University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Rebuilding Black boarding schools within Black townships: an exploratory study to rebuild a Black boarding school in the United States' oldest incorporated all-Black town of Eatonville, Florida

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Rebuilding Black boarding schools within Black townships: an exploratory study to rebuild a Black boarding school in the United States' oldest incorporated all-Black town of Eatonville, Florida

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Content REBUILDING BLACK BOARDING SCHOOLS WITHIN BLACK TOWNSHIPS:
AN EXPLORATORY STUDY TO REBUILD A BLACK BOARDING SCHOOL IN THE UNITED STATES’
OLDEST INCORPORATED ALL-BLACK TOWN OF EATONVILLE, FLORIDA
by
M. A. Cymone Davis
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
August 2024
Copyright 2024 M. A. Cymone Davis

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The Committee for M.A. Cymone Davis certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Dean Pedro Noguera
Mia Alexander-Snow
Cathy Krop, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024

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DEDICATION
To the Black child who desperately desires more out of life, I see you. This dissertation is
dedicated to children within the African Diaspora- may you learn and grow in a safe, protective
environment filled with peace, love, and harmony.
To my parents, Carl and Tracy Davis, who showed their children the way and now we are
beacons of light for others. Thank you, Mama and Daddy.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
"Where there is no vision, the people perish…” (Proverbs 29:18). I thank God for this
journey that is bestowed upon me. Random circumstances can become divine occurrences. Who
would have known meeting Dean Pedro Noguera at a wedding would forever change my life?
Thank you Dr. Noguera for seeing something in me that I never dreamed possible. Thank you
truly for your advice and guidance also as a committee member.
I call my dissertation committee, “The Dream Team”. To Dr. Cathy Sloane Krop, my
committee chair, you are one powerful person. Not just a phenomenal woman, your wisdom is
unbound. You have provided counsel, encouragement, and the perfect dosage of “pushing” to
complete this journey. To Dr. Mia Alexander-Snow, affectionately known as Dr. MAS, I’m so
ecstatic that you said yes! Yes, to being a committee member and to being part of my life. I went
from using your research in my study to directly receiving keen insight and getting to know you
personally. What an honor your mentorship has been.
This journey would not have been possible without the strong support system that I have.
From my parents and siblings (plus their spouses), to my Grandmothers (and Grandfathers),
Uncles (and Aunts), and a long line of cousins, thank you for giving me life and the true meaning
of Family.
Lastly, to my partner in purpose, my knight in shining armor, my first-generation Haitian
American man who is from the small town of Dade-County Miami, FL, Bruzenskey Bois. We
made it! In many ways, I leaned on you during this process. You were my anchor, my friend, and
my fortress. I love doing life with you.

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ABSTRACT
This dissertation explores the potential of rebuilding Black boarding schools within historically
Black townships, focusing on Eatonville, Florida. By engaging community members through indepth interviews, the study reveals a strong desire to reestablish a Black boarding school to curve
inequality in society and to preserve cultural heritage. The research, grounded in the frameworks
of Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Afrocentricity, and the Collective Unconscious, highlights the
importance of community collaboration for the school's sustainability. Recommendations include
developing pilot programs that connect local governance, faith-based institutions, and federal
initiatives, alongside fostering networks with other Black boarding schools. This work calls for a
collective effort to revive Black boarding schools as a transformative model for equitable and
culturally affirming education.

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Table of Contents
DEDICATION .............................................................................................................................. 3
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ......................................................................................................... 4
ABSTRACT................................................................................................................................... 5
LIST OF TABLES...................................................................................................................... 10
LIST OF FIGURES.................................................................................................................... 11
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION....................................................................................... 12
BACKGROUND OF THE PROBLEM................................................................................................ 13
PLACE OF STUDY ....................................................................................................................... 15
PURPOSE OF THE PROJECT AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS ............................................................. 17
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY .................................................................................................... 19
DEFINITIONS .............................................................................................................................. 20
ORGANIZATION OF THE DISSERTATION...................................................................................... 21
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW.......................................................................... 22
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF BLACK BOARDING SCHOOLS IN THE UNITED STATES................ 22
In the Beginning: Why Black Boarding Schools ................................................................................ 23
Historical Context: Independent Black Institutions.......................................................................... 24
Stuck in the Middle: The Loss of Black Boarding Schools.............................................................. 29
Lasting Impact: The Brown v. Board of Education Decision......................................................... 34
THE NEXUS BETWEEN BLACK BOARDING SCHOOLS AND BLACK TOWNSHIPS IN THE UNITED
STATES ...................................................................................................................................... 39

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The Story of a Black Township: Eatonville, FL.................................................................................. 41
The Story of a Black Boarding School: The Robert Hungerford Property................................. 43
INNOVATION AND BENEFITS TO RE-BUILDING BLACK BOARDING SCHOOLS ............................. 47
Foundations of Culture: Community Engagement ............................................................................ 47
Foundations of Curriculum: Afrocentricity......................................................................................... 51
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: THE P.A.C. ................................................................................... 54
PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED, AFROCENTRICITY, THE COLLECTIVE UNCONSCIOUS............... 54
Figure 1.......................................................................................................................................................... 61
The P.A.C. Conceptual Framework ....................................................................................................... 61
CONCLUSION.............................................................................................................................. 62
CHAPTER THREE: METHODS ............................................................................................ 63
TOWN OVERVIEW ...................................................................................................................... 64
Eatonville, Florida...................................................................................................................................... 64
STUDY POPULATION AND SAMPLE............................................................................................. 65
Community Members.................................................................................................................................. 65
DATA COLLECTION.................................................................................................................... 67
Interviews....................................................................................................................................................... 67
DATA ANALYSIS ........................................................................................................................ 69
CREDIBILITY AND TRUSTWORTHINESS....................................................................................... 70
ETHICS....................................................................................................................................... 72
ROLE OF RESEARCHER............................................................................................................... 73
CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS................................................................................................. 76

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OVERVIEW OF STUDY PARTICIPANTS......................................................................................... 76
Table 1............................................................................................................................................................ 77
Eatonville Interview Participant Profile............................................................................................... 77
EMERGING FINDINGS ................................................................................................................. 77
Table 2............................................................................................................................................................ 78
Research Questions and Findings.......................................................................................................... 78
RESEARCH QUESTION 1: WHAT ARE COMMUNITY MEMBERS’ VIEWS ABOUT BUILDING
ANOTHER BLACK BOARDING SCHOOL AND WHAT IT COULD BRING TO EATONVILLE?............. 78
Finding 1: Hope for a Black Boarding School ................................................................................... 79
RESEARCH QUESTION 2: FOR A BLACK BOARDING SCHOOL TO EVOLVE FURTHER, HOW COULD
COMMUNITY MEMBERS ENVISION MAKING A BLACK BOARDING SCHOOL FEASIBLE AND
SUSTAINABLE, INCLUDING COLLABORATIONS AND PARTNERSHIPS? ......................................... 86
Finding 1: Improved Quality of Town Management and Infrastructure..................................... 87
Finding 2: Long-term Planning, Partnerships, and Collective Action........................................ 90
Finding 3: Need for Relationship Building and Community Engagement ................................. 95
SUMMARY.................................................................................................................................. 97
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR PRACTICE......... 99
DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS .......................................................................................................... 99
Research Question 1 Discussion of Findings.................................................................................... 100
Research Question 2 Discussion of Findings.................................................................................... 104
RECOMMENDATIONS................................................................................................................ 109
Table 3.......................................................................................................................................................... 110
Key Findings and Recommendations................................................................................................... 110

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Recommendation 1: Develop Black Boarding Pilot Programs.................................................... 111
Recommendation 2: Globally Connect Black Boarding Schools in the U.S. and Abroad ... 119
Recommendation 3: Rebuild Business Centre and/or District..................................................... 121
Recommendation 4: Engage Eatonville Residents at Town and Community Events............. 123
LIMITATIONS AND DELIMITATIONS.......................................................................................... 126
FUTURE RESEARCH.................................................................................................................. 127
CONCLUSION............................................................................................................................ 128
REFERENCES.......................................................................................................................... 130
APPENDIX A............................................................................................................................ 148
INTERVIEW PROTOCOL- COMMUNITY MEMBERS .................................................. 148
APPENDIX B............................................................................................................................ 150
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA INFORMATION SHEET ..................... 150

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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Eatonville Interview Participant Profile 77
Table 2: Research Questions and Findings 78
Table 3: Key Findings and Recommendations 110

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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: The P.A.C. Conceptual Framework 61

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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
The United States’ public education system and its evolving policies have continually
failed African American children, perpetuating inequality in society and negatively impacting
their educational outcomes. Since the 1960s, academic achievement for large numbers of African
American children has considerably deteriorated (Ladson-Billings, 2006; Lomotey, 1992;
Smalls-Marshall, 2020). Factors for the achievement gap have included suspension rates,
standardized achievement tests, and Special Education placements (Graves & Ye, 2017; LadsonBillings, 2006; Kenly & Klein, 2020; Lomotey, 1992). Other factors that have contributed to the
academic achievement gap are inadequate facilities and teacher attitudes (Darling-Hammond,
2000; Graves & Ye, 2017; Kuchirko & Nayfeld, 2021; Lomotey, 1992; Smalls-Marshall, 2020).
In short, the achievement gap is about larger inequality in society (Ladson-Billings, 2006; Shukla
et al., 2022).
The racial achievement gap between White and Black students exists prior to
kindergarten and persists into adulthood, mainly due to familial circumstances and environment
(Caldas et al., 2009; Essien-Wood & Wood, 2020; Kenly & Klein, 2020; Yeung & Conley,
2008). Individually, the achievement gap affects education, employment, earnings, and healthy
living. Whereas, societally, there are implications for future workforce skills, and international
competitiveness for the African Diaspora (Jean-Pierre et al., 2021; Small-Marshall, 2020; Yeung
& Conley, 2008). The difference between Black students’ current level of performance and the
potential for academic excellence suggests that “Black students should not be tracked towards a
White benchmark for success; instead, they should be immersed in an educational environment
that supports their holistic development…in character, spirit, and intellect'' (Durden, 2007, p.
24). To connect race and performance level further, opponents of how the achievement gap has

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been used in policy have highlighted that the academic problem is placed upon either the student
or teacher, and not on the structural racism that held the inequities together (Kuchirko &
Nayfeld, 2021; Noguera, 2016). A possible safeguard to structural racism and societal inequities
are Black townships. Within these townships, schools and educational experiences that cater to
Black children can potentially be recreated. This research study seeks to explore a Black town’s
interest in rebuilding a Black boarding school. More specifically, if Eatonville community
members envisioned a boarding school, what it could it bring, and the purposes it could serve.
Background of the Problem
Education policy structures racial inequities and acts on behalf of white supremacist
interests (Gillborn, 2005; Shukla et al., 2022). Beyond the mechanisms of structural racism is
White supremacy, which is normalized and usually taken for granted (Gillborn, 2005). bell hooks
(1989) affirmed using the term White supremacy to describe the exploitation of Black people. In
the United States, White supremacy maintains structures and institutions often perpetuating
unequal power relations (Parsons, 2021). Globally, White supremacy is pervasive. For example,
in the United Kingdom (UK), Gillborn (2005) used critical race theory to describe institutional
racism and educational policy in England that largely went unchecked in mainstream politics due
to the hidden contours and not so obvious rhetoric of privileged white interests. This is the most
dangerous type of White supremacy (Gillborn, 2005). From the United States (US) to the UK,
White supremacy has insidious ramifications.
Critical race theory also explains White superiority and hierarchy in how the student
achievement gap is portrayed in the media and by policy makers (Kuchirko & Nayfeld, 2021).
Discourse around the achievement gap is steeped in a taken for granted belief system about
Black people and students’ perceived abilities (Kuchirko & Nayfeld, 2021; Shukla et al., 2022).

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In short, conversations and language around the achievement gap perpetuate racial stereotypes
(Kuchirko & Nayfeld, 2021; Shukla et al., 2022). Majoritarian narrative or storytelling are
specific tools used to explain what critical race theorists describe as “bundles of presuppositions,
perceived wisdoms, and shared cultural understandings” to obscure White privilege and for
achievement gap discourse to appear “natural” (Delgado & Stefancic, 1993, p. 462; Kuchirko &
Nayfeld, 2021).
With White supremacy pervasiveness embedded within the fabric of U.S. society and
internationally, it is difficult to find community spaces and structures that safeguarded against
aggressive oppression in policy and in practice. This has meant the built environment of a
community and its intersection of policing, schooling, housing, food, and most importantly how
people interact with one another. Black townships are examples rooted in history of how Black
people protected themselves from racist policies and white supremacy. Black townships also
provided educational opportunities for children who lived in or around the area. These types of
towns shielded children from negative stereotypes and narratives that were constantly spread
across media platforms, teachers, and other students (Kuchirko & Nayfeld, 2021).
Concurrently with the discussion of Black townships, and before the 1954 Brown v.
Board of Education policy decision, there were over 100 Black boarding schools in the United
States. By 2003, there were only four remaining (HBCU Money, 2015; Roach, 2003). Unlike
traditional schools, Black boarding schools were founded for the cultural and social development
of African American children. They were also typically self-governed by an independent board
of trustees, directors, or advisors, and not financially dependent on public funds (AlexanderSnow, 2010). Local Black communities, philanthropists, and religious leaders pooled their
resources together to build and sustain this type of independent K-12 schools (Roach, 2003).

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Mainly built in the South, these boarding schools were formed at the turn of the 20th Century.
With policies shifting across the United States after the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education
decision, there was a parallel between the loss of Black boarding schools and the growing Black
student achievement gap (HBCU Money, 2014). Reimplementing this type of school model may
raise questions or resegregation concerns. While desegregation offered some positive
outcomes/advantages for Black families (Franklin, 2005), it has not lived up to its promises,
specifically with regard to educational outcomes (Essien-Wood & Wood, 2020; Margonis &
Parker, 2010). Black boarding schools are an option to curve inequality in society and to
preserve cultural heritage for students. Thus, this study focuses on community members' views in
rebuilding and sustaining a Black boarding school within a Black township.
Place of Study
The small town of Eatonville was made famous through a beloved town member, cultural
anthropologist, and native ethnographer Zora Neale Hurston (Bengston, 2022; Bordelon, 1997;
Boyd, 2004). Hurston was revered as a literary genius (Bengston, 2022; Duck, 2001; Staple,
2006). She also featured Eatonville in most of her writings such as cultural classics Their Eyes
Were Watching God and Mules and Men (Bengston, 2022; Newman, 2003). In her
autobiography Dust Tracks on a Road, Hurston (1942) reflected on her hometown:
I was born in a Negro town. I do not mean by that the black back-side of an average
town. Eatonville, Florida, is, and was at the time of my birth, a pure Negro town- charter,
mayor, council, town marshal and all. It was not the first Negro community in America,
but it was the first to be incorporated, the first attempt at organized self-government on
the part of Negroes in America (p.1).

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Hurston, born in 1903, was amongst the first generation of children to be raised in an all-Black
town (LaMendola & Gibbs, 1993). One of eight children, Hurston grew up on five acres of land
in a town where her father was once the Mayor and a Baptist Minister (Boyd, 2004). She made
the distinction clear that the town was not the “backside” of a White town with discrimination
but its own self-governed Black town (Kong-Chow, 2020). Hurston also spent between six to
eight years at the Robert Hungerford Normal and Industrial, a Black boarding school (Bengston,
2022; LaMendola & Gibbs, 1993).
In 2023, Eatonville, and the land that was once The Robert Hungerford Normal and
Industrial School, made national news (Teichner, 2023). Orange County Public Schools (OCPS)
purchased the school grounds in 1951; under deed restrictions to keep the property for the
education of Black children (Teichner, 2023). Over time, deed restrictions were rescinded. Land
parcels were sectioned and sold to private developers (Teichner, 2023). Then in 2023, OCPS
planned to sell the last 100 acres for $14.6 million (Southern Poverty Law Center [SPLC], 2023).
Development plans included 350 residential housing units, along with commercial and retail
space; which would “devour the inheritance that Eatonville Founders intended for their
posterity” and “strip away from the people of Eatonville the ability to enjoy economic
development that aligns with its rich history, heritage, and culture,” relayed Nathiri (SPLC, 2023,
para 7). Community members feared losing their towns’ legacy through gentrification and
displacement if the development plans were finalized between OCPS and the private group led
by Winter Park-based Sovereign Land Co. (Stennett, 2023).
After the Eatonville news segment aired in March 2023, community mobilization looked
different. Black people from across the United States elicited support, phone calls, and petitions,
with the desire not to sell the last 100 acres of the Hungerford school property (Wright, 2023).

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Mayors from Black towns across the United States rejoiced once the $14.6 million deal was
dropped by potential developers (Wright, 2023). Locally, community members celebrated with a
small gathering held at the Denton Johnson Community Center with food, vendors, bounce
houses, and a photo booth (Stennett, 2023). Mayor Angie Gardner said residents were elated the
sale was canceled (Stennett, 2023). Nathiri reflected further, “The contract with the developer
was the catalyst, it was the wake-up call, in terms of the need to be much more proactive, much
more aggressive in terms of protecting the town’s history and its future,” (SPLC, 2003, para 13).
Eatonville community members came together to fight for the last 100 acres of their once Black
boarding school and to keep the sacred land within the first incorporated all-Black township in
the United States.
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
Since 2018, I've been on an exploratory journey around building an international,
interfaith Black boarding school. This particular study is about exploring the creation of an
emergent institution called Kingdom Come International (KCI), an international, interfaith
boarding school. KCI's mission is to educationally empower, unite, and inspire children ages 12-
18 within the African Diaspora, while providing a safe, holistic living environment to learn.
I am currently in the exploration phase of seeking input on the possibility of a Black
boarding school in the Southeastern region of the United States. This innovation is important for
Kingdom Come International because of the entrenched inequities in society for Black children
to academically succeed. These inequities are demonstrated, for instance, through test results
from the National Assessment of Educational Progress. Since the 1970s, there is a gradual and an
accelerated lag of achievement from Black students in comparison to their White counterparts
(Smalls-Marshall, 2020; Yeung & Conley, 2008). Frameworks of the achievement gap can be

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viewed through what Shukla et al. (2022) and Ladson-Billings (2006) refer to as the educational
debt. In terms of economics, America has an educational debt as of a result of systemic
mismanagement over time. Discussing student achievement in the absence of past injustices sets
the blame on individuals and communities, not on structural and institutional racism that dictates
performance and opportunities (Shukla et al., 2022).
Similar to the United States, studies in other countries also show a Black achievement
gap, including in Canada’s second largest populated City of Montreal; where "this racial
achievement gap in school outcomes is closely associated with school family structure and
family income" (Caldas, Bernier, & Marceau, 2009, p. 210). Nationwide, Canada reported high
dropout rates, low educational attainment, suspensions, and expulsions from their African
student population (Jean-Pierre et al., 2021). This gap is a collective crisis that spans across
countries and was exacerbated by inadequate educational and financial resources for students in
the African Diaspora.
This exploration of a Black boarding school is related to the larger problem of the social
and academic inequities and achievement gaps of African students in America and abroad. This
study used in-depth interviewing and ethnographic approaches to understand Eatonville
community members’ interests in and ideas around rebuilding and sustaining a Black boarding
school. Theories that guide the conceptual framework underlying this study are Paulo Freire
(1970) pedagogy of the oppressed, Afrocentricity (Asante, 1980), and the collective unconscious
(Jung, 1968).
The following research questions guided this study:
RQ1: What are community members’ views about building another Black boarding school and
what it could bring to Eatonville?

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RQ2: For this to evolve further, how could community members envision making a Black
boarding school feasible and sustainable, including collaborations and partnerships?
Significance of the Study
Black boarding schools can be rebuilt in the present-day United States. By using what
Franklin (2002) called cultural capital, Black boarding schools were once a sustainable model
with an academically enriching environment; and through implementing the tools of the past,
Black townships offer community resources and town infrastructure for this type of education
model. This research serves as groundwork to reinvigorate a Black boarding school movement in
America and abroad.
The significance of this study includes providing an understanding of Black boarding
schools' relevance and applicability to today's times, including if community members want this
type of education, and if so, what would be their collective vision. This study showed that in the
community of focus, participants desired another boarding school and specifically to focus on
Black culture, among other aspirations. This is the first type of qualitative study to be conducted
where community members were interviewed on their views and processes of rebuilding another
Black boarding school. While Eatonville community members and organizational leaders may
have varied opinions regarding the use of the Hungerford land, as suggested via media press,
there has not been a scholarly focus on community interest and/or vision to rebuild a private
boarding school. Therefore, a wealth of knowledge would be lost without this information that
directly affects the people who live and work in Eatonville.
This study could also be useful for education practitioners who are school leaders, school
builders, and consultants, seeking education alternatives for Black students. Within many school
options, Black boarding schools have not been included in U.S. mainstream education discourse.

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With few remaining, Black boarding schools did not survive integration and financially struggled
to remain sustainable. Like the stories of Eatonville, FL in Zora Neal Hurston’s books (1934-
2022), Black townships could offer peace, protection, and economic opportunities specifically
for Black people. From a U.S. context, Black townships were safe havens from an aggressive,
oppressive society. Now, approaching 70 years of The Brown v. Board of Education decision,
this is the perfect time for Black boarding schools to reenter the conversation, and to have
creative considerations for rebuilding and sustaining this type of schooling. In broader terms, this
study's importance would surpass the American borders to better understand a specific type of
school model for children within the African Diaspora.
Definitions
● African/Black Americans: Used interchangeably, a group of people who are descendants
from enslaved Africans in the United States (Sanford, 2022).
● African Diaspora: A group of people with African descent who currently live in Africa
or who have either moved or been displaced from the continent.
● Black Boarding Schools: A type of IBI that offers residential options for students who
attend school.
● Black Townships: Municipal boundary lines owned and governed by Black people
(Martin & Davis, 2022).
● Independent Black Institutions (IBIs): Private schools, colleges, and educational
systems created by people within the African Diaspora (Bush, 1997).
● White Americans: A group of people from European descent who live in the United
States (Sanford, 2022).

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Organization of the Dissertation
There are five chapters that guide this dissertation. This Chapter introduced the study,
which described the background of the problem, purpose of the study, research questions, and
significance of the study. Chapter Two presents a literature review that details the history of
Black boarding schools and Black townships, along with an overview of community members'
involvement in creating Independent Black Institutions and school curriculum, with also a
review of Eatonville, FL, and the Hungerford Normal and Industrial School. Chapter Three
discusses the methodology used for this study and provides an overview of the population
sample that was interviewed. Also covered in this chapter are study instruments, data analysis,
and credibility and trustworthiness of the research. Chapter Four illustrates study findings related
to the research questions, and a discussion of findings and recommendations for practice are
included in Chapter Five.

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CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter provides research related to the topic of Black boarding schools in the
United States. It begins with a historical background of Black boarding schools and their
classification as an Independent Black Institution (IBI), including a review of the loss of Black
boarding schools and lasting impacts of the Brown v. Board of Education policy. The literature
review then moves to the intersection of Black boarding schools and U.S. Black townships.
Examples of historic towns that once had boarding schools are also examined. The last and third
section of the literature review will introduce innovation and benefits to rebuilding Black
boarding schools through the exploration of culture and curriculum. The chapter ends with
discussing Paulo Freire (1970) pedagogy of the oppressed, Afrocentricity, and the collective
unconscious. The conceptual framework guides this study; through review of its origins,
philosophy, and connections to providing boarding school opportunities for children in the
African Diaspora. This framework is used to address the Black student achievement gap and the
rebuilding of Black boarding schools in the United States.
Historical Background of Black Boarding Schools in the United States
Before the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, there were over 100 Black
boarding schools in the United States. By 2003, there were only four remaining (Roach, 2003).
Black boarding schools created a cultural, academic, and safe environment for children after the
Civil War and before the Civil Rights Movement (Dent, 1997; Roach, 2003). Local Black
communities, philanthropists, and religious leaders pooled their resources together to build and
sustain this type of independent K-12 schools (Roach, 2003). Mainly built in the South, these
boarding schools were formed at the turn of the 20th Century.

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In the Beginning: Why Black Boarding Schools
Historically, Black boarding schools served multiple purposes as the center hub for
community (Alexander-Snow, 2010). Unlike traditional schools, Black boarding schools were
founded for the cultural and social development of African American children. These institutions
were typically self-governed by an independent board of trustees, directors, or advisors, and not
financially dependent on public funds (Alexander-Snow, 2010). Students and staff were
primarily African American. Black boarding schools were nationally recognized for providing
culturally relevant teaching and enrichment, academic excellence, as well as promoting positive
self-images and cultural esteem (Alexander-Snow, 1999; Alexander-Snow, 2010). Students
would have a typical eight-hour period of learning from early morning to late afternoon; but with
a boarding school experience and being student centered, individuals were able to also focus on
self-growth which includes intellectual, moral, and ethical development (Alexander-Snow,
2010). Students also believed Black boarding schools built their self-concept skills and cultural
competence even when encountering unwelcoming environments and racist attitudes
(Alexander-Snow, 2010).
Lomotey (1992) mentioned eight specific commonalities that these historic Black
boarding schools, and more generally Black private and independent schools, subscribed to as
philosophical orientations:
(1) an emphasis on high or superior academic achievement, (2) emphasis on transmission
of culture, (3) a sense of commitment to African American people, (4) an emphasis on
self-determination, including the necessity for the schools themselves to be independent,
(5) implementation of an educational process based on distinct and explicit values, (6) an
emphasis on developing a strong African-American identity and self-concept, (7) a

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commitment to the belief that African American people are an African people with a
common ancestry, a common condition or experience, and a common destiny, and (8) the
provision of political education through critical examination of current and historical
events and how they relate to African American people. (p.184)
In many ways, Black boarding schools came together around collective principles on teaching
and learning. In this creed, independent institutions declared what was of extreme importance for
the education and further development of the African child, family, and community. Graduates
of Black boarding schools remembered the environment as being happy, nurturing and safe,
receiving pedagogy through the 'eight educational philosophical orientations', and learning to
combat systems that attempted to undervalue their culture post-graduation (Alexander-Snow,
2010). Black boarding schools belonged to a classification of Independent Black Institutions
(IBIs). With its history, IBIs were formed long before the creation of Black boarding schools.
The following section provides a deeper understanding of IBIs and their larger context across the
African Diaspora.
Historical Context: Independent Black Institutions
Independent Black Institutions predated American civilization and traveled back to
Ancient Africa (Bush et al., 2006). IBIs were classified as institutions that were governed,
staffed, and funded specifically by African Diasporic people for the development and
advancement of African culture (Bush et al., 2006; Lomotey, 1992). IBIs were categorized
together to refer to K-12 schooling and higher education, and defined as, “Black schools,
universities, temples…constructed and maintained by Africans prior to their enslavement in the
U.S.,” and from an African American historical perspective, IBIs represented, “a nonpublic, precollegiate, self-governing institution” that was not dependent upon public funds but could also be

25
financially supported by church affiliations (Bush et al., 2006, p. 5). Bush (1997) defined IBIs as
nonpublic, although quasi-IBIs can be public institutions.
In Africa, over 10,000 years ago, education was based on an age-grade system and
children started learning basic skills like mental mathematics, names of plants and animals,
storytelling, and creative arts by the age of six years old (Bush et al., 2006). At age 13, girls and
boys, with slight differences, would learn rapid calculations, agricultural science, creative arts,
geography, military tactics, and family and society history (Bush et al., 2006). By 18, young
ladies and men would participate in initiation rites of womanhood and manhood. This was also a
period of receiving apprenticeships, higher degrees, and joining secret societies (Bush et al.,
2006). Today, these types of educational pathways are still prevalent on the continent.
In the American context, IBIs were soon created after the Civil War ended and post
Emancipation Proclamation (Bush, 1997). In 1865, John Alvord, inspector of schools for the
recently installed Freedmen’s Bureau, toured the South and was surprised to find African
Americans self-sustaining their need for education, what he called native schools (Bush, 1997).
Children and adults across the south were learning to read and write, learning how to
independently build their own school systems, and without federal resources. Most of these
schools were never seen by White people before Alvord’s report to the Freedmen’s Bureau in
1866 (Bush, 1997; Bush et al., 2006). Former enslaved Africans rallied together to form
institutions and by Alvord’s account, over 500 native schools were recorded for African
American children and operating in the South (Bush et al., 2006). This statistic did not include
Sabbath schools; church-sponsored schools that taught Black students from the Bible, and how to
read, write, and spell. Sabbath schools typically operated in the evenings and during the
weekends (Bush et al., 2006). In 1869, Alvord continued his research in the South and estimated

26
1,512 Sabbath schools with 6,146 teachers, serving 107,109 children in their network. Most
Sabbath schools were sponsored by the African Methodist Episcopal (A.M.E.) Church (Bush,
1997). By 1885, enrollment of Sabbath schools increased to 200,000 students (Bush et al., 2006).
During the same time of the Freedmen Bureau’s education assessment, Northerners also
trekked down South under the guise of White charity to assist with the teaching of Black children
(Bush, 1997; Bush et al., 2006). They accounted “books or fragments of books seen in the hands
of African American men, women, and children everywhere they traveled in the South” (Bush et
al., 2006, p. 2). However, what they found startled, offended, and confounded them. Not only
were African Americans educating and financially supporting themselves, but they also did not
want to send their children to the less expensive White schools, causing a sense of resentment
from the Northerners (Bush, 1997; Bush et al., 2006).
For example, in 1865, African Americans organized, funded, and supported IBIs under
the Savannah Education Association (SEA) despite schools already in existence by White-led
organizations like the American Missionary Association (AMA) or the New England
Freedman’s Aid Society (NEFAS) in Savannah, Georgia (Bush, 1997). There was a pervasive
feeling that African Americans as a formerly enslaved group of people were inept to sustain
themselves, were destitute and poor, and needed the benevolence of White charity to provide
schooling and education (Bush, 1997). Conflict between SEA, AMA, and the Freedmen's Bureau
ensued. White Northerners felt there was a lack of gratitude and could not understand why Black
parents would choose IBIs or set up a “false environment that will only cause Black failure in the
real world” (Bush, 1997, p. 101). Today, these sentiments are still reflected in education
discourse when discussing private education for Black students (Bush, 1997).

27
In the North and pre–Emancipation Proclamation, Black people were in another type of
struggle for independent education and community choice. The New York African Free School
was formed in 1789 by The Manumission Society (Rury, 1983). Cofounded by United States
Founding Fathers Alexander Hamilton and John Jay, among others, The Manumission Society
was created in 1785 to end slavery within the state and to protest the kidnapping of free and
enslaved Africans being sold elsewhere (Race and antebellum New York City, n.d.). Four years
after the society’s creation, The African Free School was among the first nondenominational
charity schools in the nation (Rury, 1983). It was funded by the elite, managed by a board of
White trustees, but staffed with Black teachers and leadership. Its mission was to educate free
Black children in “industry” and “sobriety” values that will make them more “orderly” and
“tractable” emerging out of slavery (Rury, 1983, p. 187).
Rury (1983) discussed how, although The African Free School was not Black-owned and
operated, the school led the community to become more active in school policy and advocating
for their educational rights, leading to the formation of other IBIs to be created. For instance, in
1809, the trustees appointed Charles Andrews to lead school expansion. An Englishmen,
Andrews, and trustees connected with Black community leaders to spread awareness and support
of the school; which influenced the opening of a second school location and an increase in
attendance (Rury, 1983). Though, by 1830, Black leadership was questioning if Andrews, or any
White man, was suitable to teach Black children. In 1832, Andrews resigned amongst
controversy regarding his shift to colonization views. Black leaders, using their political
influence, boycotted The African Free Schools and urged the trustees to remove him from school
leadership (Rury, 1983). James Adams, a Black teacher, then replaced Andrews as the leader of
The African Free Schools, increasing enrollment and daily attendance (Rury, 1983). The

28
celebration was short lived and a year later The Manumission Society negotiated a school system
transfer to The Public Schools Society, causing a drop in student attendance from nearly sixteen
hundred students to around eleven hundred students (Rury, 1983). During this period, a private
school was opened by a former African Free Schools teacher, supported by prominent,
influential Black citizens and “soon counted as many pupils as had withdrawn from the public
schools” (Rury, 1983, p. 196). With The Public Schools Society now operating The African Free
Schools, trustees were replaced, Black teachers were fired, and curriculum changes without
community consent all caused an end to the influence Black leaders once had on school policy
(Rury, 1983).
Ironically in the 1800s, both in the North and South regions of the United States, African
Americans advocated for independent educational opportunities and community control of
school systems. IBIs started to decline with the arrival of public schools in both regions and with
the formation of White controlled public education systems (Bush, 1997; Bush et al., 2006; Rury,
1983). However, the efforts of the African Diaspora in the United States are tied to a larger
struggle of Black independence. In 1804, Haiti became the second independent nation in the
New World; soon after the United States won its independence. In 1896, Ethiopia defeated Italy
in the First Italo-Ethiopian war; becoming the oldest independent country in Africa and the only
country on the continent to never be colonized (Franklin, 2002). Franklin (2002) connects the
desire of Black independence between the Eastern and Western Hemispheres by stating
Will U.S. African Americans use their collective economic resources – cultural capital –
to improve the education of our children, to provide alternatives to the U.S. penitentiary
system for our youth, to assist in the advancement of African peoples throughout the

29
diaspora, and assume a leadership position in the regeneration of the African continent in
the 21st century? (p. 3).
Although IBIs predate American civilization, Black boarding schools seem positioned in a
particular time period of American history. A review of historic Black boarding schools and the
loss of this type of schooling is discussed next.
Stuck in the Middle: The Loss of Black Boarding Schools
Although there is no accurate count of how many Black boarding schools were in
existence between the Civil War ending in 1865 and the 1954 Brown v. Brown of Education
decision, historians have calculated over 100 of these types of IBIs created (Dent, 1997; Roach,
2003). “Alumni of these schools, which were primarily based in the South, decry the loss of
these institutions…” (Roach, 2003, p. 18). After the desegregation of public schools, boarding
schools' student enrollment and operational finances began to decline. Prominent boarding
schools across the nation closed due to funding; tuition and fundraising being their main sources
of income (Dent, 1997; Roach, 2003).
At the same time, “To those who attended the Black boarding schools, the tradition
imbued them with a profound sense of community, religious devotion…and a commitment to
academic excellence, qualities they believe are rarely replicated in the lives of contemporary
Black students” (Roach, 2003, p. 18). The educational and cultural attributes instilled at
traditional Black boarding schools are a nostalgic memory versus a current reality. Despite these
past historical successes, private Black boarding schools have struggled to remain operational
and a sustainable education model. With only four boarding schools remaining in 2022 (Stopyra,
2022), The Piney Woods School being the most notable and founded in 1909, these institutions
have been nearly erased from our educational context and as a viable school option.

30
Other boarding schools founded in the late 1800s and early 1900s include the Mather
schools in South Carolina, founded in 1867, the Palmer Memorial Institute and Laurinburg
Institute in North Carolina, founded in 1902 and 1904, respectively (Roach, 2003). Laurinburg
Institute is still operational and the only school that has survived longer than Piney Woods
(Roach, 2003). Laurinburg is 100 miles south of Raleigh, North Carolina and founded by E.M.
and Tinny McDuffie (Sanford, 2022). It is a private, nonsectarian preparatory school serving
both genders in grades 9th-12th (Sanford, 2022).
The Mather schools were founded by Rachel Crane Mather under the American
Missionary Association (Roach, 2003). As an accredited high school, and a junior college
established in 1954, the schools became coeducational in the 1960s. However, both schools
closed in 1968. The present-day Beaufort Lowcountry Technical College, established by the state
of South Carolina, now sits on the old Mather campus (Roach, 2003).
Palmer Memorial Institute was founded by Charlotte Hawkins Brown who led the school
to become a national premier academy for Black students (Roach, 2003). Brown’s mentor and
main benefactor was Alice Freeman Palmer. Palmer was the school’s namesake and the second
woman president for the Wellesley College in Wellesley, Mass (Roach, 2003). Head of School
for 50 years and during Brown’s tenure, more than 1,000 students graduated high school (Roach,
2003). “I went to Palmer very shy, gangly and nerdy. By the time I graduated, I was Miss Thing.
I had developed into quite a socially aware young lady,” reflected Delphine Patton Sneed, an arts
instructor at the University of Maryland-Baltimore (Roach, 2003, p. 3). Sneed graduated from
Palmer in 1968 and stated it was a life-altering experience and the best decision her parents made
(Roach, 2003).

31
At first, the Palmer Memorial Institute was an agricultural and manual training school but
later transitioned to an accredited college preparatory academy, enrolling students from across
the United States and internationally (Roach, 2003). After a fire destroyed the main academic
building in 1971, the school officially closed. A decade later, the Palmer campus became the
Charlotte Hawkins Brown Museum and an official state historic site (Roach, 2003).
Within a 100-year time span of their formations, and in the 1990s, another cycle of Black
boarding schools were closing. In 1997, there were a total of six independent Black boarding
schools nationwide (Dent, 1997). School closings were mostly caused by financial reasons
(Dent, 1997). Southern Normal School in Brewton, AL closed their 400-acre campus mid-year in
1996; however, enrollment started to decline after integration (Dent, 1997). “Naturally, there are
more potential real estate investors than there are persons wanting to maintain a historically
black boarding school,” stated Thad McClammy, the acting headmaster for Southern Normal
(Dent, 1997, para 18). McClammy expressed the value of property and potential development
outweighed the value of sustaining this type of education for Black students, a cocoon
environment like a boarding school.
Other schools that opened and closed during this period were the Ebon International
Preparatory Academy in Forsyth, GA, Mount Zion Christian Church Academy in Durham, NC,
and Saints Academy in Lexington, MS (Dent, 1997). The four remaining boarding schools are
the Laurinburg Institute, Pine Forge Academy, Redemption Christian Academy, and The Piney
Woods School (HBCU Money, 2014; Roach, 2003). Together, the four schools formed the
Association of Historically African American Boarding Schools (Roach, 2003).
The Piney Woods School, located in Piney Woods, MS, was founded by Laurence C.
Jones. Jones was originally from St. Joseph, Missouri and graduated from the University of Iowa

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in 1907 (Day, 1955). Soon after, he took a year-long tour of the South to find the most “forgotten
children of his race” (Day, 1955, p. 14). This journey led him to Piney Woods, Mississippi in
1909. During the same year, Governor James Vardeman banned the only Negro school in the
state on the stance that “Negro education is a threat to white supremacy” (Day, 1955, p. 60).
Under these conditions, The Piney Woods School was formed.
In 2015, Piney Woods made national news with 98% of their graduates attending college
(Sanford, 2022; Whiteman, 2015). In the past five years, Piney Woods graduates have all been
accepted to college (Miller, 2024). Sacred Soul: The Piney Woods Story is a documentary
released on February 23, 2024 that details the lives of staff and students who attend this boarding
school. The film debut on Hulu, directed by J.J. Anderson, and was also featured at the 32nd Pan
African Film Festival in Los Angeles, CA (Rose, 2024).
In the past, Piney Woods students attested to having culturally relevant teaching and
curriculum, positive Black role models, and high expectations for achievement (AlexanderSnow, 2011). Students wake up every morning at 5:30 a.m. and lights out by 10 p.m. (Whiteman,
2015). The campus sits on 2,000 acres of hills, renewable timber, and five lakes (AlexanderSnow, 2011; Roach, 2003; Wright, 2019). It is located 21 miles southwest of Jackson, MS and
enrolled between 150-300 students from eigth-12th grade (Sanford, 2022;Veal, 2020). In 2022,
tuition, including room and board, was $35,000 per year and dependent upon family income
(Sanford, 2022). Scholarships and financial aid options are also available.
Instead of student tuition, the school mainly operates on its robust donor community
(Miller, 2024). On some level, 100% of its students receive scholarships and each year, Piney
Woods fundraise around $2.5 million for its scholarship fund (Wright, 2019). Students travel
from 20 states, African countries, the Caribbean, and Mexico to attend Piney Woods (Roach,

33
2003; Sanford, 2022). For instance, student enrollment come from cities like Atlanta, Detroit,
Baltimore, and Los Angeles, and countries like Brazil, South Africa, Germany, Rwanda, and
Ethiopia (Miller, 2024). The boarding school has a three-pronged admissions process: one third
of students from Mississippi, one third from out of state, and one third from international
countries (Miller, 2024).
Outside of an academically rigorous course load, students perform chores and work on
the school farm (Roach, 2003; Wright, 2019). Piney Woods President and Alumni, Dr. Will
Crossley mentions the 250-acre demonstration farm is used for “social entrepreneurship” and the
school promotes critical thinking skills along with projects and problem-based learning (Wright,
2019, para 14). The boarding school also utilizes a farm to table approach in their dining services
as well as selling produce to local grocery co-ops and chains like Whole Foods. In essence,
students participate from the planting process to packaging fruits and vegetables, and lastly, to
retail (Wright, 2019). Piney Woods also has undergone a solar project, partnering with Tesla and
the U.S. Department of Energy (Wright, 2019).
In the late 1990s during the stock market boom, Piney Woods endowment was at $40
million (Roach, 2003). Piney Woods high profile fundraising efforts include donations and
campaign endorsements from celebrities like Oprah Winfrey and Morgan Freeman, as well as
radio mogul Cathy Hughes; who is the granddaughter of Jones and a current school board
member (Hughes, 2018; Roach, 2003). In 2002, Piney Woods President Charles Beady
organized the First National Black Boarding Schools Weekend in Los Angeles, CA. An
estimated 400 people attended the weekend event with the school netting more than $1 million in
pledges (Roach, 2003). “This is now a 115-year-old institution, and by my measure it makes us
the longest serving historically Black, boarding, preparatory program in this nation,” stated Dr.

34
Crossley (Miller, 2024, para 12). Today, President Crossley is working with educators across
Georgia, Philadelphia, and Los Angeles to replicate Piney Woods successes in other
communities (Miller, 2024).
Piney Woods is the most academically successful and financially sustained Black
boarding school in the United States. Their student population supersedes other Black boarding
schools’ enrollment and have a yearly waitlist (Dent, 1997; Veal, 2020). In other words, Piney
Woods survived integration. The desegregation of public schools had a direct impact on the
disappearance of Black boarding schools. With policies shifting across the United States after the
1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, there is a parallel between the loss of Black
boarding schools and the Black student achievement gap (HBCU Money, 2014).
Lasting Impact: The Brown v. Board of Education Decision
The federal policy that legalized public school segregation was the 1896 Plessy v.
Ferguson. Schools were deemed “separate but equal” (Bush, 1997; Noguera, 2016). Although
separate, schools serving African American children were not equal and little money was
allocated by the US Government (Bush, 1997). Over time, this allowed for a disbursement of
inadequate public funding (Franklin, 2002). White people refused public expenditures to be used
for the equalization of Black and White public schools (Franklin, 2002).
After the Civil War ended, during the Reconstruction Era, and leading up to the 1954
Brown v. Board of Education decision, Black people were also in an oppressive education
system where their dollars were double taxed: paying direct and indirect taxes for the public
education of White children (Franklin, 2002). Double taxation occurred when Black taxpayers
funded the repairs, maintenance, and equipment for White public schools and not their own
public schools. States and districts would redirect Black tax dollars and use the money to build

35
and maintain White schools (Yosso, 2021). Thus, Black people still had to utilize community
resources for school supplies and facility upkeep in their neighborhoods (Franklin, 2002; Yosso,
2021). This is the same time where IBIs, quasi-IBIs, and specifically Black boarding schools
flourished with community members funding their own schools.
The federal policy that reversed Plessy v. Ferguson was the 1954 Brown v. Board of
Education decision, which made racial segregation in public schools unconstitutional and for
schools to be integrated with “deliberate speed” (Franklin, 2005). The Brown case included an
earlier Delaware court case Bular v. Gebhart, where plaintiffs sought free transportation for their
children to attend school, the same as the White students in the area (Franklin, 2005). In this
particular case, NAACP lawyers, along with prominent social scientists, convinced parents to
claim “psychological damage” to oppose public school segregation and to create a stronger
overall argument (Franklin, 2005, p. 5). Franklin (2005) asserted the psychological damage
aspect later led to controversy, implying that Black students suffered from attending all-Black
schools.
The Brown decision had lasting impact and ramifications that are still felt today. In some
cases, Black communities also resisted desegregation. Between the years of 1968-1969, Black
people in Hyde County, North Carolina “held daily protests and marches and drove the Ku Klux
Klan out of the county with a gunfight, all to maintain control of their schools…” (Bush, 1997, p.
109). The Paul Laurence Dunbar High, located in Washington D.C. and the first all-Black public
high school in the United States, changed drastically after integration (Sanford, 2022). Dunbar’s
first principal was the first Black graduate of Harvard College, all teachers had college degrees,
and by the 1950s, 80% of students were attending college (Sanford, 2022). After the Brown

36
policy, columnist Thomas Sowell (2016) recounted a nostalgic memory of the Dunbar high
school:
For Washington, the end of racial segregation led to a political compromise, in which all
schools became neighborhood schools. Dunbar, which had been accepting outstanding
Black students from anywhere in the city, could now accept only students from the rough
ghetto neighborhood in which it was located. Virtually overnight, Dunbar became a
typical ghetto school. As unmotivated, unruly and disruptive students flooded in, Dunbar
teachers began moving out and many retired. More than 80 years of academic excellence
simply vanished into thin air (para 16).
Thousands of Black teachers left or lost their jobs, and felt victimized due to desegregation
(Franklin, 2005). Brown destabilized the Black community and its self-reliant mobilizations
(Yosso, 2021). Schools closed in Black areas, leaving children without a home school or without
receiving an education for months; since it was solely on the African American population to
integrate into White-only institutions (Sanford, 2022). The policy also fractured the communal
bonds nurtured at all-Black schools, especially since some Black people perceived they no longer
needed collective resources due to integration (Franklin, 2002; Yosso, 2021).
White Flight was also a direct response to the Brown decision (Yosso, 2021). Protesting
loudly, anticipating the decline of prestige, and an influx of Black students in their school
districts, White people fled; draining local school districts from financial resources (Yosso,
2021). Meanwhile, local government officials partnered with school districts to rebuild schools
in rural areas, further away from Black populated areas (Sanford, 2022). The Internal Revenue
Service (IRS) granting tax exemptions to private Whites-only academies, that were newly
established throughout the South, was also in response to the Brown ruling (Rothstein, 2017). By

37
1960, Southern states like Tennessee, North Carolina, Arkansas, Louisiana, and Texas, had less
than two percent of schools desegregated. In 1963, South Carolina, Alabama, and Mississippi
still had no integrated elementary and secondary public schools (Franklin, 2005). At integrated
schools, an “apartheid of knowledge” occurred where school systems appeasing White parents
and the fear of White Flight, created college preparatory programs for White students; and
vocational and remedial programs were formed for Black students (Yosso, 2021, p. 375). There
was a disproportionate number of Black students placed in special education classes or labeled
with a learning disability (Franklin, 2005; Darling-Hammond, 2000). Margonis and Parker
(2010) stated once in integrated school settings, Black students encountered a second generation
of discrimination where they were “over-represented in educable mentally handicapped classes,
under-represented in gifted classes, under-represented in rates of graduation, and subjected to
higher levels of corporal punishment and suspensions than Anglo students” (p. 205).
Desegregation of public schools hindered the educational experiences and created traumatizing
environments for Black students (Essien-Wood & Wood, 2020).
Despite its implementation struggles, The Brown decision was an extraordinary victory
for human rights; surpassing the educational landscape and affecting all fabrics of U.S. public
accommodations (Franklin, 2005). The ruling set forth other legal actions and social movements
across the country; in housing, public transportation, voting, and employment (Franklin, 2005).
“Massive resistance” and unprovoked violence from White people also spurred the passing of
Civil Rights legislation in the 1960s (Franklin, 2005). Brown has been cited in lawsuits in the
North, Midwest, South and western states between 1954 and 1960 (Franklin, 2005). Plaintiffs
were winning cases against businesses in industries like hotels, restaurants, and cemeteries.
(Franklin, 2005). In August 1955, the Kansas City, MO Municipal Park Board used Brown to

38
desegregate city-owned swimming pools and bathing facilities. Brown historically ended legally
sanctioned racial discrimination; America’s own Apartheid system (Noguera, 2016, p. 7). Hence,
the Brown v. Board of Education decision became “the most important Supreme Court decision
in the 20th century” (Franklin, 2005, p. 4).
In 1935 and 19 years before the Brown v. Board of Education decision, W.E.B. DuBois
wrote the essay, “Does the Negro Need Separate Schools?” DuBois argued that integration was a
subsidiary goal to equal educational benefits for Black children (Yosso, 2021). Ultimately,
schools were meant as safe havens and to protect racial identity. For Dubois, integration was not
the answer and especially not at the expense of children (Yosso, 2021).
Since 2014, the majority of U.S. public schools are filled with minority children
(Noguera, 2017). Today, one in two pupils in public schools (approximately 52%) live in lowincome areas (Noguera, 2017). W.E.B. DuBois was disheartened about the future prospects of
integration and the detriment it would particularly have on the Black child (Noguera, 2016). Well
into the twenty-first century, DuBois was correct (Noguera, 2016). Extended past the school
classrooms are harmful educational, banking, and housing policies enforced as well as the
unequal access to “healthcare, healthy food, and clean water and air,” (Noguera & Alicea, 2020,
p. 52). All of these entrenched forces contribute to structural racism (Noguera & Alicea, 2020).
Worst yet, the wealth gap continues to widen across the United States (Noguera, 2017).
The built environment dramatically influences academic achievement and wealth
outcomes. More recently, other structural racist forces are developing in the forms of
gentrification and environmental disasters, affecting the physical, educational, and social
landscapes of our cities and towns (Noguera & Alicea, 2020). However, little is known regarding
Black townships and their untapped ability to circumvent educational gaps and structural racism.

39
Black townships and their significance to American history and Black boarding schools are
explored next.
The Nexus Between Black Boarding Schools and Black Townships in the United States
Black Townships in the United States predate the American Revolution (Osborne, 2022).
Black townships are defined as municipalities established by or for a majority Black population,
and governed by Black leadership (Martin & Davis, 2022; Wright, 2023). As many as 1,200
Black towns were once in existence across the country, and now close to 30 townships are still
operational (Martin & Davis, 2022; Wright, 2023). Examples of Black towns that remain today
are Mound Bayou, MS; Kinloch, MO; Nicodemus, KS; Princeville, NC; and Hobson City, AL
(Martin & Davis, 2022). The first recorded Black town settlement was Fort Mose, FL and
formed in 1738; when Florida was still a Spanish colony (Martin & Davis, 2022; Osborne,
2022).
Post-Civil War, the oldest incorporated Black town in the United States was also in
Florida and still is operational today. Eatonville, FL was founded in 1887 by Joe Clarke, along
with other Black community members, and White allies. As well, historians have charted over
500 Black towns and settlements created in Texas alone (Osborne, 2022; Watts, 2018). Today,
the most operational all-Black towns are in the State of Oklahoma. Over 50 Black towns were
once formed in the state (Oklahoma Historical Society, n.d.). Now, 14 Black Towns are still
alive and working towards redeveloping commercial and residential districts (Eaton, 2022;
Felton, 2022). The oldest Black town in Oklahoma was incorporated in 1902, currently
operational, and is called Tullahassee.
In his 1966 University of Oklahoma dissertation titled “The Negro in Oklahoma
Territory, 1889-1907: A Study in Racial Discrimination,” Dr. Arthur Lincoln Tolson discussed

40
the history of Tullahassee and stated how the town was situated in Wagoner County, close to the
Verdigris River, and was “considered the oldest Negro town in Indian Territory” (p. 64). Tolson
was also the brother of Melvin Tolson; poet, politician, and Wiley College debate teacher who
Langston Hughes called “the most famous Negro professor in the Southwest” (Macumber, n.d.).
The 2007 acclaimed film, “The Great Debaters,” starring Denzel Washington, is based on
Melvin Tolson and his tenure at Wiley College in Marshall, Texas leading the Black debate team
to have a winning streak for 10 years (Goode, 2018). Both Tolson brothers were activists and
educators; but particularly, Dr. Arthur Lincoln Tolson dedicated his research to Black people and
townships in Oklahoma.
Like other Black townships in the state, Tolson (1966) stated how the Federal
Government forced Native Americans to cede land allotments to their formerly enslaved
Africans. Included in the dissertation footnotes, Tolson (1966) added:
The Creeks accepted the justice of Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation and agreed to
colonize their negroes or- with the consent of their chiefs, any negros- in a special section
of their country, where they would remain under Creek law. They ceded to the United
States the triangle of land between the Arkansas and their northeastern boundary. (p. 64)
Post-Civil War, Oklahoma was Indian Territory and African Americans were still in bondage.
The 1866 Treaty between tribal nations like the Cherokees and Creeks abolished slavery and
granted freed Black people or Freedmen citizenship (Staff Reports, 2017). Tullahassee once
belonged to the Muskogee Creek Nation and was created as an all-Black town in 1881. Two
decades later, it became an incorporated entity recognized by the state and federal government.
Tullahassee was incorporated before Oklahoma became a state in 1907. Tullahassee also once
had a Black boarding school.

41
Tullahassee Mission was a boarding school created in 1850 by the Creek Nation (O’Dell,
n.d.). Over time, with the area population increasing with Creek Freemen, the nation handed the
school to Tullahassee in 1881 (Tolson, 1966; O’Dell, n.d). Thus, the town Tullahassee was
formed in nexus with the school on October 24, 1881, when
The Chief called a convention, and it was decided to locate the new building in an Indian
neighborhood and turn what remained of the old plant to the freemen, who had lost their
boarding school when the United States reoccupied the agency in 1879 (Tolson, 1966, p.
64).
There is not much research on this freeman boarding school prior to 1879; however, there was a
fire that destroyed the old Tullahassee Mission school in 1880 and a year later, the Creek
Council allocated $5,000 to rebuild for the “education of Creek Nation Negroes” (Oklahoma
National Register, 1971, p. 2). In 1916, the Tullahassee boarding school morphed into the
Flipper Davis College and was established by the A.M.E. Church. It became the only private
Black institution in the state until it closed in 1935 (O’Dell, n.d.).
Black townships were historic accounts of ingenuity and resiliency within the Black
community. Still present today, they also provided counternarratives of Black people that were
built upon self-sufficiency and the desire of controlled education systems. Tullahassee Mission
was not the only boarding school created in an all-Black town. The Robert Hungerford Normal
and Industrial School is another example and formed specifically for Black children in the state
of Florida.
The Story of a Black Township: Eatonville, FL
Eatonville, FL is the oldest incorporated all-Black municipality in the United States. The
town received its name from Captain Josiah Eaton, a Union Army general in the Civil War

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(Standifer, 2022). After the Civil War, Eaton and other Union officers landed in Central Florida,
becoming the first settlers of an area called Maitland in Orange County (Standifer, 2022).
Maitland was considered the parent city of Eatonville. Since it was founded by Union Army
veterans, the town did not exclude its large population of Black people to vote (Standifer, 2022).
Black men were elected to public office and Maitland’s first town mayor and Marshall were
Tony Taylor and Joseph Clarke (Standifer, 2022). Their town leadership positions were shortlived, lasting a year, but it sparked Clarke with a further desire to build an all-Black town
(Standifer, 2022).
There is conflicting research about Maitland’s role in the formation of Eatonville. After
the elections of two Black men, the White minority was dismayed (Rajtar, 2008), “They found
this unacceptable, and helped the blacks acquire their own land west of this spot and
incorporated their own town, known as Eatonville” (Rajtar, 2008, para 22). Another source,
LaMendola (1993), mentioned Maitland’s hostility towards Black people where White residents
attempted to push them out of the town. Further, no one wanted to sell land to the group of
African Americans, led by Joe Clarke and Allen Ricket, besides sympathetic Josiah Eaton
(LaMendola, 1993). However, Standifer (2022) described a symbiotic relationship between
Maitland residents. White people supported the idea of Eatonville and provided resources to the
cause. Captain Eaton built the town hall, Lewis Lawrence built the church, and the wife of
Bishop Whipple converted the first church into a library and donated a second church to the town
(Standifier, 2022). Regardless of the attitude and intentions behind its creation, on November 18,
1885, Joseph Clarke purchased twelve acres to establish a town separate from Maitland
(Standifer, 2022).

43
Within a two-year timespan, between the creation of Eatonville and its legal
incorporation on August 14, 1887, a series of town recruitment efforts and land acquisition
occurred. After purchasing the original acres from Lewis Lawrence, Clarke purchased another
forty acres from Lawrence, Josiah Eaton, and Isaac Vanderpool to be divided and sold to
aspiring Black landowners (Standifer, 2022). Clarke also published an advertisement in the
Maitland Courier and encouraged Black people to buy land in the area (Standifer, 2022). Clarke
sold 44-by-100-foot lots to settlers for $35 cash or $50 on credit (Standifer, 2022; LaMendola,
1993). After the township grew large enough and Eatonville was officially incorporated, its
governance council and town infrastructure began to form. A newspaper located in Silver City,
New Mexico described Eatonville as “a place wherein no white people lives, incorporated cityowned, inhabited and governed exclusively by Negroes, with a colored mayor and colored
officers throughout” (Standifer, 2022, p. 37). The town was governed by Black people, Black
residents lived there, and it had infrastructure like churches, a post office, and a town newspaper.
Eatonville also had a Black boarding school, the Robert Hungerford Normal and Industrial
School (Standifer, 2022).
The Story of a Black Boarding School: The Robert Hungerford Property
Following the Hampton-Tuskegee model of education, the Hungerford School was
founded in 1899 by proteges of Booker T. Washington, Russell and Mary Calhoun (LaMendola,
1993; Standifer, 2022). Booker T. Washington, a graduate of the Hampton Institute, coined the
name “Black Wall Street”, the all-Black district of Tulsa, OK (Wills, 2022). Washington also
helped create over 5,000 Rosenwald Schools across the United States; with the help of Julius
Rosenwald, the founder of Sears Roebuck (Martin & Davis, 2022). With Black communities’
financial assistance across the country, Rosenwald Schools were built for Black children to have

44
schooling access and to narrow the racial educational gap in the rural South (Martin & Davis,
2022). Rosenwald Schools were created in Black neighborhoods and townships like Africatown,
AL, Free Hills, TN, and Lima, OK (Martin & Davis, 2022). As an IBI example, Bush (1997)
discussed the funding of Rosenwald Schools in 14 southern states during the late 1920s. “It is
significant that even during a year of the Great Depression, rural blacks raised $81,377.13 during
the academic year and $9,471.12 on Rosenwald Day, a combined total of $90, 848.25” (Bush,
1997, p. 103). Today, Booker T. Washington is most known as the school founder of Tuskegee
University in Tuskegee, AL.
The Robert Hungerford School became one of the “children of Tuskegee,” normal and
industrial schools founded by graduates of Tuskegee University (Standifer, 2022). The industrial
education curriculum, created at Hampton Institute and later adopted at Tuskegee University,
was the model for Black education during that time; since it did not disrupt the social hierarchy
of the South (Standifer, 2022). Widely supported and implemented by Washington, the industrial
model of education outlined four main objectives: (a) to teach the dignity of labor, (b) to teach
the trades thoroughly and effectively, (c) to supply the demand for trained industrial leaders and,
(d) to assist the students in paying all, or a part of their expenses (Standifer, 2022; Washington,
1905). This type of education for Black students also pleased White Northerners and donors,
with the hopes to make the South appealing so Black people will remain in the area and not
migrate further North (Standifer, 2022). Standifer (2022) furthered this thought, “School leaders
also addressed Northern concerns of Black migration. Donors wanted to fund a society that made
country life attractive enough for African Americans where they did not desire to move North”
(p. 82). For some, this was the main motivation to donate towards Black boarding schools.

45
Major funders for the Robert Hungerford School were the namesake’s parents, Edward
and Anna Hungerford. The boarding school was named in honor of Dr. Robert Hungerford, who
was a graduate of The College of Physicians and Surgeons in New York City and had a winter
home in Maitland, FL. Hungerford was a mentor to Eatonville community members, taught
Black students how to read and write, and cared for the sick children in the area. Dr. Hungerford
advocated for a school to be built and when he died of Malaria in 1888, a seed was planted.
Joe Clarke sprouted the idea and wrote to Washington requesting an educational complex
in Eatonville, FL. Tuskegee graduate Russell and his wife Mary Calhoun were tasked with
leading school efforts. Initially, Dr. Robert Hungerford’s parents donated forty acres for school
buildings to be constructed (Sandifer, 2022). By the end of the first year, the Hungerfords, along
with their Northern friends, awarded an additional 160 acres to the boarding school. Washington
donated $400 to the school and the first living quarters were erected in 1901, the Booker T.
Washington Hall. Another early donor was George B. Cluett from Saratoga, NY, who became a
member of the Board of Trustees and contributed a large amount of $8,000 for educational
purposes (Sandifer, 2022).
Due to financial constraints, The Hungerford School transferred to the Orange County
Public Schools in 1952 (Stennett, 2023). A private school for African Americans seemed
obsolete since Florida was now providing public education to all students (Sandifer, 2022).
Bethune Cookman, a Historically Black College-University (HBCU) in Daytona Beach, FL, was
also interested in The Hungerford property. Mary McLeod Bethune wanted to acquire the school
due to the farming and industrial plants it provided and reframe the model as a preparatory and
laboratory school (Sandifer, 2022). Instead, the Hungerford property went to the school district
based in Orlando, FL. Original buildings were torn down, curriculum was changed, and student

46
enrollment declined. The school officially closed in 2009 (Sandifer, 2022). In short, integration
killed the school (LaMendola, 1993).
It was not until recently that new information was uncovered that could have kept the
private school alive and thriving for Black students. After the Hungerford boarding school made
national news in 2023 over the last 100 acres to be sold by Orange County Public Schools,
Stennett (2023) in the Orlando-Sentinel newspaper revealed a two-year embattled court case that
was settled by the state Supreme Court in 1952. As the school district was in the process of
acquiring school property, a coalition was being formed to oppose the sale. Included in the
school advocacy group was Robert Hungerford’s daughter Constance Hungerford Fenske, Nobel
Peace Prize winner John Mott, and Bethune-Cookman University founder Mary McLeod
Bethune (Stennett, 2023, para 8).
The plan was to keep Hungerford as a private boarding school, an affiliated preparatory
academy for Black students who hoped to attend a historically Black college (Stennett, 2023). In
today’s terms, this idea would have been considered a feeder school. Mayor Angie Gardner
added that growing up in the small town, residents wanted Eatonville to be a college town
(Stennett, 2023). But in the early 1950s the court-appointed school trustees, who were not from
the Eatonville community, never considered the HBCU partnership. Instead, they unanimously
agreed the plan did not “solve the needs of Hungerford school” and unanimously voted to give
the school to OCPS (Stennett, 2023, para 29).
For just over $16,000, OCPS received the Hungerford school, 11 buildings, and 300 acres
of land appraised at more than $220,000 (Stennett, 2023). Decades later, Interstate 4 divided the
school land and OCPS used the highway to cite removal of deed restrictions, which stated the
property was strictly for the education of Black children (Stennett, 2023). The fight to keep the

47
boarding school opened and privately owned was a struggle up until the state of Florida decided
its fate. But there were other options and opportunities that could have provided students with a
different future in Florida. Imagine if the private school remained today. Using the tools of the
past, Black boarding schools can be rebuilt, and especially if the focus is centered on culture and
Afrocentric curriculum.
Innovation and Benefits to Re-Building Black Boarding Schools
Rebuilding Black boarding schools, and especially within the context of U.S. Black
townships, can be used as a safe and sustainable tool in reducing the Black achievement gap and
inequality in society. Through review of literature, Black boarding schools created protective
environments from oppressive forces, and produced academically rigorous students who
contributed back to their community and society at large. Graduates of Black boarding schools
have expressed their wish that this type of educational option was still available (Roach, 2003);
maybe for their children to attend, or for their grandchildren. Different from other IBIs, Black
boarding schools provided wraparound services where students stayed on campus and had
additional programming before and after school hours. With Black boarding schools there was
not the concern of transportation drop-off and pick-up, arranging after-school activities with
parents’ schedules, nor missing necessities like healthy food and housing. Through the lens of
culture and curriculum, benefits and innovation to rebuilding Black boarding schools are
discussed.
Foundations of Culture: Community Engagement
With the creation of an environment that is specifically curated for African Diasporic
students in the United States, contextual frameworks of the lived African American experience
can be explored through the lens of community and its intersectionality of parenting, race, class,

48
and cultural capital. Parenting is an important angle when considering a child’s access to certain
environments and school choice. A child's education is primarily based on where their
parents/guardians live and/or their social economic status. “Class/race stratification is doubly
difficult to overcome because its structural cause is inseparable from an economic system that is
largely unquestioned” (Cookson, 1991, p. 223). For instance, Bolgatz et al. (2020) presented an
ethnographic case study where Black parents had to learn “private school speak” to effectively
understand and communicate with school faculty and staff. Parents feared their child being
“counseled out” of Predominantly White Independent schools (PWIs) due to not knowing the
academic severity until it was too late (Bolgatz et al., 2020). They attempted to proactively speak
to teachers and school administrators, however White politeness and fragility interfered, leaving
parents feeling uncertain about their child's academic standing. The school psychologist reported
between 2000-2013 Black students were six times more likely than their peers to leave or to be
“counseled out” for academic reasons (Bolgatz et al., 2020).
Class and cultural capital were also a crucial role in deciphering school communication.
Parents who either went to private schools and/or were upper middle class, navigated school
systems differently (Bolgatz et al., 2020). Traditional cultural capital or speaking the language of
power helped Black parents have more active engagement with parent-teacher associations and
have an academically enriching experience for their child. PWIs tend to have a cultural capital
that favors students who are White and middle-class (Bolgatz et al., 2020).
In 1993-94, The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) stated more than
462,261 Black students attended private schools (Dent, 1997) and during that same year,
approximately 30,000 African American children were enrolled in one of the 900 National
Association of Independent Schools, representing 5.6% of all students of color in NAIS schools

49
(Alexander-Snow, 1999, p. 107). Majority of NAIS schools were predominately White, which
some Black students have reported feeling marginalized and conflicted between two cultures
(Alexander-Snow, 1999). Most recently, in the fall of 2021, Black students accounted for 9% out
of 4.7 million children enrolled in K-12 private schools (National Center for Education Statistics
[NCES], 2024). This figure represents roughly 40,000 less Black students attending private
schools today than thirty years ago.
At predominately White boarding schools, Black students also shared having weaker
social relationships with teachers than their White peers, which has greatly impacted their
academic performance and motivation for success (Alexander-Snow, 1999). Alexander-Snow
(1999) adds the environment of these institutions often fail to deal with racial issues or "to
address the impact that racism, both personal and institutionalized, may have on their African
American students' social and academic integration and achievement" (p. 117). Alexander-Snow
(1999, 2010) has done extensive research on Black students' matriculation through Black and
predominately White boarding schools, and their varying effects on student development post
high school graduation. "In some cases, the social costs of attending an elite White boarding
school have been enormous for African American students," the author concluded (AlexanderSnow, 1999, p. 107). She furthered this thought by explaining the racial exclusion makes it
extremely difficult for students to realize their fullest academic and social pursuits (AlexanderSnow, 1999). However, Black parents would rather send their children to these types of boarding
schools for the abundance of financial resources and educational benefits, instead of Black
private schools with their historic financing struggles and less impressive facilities and resources
(Alexander-Snow, 1999).

50
Berkel et al. (2009) explained the importance of social and peer networks for Black
students further, and especially if attending predominantly White boarding schools (Datnow &
Cooper, 1997). Community is composed of social and peer networks that assists the youth
development process for students. In essence, community is interchangeable with the creation of
villages and its intent to shelter Black children; thus, creating a sense of belonging and identity.
Social belonging is crucial when away from parental oversight and neighborhood peer groups.
Datnow and Cooper (1997) discussed the importance of social bonds and how understated they
are for Black students in academic performance and identity development. White boarding
school campuses would typically show African Americans forming their own clubs, dorms, and
school organizations for a sense of belonging (Cookson & Persell, 1991). In their seminal work,
Cookson and Persell (1991) introduced the concept of double marginalization for students
attending elite boarding schools. Black students may have felt academically prepared but also
expressed a sense of isolation. To add, they were consciously aware of their double marginalized
race and class status, which ultimately affected how well they integrated into the school
environment. Students created an “outsiders within” identity and had to navigate between two
cultures (Cookson & Persell, 1991).
As a counteract to political systems that form generations of oppression and poverty,
some parents have created villages in rural areas to buffer their children against a society that
devalues their community (Berkel et al., 2009). This concept of village is often mentioned when
shielding from outside racist, aggressive factors. It is a nestle; a protection against or away from
perceived and unperceived harm. Berkel et al. (2009) examined how protective, vigilant parents
taught their children the awareness of racial discrimination, but also the empowerment of

51
cultural, collective socialization. Collective socialization helped communities advocate for
positive youth affiliations and produced long-term protective effects (Berkel et al., 2009).
While the ethnographic study in Bolgatz et al. (2020) showed private school parents
vigilant in monitoring their children's experiences at school, Berkel et al. (2009), in a quantitative
study, measured parental vigilance on a categorical subscale of parental monitoring, consistent
discipline, inductive reasoning, and problem solving. Their findings linked collective
socialization and youth self-pride to opportunities where parents were activated in the
community using involved-vigilant parenting (Berkel et al., 2009). An unanticipated finding in
their quantitative study was the importance of African American girls identifying successful
community members as role models for racial identity development (Berkel et al., 2009). In
addition to exploring through the lens of community and its intersectionality of parenting, race,
class, and cultural capital, a Black boarding school can engage cultural agents like parents,
children, and community members by including them in the design of Afrocentric curriculum,
school culture, and student engagement.
Foundations of Curriculum: Afrocentricity
Student achievement is largely centered around school factors, student interest, and
curriculum delivery. School culture is essential in the development of student achievement and
engagement. Research indicates how vital student interest is when designing curriculum and
learning outcomes (Lee, 1999). In his innovative, ethnographic study, Lee (1999) used
methodology employed by Farrell et al. (1988) to exemplify low-achieving students as both
researchers and participants, and to better understand the reasons for academic challenges. In a
collaborative process, students were taught research tools to interview, transcribe, and data
analyze student school experiences. Results showed that students discussed causes that

52
influenced their behavior to perform well in school. Engaging lessons and creative teachers were
a priority. Lecture-based teaching produced little engagement and learning. Findings from
students’ opinions in the ethnographic study were presented in a teacher professional
development session in which authors shared future recommendations for reform. Certain
practices mentioned to implement were student decision-making in school policies, curriculum,
instruction, assessment, and school governance (Lee, 1999).
For students in the African Diaspora, cultural and identity development is largely missing
from curriculum within U.S. school systems (Abioye, 2021; Russell, 2011). A play on the term
“mainstream”, this is referred to as whitestream curricula, which stands for what is being taught
and Whitestream pedagogy is how students are being taught (Kuchirko & Nayfeld, 2021;
Urrieta, 2004). Studies reflect when minority students' lived experiences are included in
curriculum, they are more prone to school engagement which narrows the achievement gap (Dee
& Penner, 2017; Kuchirko & Nayfeld, 2021).
Russell (2011) discussed personal narratives as pedagogical tools and examined African
American women experiences navigating a private boarding school. The article further explained
how personal narratives allowed students to survive within offensive environments and to name
oppression in a way that is expressive and validating. One survival mechanism was employing
their own independent study coursework that involved African American literary works like Zora
Neale Hurston’s Their Eyes Were Watching God (Russell, 2011). This act was participatory and
individual; students were not guided by school administrators to form their own curriculum
(Russell, 2011). In essence, Russell (2011) expressed the lack of an Afrocentric curriculum and
its impact on school experience and student interests.

53
By reviewing the Oakland Community School (OCS) and its Afrocentric curriculum,
Abioye (2021) examined the liberatory response to systemic oppression and how its education
program centered on community problems and creative solutions. The Black Panther Party was
successful in creating a school that was counter-oppressive through its development of an
African centered, liberating curriculum. Course curriculum included mathematics, language arts,
science, and history as well as people’s art, music, physical education, and political education
(Abioye, 2021). “Children beg to come here…They’re supposed to be in their own schools, but
they come here and peek into the classroom doors. Some come here just to go up to our library
and read,” stated Ericka Huggins, OCS director (Hoffman, 1975, p. 41). Students were grouped
together by skills and knowledge versus traditional grade levels (Abioye, 2021). Skill sets and
level of instruction was determined through an analysis from the “Oakland Community School
Development or Skills Accomplishment Tests” and “Period Evaluations” (Black Panther Party,
1980a, b, p. 8).
Abioye (2021) contended for Urban educators to consider curriculum that engages youth
to be critical thinkers, to ask questions inquiring about the world around them, and to create
active opportunities for students to combat injustices. In addition, because the OCS was housed
in the Oakland Community Learning Center, it allowed for the school to be the central hub for
community et. large (Abioye, 2021). Students were serviced by the community. In turn,
community members used the school as a meeting space, creating an educational ecosystem.
On a larger scale, an educational ecosystem is what a Black boarding school can offer a
Black township. Given the challenges of community members and students facing academically
empowering educational options, the next section examines Paulo Freire’s (1970) Pedagogy of
the Oppressed, Afrocentricity, and the collective unconscious as a conceptual framework that

54
will help guide rebuilding Black boarding schools, and more particularly, KCI. These combined
theories will better inform the practices and programming implemented in a pilot program
centered around culture and curriculum.
Conceptual Framework: The P.A.C.
Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Afrocentricity, The Collective Unconscious
Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed theory is centered on the concept of using
education for radical change and liberation movements (Gottesman, 2010). As a Freirean school
of thought, schools are structured to market ideas and not to develop critical thinking skills
(Scorza et al., 2013). Specifically, in the context of the United States, schools are set up as a
banking education- rudimentary, repetition, deposits and accounts into students' consciousness
(Freire, 1970). There is also a system to place greater value on students from the dominant
culture over students who are from multicultural subgroups, where schools are a form of
"institutionalized social relations of power that are systemically asymmetrical” (Akkari, 2001, p.
286). The hegemonic, Anglo supremacist system that U.S. Education policy is founded and built
upon, offers a racist and indoctrinated educational experience for Black and other students of
color; whereby, disabling its systems to produce successful, enlightened, and communityoriented individuals (Abioye, 2021). Further, American public schools are just a cyclical
operation of oppressing communities of Black, indigenous, and other people of color (Abioye,
2021).
Paulo Freire refers to oppressive hegemony or cultural inauthenticity "wherein the
oppressed adopt the norms and values of their oppressors" (Freire, 1970, p. 134). Akkari (2001)
also illustrates how formal education and cultural hegemony leads "the oppressed to collaborate
in their own oppression and domination" (p. 285). Thus, there is a dichotomy between US

55
schooling- hegemonic control, and education- a liberatory tool (Abioye, 2021). To combat Anglo
hegemony in education, critical pedagogy is offered as a general lens to improve schooling for
not just Black students but for all students. To add, some Black scholars have suggested
liberatory schooling as the best method to serve "Black American emancipation and freedom"
(Abioye, 2021, p. 559). For liberatory education to be actualized, the collective ancestral
consciousness of the African Diaspora must be harvested in which cultural knowledge and
growth are the foci (Abioye, 2021), not academic achievement and national testing.
Scorza et al. (2013) argues national conversation centered on academic achievement is
largely tied to improved test scores and not towards increasing self-efficacy or affirming
academic, cultural, and social identities. Critical pedagogy is thus a response to neoliberal
discourse on "high stakes testing and standards-based education" (Scorza et al., 2013, p. 17). In
their study, Scorza et al. (2013) uses grounded theory with an ethnographic analysis of youth
discourse and literacy to identify critical pedagogy as a method in advancing social justice within
education. Scorza et al. (2013) further states that as a framework:
Critical pedagogy can also serve as both an educator’s philosophical and methodological
approach to teaching and learning by empowering students to actively generate and
privilege their own historical tradition through problem posing activity and
the practice of reflection. This type of pedagogy is both anti-oppressive and
counterhegemonic and leads to the development of critical literacy affording urban youth
the opportunity to recognize socially constructed knowledge in order to inform their
experience. (p. 18)
The application of cultural relevance, or one's own historical tradition, is the central theme for
critical pedagogy to be effective. Students' knowledge, cultural heritage, and the foundations of

56
critical consciousness is integrated into critical pedagogy (Scorza et al., 2013). There is also the
mention of problem posing and critical literacy as other core elements of critical pedagogy.
Critical literacy is not just reading and writing, it deeply interrogates the “cognitive,
emotional, and sociopolitical” factors of an individual and brings understanding with the ability
to articulate “power, dominance, and hegemony” in various communication formats that then
reveals and dislodges internalized oppression (Scorza et al., 2013, p. 23). Critical literacy is the
production of its pedagogy as problem-posing is the activity that facilitates this process. Freire's
(1970) problem-posing education is the use of dialogue and reflective questioning for which
learners can come to their own understanding of the world and the words within it; and therefore,
comes to a critical consciousness or conscientizaçao process (del Mar Ramis, 2018; Kohli,
2012). Freire further implies problem-posing as a method to isolate fundamental components of a
total vision and analyze them through the elements' interaction for a clearer insight into the
whole (del Mar Ramis, 2018).
Freire's (1970) pedagogy of the oppressed theory has multiple layers with macro
components to unpack. Some major tenets include critical pedagogy, problem-posing education,
and liberatory schooling. Freire's ontological position states there is an objective reality that is
created and transformed by humans; social reality is not by chance but a byproduct of human
action (Gottesman, 2010). Theory without practice is void and Freire resoundingly believes in
critical intervention, or the nexus of praxis, "reflection and action upon the world in order to
transform it" (Freire, 1970, p. 36). Pedagogy of the oppressed theory intersects praxis and
practical tools to counterattack racism and oppression. As Kohli (2012) reflects, racism seeps
into the psyche and affects a person's internal perception and his or her worldview. Racism is not
an isolated event, but an aggressive visceral experience. "Freire's notion of freedom has always

57
been dynamic and rooted in the historical process by which the oppressed struggle unremittingly
to "extroject" (the term is his) the slave consciousness which oppressors have "interjected" into
the deepest recess of their being" (Gottesman, 2010, p. 380). Thus, Freire emphasizes liberative,
dialogic education for the "special oppression" that is masked by democratic freedom and civil
liberty (Gottesman, 2010). Dialogic education helps unmasks those American values and creates
opportunities for student advocacy. Specifically using dialogic methods and other tenets of
pedagogy of the oppressed, Black boarding schools provide a space for advocacy and greater
achievement for youth. Connectedly, these types of IBIs are also centered on the theories
Afrocentricity (Asante, 1980) and the collective unconscious (Jung, 1968).
An Afrocentric worldview reasserts a consciousness of agency, attainment of selfunderstanding, and affirms positionality in the world (Abioye, 2021; Asante, 1991).
Afrocentricity contends that Black people have had to endure a survivalist perspective to sustain
their African roots, culture, and identity (Abioye, 2021). The Afrocentric idea in education was
first introduced by Carter G. Woodson in The Mis-education of the Negro (1933) and later
evolved by Molefi Kete Asante in Afrocentricity: The theory of social change (1980) (Asante,
1991). The root word centricity stemmed from students locating their cultural references in
relation to the socially and psychologically aspects of other cultural perspectives (Asante, 1991).
Centricity can be referred to or used in any culture group (Asante, 1991).
The Afrocentric curriculum was a step-up from multicultural education. If
multiculturalism was inaccurately implemented, it can still dismiss substantive content of the
African Diaspora and have students continuously searching for themselves in an Eurocentric
framework (Asante, 1991). Multicultural education was widely supported in liberal circles and
considered different from Afrocentric curriculum (Giddings, 2001). Overwhelmingly, scholars

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object to multicultural education for Black students (Murrell, 2002; Shockley, 2010; Tillman,
2006). Hence, there were three tenets that shaped Afrocentric education:
(1) It questions the imposition of the White supremacist view as universal and/or
classical. (2) It demonstrates the indefensibility of racist theories that assault
multiculturalism and pluralism. (3) It projects a humanistic and pluralistic viewpoint by
articulating Afrocentricity as a valid, nonhegemonic perspective (Asante, 1991, p. 173).
Eurocentricity is based on flawed universalism; that Europeans represented the total human
experience and posits their viewpoint as the only (Asante, 1991). Whereas Afrocentricity
condoned ethnocentric validation and the degradation of other cultural groups’ experiences
(Asante, 1991).
The collective unconscious stems further than Afrocentricity and was developed in the
secret societies of Ancient Egypt and African universities (Bush, 2006; King, 2001). The African
collective unconscious is a blueprint or archetype that mandates and facilitates the pursuit of
education (Bush, 2006). Expert and celebrated pioneer of the collective unconscious theory is
Carl Jung (1875-1961), and he contended that the collective unconscious is composed of
psychological archetypes or a storage of latent memory that can be traced back to human’s
ancestral past (Bush, 2006; Jung, 1968). Since all human life emerged from Africa, Bynum
(1999) explains the collective unconscious in the following description, “The African
unconscious is the bedrock, the deepest rootwork of the primordial collective unconscious, the
sea and ocean of consciousness that humanity has been immersed in since it left the hominid
species on its own trek toward modern civilization” (p. 102). Human existence comes from
Africa and there is a connectivity of consciousness that starts from the first people on earth. The
ancient African term “archetype” is also synonymous with seeds; and the term “collective” is

59
defined as a universal consciousness that is shared among humanity, rather than an individual
consciousness (Bush, 2006; King, 2001).
In the context of IBIs, the collective unconscious argues that private institutions were
created long before the beset of oppression; that Africans’ desire to store knowledge is embedded
within the psyche, rather than in response to current conditions (Bush, 2006). Further, Black
boarding schools are not just birthed from oppression in American society but are connected to
an ancient quest of building and maintaining independent school systems. This theory also
asserts the global perspective of the African Diaspora and to build schools not just for African
Americans, or Africans living in America, but for the collective group of people.
The conceptual framework, integrating these theories, guided the research study,
including the study design, methodology, and questions asked. Pedagogy of the oppressed
(Freire, 1970) uses critical consciousness which encourages reflective thinking and awareness
among community members. The theory also promotes community power through active
participation and ownership of the educational process. This type of participation fosters
dialogues that lead to collective decision-making. The study was guided by this theory with the
need for community members to reflect on if a Black boarding is something that they want, and
to what degree, and, if so, what they would want it to drive. From there, engaging community
members in exploring how they could actively participate in the creation and vision of a potential
Black boarding school. It gathered community insights and experiences to envision an
educational model that addresses their specific needs and aspirations. Ultimately, pedagogy of
the oppressed emphasizes education as a practice of freedom and self-determination.
Afrocentricity (Asante, 1980) emphasizes the importance of African cultural and
historical perspectives in education. The theory aims to re-center the experiences and values of

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African descendants. Afrocentricity influenced the decision to use in-depth interviewing and
ethnographic approaches for study design. These methods prioritize gathering rich, qualitative
data that captures participants’ lived experiences and culture perspectives on schooling options.
This theory also grounded the research process in honoring and understanding the worldview of
Eatonville community members belonging to the larger African diaspora. Afrocentricity was
instrumental in the questions asked and exploring community participants’ hopes and the types
of partnerships for a potential education model that once was in the town.
The collective unconscious (Jung, 1968) acknowledges deep-seated cultural symbols and
their impact on community values. It recognizes the common cultural stories and memories that
influence community and leverages shared history to shape the educational vision. This theory
helped center, through the engagement with community members and the questions asked, the
deeper cultural and historical influences on the community's views about education. It supported
the study by recognizing the importance of shared cultural narratives in shaping the vision for the
boarding school.
The P.A.C. conceptual framework, as shown in Figure 1, centers community views on
building a Black boarding school and its collaboration measures for sustainability. The
framework focuses on critical reflection and a community shared vision. It highlights the need
for community collaboration. Through this framework, partnerships are culturally relevant and
supportive. The P.A.C. considers shared cultural narratives and historical influences on
education while recognizing the importance of community's experiences, values, and shared
histories in fostering sustainable relationships. This framework not only guides research and
interview questions but also ensures that a potential Black boarding school is culturally relevant,
community-centered, and sustainable. Understanding the community's perspective (Freire,

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1970), vision for Black education (Asante, 1980), and collective attitudes (Jung, 1968) is central
to study inquiry.
Figure 1
The P.A.C. Conceptual Framework
Freire's (1970) Pedagogy of the Oppressed is represented by a circle focused on critical
consciousness, community agency, and reflection. Asante's (1980) Afrocentricity is another
circle emphasizing cultural centering, identity affirmation, and African heritage. Jung's (1968)
Collective Unconscious is a third circle highlighting shared cultural narratives, historical
archetypes, and collective memory. Culturally relevant power is at the intersection of Freire's and
Jung's theories, emphasizing empowering the community in culturally relevant ways. The

62
intersection of Asante's and Jung's theories shows the importance of cultural memories and
archetypes in shaping identity and education. Lastly, at the intersection of Freire's and Asante's
theories is using shared cultural narratives for community empowerment. The overlapping areas
illustrate how the theories intersect to inform research study and questions. In the center, where
all three come together, is the conceptual framework (The P.A.C.), guiding the study's focus on
community views, feasibility, and sustainability of a Black boarding school.
Conclusion
This chapter provided an overview of the literature on historical background and the loss
of Black boarding schools, policy changes that most impacted Black boarding schools’
progression, the connection between U.S. Black Townships and Black boarding schools, and
benefits to rebuilding these types of institutions. The chapter then turned to Paulo Freire’s (1970)
Pedagogy of the Oppressed and the critical lens it lends to review boarding schools as
educational options. The conceptual framework also posited Afrocentricity and the collective
unconscious as a lens to view historic educational aspirations of the African Diaspora. The next
chapter gives an in-depth account of the methodological approach used in this study to better
understand Eatonville community members’ perceptions of rebuilding and sustaining a Black
boarding school.

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CHAPTER THREE: METHODS
This study was about the exploration of a Black town’s interest in a Black boarding
school. More specifically, if Eatonville community members envisioned a boarding school, what
it could bring, and the purposes it could serve. Broadly, this study connects to exploring the
creation of an emergent institution called Kingdom Come International (KCI), an international,
interfaith boarding school. The new performance area was focused on creating a pilot program to
serve as a Black boarding school concept and to support the needs of historically marginalized
populations within the global Black student achievement gap, among other inequalities in
society. This innovation is important because of the entrenched inequities for Black children to
academically succeed. These inequities are demonstrated, for instance, through test results from
the National Assessment of Educational Progress. Since the 1970s, there is a gradual and an
accelerated lag of achievement from Black students in comparison to their White counterparts
(Smalls-Marshall, 2020; Yeung & Conley, 2008). Achievement of a pilot program that included
a sustainable business model would enable a boarding school to build around existing and within
new Black townships. This dissertation study asked the following research questions,
1. What are the community members’ views about building another Black boarding school
and what it could bring to Eatonville?
2. For this to evolve further, how could community members envision making a Black
boarding school feasible and sustainable, including collaborations and partnerships?
As discussed in this chapter, this study used in-depth interviewing for data collection and
ethnographic approaches (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) to gather community member participants’
perceptions and possibilities of rebuilding a Black boarding school in the only remaining allBlack town in the state of Florida.

64
Interviews allowed for stories to be heard and to be shared; to have a sense of knowing
(Seidman, 2013). As a researcher, I wanted to know and learn from participants through their
stories and the information they shared. I wanted to understand community members’ ideas and
connections to rebuilding a Black boarding school. This chapter provides an overview of
Eatonville, FL, and the population sample interviewed. Next, it moves to a discussion of the data
collection and analysis process, followed by a discussion of ethics and credibility, and concludes
with my positionality as a researcher.
Town Overview
Eatonville, Florida
Eatonville, FL is the oldest incorporated all-Black municipality in the United States and
was founded in 1885 by Joe Clark. Clark was able to convince two White Northerners, Lewis
Lawrence and Josiah Eaton, to sell available land plots that eventually became the town of
Eatonville. This town in Central Florida became a Black community hub where businesses and
residents created a self-sustaining and economically viable place to live. Now, Eatonville is
home to 2,349 residents with a median income of $27,000 (Bureau, n.d.; Teichner, 2023). It has
a post office, a general store, but no grocery store or pharmacy (Teichner, 2023).
Eatonville also once had a private boarding school, the Robert Hungerford Normal and
Industrial School, specifically for educating Black children; and recently, the town made national
news over this land and who gets to buy the last 100 acres. Eatonville never owned the school
property, although it represented close to 40% of the town (Teichner, 2023). In 1899, the land
was privately owned. This private boarding school was once 300 acres and donated by
philanthropists to a trust (Teichner, 2023). In 1951, Orange County Public Schools purchased
this land from the trust for $16,000 with the caveat to keep the land for the education of Black

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children (Teichner, 2023). Over time, with lawsuits and court settlements, the school district did
not abide by the trust, and slowly chipped away this land to private developers; with a profit of
$8 million (Teichner, 2023). With the last 100 acres up for sale for $14 million and 10 minutes
from Orlando, FL, the Eatonville Community has been embattled with keeping the sacred school
land from losing its history and connection to the oldest incorporated all-Black town in the
United States.
Study Population and Sample
Community Members
I conducted in-depth interviews with town leadership and community members. It was
my goal to develop a relationship with town and organizational leaders to learn more about their
interest in rebuilding a Black boarding school. Using purposeful snowball sampling, it was my
goal to interview between 5-10 community members, including town leadership. In practice, I
interviewed five community members who spanned across backgrounds and interests within the
town. This included representation of community groups from government to the business sector,
with varying leadership experiences and extensive years in the town. The selection criteria for
interviews were:
• Eatonville community members who were organizational leaders, and their mission either
aligned with preserving the history or plans to rebuild the township and boarding school.
• Organizational leaders who opposed rebuilding the township and boarding school, and
their reasons why.
• Organizational leaders who either lived or worked in Eatonville.
I wanted to interview those who have displayed a level of community service and commitment
towards town members. Community leaders were crucial stakeholders who had decision-making

66
power in town advancement. I wanted to explore their “why” and connection to Eatonville and
the Hungerford boarding school.
Because I was not able to de-identify the township in this study, I created pseudonyms for
all participants and omitted any identifying details from the recorded data. This approach was
crucial in maintaining their anonymity, especially considering the small and close-knit nature of
the Eatonville community. I also assured participants that their contributions would be used
solely for the purposes of this study and would not be shared with outside parties. This included
obtaining informed consent from all participants, being transparent about the scope of
confidentiality, and taking extra precautions to safeguard the data collected during the study. By
maintaining these ethical standards, I ensured that participants' rights were respected and that
their confidentiality was upheld throughout the research process.
To create an equitable relationship, Seidman (2013) discussed that the researcher must
have acute awareness of how they may affect participants and to be sensitive during these
interactions. With this focus, the participants’ perspectives were positioned as experts, which
fostered a more equitable environment. By validating their experiences and showing genuine
interest in their narratives, I reinforced the equitable relationship. Ensuring that participants
understood they could withdraw from the study at any time without any repercussions also
contributed to a sense of autonomy and respect. It was intentional to create a conversational
atmosphere for participants to feel more open to share their honest views. I employed
ethnographic approaches and the use of storytelling to express participants’ experiences and
narratives. Further in this chapter, I discuss steps used to ensure participants’ rights and to be
ethically responsible.

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Data Collection
Interviews
Semi-structured interviews were the primary method for data collection. Listening skills
are a major part of a good interview. As Seidman (2013) said, listen more and talk less. As the
interviewer, I asked the questions and kept the verbal exchange at minimum for participants to
speak freely without judgment or interruptions. Instead of interrupting, I notated topics to bring
up later (Seidman, 2013). I engaged with participants’ “inner-voice” and listened with interest
(Seidman, 2013, p. 81). The inner-voice came from a level of thoughtfulness and usually went
deeper than a participants’ public voice, which is a bit more guarded (Seidman, 2013). I trusted
my qualitative instincts on when to probe in uncomfortable conversations, and when to ask less.
In other words, Bogdan and Biklen (2007) state to treat each word like treasure that opens a key
to another world.
Eatonville Community Members
Community leaders were first identified through the Eatonville Chamber of Commerce
website. The directory page was divided among industries and contact persons. I randomly
recruited participants from this directory list. On Google Maps, I also identified leaders from
organizations directly on Eatonville's main street, Kennedy Blvd., and sent a recruitment email.
Recruitment emails included information regarding:
• Researcher’s name and university affiliation
• Researcher’s professional background
• Purpose of research study
• Study criteria
• Recruitment site location

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• Required time commitment
• Contact person for further information
Originally, I emailed eight organizational leaders. Two people responded interested in the study.
I then arranged to conduct their interviews in-person in Eatonville. Using snowball sampling,
one of the study participants recommended someone else who they thought might be interested.
This potential participant also agreed to the study, and I conducted the interview in Eatonville.
Through snowballing, participants and community members recommended others to the study. I
would then follow-up and send a recruitment email. The other two participants were identified
through community engagement in the town and discussing the research study. In total, I sent 18
emails to Eatonville community members from February 2nd-May 15th 2024. Even after sending
follow-up emails, the majority of the recruitment emails were unresponsive. Two people
responded either to decline or to say they felt they did not meet the study criteria.
In practice, I spent 13 days in Eatonville; a minimum of 29 hours were spent traveling to
and from Eatonville with over 1,500 miles driven. It was important to familiarize myself with the
community in which participants lived and worked while conducting this study. I interviewed
five community members who spanned across backgrounds and interests within the town. This
included representation of community groups from government to the business sector, with
varying leadership experiences and extensive years in the town. Interviews were arranged
through recruitment emails and participants sharing their availability.
At the start of the interview, participants received a copy of the University of Southern
California (USC) Institutional Review Board Student Information Sheet, detailing their rights as
a participant. We reviewed the document together and I asked if there were any questions before
beginning the interview process. During the interview, one main approach I used was asking

69
participants to tell a story around growing up or working in Eatonville. The interview also
focused on current schooling options for children in the area. My intentions were to focus on
community members who either grew up in the area or lived in Central Florida. Interviews
primarily took place within Eatonville, at either participants' place of business or at their home,
based on their identified preference for the location of the interview. Two interviews were held
off-site, one by phone and one virtually online. Three of the interviews lasted for one hour while
two interviews lasted for 45 minutes. Upon consent, interviews were recorded for further
analysis. See Appendix A for the interview protocol.
To circumvent participants sharing information they thought I wanted to hear, I
emphasized that their authentic reflections were the center of this study. Paulo Freire (1970)
cautioned the humanist educator and authentic revolutionary to transform programs together with
other people, and not necessarily for other people. To also be aware of the “banking line of
planning program” that leaders risked imposing, just to enact their revolutionary action and to
gain the support of the people (Freire, 1970, p. 67).
After I interviewed town leaders, I asked if there were other community members who fit
the study criteria. I was also interested in interviewing town members who either themselves or
their family members have a connection to the Hungerford boarding school. Within the data set,
one participant graduated from the Hungerford Normal and Industrial School. For those who
participated, I followed up with a thank you email with goals to stay connected in the future.
Data Analysis
Data analysis started while conducting interviews and during the data collection process.
I employed ethnographic approaches according to Merriam and Tisdell (2016) that included
researcher reflection and self-monitoring, or in other words, to have disciplined subjectivity. Part

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of the ethnographic reflection included analytic memos after each interview to chart my reaction,
feelings, and thoughts. This reflective period also allowed for questions to be asked and to dig
deeper into interview responses. Other strategies for data analysis were to reflect on the
questions starting with, “so what” and “what if” (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). Temporal questions
were included to reflect on frequency, timing, and duration of interviews; I sought participant
narratives (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). Throughout the analysis process, I considered information
that was still missing from the study, reflected on participant body language during interviews,
and asked follow-up questions if necessary. Analytic memos helped keep research questions and
conceptual framework at the forefront of study.
During fieldwork, interviews were transcribed and coded. Interview recordings were
transcribed using the online transcription software Otter. Transcriptions were then uploaded onto
Microsoft OneNote, a research management platform. Open coding was employed as each
interview transcript was reviewed, creating an initial color-coding system. Emergent codes
(Corbin & Strauss, 2008) were developed by analyzing the dataset. A code book was then
created to access typicality and frequency of code list. Lastly, after a second read of each
transcript and under each coding category, I generated axial coding for each respondent. The
second round of data analysis involved moving from axial/analytic coding to generating patterns
among participants. Emergent findings were then accessed through concrete patterns. Four
research findings surfaced from the dataset.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
Credibility and trustworthiness of the research study came in various forms. Having rich
description data was one way to show credibility and facilitate transferability for other
researchers to conduct similar studies (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Rich, thick descriptions

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contextualize information for readers to find a comparable match between their experience and
research context (Maxwell, 2013). Transferability was another aspect of trustworthiness. Being
in the field for a longer period provided rich, thick descriptions of the once boarding school,
town future goals, and current community members’ views.
Staying on site for an extended period of time immensely aided in the research credibility
and trustworthiness of study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Immersing in the study environment led
to greater accuracy, reliability, and authenticity in the data collection and analysis. Credibility
and trustworthiness were demonstrated through building deeper relationships with participants,
gaining trust and more candid responses during data collection. Also, ethnographic approaches
for credibility included “continual data analysis and comparison to refine constructs” and
identifying the “match between researcher categories and participant realities” (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016, p. 244). Throughout the study, memo writing and a reflexive journal helped
document thoughts, emerging patterns, and reflections on the data. Data collection and analysis
were conducted simultaneously. This practice ensured that analysis was ongoing, rather than
being at the end of the data collection process.
A credibility threat was that although I am African American, I am not from a small town
nor from the state of Florida and may not have shared language and history with the Eatonville
community. To discipline subjectivity and assumptions, it was necessary to confirm verbal and
body language and interpretations with participants for accuracy in analysis. Another credibility
threat was reflexivity, which is the influence the interviewer has on participants, environment,
and the world they study (Maxwell, 2013). Knowing this, the goal was to not eliminate influence
but to understand how I affected the interview process and use it productively (Maxwell, 2013). I
used the interview process to connect with participants and shared information regarding my

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company, Black Towns Municipal Management. By collecting data for an extended amount of
time in Eatonville, I attended town hall meetings, church bible study, and library programming.
Reflectivity was used to show the Eatonville community that my commitment was deeper than
this research study and desired a long-term relationship with its residents.
Ethics
A researcher carries great weight and responsibility while conducting fieldwork. It is the
balance beam of integrating into a study, discipling subjectivity, and representing participants’
stories (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). At a baseline, participation in this research study was
voluntary and persons were respected throughout the process. I strived to ensure that the study
did not harm the safety, dignity, and privacy of participants. I also adhered to the IRB code of
ethics which advocates for human participants to have sufficient information to make informed
decisions regarding participation.
Community participants were informed of the importance of the research, voluntary
participation, confidentiality, and option to opt out at any time verbally and by writing. I met
with participants at their preferred location, creating a safe and comfortable space in which they
determined the environment and were in control. This ensured a power balance between
researcher and participant. There was an awareness and adherence to ethical practices before,
during, and after data collection.
Ethical issues to be aware of, and especially for my study, was the protection of
participants’ identity. This also included telling participants that I could not deidentify their
township. To ensure confidentiality, I provided code names for participants (Glesne, 2011).
Within consent forms, language was included to discuss research background, participants’
rights, the nature of study where I cannot deidentify township, and the use of recording for

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research purposes. Participants verbally consented twice to be recorded; once before the
recording started and again while recording and explaining the research study. Each participant
was informed that no identifying data would be attached to their records. All data were secured
in an encrypted file on a password-protected computer.
Role of Researcher
My dissertation topic centered on Eatonville community members’ views to rebuild and
sustain a Black boarding school. In this work, I am a Black woman, an ethnographer, a business
owner, and an educator. These identities shaped my positionality and approach to this qualitative
study. I have worked in various cities and school districts like Los Angeles, Inglewood,
Compton, Kansas City that have influenced my ethnographic lens and reflective state to public
and private education within the United States.
Since 2018, I've been on a journey to build a school intentionally focused on African
Diasporic students. This journey led me to Oklahoma where I became involved in local
government and was the first Town Manager of the oldest Black town in the state. It is now part
of my mission to build boarding schools within the rebuilding process of Black townships.
A primary strength of my positionality was the ability to study the community I belong
to. I identify as Black or African American, and part of the larger diaspora. this also presented
potential biases to arise while conducting research. Although I am Black, there were a multitude
of cultural, language, and norm differences within this group context. While interviewing
members within the Black community, it was best not to assume participants' experiences and
background, and clarify language if meaning was unclear. National Research Council (2002)
mentioned that to minimize and account for biases, one must be "disciplined, creative, and openminded" (p. 53).

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Throughout the study, I regularly reflected on my own positionality and potential biases
like the similarities of historic Black towns and the people who live there. As a member of the
Black community, I may have assumptions based on my personal experiences. I minimized this
by clarifying language and not assuming participants’ experiences, ensuring that I understood
their contexts. I may have had expectations about what I would find. Therefore, I employed
disciplined and structured methodologies and remained open to unexpected findings. To avoid
presenting a biased view, I ensured that findings were grounded in the data collected using
participants’ own words and experiences to illustrate points. I coded data and identified themes
without imposing preconceived categories.
Through staying disciplined, being creative, and remaining open-minded, I conducted a
research study that reflected the experiences and perspectives of community participants. There
was a diverse sample where participants were from various backgrounds and industries within
the Black community (i.e. age, leadership role, years in Eatonville). A structured interview guide
was developed with open-ended questions to gather diverse experiences without leading
participants. Detailed and meticulous notes were taken during interviews to capture not just
words but also body language.
Field notes on interactions, observations, and reflections while conducting the research
helped maintain a disciplined approach when analyzing data and presenting the findings.
Creative techniques for data analysis included thematic and narrative analysis. This helped
capture the richness of participants’ experiences and the nuances of their reflections. Qualitative
research by design was meant to offer flexibility, reflection, and to modify when necessary
(Maxwell, 2013). By employing these strategies, I demonstrated a commitment to minimizing
bias throughout the research process – from conducting interviews to analyzing data and

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presenting findings. Ethical guidelines were practiced throughout from obtaining informed
consent, maintaining confidentiality, to being transparent with participants about research
purpose and processes.

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CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS
This chapter presents the study findings from data collected through ethnographic
approaches and in-depth interviewing of Eatonville community members who are also
organizational leaders within the township. This chapter starts with a review of the study’s
purpose, research questions, and an overview of participants. Study outcomes are then discussed
through the four findings that emerged from the data.
The purpose of this dissertation was to explore the feasibility and sustainability of
rebuilding a Black boarding school in the Southeastern region of the United States through the
interest and perceptions of Eatonville community members. More specifically, if and what could
a collective vision around a boarding school potentially serve in the oldest, incorporated Black
town in the United States. The following research questions guided this study:
1. What are community members’ views about building another Black boarding school and
what it could bring to Eatonville?
2. For this to evolve further, how could community members envision making a Black
boarding school feasible and sustainable, including collaborations and partnerships?
Overview of Study Participants
The research design used semi-structured interviews and purposeful sampling in
answering the research questions. To maintain confidentiality, all participants were provided a
pseudonym. To participate in the study, both Eatonville organizational leaders’ whose mission
aligned with preserving the history or plans to rebuild the township and boarding school and
organizational leaders who may oppose rebuilding the township and boarding school were
considered for study participation. The interview participant sample reflected community

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members whose families have lived in Eatonville for generations to those who have
lived/worked in Eatonville for an extended amount of time.
Table 1 provides an overview of the demographic information about the interview
participants. Although the stories of the participants are an important lens into the findings and,
ideally, would have been presented in Table 1, Eatonville is a small community where members
know each other well. Participants were told they would remain anonymous, and to ensure this,
Table 1 provides few details on their backgrounds and stories.
Table 1
Eatonville Interview Participant Profile
Eatonville Community
Leaders
Race Organization Represented
Billie Black Government
Jordan Black Community
Terry Black Church
Robin Black Hungerford School
Dee Non-Black Business
Emerging Findings
Data obtained through individual interviews were analyzed to address the two guiding
research questions. Four findings emerged from participant’s responses: Eatonville participant
community members desire another Black boarding school; for this to evolve and be feasible,
government improvement with more focus on town infrastructure is needed, the Black
community has to collaborate together in long-term planning and partnerships, and there is a

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need for more community engagement and relationship building in the town. Below, Table 2
details the findings and how they relate to research questions. Participating community members
generally hoped for a boarding school that was culturally centered and autonomous of the local
public school district. They also discussed the types of students that would potentially benefit
from such an experience. Participants also mentioned for the boarding school to be sustainable
and feasible, town management and infrastructure has to improve. They noted the difficulty in
coordinating with the local government and how certain infrastructure is lacking for growth.
There is also a need for long-term partnerships and increased community engagement. They
shared partnerships have to be created for longevity that includes multiple people and
organizations. Lastly, as suggested by the difficulty in obtaining participants for this study,
further relationship building and community interaction is also necessary.
Table 2
Research Questions and Findings
Research
Question 1
Finding 1:
Hope for a Black
Boarding School
Research
Question 2
Finding 1:
Improved Quality of
Town Management
and Infrastructure
Finding 2:
Long-term Planned
Partnerships and
Collective Action
Finding 3:
Need for Relationship
Building and
Community
Engagement
Research Question 1: What Are Community Members’ Views About Building Another
Black Boarding School and What It Could Bring to Eatonville?
This first research question sought to explore community members’ experiences living or
working in the oldest incorporated Black town in the United States and their interest in building

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another Black boarding school. Questions such as, “Can you share what it has been like
living/working in Eatonville?” and “Do you want a boarding school in Eatonville and why?”
were constructed to gain thoughtful insight that led to the following key finding:
1. In general, participant community members in Eatonville want another private Black
boarding school.
Below, this finding was contextualized, incorporating participant voices to understand lived
experiences and desire for a Black boarding school in Eatonville.
Finding 1: Hope for a Black Boarding School
The majority of participants shared a strong sentiment of creating another Black boarding
school that was private and autonomous of OCPS. Participants felt having an IBI or a private
school would provide more autonomy and control on what is taught to Black students.
Participants connected their concerns to the larger controversy around school curriculum and
state policies.
The Florida State Department of Education banned Advanced Placement (AP) African
American history and critical race theory in public schools. This decision came after Governor
Ron DeSantis signed HB 7/SB 148, known as the Florida’s Individual Freedom Act or the Stop
Wrongs Against Our Kids and Employees (“Stop W.O.K.E.”) Act. In January 2023, Governor
DeSantis rejected the Advanced Placement African American course due to not being
“historically accurate and violating the Stop Woke Act, which is a 2022 Florida law that limits
the way gender and race are discussed in classrooms and workplaces” (Gecker, 2023, para 23).
When asked the question, “When you hear boarding school what comes to mind?,” the
first word Terry used was, “Hope.” After a pause, he expounded further and spoke the words:
“restoration”, “revitalization”, “Black heritage”, “Black boys”, “Black girls”. There was a short

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silence before I asked the follow-up question, “Do you want a boarding school in Eatonville…”
Before I could finish the statement, he interrupted with a strong bellow of the word, “Yes. I
would love it.” There was another pause. This one was a bit longer before I finished the second
part of the initial question, “and why?” Terry shifted his body weight in the chair, repositioning
himself as if gearing up to respond. He stated with emotion in his voice:
I believe that we as a Black community, who’s so rich in culture, that we can restore. It
can be the beginning of the restoration of our Black children, whether it be girl or
boy…There is no doubt that we can qualify teachers and can help our boys, especially the
kids that's having a difficult time in school. I think the more attention you give it, the
more private it is, it might have to be private because you got so many restrictions with
public schools that you can't teach.
Terry saw the boarding school as a way to bring restoration to the Black community, and
especially for its children. Children currently struggling with their studies could have extra
support in a boarding school setting, with less interference from state/federal policies. Terry
mentioned the Black boarding school may have to be private, like it was in the past.
Billie had a similar reaction as Terry. Seeing the problems in the public education system,
she and a family member have explored the possibilities of a boarding school for Black children.
They encountered the struggles of students in the public school system. She explained that a
child’s behavior is only good for that day in the classroom. Billie further processed:
The various struggles we saw with kids. If it was behavior, then you saw that if the child
could just get effective nurturing just a little longer per day, they could make a change.
But what would happen is, you do all that work during the day, they go home or
wherever, come back the next day, you are starting over again. But if they went to a

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boarding school with discipline with structure with a set procedure, they knew when they
were going to wake up, they knew when they were going to bed, they knew what was
going to happen in between and what the expectations were, and they knew they had to
be held to it, it will change their lives. We knew that a boarding school would do that.
Billie had witnessed the detriments of unstable or unsafe environments to a child. As much
development was done in one classroom setting, the child would go home and the following day,
it felt like starting from scratch, as if it was a vicious, repetitive cycle. Consistency of a boarding
school structure, schedule, and procedures, could provide long-term stability for a youth’s
development. There was also a sense of protection that Billie added, “Income challenged or not,
we can protect them. But we can also create an environment that we say they deserve.” From
Billie’s reflection, regardless of their parents’ or caregivers’ income, Black students deserved the
best educational and residential environment. Boarding schools not only could create a positive
experience, but they could also allow the larger community to provide protection to its most
vulnerable population: children. Robin compared the concept of a boarding school as raising a
child between two parents, “Leaving home, living the way you lived at home on the campus
under other people's supervision, from one parent to the other parent.” Hence, this type of school
setting involved the entire community.
When asking her thoughts on another boarding school being built in Eatonville, Robin
paused and looked off as in deep thought, she then stated:
That would be fun. That would be nice. A boarding school. I don't know if this generation
would understand or want it. It will probably be real nice and different. After almost 50
some odd years, it will be different. I don't know if they would keep it up like we did in

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my age. I don't know that. But that would be fun to see how that would happen. Then and
now boarding school in Eatonville? Hm.
As there was excitement in her tone, there was also a shadow of concern or doubt. Would
today’s children learn from and appreciate a boarding school like her generation did? There was
uncertainty in her reflection. At the same time, as Robin explored more of the idea, she became
excited, “I want to see that…Maybe my great- great- great- great- great- I'm gonna be around all
those many years now to watch them. They should be one of the teachers. Oh yeah. This would
be exciting. A boarding school.” There was a varying of emotions as Robin reflected further:
excitement, doubt, and even willingness to help get the boarding school started, “I'm willing to
participate to help them get it started because I've been there. I've done that and it’s still with me.
I enjoy that. Because we went to school, Hungerford boarding, from 8th to 12th.” Not only was
Robin looking forward to the possibilities of a potential boarding school but also suggested she
would want to be involved in the process of getting it restarted.
Lastly, Dee simply replied, “I would say yes if the boarding school would bring a light to
some of the things that are necessary here. Yes, absolutely.” Dee was asked if he would want
another boarding school in Eatonville and quickly processed his response. For him, opportunities
that bring positivity to this small town should be considered. “That it would be the positive
impact the students would need,” Dee added. He continued aloud:
That the administration and the teachers and the people that will be part of the children’s
lives and this community would bring the opposite of what may have transpired and bring
a focus to the community that would allow for Eatonville to be put in a new light, maybe
a different light, a reimagined light that is positive.

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Dee referred to the various perceptions and negative press Eatonville has received in the past. In
some ways, Dee was hinting at a rebranding of the Black town and having the Black boarding
school be included in the process. In total, he said the word ‘light’ four times. He desired for
Eatonville to be a light, one that brought focus and intentionality. The term light was also
comparable to a boarding school, as if it could be the lighthouse this community needed. With
their reasons of “why,” a majority of participants stated yes to a Black boarding school.
Participant community members further shared thoughts on what makes a student eligible
for a Black boarding school experience and what they would want from this type of institution.
Billie started by saying:
If you take the average citizen in this town, and you said, if things worked out for you,
just like you wanted them to, how would that look today? That's what I want out of a
boarding school. That we turn out the individuals that we would have wanted ourselves to
be. That's what I want out of a boarding school. You know, I would say highly
intelligent, but intelligence is different for different people. So whatever, whatever allows
their talents to rise, whether that's music, whether that's just a thinking tank, whether it's
writing, whatever it is that we tap into whatever their talent is, and we push them, like a
tiger mom.
Billie envisioned the current Eatonville population and reflected on the educational goals they
once wanted for themselves. There was hope for a do over in the phrase “that we turn out
individuals that we would have wanted ourselves to be.” Billie also recognized the terms
intelligence and talent are subjective to the person and struggled with words to measure success
for Black children in a boarding school context. Ultimately, Billie concluded that whatever a
child or person desired out of their education, they deserved the opportunity to try and obtain it.

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The community also deserved a chance to push students like a “tiger mom” and support children
to reach those goals.
Billie continued her thoughts on a Black boarding school, stating she wanted a chance to
repopulate the Black community post-desegregation:
A repopulation, I can't think of a better word. A repopulation of those things lost when
desegregation occurred. We lost a lot with desegregation. I think it will be a way to
capture our talents again. Because those are the things that sustained Black towns, Black
neighborhoods, Black families, and that's being Pro-Black, not anti-anything else.
Billie tied boarding schools to what sustained Black communities and neighborhoods. She stated
the Black community lost much more than they gained with the desegregation of public schools.
We now have to rebuild by reclaiming ownership of our education and communal spaces. Terry
added what type of student he would want to see in a boarding school:
All kinds. It won’t be any good to just get all the talented kids. I want the ones that can’t
read. I want the ones that can’t add. The ones that can’t write checks. Them the kind of
people I want in the school and plus I want those other students too. That they have the
same opportunity.
Whereas Billie focused on intelligence and talents, Terry insisted those traits come after the child
was enrolled in the boarding school setting. Terry stated that Black boarding schools were for all
types of children, the talented and the ones who cannot read. The children who were struggling
with academics or life skills, and the children who were already accelerated and successful. Dee
inserted his thoughts, “The students that I would envision would be young people that are hungry
for this opportunity, hungry for knowledge, hungry to learn more about their heritage, their

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history, and take pride in the school.” A common thread across participants was that Black
boarding schools were for every Black child.
The one participant who thought against having a Black boarding school in Eatonville
was Jordan. Instead, Jordan envisioned Eatonville as a fiber optics hub and a prime destination
for creatives and remote workers. She processed aloud:
I will say without any hesitation, that I really don’t see an interest in a Black boarding
school in Eatonville, that’s a non-starter…Eatonville could be a quality, it could be a
prestige destination for certain kinds of creatives, as well as, making certain that the
children are prepared to take on the high quality, high paying jobs of the 21st century.
Jordan mentioned education was still important in Eatonville but did not believe there was
community interest in a boarding school setting. She saw Eatonville more aligned with a Silicon
Valley in California or Research Triangle Park in North Carolina.
Dee thought otherwise in his reflection of what residents would desire for their
community children:
I think a lot of the residents that have kids here depending on the age group…would
really benefit from that. You know, if they’re graduating from Hungerford Elementary
and being able to move straight into a boarding school that’s right here in their same
community, that’s amazing. They don’t have to worry about transportation. They don’t
have to worry about having to leave the community that they know. Especially if it’s a
boarding school that is providing opportunities that they may not receive otherwise.
The benefits Dee mentioned highlighted some of the issues families currently face for a quality
and accessible education: transportation and leaving their community. After a child matriculated
past Hungerford Elementary, the options to remain in Eatonville were limited. Children were

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thus bused to neighboring cities, contributing to other communities and not their own.
Ultimately, a Black boarding school could be a solution to keep residents rooted in the town.
In closing, four of the five participants expressed they would like to see another Black
boarding school in Eatonville. Participants believed this could be a restoration and repopulation
for the Black community. A boarding school could be a protective environment for students and
provide a culturally enriched education. Most importantly, it would allow children to remain in
their own community.
Research Question 2: For A Black Boarding School to Evolve Further, How Could
Community Members Envision Making a Black Boarding School Feasible and Sustainable,
Including Collaborations and Partnerships?
This second research question explored community members’ ideas around what would
be needed for a Black boarding school in Eatonville to be feasible and sustainable. Questions
such as, “Is it feasible to have a Black boarding school in a Black township?” and “What
partnerships are needed?” offered insights from community members’ that led to three key
findings:
1. Participant community members desire for improved town management and
infrastructure.
2. The Black community has to collaborate together through long-term planning,
partnerships, and collective action.
3. There is a need for an increase of community engagement and relationship building.
Below, the findings were contextualized, incorporating participant voices that explored feasible
and sustainable methods for a Black boarding school to be rebuilt.

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Finding 1: Improved Quality of Town Management and Infrastructure
All five participant community members shared sentiments of government and town
infrastructure improvements needed to make a Black boarding school feasible and sustainable.
There was a consensus for better management operations. One participant mentioned the
government has been dysfunctional these past few years, while another participant expressed
confusion on needed steps to open either new or outside businesses within the town. In
connection to better communication was the awareness of updated infrastructure, to further
support growth and commerce. The infrastructure below ground was just as important, such as a
robust water and sewer system. Town management and infrastructure was an issue that Terry
specifically mentioned. He felt that working with the government was difficult and challenging.
Terry stated the Eatonville roots were deeper than those who ran it. The founders who created
the first incorporated Black town were a reminder of its significance to Black ownership and
governance. Terry revered Eatonville’s history as he tried to work with current town
management. He continued:
Anything that you do in the town today is going to be met with challenges. The fact that
there is no infrastructure and very lacking management of the government and the laws
and the permits and even now, infrastructure, water problems, sewer problems still exist.
The participants discussed how the lack of infrastructure impacted potential town revenue and
community members’ livability. It affected businesses and homes. The current problems like
water and sewer infrastructure did not show the town was ready for residential growth or new
construction.
Billie added that the direction Eatonville government was going always felt like a fight.
She continued:

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We're waiting for revenue to come on land that hasn't risen to any real level right now.
But grant money has always been out there. But it takes reading the documents. It takes
putting it together, meeting deadlines, getting the paperwork in order. And if you're
intimidated by that, you get people that know how to do it.
Billie recommended if government employees or officials have trouble with completing tasks, to
ask for assistance. She expressed that grant money can solve financial problems and create other
opportunities, but, instead, Eatonville was involved in a waiting game, a gamble on the amount
generated from a potential land deal. Billie wished there was more focus on other revenue
streams. Dee similarly reflected, “I only know of one new business that’s taken place…there
doesn’t seem to be a process in place to make Eatonville attractive enough for people to open up
a business here or bring people in. So that kind of keeps the town stagnant.”
For these two participants, there was untapped potential that had yet to be explored:
grants and new businesses. The steps to begin or relocate enterprises in Eatonville was unclear.
Dee further processed the business sector in the Black town, “What we don’t have in Eatonville
is commerce. What we don’t have are the businesses that will add and bring up the value to the
community and the taxes and the ability to do some of the things that are necessary.” In short, the
lack of commerce affected the financial stability of the town. Dee continued, “There are African
American run businesses that can be brought here and offer up something that’s unique to this
community that people will come here…They already come here for our artists and our writers
and all that. So why not more?” Participants expressed that Black-owned businesses provided an
increased value for the community. While people already visited Eatonville for its artistry and
history, with a more robust commerce, the financial strain and current infrastructure could
improve. Town management could potentially operate more efficiently.

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Within the context of Eatonville being the oldest incorporated Black town in the United
States, Jordan cautioned, “In Eatonville, we take for granted that we govern ourselves because
that's what always happens. The downside is that you can't take that for granted because there are
people who are trying to take that away from you.” The fact that Eatonville represented the first
type of governance of its era and one that still existed today was significant and carried a certain
weight and pride. Like Terry referenced earlier, the town roots ran deeper than current
challenges. Jordan continued her reflection on Eatonville’s government with a dichotomy in her
words:
Maybe over the last four years the government has been dysfunctional, but hey, it's been
our dysfunctional government. We control the government. We have the ability. The
scholars say the government that has the most impact on your life is the local
government. Who controls the local government? We control the local government.
While participants expressed that Eatonville had a dysfunctional operational system, they also
recognized that the system was Black controlled. There was a sense that the municipality
received a cultural pass with the statement “But hey, it’s been our dysfunctional government.”
The pronoun ‘our’ referred to the Black community, not just Eatonville residents. The cultural
pass is due to the town belonging to Black people and governing themselves versus the White
community dictating their laws and regulations. Jordan and others also affirmed that the
government with the most impact on everyday lives was local, and the community had the power
to affect its impact. Overall, Dee concluded, “Leadership is important. Support is important. All
these things have to align so that Eatonville can be prosperous and successful.”
Lastly, two of the participants stated for Eatonville to have another Black boarding
school, that the government has to “get it right.” Terry stressed, “They got to get it right. And

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they can get money to get it right.” Robin agreed, “As they say on the ball, they have to get on
the ball. Have something to see, to look forward towards. We have to get right first. The town
have to get it together and be more attractive, you know.” There was hope in their reflections.
They wanted Eatonville to be more than what they currently see with an aspiration to meet the
desire of Eatonville’s founders and truly become a self-sustaining community.
Finding 2: Long-term Planning, Partnerships, and Collective Action
For another Black boarding school to be feasible and sustainable in Eatonville, study
participants expressed that long-term planning and partnerships have to be created. Most
importantly, the Black community has to collectively collaborate together. Terry included that
buy-in from the town and people is needed:
I think we need to have individuals that really love the idea. They must have buy-in. You
must have people that have influence that will have buy in and some kind of board
formed. Some kind of ad hoc committee formed to develop a board that can keep this
thing running. And I think a viable nonprofit can do it. I really do…You gotta have
people who have that kind of vision.
Buy-in and vision were expressed as most important for boarding school collaboration.
Secondly, a board or committee to keep the school sustainable was necessary. As in already
envisioning his involvement, Terry used the word ‘we.’ His thoughts were centered on a nonprofit organization being the vehicle to elicit further support for a Black boarding school
concept. Billie similarly included:
A plan. If you want it to be sustainable, not a two-year plan to get the funding but a 10-
year plan that have a roadmap, you know. And a board. A good strong board to help
guide and stick to the plan and refocus it, you know, tweak it when it needs to.

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Billie warned that funding cannot be short-sighted for continuity. Funding without a roadmap
would also not work. Both Billie and Terry agreed that for the boarding school to have
foundational support, it needed a strong board structure. Dee also added about finances, “Some
type of endowment, some type of opportunity where someone can come in and help channel the
funds on an annual basis. Someone like LeBron James that comes in and pays for all the kids to
go to school.” There was a chuckle in Dee’s voice when mentioning a celebrity paying for the
education of students to attend a Black boarding school. There was also a seriousness in his tone,
suggesting that celebrity status could provide awareness. Along with consistent fundraising, an
endowment was also important.
Four of the participants mentioned that they felt it would be feasible to have a Black
boarding school within a Black town. Billie shared, “If you asked me that right now in 2024
when there are avenues, revenue streams that can be garnered on a pretty continuous basis, I
think it is feasible. If the end product attracted the right people." For Billie, it was about multiple
streams of income and the right clientele. Dee did not see why it would not be feasible to have a
boarding school in Eatonville. However, he also mentioned the concern of collective
affordability, “The average income is less than $30,000 a year. So, you’re talking about the
community having to provide more than what they’re actually taking in.” Terry inserted, “Is it
feasible? It's feasible if we have all the support for it. And it makes sense. But you got to have
both with vision and passion." Again, the importance of vision was a common theme among
study participants. Feasibility was about vision, passion, and support.
Billie concluded with a statement of finality, suggesting the right components have to be
in place, otherwise it could be a waste of time, money, and energy: "If it's just another one of our
projects that we have no business plan, no sustainability study, no feasibility study, if it's going

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to turn up being empty and having to be reused for something else, then no." The consistency of
responses around having another Black boarding school in a Black town, related to having a
sound business plan and a sustainability/feasibility study conducted, could point to what
happened to the Hungerford boarding school in Eatonville and the vacant lot that still sits there
today. There was fear of having pride and ownership of a place that can be destroyed or taken
away.
Dee focused on other elements of feasibility, “The one thing I think Eatonville receives is
a lot of resources.” The resources he explained were the local churches, Orange County’s
Neighborhood Centers for Families, and the County’s library system with a branch based in the
town. There were other outside organizations that provided financial literacy and home
ownership assistance. Dee continued, “I think regularly people are coming to Eatonville to see
what they can do to assist. So, I think the resources would be there and I think a community like
Eatonville would benefit from a boarding school.”
Billie, Dee, and Robin further discussed the types of partnerships that were needed for a
Black boarding school. Billie stated that there has to be partnerships with and without money.
Partnerships and support from individual families were key. Regarding partnerships with fiscal
responsibility, “I can easily see that the commercial business industries would want it. Because
we're turning out workers, thinkers, for you, problem solvers, for you," Billie processed.
According to Billie, companies would want to partner for this type of schooling to recruit
students for their work culture and mission. Dee also mentioned Host Dime, the company
currently situated on the old Hungerford school property:
For me, partnerships mean large organizations like even Host Dime, which is a large
server farm. I believe they have offered certain types of opportunities and maybe giving

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Wi-Fi to the community or saying that they’re going to give some of their jobs or a lot of
other jobs to the residents of Eatonville…So a large organization like that would be
amazing to have, and it’s only a start. That’s just the beginning.
Companies were not only necessary for town sustainability but also for the school. Organizations
located within the town could be partners as they also provided opportunities for current
residents. Dee further discussed community and educational partnerships:
I would say that if it’s a boarding school, I would want them to be partnered with a local
college, maybe a historic Black college like FAMU or somebody that wants to have an
influence on the African American culture…I think that it would be wise to have a group
of people that are part of the community and that are not part of the community to help
organize it and run it just so there’s maybe a balance of communication or an opportunity
for people to work together towards something that benefits the community.
Dee reflected on HBCUs as considerable partners, including schools like Florida A&M
University. He also stated to have partnerships of both community members who lived in
Eatonville and those who did not. Community partnerships were necessary for sustainability that
also required trust and transparency between groups of people.
Robin also cautioned not to overlook students as potential partners and as main
stakeholders in this endeavor. She reflected on students’ ability to help:
Let's do it on a lower level that young children will participate and maybe they take their
idea and do something with it. It might work. Let's not omit them because there are
people you know, with PhDs and more degrees, let's not bother them right now. Make
them want it, the younger generation. And if you use their idea, maybe it will catch on.
Don't forget about them. Just to listen and see if it works.

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Robin recommended getting students involved sooner rather than later. Instead of first going to
university partners, start with community programs catered to young people. This could
incorporate design competitions and organize listening sessions to infuse children’s ideas
initially and create a spark among others. Robin suggested that if you get children excited, adults
would follow. Robin thought the boarding school idea should also involve parents and educators.
She stated at the end, “Get it together. Get together and really talk about it. Just keep talking until
it sinks in.” For Robin, partnerships included students, parents, and educators, among other
community members. She stressed communication and community members being able to
process until a consensus was met.
Lastly, two of the participants mentioned the state of Florida as a partner. With recent
state policies banning AP African-American history and arresting public school teachers if they
were to discuss Blackness in their classrooms, asking for state assistance may appear as an
oxymoron. However, Terry cynically replied, “Governor De Santis, that racist, he wants to put in
Eatonville a new Black museum. Okay, here comes the appeasing. I would love to have a Black
museum, but why not put a Black school?” Terry expressed having a Black boarding school
rather than a museum built in Eatonville. If there were truly options, then he had a preference for
a Black boarding school. If it was just appeasement to stop the fighting over the remaining
Hungerford land, then a museum would do.
Robin ended with, “We'll have to go through the state and ask for money to help. And
from there, they will know who else can help us. If they have any funds to help such a situation
as this. A historic situation again.” The final phrase “a historic situation again” put the previous
Black boarding school at the forefront and was a reminder of the past and a call to rebuild what

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was once there. Just as the state was part of the earlier story, Robin suggested allowing them to
re-enter as partners for a private Black boarding school.
Participant community members believed it was feasible and sustainable for another
Black boarding school to be built in a Black town. Feasibility included vision and focusing on
town infrastructure and management. A drafted business and sustainability plan would provide a
foundational structure. Partnerships were necessary and required multiplicity. For this type of
endeavor, collaboration involved community, companies, students, universities, government,
parents and educators, and consistent communication.
Finding 3: Need for Relationship Building and Community Engagement
The difficulty of identifying and selecting individuals to participate in this study led to an
additional finding around the need for continued community engagement and relationship
building. From 18 recruitment emails sent, extensive time spent in the community, and through a
process of snowballing to gain additional participants, only five organizational leaders agreed to
participate in the study. Dee shared similar conundrums, “Engagement with the community is
huge. In my experience, I’ve seen a small number of people speak for the larger part of the
community. My thoughts are, does the community want this? Does the community understand
what’s fully going on?”
In one of the biggest development projects of the town being developed at the time of the
study, the local community was hardly present. Dee continued discussing the struggle of
community engagement in Eatonville:
You know, even in the last opportunity that the town had for somebody to come in and
willing to develop it. We were there for when they had the last meeting. We’re in the
Hungerford Elementary school cafeteria, in the room there was maybe 75 people. I would

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say 20 of them were probably people who were part of like a business or the town
officials. Then you had probably another 10-15 people that were outside of Eatonville,
that don’t live in Eatonville, or who may have lived in Eatonville. That mean that leaves
just maybe 40 people of a community of 2,200 [people].
Community engagement was vital, and yet there was something missing for fuller participation.
Dee reflected on mailing marketing materials, knocking door to door, organizing community
events and still the engagement was lacking. For a Black boarding school to be assessed, Dee
noted the need for more voices to be heard and how this would take a concerted effort at
community and engagement building. Dee reflected “You’re never gonna get 100%. But wow, if
you could get 60-80% of people that have a true understanding of what the value, bringing back
a boarding school would do.” Dee ended with reflecting on an important truth, with community
disengagement currently present, how do leaders know what the needs truly are and how does
one move beyond just a small minority speaking on behalf of the larger population?
Relationship building was another key factor to this finding. Zora Neale Hurston, one of
Eatonville’s most beloved community members, struggled similarly as a researcher and while
studying Black culture in the South. In the late 1920s and almost a century ago, Hurston received
a fellowship to study Negro folklore. After her first anthropologist expedition to Eatonville and
other Black communities in Florida, the importance of relationship building and community
engagement was revealed. She stated, “I need at least a whole year to do what I am doing in six
months” (Boyd, 2003, p. 147). This statement shows the depth and time required to build
meaningful relationships in the communities studied. She further reflected, “Considering the
mood of my going south, I went back to New York with my heart beneath my knees and my
knees in some lonesome valley” (Boyd, 2003, p. 154). Hurston was initially excited for the life-

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changing research trip that eventually ended in dread and disappointment. This emotional
journey highlights the complexities and emotional toll of relationship building and community
engagement.
In this study, engaging with community members was a critical and challenging
component. Hurston's experience demonstrated that true engagement required more than just
time but also trust and a deep understanding of the community's dynamics. This means that any
initiatives, including the development of a Black boarding school, must prioritize long-term
relationship building and community involvement.
Dee wisely concluded, “The thing we have a hard time with is understanding that this
takes time. Relationships take time. The rapport you build with anybody. There’s nothing quick
about that.” He further stated anything that is good will take time and cannot be rushed. Being
diligent for a purpose was a process. Ultimately, persistency and genuine efforts to engage,
understand, and build trust within the community is an essential foundation.
Summary
This study utilized in-depth interviewing to explore community members' interests in
building another Black boarding school in Eatonville, and, for this to evolve further, the types of
partnerships/collaborations that would be needed to make this feasible and sustainable. Four
findings emerged from the interview data: Eatonville participant community members generally
desire another Black boarding school, this would require government improvement with more
focus on town infrastructure, long-term planning and partnerships, and more community
engagement and relationship building.
The evidence presented in the study addressed the appeal of another Black boarding
school and considerations to move forward. The next chapter discusses the findings within

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existing literature and their intersection with the conceptual framework. The chapter will also
present recommendations for practice and share implications for further research.

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CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR PRACTICE
Before the Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954, there were over 100 Black
boarding schools in the United States. The purpose of this study was to explore the interest,
including the feasibility and sustainability, of rebuilding a Black boarding school in the
Southeastern region of the United States. This study used in-depth interviewing and ethnographic
approaches to understand Eatonville community members’ views of building and sustaining a
Black boarding school. This research also provides an understanding of Black boarding schools'
relevance and applicability to today's times, and especially for their location. By using what
Franklin (2002) called cultural capital, Black boarding schools were once a sustainable model
with an academically enriching environment; and through implementing the tools of the past,
Black townships offer community resources and town infrastructure for this type of education
model. This research looked to provide the groundwork to reinvigorate a Black boarding school
movement in America and abroad.
The purpose of this chapter is to discuss study findings in connection to prior research
and the P.A.C. conceptual framework, as well as offer recommendations to best support the
further evolution of Black boarding schools being built in Black townships. This chapter will
conclude with limitations and delimitations of the study and offer further, future research to be
conducted.
Discussion of Findings
This section discusses the study findings within scholarly literature and the P.A.C.
conceptual framework. The P.A.C. conceptual framework guided this study and was used to
address inequality in society through the lens of the Black student achievement gap and the
rebuilding of Black boarding schools in the United States. Connectedly, the framework was

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centered on the theories Pedagogy of the Oppressed (Freire, 1970), Afrocentricity (Asante,
1980), and the Collective Unconscious (Jung, 1968). The study explored the following research
questions:
1. What are community members’ views about building another Black boarding school and
what it could bring to Eatonville?
2. For this to evolve further, how could community members envision making a Black
boarding school feasible and sustainable, including collaborations and partnerships?
Research Question 1 Discussion of Findings
The first research question explored community members’ experiences living or working
in the oldest incorporated Black town in the United States and their interest in building another
Black boarding school and what it could drive. This question captured the voices and reflections
of five Eatonville organizational leaders via semi-structured interviews. Organizational leaders
included those who displayed a level of community service and commitment towards town
members.
A key finding was that participants generally hoped for another Black boarding school in
Eatonville, with some nuanced and reflective insights. Black boarding schools created a cultural,
academic, and safe environment for children after the Civil War and before the Civil Rights
Movement (Dent, 1997; Roach, 2003). Unlike traditional schools, Black boarding schools were
founded for the cultural and social development of African American children. These institutions
were typically self-governed by an independent board of trustees, directors, or advisors, and not
financially dependent on public funds (Alexander-Snow, 2010). Similarly, participants stated a
Black boarding school could bring restoration to the Black community. A Black boarding school
also provided the opportunity to repopulate the Black community post-desegregation. During the

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interview, Billie reflected on Eatonville community members and the desires for their own
education; their childhood goals and dreams. She hoped the boarding school would turn out
individuals who could produce their own intelligence and talents. She also wanted a chance for
the community to protect its children, by creating an environment “We say they deserve.”
Interestingly, two participants who mentioned building another boarding school stated
it would have to be private and autonomous of OCPS. They thought private schools had more
flexibility on curriculum and character building than the restrictions and politics of the public
school system. These sentiments have also been shared with Black community members
throughout American history. During the 1800s, both in the North and South regions of the
United States, African Americans advocated for independent educational opportunities and
community control of school systems. IBIs, started to decline with the arrival of public schools
in both regions and with the formation of White controlled public education systems (Bush,
1997; Bush et al., 2006; Rury, 1983). Post the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, and
between the years of 1968-1969, Black people in Hyde County, North Carolina, for example,
“held daily protests and marches and drove the Ku Klux Klan out of the county with a gunfight,
all to maintain control of their schools…” (Bush, 1997, p. 109). In reference to maintaining
control of schools and IBIs, this study specifically focused on Black boarding schools.
Black boarding schools were nationally recognized for providing culturally relevant
teaching and enrichment, academic excellence, as well as promoting positive self-images and
cultural esteem (Alexander-Snow, 1999; Alexander-Snow, 2010). Research has documented that,
“Alumni of these schools, which were primarily based in the South, decry the loss of these
institutions…” (Roach, 2003, p. 18). Robin, one of the study participants, reflected upon her time
at Hungerford as fun and life-changing. She was able to graduate early at age 16 and attend a

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HBCU. Roach (2003) supported that sentiment in their research stating, “To those who attended
the Black boarding schools, the tradition imbued them with a profound sense of community,
religious devotion…and a commitment to academic excellence, qualities they believe are rarely
replicated in the lives of contemporary Black students” (p. 18). Robin was unsure if the current
generation of young people would understand; due to a perception that education was not valued
among Black youth as it was in the past. The participant questioned if today’s children would
want or care for such a school as she and her peers once did. She reflected 50 odd years later that
the boarding school would definitely be different. Upon further reflection, Robin hoped to see
another Black boarding school built in Eatonville and hoped to see her grandchildren and greatgrandchildren involved.
Another participant referenced care and protectiveness of a boarding school. She believed
the Black community deserved the opportunity to create a positive environment which protects
children from harm and fosters a spirit of learning. This concept of village is often mentioned
when shielding from outside racist, aggressive factors (Berkel et al., 2009). It is a nestle; a
protection against or away from perceived and unperceived harm. Berkel et al. (2009) examined
how protective, vigilant parents taught their children the awareness of racial discrimination, but
also the empowerment of cultural, collective socialization. Collective socialization helped
communities advocate for positive youth affiliations and produced long-term protective effects
(Berkel et al., 2009). Similarly, participants suggested that a Black boarding school could create
a protective environment from oppressive forces and produce academically rigorous students
who contributed back to their community and society at large.
Currently, for students in the African Diaspora, cultural and identity development is
largely missing from curriculum within U.S. school systems (Abioye, 2021; Russell, 2011).

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Paulo Freire’s pedagogy of the oppressed theory is centered on the concept of using education
for radical change and liberation movements (Gottesman, 2010). Specifically, in the context of
the United States, schools are set up as a banking education- rudimentary, repetition, deposits
and accounts into students' consciousness (Freire, 1970). There is also a system to place greater
value on students from the dominant culture over students who are from multicultural subgroups,
where schools are a form of "institutionalized social relations of power that are systemically
asymmetrical” (Akkari, 2001, p. 286). American public schools are just a cyclical operation of
oppressing communities of Black, indigenous, and other people of color (Abioye, 2021).
In the context of this particular study, participants wanted a boarding school that was
culturally relevant with an environment to honor African heritage, fostering a strong sense of
identity and community. Dee wanted the school to drive positivity that students needed. He felt
the school could be for students who were hungry for knowledge, who wanted to learn more
about their heritage and history. Terry said he wanted students who struggled with academics
and the ones who also excelled in school. Lastly, Billie brought up a schooling system that
sustained Black neighborhoods and townships in the past. They desired Black culture at the
center of learning.
Similar to participant reflections, for liberatory education to be actualized, the collective
ancestral consciousness of the African Diaspora must be harvested in which cultural knowledge
and growth are the foci (Abioye, 2021), not academic achievement and national testing. Scorza
et al. (2013) argued national conversation centered on academic achievement is largely tied to
improved test scores and not towards increasing self-efficacy or affirming academic, cultural,
and social identities. Critical pedagogy is thus a response to neoliberal discourse on "high stakes
testing and standards-based education" (Scorza et al., 2013, p. 17). By contrast, the application of

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cultural relevance, or one's own historical tradition, is the central theme for critical pedagogy to
be effective. Theory without practice is void, and Freire resoundingly believed in critical
intervention, or the nexus of praxis, "reflection and action upon the world in order to transform
it" (Freire, 1970, p. 36). Pedagogy of the oppressed theory intersects praxis and practical tools to
counterattack racism and oppression. Participants’ general desire for a Black boarding school
and what they want it to drive creates a platform for counterattacking racism and oppression. An
autonomous, independent educational system that participants expressed can be actualized
through the tools of this theory.
Freire emphasizes liberative, dialogic education for the "special oppression" that is
masked by democratic freedom and civil liberty (Gottesman, 2010). Dialogic education helps
unmask those American values and creates opportunities for student advocacy. Specifically using
dialogic methods and other tenets of pedagogy of the oppressed, Black boarding schools could
provide a space for advocacy and greater achievement for youth. Ultimately, pedagogy of the
oppressed emphasizes the importance of critical consciousness in community members,
encouraging them to reflect on their experiences and envision new possibilities for a Black
boarding school in Eatonville. The P.A.C. conceptual framework helps deepen understanding of
the findings for Research Question 1 and what participants believe a Black boarding school
could offer. This framework illuminates how the school can address the needs of Eatonville
community and empower Black students.
Research Question 2 Discussion of Findings
Participants discussed a variety of considerations as they envisioned how to make a Black
boarding school feasible and sustainable. All participants referenced the need for improved
quality of town management and infrastructure related to feasibility and sustainability. Although

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they are the oldest-incorporated Black municipality in the United States, there are still challenges
to overcome. One of the participants wondered if the Eatonville founding fathers would be proud
of town progress or if they would have wished for more in 2024. Eatonville, FL was founded in
1887 by Joe Clarke, along with other Black community members, and White allies. White people
supported the idea of Eatonville and provided resources to the cause (Standifier, 2022). Captain
Eaton built the town hall, Lewis Lawrence built the church, and the wife of Bishop Whipple in
Maitland converted the first church into a library and donated a second church to the town
(Standifier, 2022). With this history, the study participant mentioned Eatonville roots are deeper
than those currently running the town. There was a strong desire from participants that town
governance ‘get it right.’
As a timely lesson from the past, between the creation of Eatonville and its legal
incorporation on August 14, 1887, a series of town recruitment efforts and land acquisition
occurred. After the township grew large enough and Eatonville was officially incorporated, its
governance council and town infrastructure began to form. The town was governed by Black
people, Black residents lived there, and it had infrastructure like churches, a post office, and a
town newspaper. Now, study participants wanted to see the town beautified, redeveloped, and
infrastructure updated. This included for sewer lines and water pipes to operate more effectively,
and land ownership was also important. Currently, Eatonville is landlocked with only 30% of it
Black-owned (Winston, 2023), the Hungerford property is not controlled by the town, and
Eatonville leases a section of land for its public library through OCPS.
Eatonville never owned the Hungerford school property, although it represented close to
40% of the town (Teichner, 2023). In 1899, the land was privately owned. This private boarding
school was once 300 acres and donated by philanthropists to a trust (Teichner, 2023). In 1951,

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Orange County Public Schools purchased this land from the trust for $16,000 with the caveat to
keep the land for the education of Black children (Teichner, 2023). Since then, Eatonville
residents and government have been fighting to overturn the state’s ruling and reclaim the
remaining school acreage.
One participant, Billie, expressed that grant money could provide solutions and economic
development opportunities. There was also a desire to advocate for other revenue streams, to
diversify energy where development and infrastructure grants receive the same attention as the
Hungerford land. Billie felt negotiating with OCPS was a waiting game, and in the meantime, the
town could focus on other long-term financial initiatives. Afterall, OCPS and Eatonville have
been embattled since the 1950s over this land. Community attachment to the Hungerford
property was still evident, and while there was a consistency of having another Black boarding
school from participants, there was also a fear of another school being taken away. As to not
repeat history, participants mentioned the need to have a sound business plan,
sustainability/feasibility study conducted, a clear vision, and, most importantly, community buyin that included collaborations and partnerships.
The other finding that emerged was the awareness of long-term planning and partnerships
needed for another Black boarding school to be in Eatonville. In the past, local Black
communities, philanthropists, and religious leaders pooled their resources together to build and
sustain this type of independent schools (Roach, 2003). Franklin (2002) connected the desire of
Black independence and the African Diaspora:
Will U.S. African Americans use their collective economic resources- cultural capital -to
improve the education of our children, to provide alternatives to the U.S. penitentiary
system for our youth, to assist in the advancement of African peoples throughout the

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diaspora, and assume a leadership position in the regeneration of the African continent in
the 21st century? (p. 3).
Most of the participants shared this desire while mentioning community input and cultural
capital to restart a boarding school. They also included their personal involvement to help with
the cause. For another Black boarding school to be feasible and sustainable in Eatonville,
participants discussed the creation of long-term planning and partnerships, and more specifically,
for the Black community to have collective action.
Most participants felt that it was feasible to have a Black boarding school in a Black
town, and Dee highlighted the many resources Eatonville currently has, from the local Black
churches to Orange County community programs like the Neighborhood Centers for Families.
Partnerships for a Black boarding school could also include a fiscal responsibility from
corporations and business industries. Companies like Host Dime, who currently sits on the old
boarding school property and has already committed to provide economic opportunities for
Eatonville residents, were provided as examples.
Community Leader Robin also cautioned not to forget students and families as partners.
She suggested having young people involved first, and the adults will eventually follow. Arnold
et al. (2008) affirms this statement with research on youth development and social action,
“Developmentalists, researchers, and community leaders agree that involving youth in
addressing issues that affect them has tremendous potential for social change” (p. 56). While
there is an increase in youth volunteerism, 55% of youth engaged in volunteer activities, the
voices of young people are also underrepresented in programs that directly affects them (Arnold
et al., 2008). The authors further outline eight domains of youth engagement from youth service
to youth evaluation and research. Lastly, two participants shared their reflection on engaging the

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state of Florida in building another Black boarding school. While one participant was cynical in
his reflection of preferring a boarding school over a museum, another community member
mentioned getting the state’s involvement for another historic situation, just like they were
involved the first time over 50 years ago.
Interestingly, another key finding for Research Question 2 around sustainability and
feasibility came not only from the participants but from the difficulty in obtaining participants
for the study. This led to a finding related to the need for relationships building and community
engagement. Using the P.A.C. conceptual framework, this finding emphasizes the need for
ongoing dialogue with community members, making them active participants in the research
process and the development of Eatonville. Within the framework, shared cultural memories,
experiences, and archetypes of community members were explored. More specifically, the
collective unconscious acknowledges the deep-rooted cultural and historical symbols that shape
the participants’ perceptions and aspirations for another education model. This study sought the
insight of community participants on establishing and sustaining a Black boarding school, and
through the P.A.C. conceptual framework, more community involvement is necessary to gain
further insight from residents. One participant reflected how community engagement is critical
but also lacking in Eatonville. Local residents were hardly present for a meeting to discuss a
potential development project that transpired during the time of this study. In the participant’s
experience, a small minority speaks on behalf of the larger community. He, too, has processed
ways to increase community voices and participation.
Rebuilding Black boarding schools, and especially within the context of U.S. Black
townships, can be used as a safe and sustainable method in reducing inequality in society, a
reflection of which is seen in the Black achievement gap. The findings strongly suggest that for a

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Black boarding school to be feasible and sustainable in Eatonville, there must be a concerted
effort to build relationships and engage the community in gaining a more comprehensive
understanding of the community's needs and aspirations. An important element is to focus on
parent involvement and engagement since it directly impacts children's educational opportunities
and outcomes (Bolgatz et al., 2020; Berkel, 2009).
Finally, recognizing the shared cultural and historical symbols of the town can enhance
community engagement; this is through resonating with the collective unconscious of the
community members. In the context of IBIs, the collective unconscious argues that private
institutions were created long before the beset of oppression; that Africans’ desire to store
knowledge is embedded within the psyche, rather than in response to current conditions (Bush,
2006). This is also important in planning and developing a Black boarding school. Black
boarding schools are not just birthed from oppression in American society but are connected to
an ancient quest of building and maintaining independent school systems. This theory also
asserts the global perspective of the African Diaspora and to build schools not just for African
Americans, or Africans living in America, but for the collective group of people. In connection
to Eatonville, highlighting the historical and cultural significance of Black boarding schools can
garner community support and participation toward a feasible and sustainable Black boarding
school within their vision for what it could offer.
Recommendations
As shown in Table 3, this section discusses recommendations to support the findings
identified in Chapter Four and discussed in this chapter. This section provides context to the
following recommendations:

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1. Develop Black boarding school pilot programs between town governance, faith-based
institutions, state and federal programs, and community organizations.
2. Create partnerships with Black boarding schools in the U.S. and abroad, such as the
Piney Woods School and the African Leadership Academy (ALA).
3. Rebuild Business Centre and/or District as part of Eatonville identity.
4. Involve Eatonville residents at town and community events to determine best methods for
community engagement and relationship building.
The recommendations that follow are offered to inform the design and delivery of rebuilding
Black boarding schools within Black townships, as well as to inform future researchers interested
in this topic.
Table 3
Key Findings and Recommendations
Programs, Partnerships, and Resources for Black Boarding Schools: Key Findings &
Recommendations
RQ1: What are community
members’ views about building
another Black boarding school and
what could it bring to Eatonville?
RQ2: For this to evolve further, how
could community members envision
making a Black boarding school feasible
and sustainable, including collaborations
and partnerships?
Key Finding 1 Hope for a Black boarding school Improved Quality of Town Management
and Infrastructure
Key Finding 2 N/A Long-term Planned Partnerships and
Collective Action
Key Finding 3 N/A Need for Relationship Building and
Community Engagement

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Recommendation 1: Develop Black Boarding Pilot Programs
This study found that participants generally wanted another Black boarding school in
Eatonville. The first recommendation refers to accessing the effectiveness of a Black boarding
school pilot program. A pilot program serves as a small-scale implementation of the proposed
boarding school to evaluate its feasibility, effectiveness, and impact before scaling up. This
approach allows for testing innovative educational strategies, curriculum designs, and
community engagement models in a controlled environment. A pilot provides a platform for
gathering valuable data, refining approaches, and demonstrating the program's potential benefits
to stakeholders and funders. The below federal programs and community organizations can assist
in creating summer six-week Black boarding school pilots. From Freedom Schools to Black
Churches, there are resources available and cultural wealth (Franklin, 2002) for further research
and development.
Recommendation 1 Develop Black boarding school pilot programs between town governance, faithbased institutions, state and federal programs, and community organizations
Recommendation 2 Globally connect Black boarding schools in the U.S. and abroad, such as The
Piney Woods School and the ALA
Recommendation 3 Rebuild Business Centre and/or District
as part of Eatonville Identity
Recommendation 4
Engage Eatonville residents at town and
community events to determine best
methods for community engagement and
relationship building

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Freedom Schools
Freedom Schools are an example to create a pilot structure and receive resources. This
program has historical, cultural, and current context. The concept of Freedom Schools started in
1964 during the "Freedom Summer" in Mississippi. It was originally established to combat racist
terror and promote voting rights and education (Weathers, 2023). This program provided
alternative education to Black children in Mississippi during the Freedom Summer (Conwright,
2023; Weathers, 2023). Freedom Schools were originally organized by The Council of Federated
Organizations (COFO), which was a collective of four organizations: The Student Non-Violent
Coordinating Committee (SNCC), The National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People (NAACP), Congress of Racial Equity (CORE) and the Southern Christian Leadership
Conference (SCLC). In 1964, to circumvent the opening of Freedom Schools, the Mississippi
state legislature tried to outlaw the summer program and in a single night, crosses were burned in
62 out of the 82 counties (Weathers, 2023). Though, Freedom Schools were still created. The
curriculum focused on reading, writing, arithmetic, history, and civics, and it was designed to
empower Black students and encourage them to become active participants in society
(Conwright, 2023; Najarro, 2023; Weathers, 2023).
The Children's Defense Fund (CDF) Freedom Schools program also originated from this
historical period and the current CDF Freedom Schools, started in 1995, focus on literacy skills,
family development, and community leadership (Conwright, 2023; Raber, 2023). Freedom
Schools are a six-week summer program for K-8th grade students and are operated nationally
through local cities and partners (Barrett, 2023). For instance, Louisville, KY is designated as a
regional training site for the African Methodist Episcopal, Christian Methodist Episcopal and
African Methodist Episcopal Zion denominations (The Presbyterian Outlook, 2002). In 2023,

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CDF Freedom Schools statistics showed that 11,607 students were served, having 1,281 program
staff, 191 program sites, 128 sponsor organizations, within 101 cities, and 36 states, including
Washington D.C. (Children’s Defense Fund, 2023).
Najarro (2023) discusses the establishment of Freedom Schools in Florida, which aims to
teach Black history amid state restricted curriculum. These Freedom Schools draw inspiration
from the original 1964 Freedom Summer project and are operated by local chapters of the
Association for the Study of African American Life and History (ASALH) (Najarro, 2023;
Weathers, 2023). The curriculum includes an array of African and African American histories,
focusing on cultural, political, and social contributions (Najarro, 2023). Weathers (2023) also
mentions the launch of "Freedom Schools" in Florida with the purpose of teaching African
American history outside the traditional classroom setting, due to current legislative constraints
(Weathers, 2023). The Freedom Schools provides a comprehensive and empowering education
on Black history, countering the limited and often skewed narratives presented in standard
curricula (Weathers, 2023).
Freedom Schools' model of community involvement and curriculum can inform the
development of a boarding school pilot program by creating a supportive, community-oriented
educational environment. The comprehensive Black history curriculum from Freedom Schools
can ensure culturally relevant and accurate content. Also, strategies from the 21st Century
Community Learning Center (CCLC) program report, such as project-based learning and STEM
activities, can enrich the pilot’s curriculum. The report charts Freedom Schools pillars of
academic support, youth development, family engagement, and health and wellness (Raber,
2023). The report can be utilized for evaluation methods like collecting data on academic
performance and social-emotional development to inform further program development and

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adjustments. Mentorship and counseling services to support students' academic and personal
growth can also be explored. Also, the Freedom Schools programs typically develop
extracurricular activities that celebrate Black heritage, such as arts, music, and history projects
(The Presbyterian Outlook, 2002).
Nationally, CDF Freedom Schools send classroom teachers, called Servant Leader
Interns, to train together at the Alex Haley Farm in Tennessee (Barrett, 2023). Interns who attend
are college students or recent graduates and receive 90 hours of comprehensive training at the
national site and with local Freedom Schools partners (Barrett, 2023). This type of teacher
training of Freedom Schools can be integral in a pilot summer boarding program to ensure
culturally responsive teaching practices for Black students. Studies can include Eatonville’s
unique history and utilize local resources by collaborating with local historians, community
leaders, and cultural institutions to provide students with a rich, contextual learning experience.
The pilot program can be built to employ non-traditional and culturally responsive teaching
methods that resonate with students’ lived experiences.
Lastly, using the Freedom Schools model creates opportunities for parental involvement,
volunteer-led, and community partnerships. The pilot can partner with local organizations and
businesses to provide school resources, similar to community collaboration seen in national
Freedom Schools. An example would be the Association for the Study of African American Life
and History to share resources, expertise, and best practices. Feedback mechanisms can be
created through partnerships for students, parents, and staff to gauge continuous improvement
and targeted programming. A Black boarding school pilot program can be designed to provide a
rich and supportive experience for students and serve as a model for other communities seeking
to establish culturally relevant educational institutions.

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Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs)
Johnson et al. (2017) explores the critical role of HBCUs in educating African Americans
and their contributions to society. Despite facing significant challenges, including funding
disparities and social inequities, these Independent Black Institutions continue to be vital in
nurturing talent and leadership within the Black community. They serve as engines of social and
economic mobility for Black people (Johnson et al., 2017). Similarly, Brown and Davis (2001)
posit that HBCUs operate under a unique social contract in American society, serving as social
agencies that fulfill the promise of equal educational opportunities. Social capital refers to the
networks, relationships, and values that facilitate societal cooperation and economic
advancement (Brown & Davis, 2001).
For HBCUs, social capital involves providing students with access to resources,
networks, and support systems crucial for their academic and professional success. HBCUs have
historically provided education to African Americans who faced systemic barriers in
predominantly white institutions (Brown & Davis, 2001). This includes mentorship, alumni
networks, and a culturally relevant educational experience. They also play a crucial role in
preserving Black culture and history as their institutional presence and graduates contribute
significantly to the economic development of Black communities (Brown & Davis, 2001).
HBCUs have experience in developing robust academic programs that cater to the
specific needs of its students. They can help design a curriculum for a boarding school pilot that
combines rigorous academic standards with cultural education, ensuring students are wellprepared for higher education and future careers. HBCUs have the capacity for students to
engage in self-led research, develop products, and test their ideas. This can also attract industry
partnerships and provide practical experience for students within a boarding pilot program.

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HBCUs, like Bethune-Cookman or Florida A&M, can also assist in recruiting highly qualified
and motivated faculty and staff which includes providing training and professional development
opportunities.
With its collective and national reach, these universities can formulate partnerships
between local organizations, other educational institutions, and the private/public sector for a
potential pilot program. HBCUs, within the state of Florida and nationally, can share successful
fundraising strategies that have helped them sustain their institutions, assist with writing grants,
and lobby for government support. HBCUs often engage in these activities and can provide
guidance on how to secure funding from various sources.
Job Corps Career and Workforce Development
Jobs Corps is the largest career technical training and education program in the United
States for ages 16 to 24 (Schochet, 2021). Administered by the U.S. Department of Labor
(DOL), the Job Corps program helps young people become more responsible, employable, and
productive citizens (Schochet, 2021). It provides vocational, academic, health, and supportive
services primarily in a residential setting. The program serves over 60,000 youth annually with a
budget of about $1.7 billion (Schochet, 2021).
Jones-Mondero (2023) describes the DOL Job Corps program's summer recruitment
drive in Florida. The program offers free career training, meals, housing, and counseling at
campuses in Jacksonville, Miami, and Pinellas County (Jones-Mondero, 2023). Job Corps
provides training in high-growth industries such as construction, health care, IT, and hospitality,
aiming to equip participants with skills for apprenticeships and higher-paying careers (JonesMondero, 2023).

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The Job Corps program can help develop Black boarding school pilot programs through
its range of services, including vocational training, academic instruction, health care, counseling,
and social skills training. A successful pilot program should similarly offer comprehensive
services that address the diverse needs of students. Job Corps emphasizes the development of
both cognitive skills (academic and vocational) and non-cognitive skills (perseverance,
resilience, self-control) (Schochet, 2021). This dual focus could be instrumental in shaping a
holistic curriculum for a pilot. The residential component of Job Corps helps create a stable and
supportive environment for students, which is especially beneficial in a boarding school setting.
A residential setting can create a sense of community, responsibility, and belonging among
students.
As well, Schochet et al. (2008) highlight that long-term investments in youth programs
can yield significant social and economic benefits. Job Corps significantly reduced arrest and
conviction rates, as well as time spent incarcerated, particularly in the first year after enrollment
(Schochet et al., 2008). Despite the high costs, Job Corps was the only federal training program
shown to increase earnings for disadvantaged youth (Schochet et al.,2008). Using Job Corps as a
potential model, government agencies and private sector partnerships could help secure a
sustainability model and resources for students.
The Black Church
"The Original African Heritage Study Bible: King James Version" edited by Dr. Cain
Hope Felder provides a unique perspective by highlighting Africans’ contribution and presence
in the Bible. Felder (1993) emphasizes how the American Black Church has historically been a
source of strength and resilience, drawing connections between the experiences of early
Christians and Black people’s struggle for justice and equality. Felder (1993) explains:

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[The Black Church] has been the only institution that was totally Black-controlled and
used as a sanctuary of freedom. Throughout the history of this country, the Black Church
and Black religious leaders have been the primary vanguards for African Americans in
the struggle for freedom and justice (p. 1582).
The Black Church has a rich history of advocating for social justice and addressing community
needs. Through potential partnerships with The Black Church, a boarding school pilot could
include a strong emphasis on social justice, civic engagement, and leadership. Effective
leadership and governance are crucial for the success of a pilot program. This includes
appointing leaders who are passionate about education and community development,
establishing a clear vision and mission, and ensuring transparency and accountability in
operations.
The Black Church has traditionally provided an integrated approach of combining
education, spiritual guidance, and social support for community upliftment, allowing students to
participate in community projects and advocacy efforts that address local and national issues
affecting the Black community. The boarding school pilot could offer a holistic education that
integrates academic excellence with character development, spiritual growth, and life skills. This
can be achieved through comprehensive programs that include academic subjects, arts, sports,
and spiritual education through local churches in Eatonville or nearby. Lastly, to address the
social inequalities that face Black families, The Black Church can help provide funding for
students and financial resources, volunteer support, and advocacy for a pilot program.
In summary, a Black boarding school pilot program in Eatonville, supported by Freedom
Schools, HBCUs, Job Corps, and the Black Church, can provide a culturally relevant, holistic
educational experience for Black students. This initiative can serve as a model for other

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communities seeking to establish similar institutions. A pilot program allows for community
members and educators to be engaged in and assess the model before full-scale implementation.
Recommendation 2: Globally Connect Black Boarding Schools in the U.S. and Abroad
Bridging Black boarding schools globally requires a multifaceted approach that
encompasses policy advocacy, resource mobilization, and knowledge sharing. This
recommendation addresses findings from both research questions. Due to participants’ general
desire for a boarding school and to learn more about how a school in Eatonville can become
sustainable, national and global models can be explored. For larger impact and to assist with this
endeavor, Black boarding schools can facilitate deeper collaborations. Synergies can be created
that amplifies the impact of youth leadership development initiatives with networks and
connections between institutions like the ALA and The Piney Woods School. Investing in
research and evaluation will identify best practices and strategies for the scalability of Black
boarding schools worldwide.
Maxwell (2003) as well as Strong and Kelly (2022) provide support for the potential
implementation of a global network of Black boarding schools. Maxwell (2003) begins by
recognizing leaders who graduated from American Black boarding schools like William
Raspberry, the Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist for The Washington Post, and Andrew Young,
the former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations. Mainly focusing on The Piney Woods School
as a model, Maxwell (2003) shows how a global network can benefit from alumni connections in
the areas of funding, mentorship, and advocacy. Meanwhile, on the African continent, more than
70% of the population is under the age of 30 and is experiencing an explosion of young people
(Strong & Kelly, 2022). Focused on leadership development programs for African youth, Strong
and Kelly (2022) highlight the global ecosystem of educational and professional development

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investment. The approaches mentioned, like corporate leadership models and foreign
collaboration, can help create a pipeline of powerful African leaders (Strong & Kelly, 2022). The
article also discusses the importance of creating an educational environment that promotes global
awareness (Strong & Kelly, 2022). Connecting globally, Black boarding schools can address
both local needs and leverage international resources.
The ALA founded in 2004 and based in South Africa, serves a critical role in nurturing
the next generation of African leaders. Although the founding year is listed online as 2004,
Strong and Kelly (2022) details Ghanaian entrepreneur Fred Swaniker co-founding the boarding
school in 2007. The Academy's mission, as stated on their website, is to "transform Africa by
developing a powerful network of young leaders who are ready to accelerate the continent's
growth" (ALA, 2023). Their vision is a continent driven by "entrepreneurs, artists, scientists,
laureates, educators, innovators, diplomats, and leaders." ALA's success offers valuable lessons
for a potential resurgence of Black boarding schools in the U.S. Their focus is a holistic
education that combines academics with leadership development, entrepreneurship, with a strong
emphasis on African identity. ALA also has a powerful network and graduates are transforming
various sectors across Africa and abroad (Strong & Kelly, 2022). Creating a pan-African
network through exchange programs and collaborations could form a global village of Black
leadership that could tackle social and economic challenges across continents.
The Piney Woods School in Piney Woods, MS and the ALA, for example, could
exchange course materials, hold guest lectures virtually, or create joint online courses. They
could share innovative educational strategies and teaching methodologies. There are possibilities
of building deeper relationships across seas by having experienced staff mentor younger faculty
at both boarding schools. Having this type of partnership could create long-term effects for

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students and their future careers. For instance, organizing college fairs and networking sessions
with industry leaders can create global opportunities for Black students. Furthermore, a global
partnership between Black boarding schools would allow for shared expertise on grants and
fundraising efforts or collaborate on applications for collaborative, international projects.
Recommendation 3: Rebuild Business Centre and/or District
The recommendation to rebuild the Business Centre and/or District as part of Eatonville’s
identity is closely linked to the study findings for improved quality of town management and
infrastructure. To strengthen community identity and its economic base, this involves not only
physical reconstruction but also strategic economic planning to create a sustainable and thriving
business environment. A revitalized district can generate revenue and create job opportunities,
thereby increasing the town's stability. An economic and social ecosystem is essential for
supporting a Black boarding school, which would benefit from community investment and local
business partnerships. This recommendation also relates to Black Townships globally like
Soweto, South Africa. Connecting Black towns in the U.S. and internationally may create
working relationships and shared resources. In both instances, there are grassroots
entrepreneurial ventures and unique rebuilding strategies that can benefit Black townships within
a cross-cultural network.
Kong-Chow (2020) also gives insights that can be related to the efforts of Eatonville and
rebuilding its Business District. Mound Bayou, MS was known as the "Jewel of the Delta" and
was a place of refuge and economic success for Black residents (Kong-Chow, 2020). Still
operational, Mound Bayou currently has 1,534 residents (U.S. Census Bureau, 2020). KongChow (2020) emphasizes the significance of Mound Bayou as a model of Black economic

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empowerment and the complexities of sustaining such ventures in a heightened, oppressed
society.
Both Eatonville and Mound Bayou serve as powerful examples of self-governance and
community resilience in the face of systemic racism. The efforts to maintain businesses and
commerce in Mound Bayou reflect broader themes of Black entrepreneurship and selfsufficiency. Eatonville's efforts to rebuild its Business District can draw on this legacy by
emphasizing the creation of businesses that serve both economic and cultural roles. Mound
Bayou’s success as a Black town was not limited to just its residents, and in recent years, with its
historical presence at the National Museum of African American History and Culture in
Washington D.C., there has been renewed attention towards the town (Kong-Chow, 2020). The
article describes how Mound Bayou's commercial success was pivotal in establishing it as a
symbol of Black autonomy and resilience, with its businesses playing a crucial role in the town’s
social and economic stability. This example provides a clearer context for understanding the
network of Black towns and their economic, cultural, and political significance in American
history. Kong-Chow (2020) shows the importance of these towns as centers of Black autonomy,
community building, and resistance against systemic oppression.
Rebuilding Eatonville's business district could similarly reinforce its historical
significance and community identity. Encouraging businesses that cater to both local and
regional markets can help achieve economic self-sufficiency, for example, implementing
sustainable practices such as renewable energy, waste reduction, and organic farming. Investing
in infrastructure improvements, such as better roads, water/sewer infrastructure, and internet
connectivity, can make Eatonville more attractive to businesses and residents. This also includes

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creating spaces that support entrepreneurship and innovation, such as business incubators and coworking spaces.
Recommendation 4: Engage Eatonville Residents at Town and Community Events
The recommendation to engage Eatonville residents at town and community events
directly relates to the finding of greater relationship building and community engagement for a
Black boarding to be sustainable and feasible. The study revealed that organizational leaders
were not as easily accessible or willing to participate. To further access community views on
rebuilding a Black boarding school, this recommendation reflects upon possible ways of
engagement.
Rebuilding Black boarding schools requires a strong foundation of community support
and involvement. Stennett (2023) discusses the recent victory for the residents of Eatonville
regarding the Hungerford land. The community successfully prevented the sale of the historic
property, which was a significant triumph for the preservation of their heritage (Stennett, 2023).
The decision has rekindled hope among residents and the larger Black community, highlighting
collective efforts to engage in proactive measures to protect sacred land (Stennett, 2023); Land
that was once a Black boarding school. The decision to not sell the development property, which
holds historical and cultural importance, has brought renewed energy and unity within the
community (Stennett, 2023). Eatonville residents celebrated this victory, viewing it as a step
towards maintaining their heritage and ensuring the land remains under their control.
From another point of view, the Southern Poverty Law Center press release (2023)
highlighted the Eatonville Town Council's decision to reconsider the use of the historic
Hungerford property. The residents see this as a crucial first step in a longer process of
preserving their cultural heritage and ensuring that any future developments align with the

124
community's interests and values (SPLC, 2023). Ongoing efforts are underway to engage the
community in meaningful dialogue and participatory planning processes (SPLC, 2023), which
reflects community members’ desire for more inclusive and thoughtful development projects in
the future.
The recent decision to not sell the development property, formerly the Robert Hungerford
Normal and Industrial School, has reignited hope and a sense of community among Eatonville
residents. To build on this momentum, monthly town hall and community meetings to hear about
ongoing projects, to see how residents are not only informed but are also included in the
development process, are needed. Also, more engagement can be developed by participating in
Eatonville’s cultural festivals and events, which brings residents of all ages and the larger Black
community together.
A large aspect of community engagement is its young people (Arnold et al., 2008).
Successful community engagement involves a collective effort of stakeholders to identify and
address community needs. This type of participatory approach, where youth and adults plan and
host forums together, ensures that community members’ voices are heard and valued, leading to
more sustainable outcomes (Arnold et al., 2008). Key strategies for effective engagement include
involving youth in governance, decision-making, and participatory evaluation, which not only
empower youth but also lead to meaningful community development (Arnold et al., 2008).
O’Neill (2020) also discusses collective impact approaches, focusing on the need to
involve community members in decision-making processes to achieve social change. This
stresses the importance of participatory methods that advocates for residents, including parents
and youth, to have a voice in discussions and planning. More specifically, O’Neill (2020)
examined the Collective Impact (CI) approach that was implemented by Oakland Unified School

125
District (OUSD) in the Rethinking School Lunch Oakland (RSLO) initiative. The initiative
involved repurposing land for a Central Kitchen, Instructional Farm, and Education Center,
requiring significant community engagement (O’Neill, 2020). The article describes the
limitations of local government structures that hindered community participation (O’Neill,
2020). For OUSD, legalities and governance affected their capacity for shared decision-making,
especially regarding land use (O’Neill, 2020).
Possibly similar to Eatonville, historical land use policies and past governance decisions
influenced current community trust and engagement (O’Neill, 2020). For instance, previous
eminent domain and urban renewal projects in Oakland created distrust and resistance among
residents (O’Neill, 2020), emphasizing the importance of early and continuous community
engagement, whereas OUSD's late engagement led to entrenched conflicts. Effective engagement
involves listening, negotiating, and incorporating community input into decision-making
processes (O’Neill, 2020).
Engaging Eatonville residents in discussions about the best methods for community
engagement and relationship building is essential for the success of any development project,
including the interest of rebuilding a Black boarding school. This approach fosters trust, creates
inclusive decision-making, and builds a strong foundation of community support. Connecting the
findings to scholarly research, sustainable community projects require integrated, context-driven
strategies that prioritizes the needs and voices of its people. For a Black boarding school, study
participants believed this school model could uplift community members by being culturally
affirming while providing an equitable education.

126
Limitations and Delimitations
This study contains both limitations and delimitations. Limitations are study aspects that
the researcher cannot control or potential weaknesses that may affect results, such as external
factors that could influence participants (Creswell, 2014). Delimitations are intentional choices
and boundaries the researcher sets for the study, such as choices like selection of participants,
location, and study timeframe (Creswell, 2014). Delimitations include that this study specifically
applied to the Eatonville community and their views to build another and sustain a Black
boarding school. This delimitation intentionally narrowed the geographic area and ensured the
findings were relevant to this particular community. Another delimitation was the focus on one
stakeholder group and the small sample size of the desired population. Only organizational
leaders who either lived or worked in the town were interviewed, excluding other community
members who might have different perspectives. This small sample size may not fully represent
the views of Eatonville or other possible community partners, such as higher education
institutions like HBCUs and nearby colleges/universities. The study also specifically examined
views on building another Black boarding school, which may not have encompassed other
relevant issues or solutions within the community. A limitation was the study aimed to interview
between 5-10 community but was limited to five participants, due to the organizational leaders
that did not respond or declined to participate. After sending a total of 18 emails, the response
rate was outside my control. To add, another limitation could be those who agreed to participate,
and given the focus of the study, provided views that were consistent with what was sought. This
research was presented as exploratory in the information sheet participants received and at the
beginning of interviews to limit this limitation.

127
Future Research
The study of rebuilding Black boarding schools within Black townships holds significant
promise for educational equity and community revitalization. The current study has provided
valuable views by engaging with organizational leaders in Eatonville to explore interests for such
an initiative, what it could offer, and its feasibility and sustainability. These leaders envisioned a
Black boarding school for educational advancement, cultural preservation, and economic
development in Eatonville. They also discussed strategies for ensuring the feasibility and
sustainability of such a school through collaborations and partnerships.
Future research includes gathering data from a wider range of Eatonville residents. This
is the process of surveys, focus groups, and interviews with parents, students, educators, and
other community members. These types of stakeholders would provide perceptions into the
community’s educational priorities. Parents could offer perspectives on the educational and
social needs of their children, while young people could provide firsthand accounts of their
educational experiences and goals. Additionally, interviews with educators and school
administrators would shed light on the logistical and pedagogical considerations necessary for
establishing a boarding school. This data would not only enrich the understanding of community
desires and expectations but also aid in developing a feasible and community-driven model for a
potential boarding school.
Another vital aspect of future research involves exploring the interest and historical
context of Black towns that previously had boarding schools or other IBIs. Similar to Eatonville,
research in other towns should involve conversations with community members, town leaders,
and business owners. Their views will provide an understanding and potential impact of Black
boarding schools on a larger scale. Town leadership and local business owners play a critical role

128
in the feasibility and sustainability of such projects. Engaging with these stakeholders would help
identify sources of funding, partnerships, and collaborations essential for rebuilding efforts.
Town leaders could provide policy wherewithal and regulatory considerations, while business
owners could explore opportunities for economic support and investment.
Interviews with community members in Black towns could uncover historical narratives
and present sentiments regarding the revival of boarding schools. Understanding their
experiences and concerns would help identify best practices. Additionally, these conversations
could reveal unique community-specific factors that must be addressed to ensure the success and
sustainability of new boarding schools. Future research can highlight unique opportunities for
regional partnerships and shared resources, further enhancing the feasibility and sustainability of
rebuilding Black boarding schools.
Conclusion
This dissertation addressed inequality in society and reimagined a future, and historical,
educational model for Black students. Systemic inequities in education continue to undermine
the potential of Black students. The research study explored rebuilding Black boarding schools
within Black townships, specifically within the oldest incorporated all-Black town in the United
States, Eatonville, Florida. Community members' views were discussed on establishing another
Black boarding school and how such an endeavor could be made feasible and sustainable
through community collaboration and partnerships. Through in-depth interviews with
community members, including questions aligned with the P.A.C. conceptual framework, the
research findings revealed a general desire among participant community members for another
Black boarding school, to improve the quality of town management and infrastructure, long-term
partnerships and collective action for a Black boarding school to be rebuilt, and lastly, the need

129
for relationship building and community engagement. Using the P.A.C. conceptual framework –
Pedagogy of the Oppressed (Friere, 1970), Afrocentricity (Asante, 1980), and the Collective
Unconscious (Jung, 1968) – the study highlighted the significance of culturally relevant
education. Interview questions were strategically aligned with these theories to explore critical
reflections on community experiences, possible purposes of a Black boarding school, and visions
for what the school could bring to Eatonville’s children and the community.
The findings suggested that rebuilding Black boarding schools within Black townships
can serve as a transformative model, providing safe, nurturing, and academically rigorous
environments that celebrate Black identity and heritage. To that end, recommendations for
practice included developing Black boarding school pilot programs between town governance,
faith-based institutions, state and federal programs, and community organizations. Other
recommendations centered around connecting Black boarding schools in the U.S. and abroad for
shared resources and best practices as well as rebuilding Eatonville’s business district with
cultural identity at the forefront and the critical role of community and relationship building.
This study is not just about one town or one school; it is a call to action for educators,
policymakers, and community leaders to rethink and reconstruct educational spaces that honor
and uplift the African Diaspora. The oldest incorporated all-Black town in the United States was
formed with worsen racial violence than experienced today. If boarding schools were built then,
there is hope they can happen again. The legacy of Black boarding schools and townships holds
the promise of a more equitable and educational future. This research is meant to ignite a
movement towards rebuilding Black boarding schools, ensuring that every Black child can learn,
grow, and thrive in an environment that truly reflects their culture and is protected by their
community.

130
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APPENDIX A
Interview Protocol- Community Members
I. Introduction
Thank you for agreeing to participate in my dissertation study. I appreciate the time that you
have set aside to answer my questions. As I mentioned when we last talked, the interview
should take about an hour, does that still work for you?
Before we get started, I want to provide you with an overview of my study and answer any
questions you might have about participating in this interview. I am a student at USC and am
conducting a study on the perceptions of the Eatonville community on rebuilding and
sustaining a Black boarding school here. I am particularly interested in understanding if the
Eatonville community envisions rebuilding a Black boarding school and if so, what are the
opportunities of collaborating on a pilot boarding school program. For this study, I am
conducting in-depth interviews with Eatonville community members and university
practitioners.
I want to assure you that I am strictly wearing the hat of researcher today. What this means
is that the nature of my questions is not evaluative. I will not be making any judgements
about your responses to living and attending school in Eatonville. This interview is also
confidential. What that mean is that your name will not be shared with anyone in connection
to the perspective you provide. I will not share with others in the Eatonville community or
outside the town.
The data for this study will be complied into my dissertation and while I do plan on using
some of what you say as direct quotes, none of this data will be directly attributed to you. I
will use a pseudonym to protect your confidentiality and will try my best to de-identify any
of the data I gather from you. I am happy to provide you with a final copy of my dissertation
if you are interested.
As stated in the Study Information Sheet I shared with you, I will keep the data in a
password protected computer and all data will be destroyed after 3 years.
I have also brought a recorder with me today so that I can accurately capture what you share
with me. The recording is solely for my purposes to best capture your perspectives and will
not be shared with anyone. May I have your permission to record our conversation? Lastly,
do you have any questions about the study before we get started?
II. Setting the Stage
1. First, can you share what it has been like living in Eatonville?
2. Can you share any anecdotal stories growing up in Eatonville?

149
3. What community or town leadership positions do you hold?
III. Heart of the Interview
4. When you hear boarding school, what comes to mind?
5. Eatonville once had a boarding school, what do you know about this school?
6. Do you want a boarding school in Eatonville and why?
7. What are your hopes for the boarding school?
8. What purpose will the boarding school serve?
9. Envision the town as a boarding school town, what type of students you want to attend?
10. Is it feasible to have a Black boarding school in a Black township?
11. What partnerships are needed?
12. What must be in place for the school to be sustainable?
IV. Closing Question
What other insight would you like to share about our conversation regarding rebuilding a
Black boarding school that I might not have covered, if any?
V. Closing Comments
Thank you so much for sharing your thoughts and stories with me today. I really appreciate
your time and willingness to share. Everything that we discussed will immensely benefit my
dissertation. If I find myself with follow-up questions, I’m hoping to schedule a second
interview. Again, thank you for your time and words. To show my gratitude for your
participation, please accept this small token of my appreciation (gift card, items from
Eatonville, etc.)
VI. Post interview summary and reflection

150
APPENDIX B
University of Southern California Information Sheet
My name is Cymone Davis, and I am a student at the University of Southern California. I also
hold a role as CEO at Black Towns Municipal Management.
I am conducting a research study on the exploration, feasibility, and sustainability of rebuilding a
Black boarding school in the Southeastern region of the United States. The name of this research
study is “Rebuilding Black Boarding Schools Within Black Townships: An Exploratory Study to
Rebuild a Black Boarding School in the United States’ Oldest Incorporated All-Black Town of
Eatonville, Florida.” I am seeking your participation in this study.
Your participation is completely voluntary, and I will address your questions or concerns at any
point before or during the study.
You may be eligible to participate in this study if you meet the following criteria:
1. Seeking volunteers to participate in a study to explore interest and perceptions of
rebuilding a Black boarding school in the oldest, incorporated all-Black town in the
United States.
2. Participants should hold a town or organizational leadership position within Eatonville,
FL.
3. Community members should have an active participation in town activities.
4. You are over 18 years old.
If you decide to participate in this study, you will be asked to do the following activities:
1. Participate in a 1:1 in-person interview for up to 60 minutes in either Eatonville, FL.
I will publish the results in my dissertation. Participants will not be identified in the results. I will
take reasonable measures to protect the security of all your personal information. All data will be
de-identified prior to any publication or presentations. I may share your data, de-identified with
other researchers in the future.
If you have any questions about this study, please contact me: mamiedav@usc.edu. If you have
any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the University of
Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email hrpp@usc.edu.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Davis, M.A. Cymone (author)

Core Title Rebuilding Black boarding schools within Black townships: an exploratory study to rebuild a Black boarding school in the United States' oldest incorporated all-Black town of Eatonville, Florida

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Global Executive

Degree Conferral Date 2024-08

Publication Date 09/03/2024

Defense Date 07/17/2024

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag achievement gap,African American students,Black boarding schools,Black townships,Brown vs. Board of Education,cultural education,equity,inequality in society,school community relationship

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Krop, Cathy (committee chair), Alexander-Snow, Mia (committee member), Noguera, Pedro (committee member)

Creator Email macdavis1296@gmail.com,mamiedav@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC11399A6H5

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Legacy Identifier etd-DavisMACym-13472

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Davis, M.A. Cymone

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