez
et al., 2021, p. 596). Colvin (2021) found that Latinas did not feel they could be authentic or their
true selves in the workplace. They limit their authentic selves to fit in with the culture and make
others feel comfortable and understood. To meet cultural incongruity at PWIs, Latinas modify
their identity through various forms. This might involve limiting their code-switching or
embracing certain aspects of their latinidad. Limiting their authentic selves can help Latinas feel
more congruent with the environment, even if they know they are not truly exposing or
displaying who they are.

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Toning Down
Latina administrators experience being cautious of their ethnicity and race and have to
tone down their identity when working in a PWI (Sánchez et al., 2021). Some aspects of how
they tone down their identities can vary for many Latinas. One example of toning down their
Latina identity is code-switching, where only English is spoken unless Spanish is needed for
work purposes, such as translating for a student. For some, being the whitest version of
themselves might be purposeful, while for others, it might be due to others’ conformity. For
example, one of Sánchez et al.’s (2021) participants disclosed their reasoning behind toning
down their identity: “As a Mexican/Latina professional, she felt pressured to tone down her
race/ethnicity to develop connection on campus. Ultimately, Laura’s racial/ethnic identity was
policed by other professionals and students on her campus” (Sánchez et al., 2021, p. 596). To be
accepted on campus and make others feel comfortable, Latina administrators feel pressure to
tone down their race/ethnicity (Sánchez et al., 2021).
Others might tone down their latinidad while increasing their Whitest version,
“performing ‘whiteness’ to be successful … and being part of a niche community” (Lopez, 2022,
p. 35). This form of being their Whitest version aims for acceptance and safety in a space,
“painting themselves White as possible for the sake of being safe or desirable” (Lopez, 2022, p.
15). Some experience being the Whitest version of themselves to not be judged, not be seen as
unintelligent, or second-guessed on their capabilities. Gomez (2017) elaborated on how people of
color are underrated and underestimated regarding their knowledge and skills and feel they have
to constantly prove their knowledge.
In addition to proving their knowledge and not being judged, they are considered experts
on matters of diversity (Gomez, 2017). In these instances, they have to alternate and are asked to

34
display their Latina identity to others. This weight of balancing the release and maintenance of
this identity is the crux of professional Latinas. They must weigh their options often because they
are in a different cultural environment at PWIs (Colvin, 2021). Although they are accepted by
their workspace and their institution as an employee of the university, they always maintain their
guard up, deciphering when to expose which identity and for what reasons, reflecting on
previous experiences and assessing what expectations they must meet.
Facilitators and Inhibitors
To navigate the cultural incongruity at PWIs, Latina professionals have a variety of
factors that inhibit or facilitate their identities. At PWIs, identity facilitators might be being a
woman in a leadership role, a mentor and mentee, influencing students, advancing in one’s
career, being bilingual, and being a trailblazer for new initiatives. For this research, the
facilitators of focus are students’ impact, being advocates for equity, career advancement,
mentorship, and representation. In contrast, inhibitors can range from a single instance to daily
experiences. The inhibitors of focus are microaggressions, tokenism in the workplace, difficulty
with superiors or students due to questioning their intellectual competence, sexism, and
microaggressions. It is important to note that other facilitators or inhibitors might affect the
participants’ experiences, yet these specific facilitators and inhibitors are highlighted to address
overlapping ideas and experiences.
Facilitators: Student Impact
Student impact as a higher education professional is a facilitator for mid-level Latina
leaders. A study by Magorian (2022) depicted how student affairs professionals who identify as
Latinas help promote a sense of belonging for Latine students in a microclimate setting,
ultimately influencing the student in a smaller environment rather than at the institutional level.

35
Students seeing Latinas on campus as staff creates a welcoming environment for them and
affects the professional. Research has found that the benefit to students’ sense of belonging
affects both the student and the professional, as “these conceptions of belonging have been
shaped by participants’ experiences of marginalization and belonging in higher education, both
as students and as a professional staff,” giving a sense of a small community and belonging
(Magorian, 2022, p. ii). Professional Latinas stay in these settings to contribute to the positive
impact of students on a smaller scale and combat the sense of not belonging for these
marginalized students.
Facilitators: Advocates for Equity
Through their experience of being an undergraduate student or hearing student
experiences through their work, mid-level Latinas leaders understand the needs and avenues that
higher education institutions need to work on for the betterment of their students (and
administrators as leaders). One study found that these administrators’ primary focus is being an
advocate for equity at a PWI (Espino & Ariza, 2022). The study found that although the
institution provides an agency for these administrators to support students, they limit access
toward “addressing inequitable organizational structures” (Espino & Ariza, 2022). These
constraints limit the ability to make an impactful contribution toward their work in equity
(Espino & Ariza, 2022). Due to this limit of power as professionals, mid-level Latinx/a/o
administrators stay at PWIs to overcome institutional bias (Espino & Ariza, 2022). One
participant in the study consciously decided to work in a PWI and in an elite space as a form of
resistance to combat the same experiences of racism and not have a sense of belonging and as a
form of paying it forward to future generations and reducing this experience toward their

36
students. The Latina professional actively stays in these spaces to help the organizational
structure be more equitable, even if their impact is limited.
Facilitator: Career Advancement
Pertuz (2017) noted that mid-level Latinas have high aspirations concerning career
advancement and envision career mobility. However, experiencing tokenism guides this high
aspiration and their perspective of career advancement if they are chosen (Pertuz, 2017) to be in
these spaces. Due to the experience of obtaining higher positions, these managers understand that
although they might be advancing, there is a hidden agenda of predetermined roles in these
spaces (Orelus, 2020). Even with these predetermined roles, they want to continue advancing as
they are “influential” in their higher education spaces and who can move up to have a positive
impact because they are the few (Cabrera, 2021, p.4). Due to these layers of advancing as the
few and lucky ones in the education field, many continue to contribute to representation.
Facilitator: Mentorship and Representation
Research has shown that Latina students gravitate toward Latina mentors who share and
understand cultural values (Mateo, 2010). Since mentorship is a strong component of the impact
on Latina students and a success factor that influences them as professionals, mentorship is
critical as it helps “balance the cultural difference and institutional values” they encounter on
campus. Mid-level Latina professionals understand that “the role of mentors for racial and ethnic
underrepresented groups is crucial” (Mateo, 2010, p. 58) as they are now the mentors they were
once looking for as students. Mateo further expresses how institutions have to recruit and visibly
see other Latinas in administrative and executive positions in higher education (Mateo, 2010). In
addition, one of the most important factors in career advancement for female student affairs
professionals to obtain senior leadership positions is mentorship (Friday, 2014). Since mid-level

37
Latina managers have experienced a lack of ineffective mentorship and struggle with finding
other Latina mentors (Barrón, 2020), having representation in mentorship is critical for both the
student and other professionals who identify as Latinas.
Inhibitor: Imposter Syndrome
Imposter syndrome is an inhibitor as a previous experience of doubting oneself and one’s
skills influence their self-reflection and how one navigates the culture of PWIs. Regardless of
their experience and education, professional Latinas are “presumed incompetent … [and] too
frequently find themselves ‘presumed incompetent’ as scholars, teachers, and participants in
academic governance” (Muhs et al., 2012, p. 1). Muhs et al. (2012) discussed the contradictory
culture of academia for women of color as these women also experience tokenism, overt and
covert racism, and internalize presumed incompetence, which often develops into imposter
syndrome. Due to the contradictory culture (or cultural incongruity) and others doubting their
capabilities, these feelings of inferiority, doubt, and questioning themselves arise internally as
they maintain an image of understanding their roles. Mid-level Latina leaders holding these
positions battle others questioning their experience and intellect and moving past doubting
themselves when encountering imposter syndrome.
Inhibitor: Affirming Intellectual Competency
In addition to imposter syndrome, internally questioning their abilities and being worthy
of their role, mid-level Latina managers also have to continuously prove themselves to others.
Staff members of color are questioned on various areas of their skills, which often makes them
“feel exhausted from continually needing to prove their knowledge, skills, and abilities and
abilities while scrutinized by their supervisors, colleagues, and students” (Gomez, 2017, p. 156).
Being underestimated or questioned comes from various avenues, including students and not just

38
senior leadership. In addition, Mateo (2010) noted other barriers for Latina professionals,
including “challenging tokenism, confronting assimilation, affirming their intellectual
competency, and maintaining cultural preservation” (p. 59). Affirming intellectual competency
impedes Latinas’ career advancement and current professional positions, and they ultimately
internalize imposter syndrome, which is emotionally draining.
Inhibitor: Microaggressions and Sex Discrimination
Young et al. (2015) coined the phrase “hierarchical microaggressions” to depict the
everyday slights found in higher education and valuing or devaluing the person based on the
institutional role. Their findings indicate that forms of microaggressions are more than
insensitive comments and impact the person based on the identity associated with their status at
university and the education they attain (Young et al., 2015). This is important to note as Latina
professionals encounter what Mateo calls double discrimination as Latinas have to overcome
stereotypical images and assumptions for being both female and racially and ethnically different,
not to mention battling other barriers such as tokenism, confronting assimilation, affirming their
intellectual competency, and maintaining cultural preservation (Mateo, 2010, p. 59). This affects
the Latina identity as there are layers due to this double discrimination as they experience
microaggressions and sexist remarks due to their identity. For example, these microaggressions
are experienced more based on gender, “When exploring different types of microaggressions, we
found several significant results, including that Latina women were significantly more likely to
experience workplace and microaggressions than Latino men” (Nadal et al., 2014, p. 74).
In addition, these experiences range from daily microaggression to denial of tenure and
promotion (Orelus, 2020). Latina women experienced microaggressions and differential
treatment in the workplace due to their gender (Muhs et al., 2012). Latinas are more likely to

39
face racism, sexism, stereotyping, even promotion, and inequality in salaries (Eiden-Dillow &
Best, 2022). In addition, since there is a lower representation of Latinas in higher education in
senior leadership positions, they are “expected to work within the ranks of their peers” (EidenDillow & Best, 2022, p.95) while leaving and limiting their time in other areas, such as
mentorship and career advancement opportunities. These expectations do not include
overlapping roles and responsibilities outside the workplace, such as family obligations (Hong,
2022).
Section 5: Conceptual Framework
The following section will describe the conceptual framework used for the study. This
framework is based on the lens of LatCrit and CRF. The section will review key concepts that
shape the framework, including cultural incongruity and intersectionality. It will also describe
the layers of the Latina, the authentic identity, and what it means to embody the term
“chingona.” It will further review their sense of belonging and the experiences and reflections
they have experienced within a PWI culture. The section will conclude by describing the Latina
identity scale used as the conceptual framework.
Maxwell (2013) described a conceptual framework as a lens constructed using research
that is a “key source[s] for understanding what is going on with the[se] phenomena” (Maxwell,
2013, p. 39). The author further elaborated, stating that a conceptual framework is “the system of
concepts, assumptions, expectations, beliefs, and theories that support and informs” the research
and can be interpreted in a visual or written product (Maxwell, 2013, p. 39). The conceptual
framework for this study was guided by critical race feminism, LatCrit, intersectionality, and
cultural incongruity. Since this study focused on the different avenues and identities that
participants juggle while working at PWIs, the term I used the term “chingona” to articulate the

40
layers of their experiences when combating and resisting White supremacy culture and
colonization. The framework also incorporates their experiences, reflections, authentic identity,
and sense of belonging on campus to further capture how they navigate these spaces.
Critical Race Feminism
Critical race theory, intersectionality, LatCrit, and CRF are foundational theories used to
discuss the Latina identity (Flores & Garcia, 2009). My conceptual framework uses CRF, which
is derived from CRT (Marquez, 2004). According to CRF, it is important to consider the
intersection between race and gender (Marquez, 2004). Latinas have experiences different from
others regardless of race or ethnicity. Furthermore, gender and race are conformed, complex, and
based on the representation of Western culture (Gusa, 2010). This study used a CRF lens to
examine the shared experiences Latinas encounter due to their race and gender in a PWI.
LatCrit
The conceptual framework also incorporates LatCrit to highlight the Latina identity in the
Latino community, as gender provides a different experience and expectation. Per Sánchez et al.
(2021), Latina professionals have to be cautious and switch identities in specific spaces due to
the nature of being accepted or being seen as credible. Sánchez et al. (2021) stated that Latinas
had to be the “Whites version of themselves” regardless of education or leadership title in
comparison to other women in the field. Because Latinas have different experiences than other
women in the field, LatCrit was used to understand how Latina experiences differ. In addition,
Latinas experience microaggressions and sex discrimination more than Latino men in the field
(Mateo, 2010). LatCrit will be used to under the complexity of their Latina identity and how
differently they experience the professional field than their Latino counterparts.

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Cultural Incongruity
Cultural incongruity is another component of the conceptual framework due to the Latina
identity navigating their various identities in a predominately White culture. Latinas experience
cultural congruity when juggling two different cultures (Gloria & Kurpius, 1996). For this study,
the two different cultures are the White culture at PWIs and their own Latina culture. Since
Latinas experience cultural incongruity based on trying to fit in two diverse cultures (Gloria &
Kurpius, 1996), identifying and belonging at a PWI affects how they identify and navigate their
authentic selves and culture. Reflecting on said experiences either helps or hinders their sense of
identity and belonging (Crespo, 2013) and influences how they will present themselves to others
while questioning their role as professionals and how they contribute to the culture. However,
due to this toning down, many interviewees used these experiences toward a positive motivation
of seeking out opportunities to prove others wrong due to the cultural incongruence they feel in
the PWI setting. Their intersectionality of race and gender, along with various identities, shifts
for the Latina and their experiences depending on which identity was more salient. This concept
will provide a better understanding of how Latinas navigate the clash of White culture and how
their identities as Latina women are affected at a PWI.
Sense of Belonging
Sense of belonging is a concept within cultural incongruity as one who is experiencing
cultural incongruence is deciphering between two distinct cultures (Gloria & Kurpius, 1996). To
feel part of the culture, there is a sense of belonging that is tied to cultural incongruity.
McAndrew et al. (2019) studied how feelings of not belonging were closely associated with
cultural incongruity, as “cultural incongruity has been assessed as the individual’s feeling of not
belonging” (p. ?). This can be applied as Sánchez et al. (2021) found that Latina professionals

42
felt like imposters due to the lack of Latinx presence among the university’s administrators at
PWIs. Sánchez et al. (2021) stated that several of their participants disclosed feeling invisible at
their institutions, often due to White males ignoring their comments during meetings and
presentations. This sense of feeling invisible, being imposters, and not belonging is based on the
person-environment and feeling misunderstood in it (McAndrew et al., 2019). Although they
want to “fit in” and belong to the culture there is still an incongruence and feeling invisible for
these Latinas (Sánchez et al., 2021).
Experiences and Reflections
To balance the cultural incongruity, Latinas reflect on their experiences and what
previous encounters have brought them. For example, one study focused on how mid-level
Latina managers in higher education felt they had to be constantly aware of their high cultural
intelligence, their purpose (reflection), and their personal stories to connect with others (Avila,
2018). This form of reflecting on the context they are in ensures they fit in to the culture (Gloria
& Kurpius, 1996). Reflecting on past experiences guides them in balancing both cultures and
meeting the expectations of the dominant culture, its values, and beliefs (McAndrew et al.,
2019). For example, some Latinas might have experienced negative reflections such as
microaggressions or tokenism. To combat these experiences, they express and focus on the
positive aspects of their culture and their positionality in the workspace (Espino & Ariza, 2022).
This might lead the mid-level manager who experienced tokenism in the workplace to contribute
to a mentorship program for aspiring leaders or graduate students as a way to pay it forward
(Espino & Ariza, 2022). The fluctuation of these experiences and reflections affects their sense
of belonging on campus, their various identities, and how they balance their two cultures.

43
Authentic Self
The authentic identity of a Latina is complex to understand and capture (Flores & Garcia,
2009). Latina women have different characteristics from each other and other women of color
(Flores & Garcia, 2009). They also take pride in their ethnicity, embracing their culture, heritage,
roots, and traditions (Rinderle & Montoya, 2008). Latinas embrace their characteristics, such as
their hair texture and speaking mixteado (or code-switch), as a form of resistance and take
ownership of their latinidad (Flores & Garcia, 2009). These characteristics become markers
defining their racial and ethnic identity, creating their authentic identity (Rinderle & Montoya,
2008). In addition, Latina women have other identities that contribute to their authentic selves
(Flores & Garcia, 2009). Their intersectionality is interrelated and mutually shaping (Collins,
1990). Because the interviewees son diversas (they are diverse) and represent latinidad, they
embrace their authentic selves and hold these various identities to define who they are.
Mid-Level Latina Leaders
Mid-level administrators hold a demanding position in higher education. Being in the
middle of the hierarchy, they report and have pressure from senior administrators while also
holding power in supervising or leading a team. Espino and Ariza (2022) defined these
administrators as professionals who play a “vital role in interpreting and communicating the
goals and values of the academic organization” (p. 1). Mid-level administrators are the largest
group of administrators with organizational oversight, and since they are seasoned professionals
in the education field, they are expected to meet various demands (Espino & Ariza, 2022).
Although they are key components of the organization and responsible for various roles both
above and below them, there still needs to be more research on mid-level administration and
leadership (Sánchez et al., 2021).

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This study focused on mid-level Latina managers because their responsibilities are
different from those of other mid-level administrators. These managers hold various expectations
and uncounted barriers in their roles. Latinas who manage their teams are also recruited to meet
the demands of Latinx/a/e students on their campuses with limited organizational resources and
are expected to hold responsibilities that are not part of their position description (Espino &
Ariza, 2022). Professional Latinas experience different barriers and experiences than other
women and their Latino counterparts in the workplace (Mateo, 2010). Items such as tokenism,
confronting assimilation, affirming their intellectual competency, and maintaining cultural
preservation (Mateo, 2010) are a few obstacles they must overcome in addition to stereotypical
images and assumptions for being both female and racially and ethnically different (Mateo,
2010). For these reasons, the study focused on the Latina identity of mid-level managers and the
experiences they encounter within the culture of a PWI.
Chingona
The term “chingona” is derogatory and specifically addressed toward women, as it is a
feminine word ending in an “a” since the Spanish language identifies nouns as either masculine
or feminine. Although the term was historically used derogatorily, women have rebranded it and
empowered themselves to use it as the equivalent of being a badass woman (Zaragoza-Petty,
2022). Repurposing the term to “general badassery,” as Zaragoza-Petty (2022) stated, “It means
you are admirable for your strength, general badassery, and overall perseverance in life despite
systematic oppression and cultural erasure.” This “general badassery” is what mid-level Latina
managers do as they encounter microaggressions, tokenism, and other inhibitors at PWIs. In
addition to work demands and these inhibitors, they also balance their various identities in a
predominately White culture while also dealing with imposter syndrome. For this reason, I use

45
the term in this study to guide the exploration of how the participants viewed themselves in the
workplace and embraced their own narratives.
Intersectionality
Intersectionality is a large component of the conceptual framework given the Latina
identity’s complexity. Intersectionality is the crossroads of one’s identities and how they overlap
and “aims to make visible the multiple positioning that constitutes everyday life and the power
relations that are central to it” (Phoenix & Pattynama, 2006, p. 1). Women of color experience
disparities in higher education more than White women due to their overlapping identities and,
ultimately, different biases even from their male counterparts, “They also experience gender bias
in a vastly different fashion than White women and the racial bias that they experience is
immensely different than makes within their racial or ethnic group (Thomas, 2019, p. 123).”
According to Patton (2002), intersectionality “recognizes that all people have multiple,
intersecting identities; these identities influence and constitute one another; and as a result
individuals experience the paradox of simultaneous marginalization and privilege” (Patton, 2015,
p. 30). This study examined how Latinas experience their work environment and their identity at
a PWI. These multiple positions in their everyday life, or their intersections, result in
experiencing microaggressions and, ultimately, taxation (Thomas, 2019). Due to these
experiences, this study focused on how intersectionality and the environment of a PWI influence
how the participants navigate their multiple identities.
Conceptual Framework: Latina Identity Scale
Since CRF responds to intersectional identities by creating counter-stories and
counternarratives (Marquez, 2004), the goal was to depict and explore Latina mid-level
managers’ experiences at PWIs and their experience of cultural incongruity. Furthermore,

46
knowing that Latinas experience double discrimination (Mateo, 2010) due to their various
identities, I also want to view what challenges or obstacles they encounter at a PWI. Latinas in
PWIs have previously described inhibitors and facilitators in the workforce, from mentorship to
microaggressions (Crespo, 2013). This wide range of positive and negative experiences shaped
my conceptual framework to display as a law scale (Figure 2).
Figure 2
Latina Identity Scale

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The Latina identity is portrayed by a law scale figure that balances the inhibitors and
facilitators on either side of the scale, with the inhibitors slightly outweighing the balance due to
the nature of pressures or inhibitors tipping the scale of larger causes (such as microaggressions
being in relation to racism which is a system). The scale is supported by two intersecting beams,
one representing the cultural incongruity that Latinas try to balance with the weight of inhibitors
and facilitators as working professionals. This cultural incongruity beam can be their experience
of “toning down” or whitening themselves depending on the circumstance or weight of inhibitors
and facilitators.
The second beam is the intersectionality of the Latina, which is the foundation of the
scale. The base of the scale is the core Latina identity, which might have overlapping identities
(connecting to the intersectionality beam) in addition to identifying as a Latina who is also a
mid-level leader or manager such as a Latina that is also a mother, first-generation, or other
identities. The scale stands together by a circular top, which represents the theories that support
the lens of their intersectional identities, CRF and LatCrit. Lastly, the law scale stands on a table,
which represents a PWI and its culture as it is an enclosed space the Latina can navigate. The
table (or PWIs) only stands due to the colonization of Indigenous people and land.
Chapter Summary
This chapter describes the conceptual framework used for the study by first describing
the two theories being used: CRF and LatCrit. The chapter also reviews cultural incongruity,
sense of belonging, and how Latinas experience cultural incongruity based on experiences,
reflections from inhibitors, and facilitators previously discussed. The chapter then moves
forward with describing the Latina identity, focusing on intersectionality, the authentic identity,
and the term “chingona.” The chapter concludes with the conceptual framework based on CRF,

48
LatCrit, intersectionality, and cultural incongruity through a Latina identity scale and how it
shapes the study.

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Chapter Three: Methodology
Although there is a growing number of Latinas attending higher education institutions,
their numbers in leadership roles remain stagnant (Crespo, 2013). In these positions, many have
encountered tokenism (Barrón, 2020). At the same time, there is not enough research on this
population’s experiences as professionals (Savala, 2014). Although higher education institutions
are hiring Latina students in staff roles post-graduation, there is a need for more research to
understand their experiences as professionals (Savala, 2014). In addition, Latinas have different
experiences than other women and Latino men due to their intersectionality (Cole & Hassel,
2017). This is amplified when working at PWIs, given the cultural differences and dominant
culture on campus. The cultural differences at PWIs make Latina professionals feel pressured to
tone down their race/ethnicity (Sánchez et al., 2021).
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study was to understand mid-level Latina managers’ experiences at a
PWI and how they navigate their overlapping identities. This study focuses on understanding any
obstacles mid-level Latina leaders might encounter at a PWI. Exploring what obstacles they
encounter at a PWI aids in understanding how these experiences affect the intersection between
culture and the multiple identities on campus (Sánchez et al., 2021). This study sought in-depth
descriptions directly from participants regarding how they navigate their identities at a PWI,
including obstacles they encountered because of their identity. Themes emerged based on the
participants’ responses to highlight common experiences and challenges and contribute to the
research.

50
Research Questions
The following questions guided this study’s examination of professional Latinas in their
work setting:
1. How do mid-level Latina leaders navigate cultural incongruity within their PWI
environment?
2. What obstacles do mid-level Latina leaders experience within a PWI?
Sample and Population
This case study focused on an institution that historically has been predominately White
in the southwest region of California. Although the student body of California University of
Valley Point is composed of 25% Caucasian students, the institution has historically been
considered a PWI. The second largest student population is students who identify as part of the
Latinx community, where the majority identify as Latina women. In addition, Latina women
make up most full-time office and administration new hires at the institution, while White men
and women hold full-time management positions. For this reason, the study focused on this
specific institution because of its culture and the fact that it has historically been identified as a
PWI. Although the institution no longer meets the criteria of surpassing 50% of students
identifying as White, the White culture and roots are still prevalent and influence the campus
culture. In addition, I selected this institution because Latina women make up the highest number
of full-time administrators and new hires.
Due to this study’s specific requirements, I used purposeful sampling, specifically
snowball sampling (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Snowball sampling involves a current participant
referring a potential participant who might be interested in the study and who also meets the
study’s criteria. (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). To meet specific criteria, participants had to work at

51
the study site and be full-time staff members with 5 to 15 years of experience in higher
education, in addition to identifying as Latina women. According to Espino and Ariza (2022),
mid-level administrators in higher education have between 5 to 15 years of experience.
In addition, I wanted to focus on Latina leaders with various years in higher education to
obtain rich data concerning their experiences and enough variation for all voices to be heard. I
sought to understand the intersectionality, positionality, and experiences of each participant.
Thus, gaining insight and understanding required a purposeful sample (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). For this reason, participants had to self-identify as Latina women who currently held a
mid-level leadership position. Due to the narrow criteria, I used snowball sampling to complete
the study as there was limited response on social media.
To understand the Latina perspective, I interviewed 10 participants who met the study
criteria. The participants completed an online form that asked self-identified questions,
indicating if they identified as Latina women who also held a leadership title (senior, director,
dean, or positions with supervisory experience/duties) at their institution. In addition, due to the
focus on Latina identity and overlapping identities, the participants were Latina leaders in
student-centered units, such as student services, student affairs, or front-facing units, as they
provide more student contact interactions and might view student impact, representation, or
mentorship toward students as a critical component of their professional identity as a leader.
Design of Study
This study used a qualitative approach focusing on the participants’ responses through a
semi-structured interview. A qualitative research design study is suited for “understanding the
meaning, for participants in the study, of the events, situations, experiences, and actions they are
involved in with or engage in” (Maxwell, 2013, p. 30). Due to the research questions and the

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population for this study, a qualitative approach is best to understand the participants, their
context, experiences, and their voices. I conducted semi-structured interviews with participants
who met the study criteria to capture their authentic responses. Social media platforms such as
LinkedIn were used to share the flyer of the study. In addition, I asked faculty members to send
the flyer to campus employees who might meet the criteria. The flyer included self-identifying
criteria, the purpose of the study, the timeframe of the interview, and that participants would be
awarded a $25 gift card of their choosing as a thank-you for their time and contribution. I
conducted interviews in person to allow for a “conversation with a purpose” with no
interruptions or technical difficulties (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 108) and took place in a
neutral location. I saved and collected all interview responses via a password-protected recording
device that was kept in a secured location.
The study followed Merriam and Tisdell’s (2016) recommended design by organizing the
chapters in a particular order. Chapter 1 provided insight into the topic and reviewed the
background of the problem, the problem statement, and the significance of the study. Chapter 2
focused on the theoretical framework for which the study is being interpreted and the literature
that is prevalent to understand the study. Chapter 3 will provide a guide toward the purposeful
sampling and methodology being used and how the study was conducted and analyzed. Results
will be presented in chapter 4 and review themes in the data analysis results, and Chapter 5 will
conclude with observations and recommendations for further research based on the study’s
findings.
Methodology
A qualitative approach using a LatCrit and CFT lens guided the study, as I wanted to
further understand mid-level Latina managers at their PWI and their culture. Since I sought to

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understand the perspectives, voices, and experiences of Latinas, a qualitative approach using
semi-structured interviews was necessary to meet the research needs. “Basically, qualitative
researchers are interested in understanding the meaning people have constructed; that is, how
people make sense of their world and the experiences they have in the world” (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016, p. 15). In addition, looking at the study through a critical lens requires a qualitative
approach to gather rich and illuminative data from “people’s personal perspectives and
experiences” (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017, p. 94).
Properly answering the research questions required a qualitative approach using semistructured interviews and analyzing data: “Interviewing is necessary when we cannot observe
behavior, feelings, or how people interpret the world around them” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p.
108). A qualitative approach using interviews is the best approach to understanding the
experiences professional Latinas have endured at a PWI, “Qualitative researchers are interested
in understanding how people interpret their experiences, how they construct their worlds, and
what meaning they attribute to their experiences” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 6). Furthermore,
semi-structured interviews lead participants to share their knowledge and describe their stories
authentically. In addition, as a case study, collecting data through interviewing provided firsthand experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Qualitative Instruments
I used a semi-structured interview protocol to examine the participants’ feelings, values,
opinions, knowledge, and experiences (Patton, 2002). The interview questions focused on how
they perceive their world at their PWIs, including feelings, values, experiences, and obstacles. To
answer the research questions, interviews allowed for answering the questions and interpreting
themes in the results. The semi-structured interview “allows the researcher to respond to the

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situation and hand, to the emerging worldview of the respondent, and to new ideas on the topic”
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 111). Furthermore, the semi-structured interview allowed
participants to express and explore their thoughts through guiding questions rather than a rigid
format or survey, which could have limited their voices.
In addition, given the intersectionality of the participants (through a critical race
feminism and LatCrit lens), the interview data provided rich data. Through the semi-structured
interview, the participants voiced their experiences and provided examples and in-depth
explanations of their responses. This is important to note that as people of color “face structural
barriers, such as racism, sexism, and classism,” interviews can validate their experiences (Bernal,
2002, p. 107) because they can elaborate freely. Since the study focused on mid-level Latina
managers and the literature notes these barriers, a semi-structured interview empowered each
participant to provide her experience in detail (Patton, 2002). Appendix A presents the interview
protocol.
Data Collection
Initial participant recruitment took place through the social media platform LinkedIn. The
second effort was by a faculty member who emailed full-time staff at the institution, inviting
individuals who met the study criteria and were willing to participate in an interview. Individuals
interested in the study completed an online form that asked them criteria questions. After they
completed the form, I contacted them via email to schedule a 45- to 60-minute interview in a
neutral but private location. Data collection took place over 4 months. The interviews used a
semi-structured protocol (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017) that allowed open-ended questions and
clarifying questions for the interviewee/participant. Interviews were audio recorded and later
transcribed for data collection and analysis.

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Most interviews lasted between 45 and 60 minutes, depending on the length of the
participants’ responses. I used the interview protocol as a guide, allowing for further discussion
and surpassing the questions if necessary to address the research questions (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). The interview protocol described the ethics and confidentiality aspect of the study for
participants to agree to continue with the study and was used as data collection for note taking.
Participants could remove themselves or their interview responses from the interview and the
study at any point. I saved recordings of the interviews on a password-protected hard drive for
security and deleted them once the study was completed.
It is important to note that Magaly was not working in student services at the time of the
study. However, given her experience in student affairs at this institution, her contribution to this
study provides a critical context of the Latina identity. Her current and past positions met the
mid-level management criteria. Furthermore, Although Rosa Diaz did not work directly under a
student services unit, her work encompassed the full extent of providing catered services and
events and focused on the student experience. Given the context of her job duties, her experience
also bridges and supports the findings of the study.
Data Analysis
I recorded the interviews using the online platform Zoom to facilitate audio and
transcription. I also reviewed handwritten notes for emerging themes and key concepts for
further review on the audio and transcription. Once I completed and recorded all interviews, I
reviewed and corrected the transcripts to analyze the data accurately. I noted and highlighted
emerging themes when reviewing the audio and transcription. I reviewed the notes in addition to
the audio when looking at themes. Although there were various sub-themes and interesting
findings, I analyzed only themes relevant to the research questions. Because I wanted to capture

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each participant’s voice and the meaning they “attribute to their experiences” (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016, p.15), I incorporated each participant in the most salient responses they provided
based on theme. In addition, various themes were pertinent to the study but did not directly
address the research questions. To shed light on the participants’ experiences, I also analyzed
these themes and included them in the findings. Due to my positionality, I worked to remove
myself and my biases from the findings, so I asked few clarifying questions and limited my
comments during the interviews. In addition, upon completion of the interviews, I asked
participants if I could contact them after the interview via email with clarifying questions. I
contacted one participant during data analysis to confirm their identities, as these were pertinent
to the themes. The participant did respond via email, and I did not alter the results (Patton, 2002).
Positionality of the Researcher
Maxwell (2013) discussed the biases regarding research and recommended being
conscious of goals and interpretations of the phenomenon under examination. As a professional
Latina working in a PWI, my positionality and personal experience informed my goals of
understanding the phenomenon of the struggles or experiences that Latinas encounter when
examining their identity. As Agee (2009) stated, “Researchers inquire about topics such as how
people are experiencing an event, series of events, and/or condition.” As someone who identifies
as a Latina working in higher education and who experienced microaggressions and cultural
incongruity as a student and professional, I sought to understand how other Latinas experienced
such events and how they navigated their identity at a PWI.
My positionality mirrors that of the participants, as I identify as a first-generation student
and professional with over 15 years of experience in higher education. Similarly, I have dealt
with cultural incongruity in various aspects. I am the only U.S.-born member of my family but

57
was raised in Mexico, being described as the only gringa in the family and the proudest
Mexicana. I embrace la cultura Mexicana by dancing folklorico with mariachi and wearing
traditional dresses and jewelry. These identities further mixed and challenged my perspectives
and values between White culture and my latinidad as a first-generation student attending a PWI
for undergraduate and graduate work and ultimately transitioning to a higher education
professional.
I wanted to explore the commonalities and differences professional Latinas experience in
White spaces, both in their professional setting and the higher education setting, with likeminded people who want to learn, educate, and be exposed to other forms of knowledge and
understanding. I wanted to know how other Latinas navigate these spaces, how much they
embrace their authenticity, and what obstacles they encounter due to the incongruity in a
predominately White culture. As the researcher, I considered my positionality and biases to not
influence the participants and remove myself from mirroring or feeling connected to the
participants. My positionality led me to design the research questions to focus on “understanding
something—gaining insight into what is going on and why this is happening, or answering some
question that previous research has not adequately addressed” (Maxwell, 2013, p. 28). The
participants held the power of the research, as they are the experts in the field and hold
experiences and identities different from my own.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
Trustworthiness, validity, and ethics in a qualitative study are central when conducting a
study, and “ensuring validity and reliability in qualitative research involves conducting the
investigation in an ethical manner” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 237). I took several measures to
ensure I conducted the study ethically. Firstly, all participants received the information sheet for

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the study prior to scheduling their interview to ensure they had a further overview of what the
study entailed, their right to be removed from the study at any time, and the participant criteria.
In addition, I addressed informed consent for the study with every participant along with
confidentiality before beginning the interview. Although there was the possibility of participants
glancing over the documentation concerning informed consent and confidentiality, I reviewed it
verbally during the interview. I provided all participants with two opportunities (via email and in
person) to remove themselves from the study if they wished. In addition, I addressed my
positionality, or reflexivity, as a researcher, being aware of my worldview, biases, assumptions,
relationship to the study, and how these could affect the investigation (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
My positionality was addressed when introducing myself when contacting the participant via
email, in the information sheet, and prior to the interview in person.
According to Maxwell (2013), the concepts of trustworthiness, authenticity, and quality
are needed for qualitative research. One of the most prevalent threats to the quality of the study is
researcher bias. One way to combat the threat of researcher bias is by addressing it directly,
“explaining your possible biases and how you will deal with these is a key task to your research
proposal” (Maxwell, 2013, p. 124). To address my biases and beliefs, it was important to address
my positionality as a researcher, which was reviewed in the previous section. I also reviewed my
positionality with the participants and focused on my position as the researcher, maximizing the
study’s authenticity and quality. In addition, the relationship between participant and researcher
was also limited to solely providing answers to the research questions, limiting coercion,
reflexivity, and reactivity (Maxwell, 2013). Outreach took place via faculty and an online
platform of which I was not a part.

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Participants
The following section will provide a summary of the interviewees. I interviewed 10
individuals who self-identified as Latinas and held a mid-level leadership role at the university. I
protected all participant’s identities by using pseudonyms. All pseudonyms reference Latina
characters or women I know personally to demonstrate the value of their contributions to this
study. All participants received the same details for the study and a $25 gift card of their
choosing for their contribution to the study.
Rosa Diaz
Rosa has over 21 years working at the university, holding a director position where she
manages a team that focuses on events and works closely with facilities management, vendors,
faculty, staff, and students. She identifies as a Chicana, a first-generation student, the daughter of
an immigrant, and a single mother. Rosa grew up in East Los Angeles and spent the 1st year of
her undergraduate work in New York, where she experienced that the majority of the Latine
community was Puerto Rican in comparison to East Los Angeles, where the community is
Mexican. She is proud of re-affirming herself and that she “can rep her own,” having tattoos,
colorful hair, and piercings that include a tongue piercing.
Magaly
Magaly is a first-generation Latina who currently works for the university. She identifies
as fair-skinned and Spanish-speaking and is an eldest daughter. At the age of 24, she was
supervising full-time staff under student life while she was still living with her parents. As an
undergraduate, she attended California State University, Northridge, where the Hispanic
community is salient. Magaly also disclosed that she spent most of her life with undiagnosed
ADHD and grew up in Los Angeles.

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Marysol
Marysol identifies as a first-generation undocumented documented individual who is the
oldest in her family. Marysol attended UC Santa Barbara as an undergraduate and currently
holds a position where she supervises students, works with students and parents, and interacts
with high school students. Marysol was born and raised in Rincon de Tamayo Guanajuato and
moved to Richmond California at the age of 8.
Elena
Elena is the leader in her family, as her parents are divorced, but she is the main contact
or “glue” that holds the family together. She identifies as a sister, daughter, teacher, and a
younger professional and is also fair-skinned, indicating that people are surprised she is a Latina.
She disclosed that she also identifies as a first-generation student and is from New Mexico. Elena
currently works at the university and, prior to that, was a Level II professional at a California
State University campus.
Rebecca
Rebecca identifies as a mother, wife, daughter, sister, aunt, niece, and a Chicana. She
identifies as the “peacemaker” and organizing the family, as is the second sibling of eight.
Family is important to Rebecca, and she wants that in her work in her unit and department, as it
is “important for it to feel like family here.” Rebecca also disclosed that she was an Aztec dancer
for many years and her interest in Aztec culture, indicating her daughter’s name is Aztec.
Rocio
Rocio identifies as a first-generation professional rising to the top, Chicana, and woman
of color. She is the caretaker of her parents. She thinks it is important to highlight her Mexican
heritage as a Chicana and identifies as a first-generation student as she was the first in her family

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“education-wise” and earned her Ph.D. from Stanford. She has worked for the university for the
past 4 years. Her prior employment was in a small private PWI, which she indicated was a toxic
environment. In addition, she speaks Spanish and discussed code-switching during her interview.
Noemi
Noemi identifies as a Latina from a low-income background, indicating that she grew up
translating for her parents. She currently works under the school of communication for the
university, supervising students under student services. She is a loud person “in general” and
loves being a Latina as it made her “who I am and strongly woman” and has “become the voice
and advocate for others” as it resonates with her being a first-generation student, having to
navigate higher education on her own. Noemi also disclosed how she speaks Spanish as she
code-switches when working in specific environments and uses it as a “protective mechanism.”
Alexis
Alexis is a first-generation Salvadorean American born and raised in Los Angeles. She
identifies as a woman in higher education, a dog mom, a mentor to graduate and undergraduate
students, a manager, and a lifelong learner. Alexis disclosed how being a graduate of the
university where she works, earning a master’s degree in post-secondary administration and
student affairs, changed her experience from a full-time graduate student to a full-time
administrator. Alexis stated that she speaks Spanish, indicating code-switching and speaking
Spanglish, and she is vegan.
Mariela
Mariela identifies as a first-generation Latina and has worked in her current role for the
university for 12 years. She indicated that her most important identities for her is being a Latina
woman, a first-generation college student, and the oldest sibling. Mariela’s parents are

62
immigrants from Mexico, and she is the “American parent” to her siblings as her parents do not
speak English. She knows culture and language and helps guide her siblings to American cultural
norms. She was always interested in the education field because of her identity, wanting to
support students like herself. She indicated she worked with high school students during her
undergraduate years and feels her identities have led her to her current position.
Laura
Laura identifies as a Latina who always leads. Specifically, she said she is a hoopwearing Latina, a mom, and a citizen of this country who does not take that for granted. Laura
has been in higher education for approximately 20 years and identifies as a woman of color who
speaks English as a second language and speaks Spanglish. She also identifies as a wife, a
mentor, a leader, and a first-generation college student, and the first generation to earn a
doctorate in this country.
Table 1 presents the participants’ background relevant to the study. Each provided their
ethnicity based on how they identify. I asked them their age range to provide an overview of
their various age ranges and how these positions may be obtained at different stages in life.
Participants also provided the number of years they have worked in higher education and the
length of working at the institution of focus, as that may not overlap with the duration of their
professional career in higher education. In addition, I asked participants if they identified as firstgeneration students when they attended college. I also asked if they identify as first-generation
professionals, the first in their families to obtain a white-collar job or position. Lastly, I asked
about the highest degree they earned to align their expertise with their years of experience in
higher education as students and professionals.

Table 1
Participants
Participant Ethnicity Age
group
Years in
higher ed
Years at the
institution
Identify as a
first-gen
student
Identify as a
first gen
professional
Bilingual Highest
degree
earned
Rebecca Chicana/Latina 55+ 11-14 11–14 No No Yes Master’s
Rosa Diaz Latina/Mexican
descent
45–54 20+ 20+ Yes No Yes Associate
Rocio Mexican
American/Latina
35–44 11–14 4–7 Yes Yes Yes Doctorate
Noemi Latina 25–34 4–7 4–7 Yes Yes Yes Master’s
Alexis Latina/Hispanic 25–34 4–7 4–7 Yes Yes Yes Masters’
Laura Latina 35–44 15–19 8–10 Yes Yes Yes Doctorate
Elena Latina/Hispanic 35–44 11–14 8–10 Yes No No Doctorate
Mariela Latina 35–44 15–19 15–19 Yes Yes Yes Doctorate
Magaly Latina 25–34 11–14 8–10 Yes Yes Yes Master’s
Marysol Mexicana 25–34 11–14 4-7 Yes Yes Yes Bachelor’s
63

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Summary
Chapter 3 provides an overview of how the study was conducted, its purpose, the
methodology used, and the research questions. The chapter also discusses the population best
suited for the study and includes limitations and delimitations to the study. The chapter further
discusses my positionality along with ethical considerations for the study.

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Chapter Four: Findings
This study provides further understanding of Latina leaders and their experiences at a
PWI. This chapter will provide the findings of all ten participants and answer the following
research questions:
1. How do mid-level Latina leaders navigate cultural incongruity within their PWI
environment?
2. What obstacles do mid-level Latina leaders experience within a PWI?
The findings for each question appeared as common themes as most or all participants provided
similar responses to each question. In addition to these themes, sub-themes appeared based on
the participants’ interview responses. Lastly, additional findings will also be mentioned at the
end of the chapter to capture additional themes regarding the university’s academic units and the
influence of family and mothers on the participants.
Question 1: How Do Mid-level Latina Leaders Navigate Cultural Incongruity Within Their
PWI Environment?
The following section will review themes addressing the first research question of the
study, focusing on how mid-level Latina leaders navigate cultural incongruity within a
predominantly white institution. This section will review seven themes addressing the first
research question of navigating cultural incongruity.
Theme: Toning Down Their Latinidad
A theme that did emerge for navigating the cultural incongruity on campus was toning
down their latinidad by self-designation. The following section will discuss the theme of how the
participants toned down various aspects of their latinidad in their workplace. These different
traits of toning down their latinidad included language, tone of voice, food, music, clothing,

66
jewelry, hairstyles, and make-up. Three participants were explicitly asked to tone down an aspect
of themselves, and those who were not explicitly asked to tone down internally knew and felt
when they needed to tone down some aspect of their latinidad.
Laura spoke about consciously thinking of her bilingualism, focusing on what language
she used, such as making comments in Spanish or speaking Spanglish. Alexis gave a variety of
examples, from listening to Spanish music in the office to ensuring the food she ate during lunch
was not smelly. Noemi spoke about the stereotype of being “too loud” and toning down her
speech. Rebecca spoke about toning down her Chicana identity and being cautious of when to
share her identity as she does not want to shift the conversation. Elena spoke about her
appearance as a professional and considering whether her clothing was too casual or too sexy
and if her jewelry and make-up were appropriate. She described a time when she reflected on the
size of her hoop earrings: “I remember one day I wore them to the office, and then later on I was
like, these might feel too loud for work.” She further explained that her hair might be too fluffy:
I think sometimes I don’t feel like I can wear it down, and I like it really long because
that’s just who I am, right? And so, I think fluffy long hair, it does really fit into like the
aesthetic of a school being, you know, professional.
Marysol had a similar experience with her clothing and her hairstyle and stressed how she
is not ashamed of her Mexican features, but it is more of how she identifies with the folks she is
going to be interacting with throughout the day.
Magaly and Rosa spoke volumes of “toning down” in all aspects of their work
environment. Rosa spoke about how, over 14 years, she had to assimilate and “look the part, [and
they] made it really clear to town myself down.” Similar to Rosa’s experience, when asked about
a time when she had to tone down her Latina identity, Magaly responded, “This entire job.” She

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said she used to be able to listen to music but now wears headphones and takes personal calls
outside the building because people ask why she speaks Spanish when doing so. Magaly faces
constant microaggressions in the form of comments, from asking her if she dreams in Spanish to
commenting that her grammatical errors are because of her second language. Ultimately, she
tones down and reserves herself in the workspace. Although all participants had different
experiences of toning down their latinidad, there was a sense of drawing back or reflecting on
who they were and what aspects they could or could not embrace. This experience is a form of
inhibitor requiring balancing internally what is appropriate for the workspace. In sum, these
participants expressed aspects and events of balancing their identities. They are thoughtful about
fitting in the context of the space, as there is a sense of belonging but not belonging in the
workspace culture.
Theme: Embracing Authentic Self
A key finding was that the participants maintained and embraced their authentic selves.
This section will review how they did so when toning down their latinidad. Embracing their
authentic selves is also within a spectrum, as nine participants maintain their most authentic
selves by expressing themselves through make-up, clothing, tattoos, and jewelry. Others
embraced their authentic selves to build relationships and representation with students. Lastly,
only one participant said she guarded her authentic self as armor to protect herself from others.
Nine participants did not recall being directly asked to tone down their identities.
However, even when toning themselves down, they still embraced who they were. For example,
Rosa embraces her hair color, tattoos, and her piercings, as that is who she is. She refuses to
cover her tattoos, remove her tongue ring, or follow any recommendations from administrators
concerning her appearance and her being “too loud.” Noemi has a similar experience about

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“speaking too much.” However, she embraces her loudness as she has become the voice and
advocate for others. Rocio spoke about wearing bigger earrings and embroidered Mexican
clothing to work: “I’m not going to let them damp that for me.” At a prior PWI, her team had
questioned her hair and attire.
Laura spoke about how she can connect with people, and people trust her “because I am
my authentic self” and shows up to work in “my Mexico gear, my hoops, my red lipstick. I listen
to Spanish music in my office.” Mariela also wears bright red lipstick, hoops, and fund jewelry.
Others spoke about code-switching and the ease of speaking to and connecting with students
based on their identities. Marysol connects with students and parents as an undocumented
documented person.
Another example was Magaly’s interpretation of her authentic self. She was open about
her not being her authentic self, given her work environment. However, she protects her
authentic self to preserve and persist in the environment:
I think it’s just this constant, like, battle of trying to conform, to make life easier, but also
trying to see, figuring out how to be somewhat authentic, so I don’t think I show up to
work as my authentic self. That would be a complete lie. I feel like I need to have some
boundaries or some armor to, like, protect myself, like, if that makes any sense.
Magaly stated she used to be open to expressing her culture and now, given her work
environment, she needs to think about what to share. She added that she is not a “puppet” and
does not need to explain herself or her latinidad. Magaly felt that others generalized or
categorized her in the work environment, specifically her male counterparts, and that she had to
explain her latinidad to others. To shield herself from these unwanted comments or
generalizations, she limits her authenticity to preserve her well-being.

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The theme of embracing authenticity as empowering embodies the concept at the base of
the conceptual framework. The participants use intersectionality, the base of the framework,
embodying being a chingona and their Latina identity to embrace who they are authentically in
these spaces. Maintaining and preserving their authenticity highlights and maximizes their
facilitators, such as mentoring students, while challenging their inhibitors, such as
microaggressions and being asked to tone down who they are.
Theme: Turning On and off Latinidad
Part of maintaining their authentic selves was turning certain aspects of their latinidad on
and off. Participants highlighted and were hyper-aware of certain aspects of themselves. These
aspects range from their making sure they would not be stereotyped which led them to be
cautious of their Latina identity, accent, music, food, presence in a room, and code-switching.
Doing so allowed them to preserve themselves when needed in these White spaces.
Elena described her awareness of her accent:
I don’t feel like I can have my accent taken seriously, you know, be perceived as
someone who’s competent. I think, with some of the Latinas in my office, I can do that,
but it’s also a little different cause. I’m their boss.
At the same time, with faculty, she is “hyper-aware” of being confident and even how she
speaks: “I also feel like in meetings with other departments, I try to be very careful about the
way I talk and the things I say.” Although they are their authentic selves, they are hyper-aware of
themselves and their identities.
Rebecca said she is “constantly on,” and Noemi indicated that she has to be aware of who
was in the room in non-colored spaces and what she can or cannot say. Participants said they do
not want to have people stereotype them as “the angry Latina,” so they examine themselves

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while maintaining their authentic selves. Alexis spoke about how she is conscious of what music
she listens to in her office and what is appropriate. She talked about a “musical switch,”
consciously deciding what music to select. She said, “During lunch in here, I will play Spanish
music, and then when I open my door back up, it’s usually like classical music.” She said that, in
her mind, English music with profanity is acceptable, but listening to her “at-home” Spanish
music might not be appropriate, so she is conscious of when to turn it on and off:
Even if it’s not, like, profanity or anything in the music. It’s just in Spanish and part of me.
For whatever reason, it’s like that is not office-appropriate because it’s not something
everybody understands. And so, I switch it to like classical or, like, even the new, like,
Beyonce album. I’ll put it on even though there’s so much profanity in there, but because it’s
in English in my mind, it’s not like at-home music, and if I was playing music in here that is
in Spanish, I feel like someone might think like, “Oh, she’s too comfortable.”
She further discussed bringing certain food to her workplace as the smell might be
distracting:
I love to make family dishes that are vegan, so, like, I’ll make vegan pupusas, I’ll make
vegan tamales. … You know, as a kid, I remember my mom would pack my lunch, and,
like, “Your lunch is smelly.” I will not bring beans to the office even though I eat beans
daily, and I think that’s what’s even more interesting is that no one has ever out loud told
me not to bring beans.
This mindset and being hyper-aware of her latinidad is due to past experiences. Alexis stated that
even though no one has explicitly told her anything about her music or food, she is conscious of
these due to past experiences of being singled out for her roots and culture.

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In addition to these experiences, various participants mentioned code-switching, being
aware of what spaces they can speak Spanish or Spanglish “Even today, I made a Spanish
comment and had to say it in English.” These women are hyper-aware of their spaces, either
turning on or down their latinidad.
Although this theme might seem similar to the previous themes, it explains the
fluctuation of navigating their inhibitors and facilitators to balance the cultural incongruity they
experience at their PWI. These participants need to reflect, based on previous experiences and
who they are as Latinas in these spaces, to alternate and highlight certain aspects of their
latinidad. They hold a “superpower” and must decide to use this power to challenge inhibitors,
such as being stereotyped as the angry Latina or being “too comfortable” in their spaces. They
are still true to themselves, maintaining their authenticity but aligning themselves with how they
prefer to be perceived in these spaces to have a sense of belonging.
Theme: Being True Chingonas
This balance of embracing who they are while being hyper-aware of when to turn on and
turn off their latinidad is a trait of being a chingona. Aspects of being a chingona included
maintaining their authentic self, including self-image, as a form of protest to previous criticism,
dominating imposter syndrome, showing up to various spaces, not fearing uncharted territories,
being the first to figure things out, and working with limited resources.
These women found their confidence, described being a Latina and a woman as a power
and not as a challenge or obstacle, and said they could speak freely and not patrol what they say
regardless of their male coworkers or upper managers. Many of them identified themselves as
first-generation, some low-income, and figuring it out on their own is something they use as a
tool for their professional career. They are powerful and have a chingona mindset where they

72
face challenges head-on. For example, Alexis spoke about intimidating spaces and how
“imposter syndrome walks in the door before you do. That is something I often have battled
with.” However, she no longer tolerates it and dominates this aspect professionally: “That
imposter syndrome has slowly started to read the room when I enter because I’m entering with
all of my identities into the room.” These Latinas embrace every aspect of each of their identity
and really can conquer all. Laura spoke about how the various identities she has to “show up” in
spaces and juggling various responsibilities,
You caught me on a week where I’m like 4 days this week, I have to be a professional,
and one night this week I can be a mom and wife, right? This is my 3rd 13-hour day this
week, and I worked last Saturday, and last week, I had a few 12-hour workdays. If I want
to show up in all these spaces, and I want to, you know, be a good employee and be a
leader and a mentor, and be a mom and be a wife like, like something has to give.
Laura has various demands on top of work responsibilities and wants to make sure she “shows
up” because she finds it important to be representative of her identity and be fully committed to
providing that identity fully and authentically. Another example is Rosa, who embraces her
image as a big “fuck you” to upper management. They have questioned her appearance and
experience. These women are trailblazers, challenge the status quo, and embrace their full
identity.
Theme: Connections and Community on Campus
A theme on navigating culture and congruity is building connections with students due to
latinidad. None of the participants indicated that their latinidad or their identities were a barrier
to interacting with students. They use their identities to build connections with students. Aspects
such as code-switching, motherhood, identifying as first-gen, low-income, undocumented, being

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the glue of the family, having to figure it out, and being the fixer allowed them to build bridges
and commonality with students. Elena spoke about being the point of contact for her immediate
family. Magaly “just [figures] it out” and is the fixer in her family. Alexis said her students seek
her advice even on topics that are not related to her work duties, keeping her updated with
personal and non-work events.
These women are leaders and hold their families together, which transcends their
leadership skills, dynamics, and management styles. For this reason, many indicated that their
students and their teams gravitate toward them for personal matters or life advice. Noemi
elaborated on the need for cultural capital in her role:
Cultural capital has been really important for me in my role because I have to do it
basically on my own. I think one of the biggest things up with the Latinx community is, I
think, we are really good about community. Like, community can look like many things.
But I think we know that we can rely on one another.
Students seek this reliability or community when interacting and working with the interviewees.
These women hold the Latinx student community together through their presence.
Theme: First-Gen, a Superpower
Since nine participants identified as first-gen, either as first-generation students, firstgeneration professionals, or first-generation in the country, many spoke about this identity
overlapping with being the first to figure things out professionally. Collectively, the participants
identified themselves as the “fixers” or first-gen, and these identities transcend to how they
navigate their professional demands. They stated that their identity as first-generation students
led them to pursue their passion for advocating for students. In addition, as first-generation
professionals, there is the challenge of being the first and not knowing some aspects of the job

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but accepting the challenge and learning as they go. Alexis said that identifying as firstgeneration is an asset when working with students: “The understanding from first-gen to firstgen is real. It’s almost like a superpower.”
Identifying as first-generation allows the interviewees to build relationships with students
and even parents as they reflect on their personal experiences as students and do not want their
students to face the same challenges. Alexis further elaborates on her first-generation identity
and how it transcends to her work: “I remember these gaps. I can advocate on their behalf.” At
the same time, Alexis spoke about the struggles as a first-generation professional and learning on
her own to ask for raises or understand the benefits that the university provides.
Marysol said her identity as a first-generation, undocumented documented individual
helps build relationships with prospective students:
I am able to be a voice for a lot of our first-gen students in our office space. … Currently,
I’m serving as the interim liaison for our first-gen-plus success center in our office in
order to support the first-gen success center host after-hours. So, as a first-gen student
myself, I am able to advocate for our first-gen students as well as be a voice in other
spaces that currently right now maybe some don’t feel confident speaking up or have the
opportunity to be in those spaces.
Marysol’s identity intertwines with her work responsibilities because of her passion and past
experiences as a first-generation student. In addition, she is doing more because of her passion
and connection to the students. Noemi described how her first-generation experience made her
build community wealth:

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I feel like I’m also really resourceful because I grew up having to do those things. I grew
up having to learn how to navigate bus routes. I grew up having to translate for my
parents all of that social, like, capital that’s super important.
Having the experience of being first-generation students or professionals provides these
women with the capacity to see the challenges of first-generation students on campus. In
addition, this identity adds a layer of connection with students and parents as they relate to their
experiences at a PWI. In addition to these connections, they provide a sense of belonging for the
students and acceptance for themselves by being the lead in their spaces and representing the
first-generation population. They can best advocate for and influence these students, highlighting
their facilitator traits when navigating cultural incongruity.
Theme: Representation
For the participants, representation is important in various layers. Firstly, as firstgeneration professionals and recalling their experience as first-generation students, they relate
and want students to see the visibility of a community at their institution. Rocio spoke of the
students, community, and families: “It would be great to see more [Latinas] higher up. I can lean
into my identity in service for students to be walking around, families feeling safe if they have
broken English.” “Your positionality is welcomed.” Rebecca said,
I do believe in the importance of representation and position of authority and leadership.
And so, I do feel connected somehow to some of our students, and it’s not that I can’t
connect to all students’ different issues, but particularly as it pertains to race and culture.
She elaborated on the aspect of professional representation:

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I think it is important to have that representation and for others to see particularly women.
I think in terms of my gender identity as a woman, there are a lot of women for me to,
like, to see position of leadership.
Given their various identities and past experiences, all participants reflect on and are
conscious of their students’ and communities’ needs. In addition, all indicated that they are
“proud” to hold a mid-level position at the institution and hope to influence and support their
students and peers. Noemi talked about the effect of the presence on one’s colleagues: “If she
can do it, then I can do it. I’m proud of the mark I’ve left here.” Ela said she is “an advocate for
many first-gen Latina women.” Laura stated, “We got to get in. I’m so happy to have some
power and some influence.”
At the same time, nine participants said they try not to think too much of the pressure
they have on others who see them in these leadership positions and setting an example for all
Latinas. However, representing all Latinas also gives them the energy to set an example and
create change for students. Holding these leadership positions allows them to have an impact by
having a voice in programming or policies for students. Alexis described show she reflects on the
students: “What kind of support can I do for our students?”
Based on these emerging themes, various aspects of the conceptual framework are
applicable when considering how the interviewees navigate cultural incongruity. They balance
inhibitors and flourish in their contributions when it comes to representing and advocating for
their students and the Latina/e community. Through their identity and intersectionality, they lead
and embrace these themes to balance their authenticity while incorporating a sense of belonging
to the institution.

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Question 2: What Obstacles Do Mid-level Latina Leaders Experience Within a
Predominantly White Institution?
The following section will review themes addressing the second research question
focusing on what obstacles mid-level Latina leaders encounter within a predominantly white
institution. This section will focus on themes addressing the research question and provide
additional findings that emerged in the study.
Theme: Sexism and Gender Discrepancies
The following theme discussed is that sexism was an obstacle for the interviewees.
Sexism was experienced in various areas, from helping colleagues, providing professional
feedback, or receiving professional feedback. In addition, most participants indicated how upper
management were White males, which made it difficult to navigate their leadership styles, sexist
comments, and the power dynamics of gender and job roles.
Most participants discussed or expressed an experience where they were inadvertently
experiencing sexism. The majority of the participants’ senior leaders were White men, and these
women experienced subtle sexism either with their male colleagues or senior leaders. Noemi
provided two examples concerning the challenges of being a woman in the workspace. She had
to help a colleague who was returning from maternity leave because her supervisor does not
understand the needs of motherhood since he is male. Although it was not her responsibility, she
had to help her colleague with locating lactation stations and discuss with the supervisor the need
for privacy areas for colleagues who did not see the importance of her various needs upon her
return.
Noemi’s second example involved her assistant director: “The assistant director did not
like when I would give my input. Like, he saw it almost like as a challenge to him.” When asking

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for constructive professional feedback as a team, one of her colleagues responded, “I think it
would help if you would smile more.” She described the dynamic with her male counterparts and
that male leaders treat them differently, indicating that any time she provides feedback or
questions, “it always seems like an attack” and as if she is threatening their power. She wonders
if it “always seems almost like an attack, right? It almost seems like you are threatening their
power, and I don’t know if it is, like, is it because I’m a woman?” Noemi explained that male
advisors in her position do not receive the same pushback or response. The comparison is clear,
yet she has experienced these differences various times and is unsure if they are related to her
identity as a Latina or as a woman.
Mariela spoke of a similar experience when working with her higher-ups, as they are two
White men. She stated that she has to navigate their leadership style and be more cautious and
considerate than them: “I’m very self-conscious versus them. They don’t have to think about
those things. Things they say.” Mariela said her supervisor’s supervisor provided questionable
advice and whether said advice was because she is a woman or Latina:
On more than one occasion, he has said that I’ll learn to be a better manager when I’m a
parent. And he didn’t say it in, like, in an offensive way, just a matter-of-fact way. And,
like, inside, I’m, like, fuming because I actually don’t intend to have children. So, in my
head, I’m like, well, does that mean I’m going to be a bad manager?
This advice questions her professional skills as a manager, and she wondered whether he said
this to her because she is a Latina woman:
I just couldn’t help but wonder if it was because I was a woman. And did it have anything
to do with me being a Latina? Would he do that to somebody who wasn’t a woman?
Would this be happening to me if I were a man? Or, you know, another identity?

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To her, this perspective of advice sounds very “White savior,” given his position and identity as
a White man in power. These comments and mindset describe the difficulties, disconnect, and
obstacles that mid-level Latina leaders face with upper management. In addition to this
uncomfortable experience, Mariela concluded with not knowing why these comments were
addressed to her and whether they were sexist because there “is no proof” but only an intuition
that “something is off here.”
Theme: Inappropriate Comments
A recurring theme in the results was that the participants experienced inappropriate
comments, leading to microaggressions. The majority of the participants provided at least one
experience where they were uncomfortable with comments made by either faculty male
counterparts, coworkers, or upper management. From over the surface to direct comments,
participants described one or more examples of inappropriate comments. Rosa experienced being
called a “chihuahua” by a colleague and indicated how the university did not see her latinidad as
something to be protected or valued. Although human resources conducted an investigation, she
felt that the university could have done more to support her during this time. Elena is cautious in
how she dresses, considering whether she is being too sexy or too trendy and being aware of her
hoops. She examines whether she can wear her hair down because it is fluffy and might not fit in
with the work aesthetic. In addition, she is hyper-aware of her presence, such as her accent and
how she speaks with faculty. She has noticed a change in dynamic when emailing, as people are
surprised that she is a Latina once they see her last name. She stated,
Someone said, “Oh, you don’t need to refer to me as Professor Blah blah blah! You can
call me by my first name. Otherwise, I have to call you Doctor,” … and I was like, that’s
such a weird thing to say. And then I get, I get what they were saying. They were saying

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call me by my first name. But the way they said it, I was like, okay, I just made it really
weird.
Rebecca’s experience was more condescending with a White male faculty. She felt that
he was “talking down” to her and other staff members and although she originally felt it might be
just her experience, she was later validated by another colleague indicating they felt the same
way. To address the issue of being more mindful,
We got this interesting email that was like, “Sorry, not sorry; I didn’t know what I was
doing.” That kind of thing. … I do think that it had something to do with race and gender
and his own position and is a feeling of authority in his position, I suppose.
The most pertinent example was Magaly’s current experience in the workplace. Magaly
provided various examples, from her grammatical errors because “English is her second
language” to being surprised she speaks Spanish and why she takes personal calls in Spanish.
These microaggressions took a toll on her and on what she has to do to assimilate: “As soon as I
walk out my house, whatever the norm is considered here. I don’t straighten my hair anymore. I
do protect pieces of myself because it’s easier, and I’m tired.”
These comments can be perceived as backhanded, sexist, inappropriate in a professional
setting, and disheartening. In addition, these comments are masked microaggressions in the
context of the recipient being a woman and being part of the Latina/e community. For these
reasons, these women are unsure as to the reason for the comments and wonder if the cause is
gender-based, ethnicity-based, or both. These comments are attributed to the inhibitors they
experience as a blend of sexism and microaggressions. Furthermore, these comments make the
recipients reflect on and gauge where they stand or how they feel toward the environment to

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determine how to properly address the situation, given the complex context of being subjected to
these comments.
Theme: Experiencing Gaslighting As Trailblazers, Fixers, and First-Generation
A theme from these experiences of inappropriate comments and sexism was gaslighting. I
am defining and using the term gaslighting as these mid-level Latina leaders collectively have
had experiences that make them “question the validity of their own thoughts, perception of
reality, and typically leads to confusion and uncertainty of emotional and mental stability”
(Merriam-Webster, n.d.). Because many participants were either first-generation students, firstgeneration professionals, or both, there was no context in determining when these comments or
sexist remarks were considered detrimental as a first-hand experience in the professional setting.
This led participants to collectively question themselves and experience uncertainty on how to
address or move forward in these circumstances. In addition, these experiences of doubting
themselves were further reinforced by the lack of validation from others, including upper
management, due to the majority being White males.
For many, although they were not explicitly asked to “tone down” who they are such as
code-switching or their appearance, all participants at some point questioned themselves, their
setting, or the situation they were encountering. For example, from straightening their hair to
jewelry, Elena and Marysol spoke about being cautious of their appearance and not sure if it was
aware of their professional attire or their overall appearance. Other participants provided at least
one example or situation where gaslighting occurred with either a colleague or leader. As
described in an earlier section, Mariela questioned her one-on-one conversations with her
supervisor’s supervisor about management skills, questioning if there was an undertone of
sexism in the conversation. Furthermore, Mariela spoke about the disconnect she has with her

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team and said that she questions herself and what topics to discuss to connect, which are student
issues to which she can relate. Because of her identity and passion, she can relate more to the
students than other team members, indicating she does not receive the same response or energy
when she brings up student issues or challenges. This makes her question bringing topics up in
the future and whether her feelings are valid.
I’ll get really passionate about things, issues, or things that we’re doing at work, and like,
oh, I thought the response would have been different. So, then it just becomes a little
harder. I question myself next time that I’m like, oh, should I bring this up? Should I ask
this question with them?
Because of their first-generation experience, they do not know whether others feel the same way
or if there is anyone to validate their experience. In addition, these encounters where they
doubted themselves and questioned their own perception occurred with male colleagues or male
leadership. Rocio spoke about a male colleague who questioned how she obtained her current
position and if she was fit for the position despite her extensive experience and Ph.D. Laura
summed up the collective expression of these Latinas and the challenges they experience:
The amount of time I have to dedicate to this space, the amount of work that I have to do
with limited resources, the amount of time that I see the expectations of me are so
different from my White male counterparts. Like, I have examples of being, like, you
know, we are producing so much more with less resources, but yet this White man’s team
has more flexibility, and, like, working from home, and they all make more money than
our entry-level positions, and you know just the spaces that they navigate. They get to tell
the story so differently than how we tell our story and how we use our data and how we
are able to pull these resources for us. The people doing most of the work, the people

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showing up, the people who are always leaned on are women of color. And why is that?
And how is that? You have been in education for a long time, and I know you’re in
spaces with these conversations, and yet you’re playing into it, and you’re perpetuating it.
How come when I gave this brilliant idea, it was like, “Oh yeah, yeah, fine.” And then
my colleague said the same thing 1 week later, and everyone signed off on it, and I’m
like, check the minutes, check your note, that was me.
Laura addressed multiple layers of challenges she experiences, such as limited resources, high
expectations, differences in pay range, flexible schedule, and being bypassed on ideas. She stated
that, although the institution leans on women of color, the White male perspective is the one
“telling the story,” in essence taking the credit for their work and perpetuating discrepancies in
higher education. She discussed frustration at being bypassed on their ideas and how “one of
these things is not like the other,” referencing her as a Latina in comparison to men in lateral and
higher positions. She stated that she sees that there is a discredit to them even though they are the
backbone of their unit and students. This experience of being discredited on their ideas supports
the notion of Latinas reaffirming their intellect and what they contribute to the workplace when
they are bypassed. Furthermore, they are being discredited for their time, effort, commitment,
and achievements, “playing into” this lack of acknowledgment. For these reasons, these leaders
value and stay in these spaces to continue being agents of change and identifying discrepancies
even if they are viewed as “too loud” or as the “angry Latina.”
Theme: Unable to Locate Their Community Within the Institution
Another obstacle was not having the space, time, or community to find other professional
Latinas in the workplace. Noemi indicated how finding a community is a real struggle, “I don’t
feel like there are spaces or networks that are already developed, and if it is, it’s incumbent on

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those, you know, minoritize communities to go and find them on their own instead of having
them already there.” She said she has to actively search in addition to her responsibilities: “I
have to dedicate time outside of my role already as it is, which is already a demanding role.”
Similarly, Elena struggles to find her community and network due to her overlapping
identity as a first-generation professional:
I’m a first-gen student, and then I think also that might play into it because a lot of things
I’ve kind of learned how hard way, and I think part of that, too, is like, Yes, I know I’m
supposed to network, and, you know, ask, have mentors and stuff. But at the end of the
day, I think I have. I’ve kind of struggled with that. So, I don’t really have mentors, and
the mentor probably would have told me, like, it’s time for you to move on.
Specifically about women in leadership, Elena spoke about seeing senior leadership as an
example of it being harder:
I look at some of our senior leadership and how long they’ve been in the roles and how
many years it took them to get to where they are. I think, like, having these identities can
also sometimes make it harder. And maybe it’s just my perception. But my gosh, like, if
women have to work like 15 years to get moved into like a dean role.
Laura said that because she is first-generation, she is still learning about her spaces and
fitting in:
I always tell my closest friends that I’m working on my White-people sayings. But
there’s this piece of, like, having to navigate these wealthy White space that I am not
always super comfortable in, that something I feel like I’m being put on the spot. As
staff, it’s hard to navigate these spaces. … It’s easy to feel isolated, and so, I don’t feel
isolated because I seek out people who have similar stories, viewpoints, who understand

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or seek to understand. I think it really helps people to trust me because I show up
authentically and honestly.
The key concept that Laura described was the difficulty of navigating these spaces and actively
seeking out people with stories similar to hers. The institution does not provide this, so she has to
be proactive about finding people who will understand and validate her. Similarly, Mariela
mentioned an obstacle she encounters:
Just having no other Latinas at my level [position] to talk to about just this work or my
frustrations. For context, I’m the only Latina. There’s one other woman of color. She is
Black. There’s two men, one is White, one is Black, and the rest of the women are White.
We’ll have lunch together all the time; it feels like a support group.
However, Mariela does not feel connected to the team. She is passionate about underrepresented
students and ultimately does not disclose much about her family at work.
These themes support the inhibitors displayed in the conceptual framework as they are
obstacles the interviewees encounter. From sexism to inappropriate comments that are
microaggressions, these women encountered inhibitors when navigating these spaces. These
various concepts are occurring in different ways that their experiences have to be further
interpreted. First, they must decipher whether their experiences are valid, as there are layers
involved in these experiences, and then they categorize them and their causes. Secondly, the
interviewees have to reflect on the inhibitor at hand, how it affects their sense of belonging, and
how they need to navigate the incongruity they experience because of it. There is constant
reflection and interpretation before deciding how to address the matter. Lastly, once they address
the inhibitor, there is a sense of not being validated as they experience the phenomenon on their
own. Ultimately, these obstacles affect who they are on campus, how they handle cultural

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incongruity, their sense of belonging, their authenticity, and being a chingona by overcoming
these obstacles without validation.
Additional Findings
The following section reviews additional findings. Although these are not directly
associated with any of the research questions, these themes emerged due to common responses
participants experienced. In addition, these themes emerged with no biases from the participants,
such as prior knowledge of knowing each other or knowing other participants felt the same way
when considering these topics. These findings are important to note as they might provide further
understanding of the campus and work environment at this specific PWI and further
understanding of Latina/e culture and influence on professionals.
Additional Finding: Influence of Units Impacts Their Campus and Work Lens
Although all participants are current employees of the institution, three are housed in the
school of education. All three indicated the continuous progress the university has made toward
inclusivity and identifying unifying values. However, the school of education has provided them
with a sense of a safe space given the like-minded people, students, staff, faculty, and shared
goals as a school. They acknowledge the privilege and different lens they have in comparison to
the rest of the institution, given the mission, leadership, and core values they have developed.
In contrast to these participants, two of the participants who are not directly working in
front-facing student services depicted how vastly different and difficult it is to work with senior
leadership and the hostility they have experienced as Latina women working for the university.
The common denominator is that both of these participants work directly or closely with
lawyers. Both experienced the harshest lack of inclusivity, including not acknowledging their
expertise, degrees, or education and bypassing their leadership skills and titles. Magaly’s

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experience further supports this finding, as she previously worked in a student services unit. She
stated that the different units were “night and day,” and the difference was like living two
different lives working at the university. Magaly indicated she did not have to think about
limiting her authentic self in student services and now is hyper-aware of her identities and feels
isolated in her current role.
Additional Finding: Familia Fully Supports Latina Professionals Even When They Do not
Know the Context of the Job
Since the majority of the participants identify as first-generation students and/or firstgeneration professionals, many of their immediate family members did not attend college or have
White collar jobs. Being the first in their family to obtain a professional mid-level management
position led to their families’ pride and support. Most participants spoke about their parents not
knowing specifically what they do for work and how disconnected they were toward working in
an office space as first-generation professionals but were happy for them obtaining such a
position. Alexis said her parents were excited about her job offer and advised her to say yes to
the job offer with her eyes closed, given that she is in an office job, and that is the “pinnacle” of
having the dream job. However, there was a disconnect as Alexis said they do not understand
other factors, such as negotiating pay or reviewing what benefits are offered. Magaly’s family
also supported and were excited that she has “a great job” at the university, being in a leadership
position.
This disconnect with families also affected Magaly, who discussed the dichotomy of
living at home with her parents as a young higher education professional. Her parents are proud
of her despite not knowing what her job entails or understanding the university. She discussed
the duality of her identity of being seen as “a kid” at home but being a “leader” on campus.

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Another example is Rocio, whose parents are proud of having an independent daughter who is
also their caretaker. She stated, “We are first-gen students, and we transfer into first-gen
professionals.” She noted that there is no roadmap when entering the workforce and that her
socioeconomic background is “not reflective of working in an office environment, not in higher
education, not in leadership roles.”
As first-generation students and first-generation professionals, the interviewees cannot
connect or see their families as a network of support as they do not understand the context of the
university setting. There is a struggle to share their experience because they do not understand it.
There is a sense of a curtain and identity struggle, where they have to maintain a front
professionally in front of their family and limit what happens behind the scenes as they do not
want to burden the eyes of the family as they have reached the ultimate goal. Because of this
disconnect, these Latina leaders experience a clash between their identity at home versus a
professional on campus. Although their families are excited about these job opportunities and
leadership positions for them, these Latinas are limited in providing what they experience and go
through on campus, as there is no commonality or context.
Additional Finding: When I Speak, My Mother Comes Out. Influence of Mother’s on
Latina Professionals
Another finding was how the mother figure or women figure is highly influential when
reflecting or doing things in the workplace. For example, some participants talked about how
they were hesitant to speak up due to a little voice in their head telling them to be proper,
specifically their mother. Mariela spoke about how her mom is “in the back of my head” and
considered her mom’s wisdom and words as her internal tone. She explained that she considers
what her mother would say or what consejos she has taught her and applies them to her work

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setting. At times, she has to reflect from being the “proper young lady” and not being too loud to
finding her voice and speaking up in the workplace: “I bite my tongue cause I don’t know what
to say, my mom [is] saying, you’re not supposed to talk back.” As a leader, this is difficult for
her to navigate as her “internal tone.”
Elena said she sets an example for her sister and reflects on her identity as a role model.
Laura spoke about how she tries to be ethical and smart about how she says things in certain
situations professionally and thinks about her mother as it anchors her. Although her mother does
not have a full understanding of her work duties, Laura calls her when she needs to talk, as her
mother “anchors” her and helps push her forward, “echale ganas” (phrase such as “you got this”)
and re-centers her. Without context or understanding of the job, Laura’s mother supports her and
gives her a boost to move forward.
Rocio spoke about the family dynamics, specifically from the mother’s perspective. She
referenced the voiceover from TikTok that highlights “mi hija es independiente” (my daughter is
independent). Rocio noted that there is much pressure and silence around doing everything on
one’s own alongside a sense of pride in being able to handle everything because they are
crossing and dismantling barriers. Rocio indicated that the voiceover is “gut-wrenching” because
there is a sense of pride and admiration by their family members but not showing or expressing
the challenges they face as first-generation students and professionals.
Mother figures influence the interviewees’ interactions. They reflect on their words of
wisdom, guidance, and support and apply it or reflect upon it in the context of the work setting.
They apply what they learned or were advised to do on their own terms but highly consider and
reflect on what they learned from their mother figures.

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Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations
The study focused on mid-level Latina leaders’ experiences at a PWI and how they
navigated their various identities. In addition, the study focused on obstacles encountered at the
institution. LatCrit and CRF, along with intersectionality and cultural incongruity, are the
concepts for the framework of this study, focusing on the participants’ identities. This chapter
provides five observations from the study’s findings. A sixth observation focuses on applying the
theoretical framework to the study’s findings. The chapter will then provide three
recommendations based on the observations and the findings and further research to consider.
The chapter will conclude with overall thoughts about the study.
Observation: No Contaban Con Mi Astucia, Chingona Instead of Toning Down
One of the main questions that drove this study was whether the participants tone down
their identities (Sánchez et al., 2021). The findings indicate that although they are hyper-aware
and might tone down certain aspects of their latinidad, these women also exemplify and balance
their identities, navigating their workspace in two dynamics. First, these women are purposeful
and authentic in their positions, maximizing who they are and being chingonas on their own
terms (Hernandez, 2023). They are hyper-aware of who they are and use their identities to mold
their environment, community, and leadership styles. These findings further support MontasHunter’s (2012) discussion of how Latinas in higher education are self-aware and have high selfefficacy, making their leadership dynamic and presentation purposeful. They use their full
identity to build representation for students, advocacy, strategy, and voice. Latinas’ identity has
much overlap with their leadership skills and techniques and are “chingonas who are
transforming the ivory tower” (Urquiza, 2020, p. 111). Like Rosa and Magaly, along with other
participants, these women strategize and “protect” themselves while maintaining their essence

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when trying to navigate their work environment. Their chingona-ism encompasses the spaces
and people they interact with on campus, directly impacting how they work and collaborate with
others. These women embrace who they are to impact the spaces they are in higher education to
impact the community and their students (Montoya & Delgado, 2023, p. 274).
Observation: Latinidad and Community, a Superpower
An observation based on the findings is that the interviewees are in tune with student
needs because of the shared experience. According to LatCrit theory community and cultural
capital is a large component of the Latino community. This capital is expanded and welcomed by
these women with their students in contrast to their upper management, who, according to the
findings, are male and White-dominant. According to some participants, senior leaders and upper
managers who are primarily White males are not as connected to understanding the student’s
needs or display a lack of leadership skills or compatibility with other leaders they supervise.
This creates a disconnect between the student and upper leadership but is bridged by these
women and their latinidad, “To be chingonas, poderosas en comunidad con nuestra gente y
familia is what many Latinas already do, in many spaces” (Montoya & Delgado, p. 274). Based
on the findings and themes, these women are purposeful in being seen by their students and
making sure they are the voices for their students and the community. For example, Marysol
went from working with students and their families in a high school setting as part of the
admissions office to working in the school of education with superintendents and principals.
Their presence and community wealth build up the institution. Then, there is the internal level of
working with staff and faculty as well as directly with students from various backgrounds and
identities, these women are the backbone of maintaining and assuring there is inclusion for
students when they are on campus.

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In addition, the overlapping identity of being a woman provides further support of
community and understanding for these women for their colleagues, students, and community
(parents) as they are seen from mother figures to comadres. Having a comadre is essential in the
Latino community as it builds community, shared understanding, support, and a sense of family
even when there is no blood relation (Chin et al., 2008). Comadrehood is a relationship network
based on the idea of “close friendships and creating bonds to help … navigate and survive daily
struggles” (Banda & Reyes, 2022, p.1661). Because these women have seen and experienced a
disconnect with their senior leaders, they take ownership and the initiative to move the needle
without being asked to because they understand the demands and students’ needs. Furthermore,
they want to provide and feel a need for their own support as professionals, which upper
management did not provide.
Observation: ¿Mujer, Te Pido Un Consejo? Woman, Can I Ask Your Advice?
Various aspects of their identity as Latina women affect how the interviewees navigate
their workplace politics, leadership skills, and cultural incongruity. Whether it was identifying as
a mother, a daughter, an older sister, or a mentor, these women understand their culture and the
importance of representation. For this reason, many of them echoed the need to have a
community where they can speak and connect with other Latinas and the Latin/e/x community
professionally in higher education. The overlapping layer being first-generation professionals or
first-generation students further establishes the desire to connect with other Latinas and other
professionals who can show them how to navigate professional matters. One of the strongest
bonds in the Latina/o/x community is familia, which includes members who are treated like
familia even if they are not blood-related (Banda & Reyes, 2022). Part of this concept is having a
comadre or a madrina, someone who is almost like family who oversees and provides help and

93
support in navigating daily struggles (Banda & Reyes, 2022). Furthermore, sharing stories
through platicas (talks), consejos (advice), or even just chismeando (gossiping) fosters the
culture and customs on campus for Latina women to feel connected. Based on the findings, the
interviewees do not have this outlet to speak freely, connect with someone about experiences, or
share their experiences and have someone validate them.
Observation: Maybe It’s Just Me? Experiencing Gaslighting and Questioning Themselves
Based on the findings, the interviewees contribute to student success but are not granted
the voice and opportunity that they deserve due to gaslighting. Many times, participants stated, “I
don’t know, I just felt,” “That was weird,” “Maybe it was just me,” or “Something is off.” They
doubted and questioned their perception of reality. From being too loud to questioning the time it
would take to move up, to finding spaces for them, to not having a mentor who looks like them,
these women purposely created a name for themselves and are agents of change and advocated
for students. Because they are mostly the first to reach these milestones or are fixers, they
sometimes question themselves. This is a symptom of being gaslit professionally (Montoya &
Delgado, 2023).
The findings indicate that all participants experienced gaslighting, feeling uncomfortable,
questioning themselves, reflecting on situations, rethinking events, and ultimately either
addressing them or moving on from them. Even when hearing inappropriate comments or
expressing their passion for helping and advocating for students and peers, they second-guessed
themselves. Thus, there is a need for institutions to review these experiences and similar
occurrences to retain these professionals in higher education (Madrid-Nothdurft, 2024).

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Observation: PWI Moving Forward but Not Enough
An observation that all participants echoed was that the institution has moved in the right
direction. Participants indicated that the institution has become more inclusive for students and
professionals, and they appreciate the university’s unifying values as a positive change.
However, the university can do more. Contrary to the research, none of the participants
expressed tokenism in their previous experiences or current positions. However, one participant
stated that others assumed she obtained her position based on networking and friendships,
alluding that her community made her obtain the position. Specifically, those in the school of
education acknowledged their privilege of working with like-minded faculty and staff, indicating
they know that this “bubble” is different from the rest of the institution. Due to the detailed and
direct unifying values of the university, most participants felt and have seen a change at the
university. However, many participants stressed how more needs to be done for the students,
doing more for professional Latinas and addressing the differences between staff and faculty
treatment. Institutional change is alive but requires transformative leadership and continuous
improvement, and leadership needs to be proactive and not reactive.
Observation: Critiquing the Theoretical Framework Based on the Findings of the Study
The theoretical framework used focused on inhibitors and facilitators that impact the
professional Latina at a PWI. The theoretical framework supported the findings for both research
questions as the participants addressed various inhibitors and facilitators. Inhibitors and
facilitators contributed to the obstacles Latinas experienced at their PWI when navigating
cultural incongruity. However, there was one concept that was not touched upon or as relevant
by the participants and the findings. For example, the participants did not explicitly discuss
tokenism even though it is a common experience for women of color (Eiden-Dillow & Best,

95
2022), yet they did experience symptoms of tokenism, such as being discredited and bypassed by
others. In addition, one surprising finding was that the framework’s concept of reflection applied
heavily to the interviewees’ mothers’ words and teachings regarding how to move forward in
certain situations. Overall, the framework provided support to the themes in the study’s findings.
Recommendations
The following section of the chapter contains three recommendations based on the
findings and observations of the study. The first recommendation will focus on practitioners’
representation on campus and building relationships between Latina leaders and professionals.
The second recommendation will focus on policymakers and leaders impacting their colleagues
by having meaningful mentorship opportunities for professional Latinas and creating
comadrehood between Latinas at a PWI. The third recommendation will focus on future research
for Latina leaders in higher education and consider expanding the research to multiple PWI sites
and across various departments. Lastly, consideration for future research on women figures
affecting the leadership styles of first-generation Latina professionals will also be recommended.
Recommendation: Síganme Los Buenos! Representation and Space for Professional
Relationships Between Latinas
One recommendation for practitioners is creating a space and community specifically for
Latina professionals at PWIs. A space on campus and a network can build community and peer
representation at the institution. Having a space or network for Latina professionals/leaders to
mingle on campus can strengthen representation for professionals, create more mentorship
opportunities across departments, and foster a Latino community that will focus on cultural
capital and comadredad (Montoya & Delgado). Based on this case study, there is no physical
space or where to start for these Latina leaders to build or go for a Latina community. Although

96
there are professional development opportunities on and off campus, there is no guidance on how
to build an internal community for the Latino/a/x community professionally. As first-generation
professionals, many participants seek guidance but do not know where to begin. Furthermore,
many already have other responsibilities and limited resources to create these spaces for
themselves. Institutions creating this space will allow for forming new professional relationships.
These spaces could involve platicas and a community of comadres to work to advance:
“trabajamos juntos para avanzar” (Montoya & Delgado, p. 274). These new relationships will
provide the guidance, support and community Latina professionals seek and need at PWIs.
Recommendation: Mentorship: Build Mentorship With Senior Leaders Who Are Latinas
Although these women provide mentorship to students and their teams and are seen as as
comadres at times, they have limited connections with others like themselves at the institution.
The participants expressed interest in having a mentor as all mentorship they have received is
informal or see their immediate supervisors’ mentors due to their guidance in daily work
dynamics. As indicated in research, mentorship is essential for career mobility (Hill et al., 2016),
and having meaningful mentorship can create a comadrehood between professionals in a PWI.
Mentorship for professional Latinas can be a double-edged sword as they struggle to find
mentors due to limited visibility. However, providing meaningful and aligned mentorship for
mid-level Latinas would allow them to have support and guidance in their career trajectory.
Creating a mentorship that is based on the comunidad Latina and that is grounded on
comadrehood and madrinahood can create a more unifying experience for mentors and mentees
alike at a PWI. This can further establish a familia dynamic on campus while reducing labor and
risks, which is more common for first-generation professionals (Alcalde & Subramaniam, 2022).

97
Recommendation: Diversity Cross-Training Between Faculty and Staff
Most participants indicated a ridge between faculty and staff, encountering difficult
conversations or experiences due to comments and microaggressions. This shows the disconnect
between professionals in higher education between faculty and staff. One recommendation
would be to provide diversity training for staff and faculty. Rebecca noted a “difference of staff
members and faculty” and how staff are not “considered an equal professional in the field.” This
carried across race and gender as she interacted with a female faculty member of another race
who was a bully to her and who retired rather than apologizing for her actions and addressing the
issue professionally. Institutions should consider working with this professional population as
their experiences and identities affect their leadership styles and foster a positive and inclusive
work culture.
Diversity training for staff and faculty will aid in understanding the challenges they face
and reduce microaggressions and subtle sexism in the workplace. It will also provide better
reasoning behind effective policy changes. This can also affect the bridge between senior
leadership as it can provide further opportunities to understand their staff’s demographics and
needs. “It is the responsibility of leaders to frame and take action to foster diversity, equity, and
inclusion” (Alcalde & Subramaniam, 2022, p. 15).
It is important to note that diversity cross-training should align with Title IX, as Title IX
coordinators provide this training to faculty and staff to provide a positive work environment
without retaliation for reporting. In addition, there is a need for an embedded policy that provides
a safe space when reporting for the network and spaces provided for Latina women on campus
and that the policy is explicitly discussed and reviewed during the training for everyone to know
proper reporting instructors.

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Recommendations for Future Research
The following section provides recommendations for future research. The first focuses on
further research on multiple PWIs and how mid-level Latinas experience them. The following
recommendation aims at an institutional level, looking at various units and departments to
compare Latina professionals’ experiences. This section concludes with further research focusing
on how mothers and women figures impact and influence mid-level Latina leaders.
There is a need for more research on Latina leaders’ experiences and voices as they
bridge student needs and senior leadership. Although there were general themes and
commonalities in the results, each participant had a unique perspective and contribution. For
example, one said she worked at another PWI and experienced similar dynamics. Given this
context, a multi-PWI study should examine experiences at different institutions. This might
provide a better understanding of the themes in this study. In addition, future research should
examine how cross-campus departments and other institutional areas affect Latina professionals.
For example, a study could analyze how development, advancement, facilities, housing, student
affairs, and athletics support or challenge the themes found in this study. Lastly, a study on how
community is developed and supported at a PWI for Latinx professionals can provide insight as
to how this expands mentorship, networking, and career mobility.
Lastly, I recommend a study on how other women figures influence first-generation
Latina leaders’ career trajectories and leadership styles. Although it was not a direct finding in
this study, the additional finding of a mother’s influence needs to be further researched.
Participants discussed the dynamic of etiquettes they learned and self-learned growing up in a
Latina/o household, how these influenced how they navigated being a first-generation student,
and how they shaped skills and mindsets as professionals. For example, some participants

99
discussed their internal tone and having their mother “in the back of my head.” These behaviors
or mindsets might be influenced or set by Latina/o house customs or values that are transferred to
professional work settings.
Limitations
A limitation of the study was my overlapping identities as a practitioner who has
encountered the complexities of being a Latina in a predominately White culture. Although I did
not sway any participants’ responses, some were difficult to verbalize due to my relatability. For
example, some participants stated, “You know how it is,” or “I’m sure you have experienced this
before.” They saw commonality with me. While they were correct in their assumptions, they
then limited or did not elaborate on their responses. This commonality helped the study, leading
to open dialogue after asking the participants to elaborate. However, it might have also removed
some possible concepts based on assumption. Participants might not have shared their full
experiences due to my presence, which might allude to participant bias. In addition, the results
are not generalizable, as this study did not represent all Latinas’ experiences.
Another limitation might be the study’s geographical context. The results might have
varied if the study were conducted in another location in the United States. Participants’
experiences, reflections, and context of the institution’s location might influence the findings,
which might be different in answering both research questions and themes.
Conclusion
Alcalde and Subramaniam (2022) said it best:
By the time we become leaders through our administrative roles, many of us have already
survived and persisted through our graduate student and faculty experiences, only to find

100
the obstacles to be the same or exacerbated the higher up the administrative ladder we
reach” (p. 4).
The lessons the participants learned as students led them to continue their profession in higher
education. They stay in higher education to resemble and display that the Latino/e community is
alive and well in a PWI culture. They persist and balance challenges to create change and be a
voice for students based on their experiences as students and staff. They navigate their identities
and experiences of cultural incongruity by protecting their authentic selves and maintain
representation internally for students. Furthermore, they persist through the obstacles and
challenges in higher education administration by being chingonas and staying true to themselves.

101
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Appendix A: Interview Protocol
Participant pseudonym:
Date:
Introduction
Thank you for taking the time to participate in this study. As a reminder, this study
focuses on Latinas who hold a mid-level management position within the California University
of Valley Point. The purpose of this interview is to understand your perspective and experiences
and the various identities you possess as a professional Latina within a predominantly White
institution and its culture. I want to give you the space and opportunity to share your experiences
and perspective, so please feel free to elaborate on any of your responses. I do want to note that
as part of the interview process, I might be jotting down some items but it’s just to make sure I
do not miss any of your valuable points. My goal is to understand and capture your perspective
and your expertise. This interview is confidential, and your identity will be protected during the
study as I will be using a pseudonym. All the data collected today will be password-protected
and destroyed once the study is complete. I also wanted to make sure and see if it is okay with
you if we audio record this interview using my phone and Zoom audio recording. Okay, perfect,
thank you. We’ll get started with the interview.
Questions (With Transitions)
The first set of questions is to get to know a little bit more about you and your various
identities should only be about 1–2 questions.
1. There are various identities a person has, such as social, racial, and gender identities.
If someone were to ask you to describe your most important identities, what would
you tell them?

112
2. Given your various identities you just provided, how do these identities help or limit
you navigate the demands you have outside and inside your work?
Now, we are going to move into more detailed questions about your identity as a Latina
and working at this institution which is considered a predominantly white institution.
3. How do your identities impact your work at this institution?
4. What obstacles have you encountered as a Latina woman in your current work
setting?
5. Please describe an experience where you felt you were limited in being your authentic
self in your work environment, if at all.
6. Describe a time when you had to “tone down” your Latina identity in your work
environment, if at all.
Thank you so much for sharing. Now, I’m going to ask you some questions about the
culture of the institution here as it pertains to Latinas.
7. Describe a time when your education or professional experience was questioned
within your work environment due to your identity as a Latina woman.
8. Describe a time when you had to assimilate to feel part of your current institution.
Follow up: how did that assimilation make you feel?
9. How does the culture at this institution influence how you portray yourself to others
in your professional setting?
Thank you so much for your responses. We are almost done with the interview. We are
going to conclude with a few reflective questions.
10. How do you feel as a latina within a predominately white institution holding a midlevel leadership position?

113
11. If someone were to ask you about what your experience working here at this
institution has been like, what would you tell them?
12. Some might say that this institution has moved forward in providing an inclusive
environment for a diverse population. As a Latina working in this institution, what are
your thoughts about how the culture at your institution aligns with your cultural
values?
Closing
Thank you for taking the time to meet with me and share your experiences and
perspectives with me. Again, I want to remind you that these responses will be confidential. This
information is for research purposes, and I want to thank you for being part of my study. I do
want to note that my dissertation will be available in the university libraries sometime in the
future. If I do have any follow-up questions after today’s interview, may I contact you directly?
Would email be okay?
In addition, as indicated in the study announcement, participants will receive a $25 gift
card of their choosing. What gift card would you like to receive? Ex. Amazon, Starbucks, Target.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Gonzalez, Alma R. (author)

Core Title Mid-level Latina leaders in predominantly White institutions: balancing identities and cultural incongruity

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2024-08

Publication Date 08/27/2024

Defense Date 07/11/2024

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag chingona,critical race feminism,LatCrit,Latina leaders,OAI-PMH Harvest,predominantly White institution

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