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Latine college belonging: influences and differences of immigration and college generation

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Latine college belonging: influences and differences of immigration and college generation

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Content Latine College Belonging: Influences and Differences of Immigration and College
Generation
Nicole Piedra
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2024

© Copyright by Nicole Piedra 2024
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Nicole Piedra certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Ruth Chung
Sheila Bañuelos
Kimberly Hirabayashi, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024

iv
Abstract
This study applied belonging theory to investigate the college experiences of Latine-identifying
students over 4 years, aiming to contribute to existing literature on this demographic. The study
explores group differences in belonging based on college generation, immigration generation,
acculturation level, and Latine students’ perceptions of belonging. Participants were 130 Latine
students from 4-year colleges in California. Data were collected through an 85-question digital
survey, including scales such as the University Belonging Questionnaire and the Abbreviated
Multidimensional Acculturation Scale. Analysis involved ANOVA for group differences and
thematic coding for qualitative responses. Findings suggest that belonging varies among students
of different immigration generations. Factors like university support, acceptance, and affiliation
with U.S. and Latino cultures influence belonging positively. First-generation college status and
connections to family and identity groups emerged as significant contributors to belonging.
These results align with prior research on Latine student experiences, highlighting acculturation
and social connections in fostering belonging. Future research could explore familism, belonging
among diverse Latine identities, and nuanced examinations of first-generation college
experiences.

v
Dedication
To the writers, musicians, and artists whom I do not know personally but whose works helped
me know who I am and feel validated: adrienne maree brown, Karla Cornejo Villavicencio,
Hector Tobar, bell hooks, Joan Didion, Audrey Lorde, Calle 13, Zadie Smith, Kendrick Lamar,
Arjona. To the books all about love, The Body Keeps the Score, and The Four Agreements. To
the songs Te Regalo, Latinoamerica, Crown, Fear, I Drink Wine, Zion, The Rain, Where Will the
Children Play? And to the researchers whose works are cited in this dissertation.
To my friends, Kyla, Ethel, Rachael, Darcy, and Genesis, thank you for being there for my texts
and my rants even when I knew I could not always be fully present in our friendships. To Kenia
and Steph, I am so grateful we met and that I have had you as a community of love and support.
And to Evelyn and Chris, who rounded out the best team. To Brandi, thank you for everything.
To Maria, Afifa, Charlotte, Robin, and Aleta for navigating this experience with me bringing
warmth and laughter. Monica C., Jackson, Monica S., Solan, Andrea, Jay, and all my friends
who got married between 2021–2023, thank you for filling my weekends with all the necessary
distractions. And to all my friends who were patient with my 2-month wait time on texts, who
always showed up for the big things and the little ones.
To my students, past and present—you are my greatest teachers. Thank you for letting me be a
part of your lives and your stories. Thank you for allowing me to share a moment of your space
and time. And especially to Ale, your care holds a special place in my heart.

vi
To my bonus parents, Jonathan and Melissa, for so many reasons, I could not be here without
you. Thank you for always supporting and loving me like your own child. And to my brother,
Matteo, for being a constant in my life.
To my husband, Michael. I would truly have lived a different life without you. Thank you for
building this one with me. For the meal prep, the cleaning, the Pacha care, the patience. Thank
you for letting me do hard things and trying to make my life easier despite them. And Pacha,
dogs are a gift to this world, and you’re a gift to mine.
To my parents Monica and Benigno Alberto. Mi logro es su logro. Sé que sus vidas en este país
no han sido fáciles, pero espero que sepan cuánto les agradezco por todo. Es por ustedes que he
salido adelante y es por ustedes que tengo una vida tan hermosa. Esta tesis y este título hago en
dedicación a ustedes.

vii
Acknowledgments
This work, and participating in this program, are things that I could not accomplish
without an immense amount of privilege. I live in gratitude to have so many incredible people
and sources of knowledge around me, and that so much of what I do, in fact, belongs to the
people, communities, and spaces I have chosen to walk within. My community is my privilege,
and I do not have enough space or words to fully encompass my indebted love for all who have
formed part of my story.
To the participants of my study who took time to fill out this very long survey, thank you;
this story is yours. To Xochitl for your support in advertising my study and genuine care. To Dr.
Chung for your encouragement to try quantitative research and support thereafter. To Dr.
Hocevar, whose extreme patience and kindness in helping me with SPSS got me to this finish
line. Dr. Hirabayashi for your ongoing support throughout my time in this program. And Dra.
Bañuelos, for the help here and the community you create and foster for Latinas in academia.

viii
Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication........................................................................................................................................v
Acknowledgments......................................................................................................................... vii
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
Background..........................................................................................................................1
Significance of the Study .....................................................................................................3
A Note on “Latine” ..............................................................................................................3
Literature Review.................................................................................................................3
College Belonging ...................................................................................................4
College Belonging for Students With Minoritized or Historically Excluded
Identities...................................................................................................................6
Latine College Belonging ........................................................................................8
Intersectional Identity and Belonging......................................................................9
Theoretical Foundations.....................................................................................................15
Positionality .......................................................................................................................16
Methods..............................................................................................................................17
Participants.............................................................................................................18
Instrument ..............................................................................................................19
Data Collection ......................................................................................................22
Data Analysis.........................................................................................................23
Results................................................................................................................................23
RQ1: For Latine (o, a, x) Students at 4-Year Colleges in California, Are
There College Generation, Immigrant Generation, or Acculturation Group
Differences in Feelings of Belonging? ..................................................................23
RQ2: How Do Latine (o, a, x) Students Believe, if at All, Their College
Generation, Immigration Generation, and/or Cultural Connections (to

ix
Their Culture of Origin and U.S. Culture) Influence Their Sense of
Belonging in College?............................................................................................28
Emergent Findings.................................................................................................33
Discussion..........................................................................................................................34
Acculturation Is a Non-linear Process ...................................................................34
Belonging to U.S. Culture Is the Greatest Common Denominator........................35
First-Generation College Identity Still Matters .....................................................35
Belonging Is About Community............................................................................36
Highlight Diversity Within Diversity ....................................................................37
Implications for Practice ....................................................................................................37
Sustained Support for On-Campus Identity Groups and Centers..........................37
Acknowledging and Discussing Diverse Identities Within Latine
Community ............................................................................................................38
Extending Family Engagement Beyond High School ...........................................39
Fostering Language Supports in Higher Education...............................................40
Limitations.........................................................................................................................41
Directions for Future Research ..........................................................................................42
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................42
References......................................................................................................................................44
Appendix A: Survey Instrument ....................................................................................................58
Opening Instructions..........................................................................................................58
Section 1: Demographics...................................................................................................58
Section 2: U.S. Generational Experiences, Abbreviated Multidimensional
Acculturation Scale............................................................................................................64
Section 3: College Experiences, University Belonging Questionnaire .............................66
University Affiliation.............................................................................................66

x
University Support and Acceptance.......................................................................67
Faculty and Staff Relations....................................................................................68
Section 4: Short-Answer Question.....................................................................................68
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................70

xi
List of Tables
Table 1: Demographic Characteristics: Gender, Ethnic/National Identity, College
Generation, and Immigration Generation 18
Table 2: Instrument Questions 20
Table 3: Results ANOVA University Belonging Questionnaire Immigration Generation 24
Table 4: Descriptive Statistics Acculturation and Immigration Generation 25
Table 5: Correlations, Means, and Standard Deviations Between Abbreviated
Multidimensional Acculturation Scale and University Belonging Questionnaire 26

1
Latine College Belonging: Influences and Differences of Immigration and College
Generation
Four-year degree attainment is associated with economic benefits (Perna & Thomas,
2006), personal and professional mobility, and improved quality of life for degree-earner
offspring (Orell & Veldran, 2024; Porter, 2002). Since 2005, the number of Hispanics aged
between 18 and 24 enrolled in a 2- or 4-year college increased from 1.2 to 2.4 million,
representing 20% of all college-going students (Hernandez & McElrath, 2023). However, these
students’ college completion rates are still lower than their White peers, with only 51% of Latino
students completing a bachelor’s degree in 6 years (NCES, 2016, as cited in Museus et al.,
2017).
Background
Feeling a sense of belonging in college can significantly contribute to student retention
(Gopalan & Brady, 2020; Murdock-Perriera et al., 2019). Belonging is a fundamental motivation
(Leary & Cox, 2008) and has substantial effects on emotional and cognitive processes
(Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Hurtado & Carter, 1997). Additionally, in college, belonging
becomes a pronounced need, given the developmental factors of adolescence and young
adulthood and the fact that students are transitioning to a new social and physical environment.
When students feel secure in their sense of belonging at college, they are more likely to see
positive effects on their academic motivation and GPA (Gopalan & Brady, 2020; Gray et al.,
2018; Hausmann et al., 2007; Layous et al., 2017; Murdock-Perriera et al., 2019) as well in their
physical and mental health (Gopalan & Brady, 2020; Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Stebleton et al.,
2014; Walton & Cohen, 2011). While students might graduate from college without feeling a

2
sense of belonging, belongingness contributes to their experiences of thriving, which is a more
holistic perspective on their success (Strayhorn, 2019).
However, for students who hold identities that have been historically excluded from these
spaces and have navigated the constructs of systemic White supremacy prior to entry, feelings of
lack of belonging are prevalent. Previous studies on Latine student college experiences have
identified that indicators of low belonging may stem from perceptions of hostile racial climates
(Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Johnson et al., 2007; S. M. Williams & Ferrari, 2015), negative
experiences in residential environments (Johnson et al., 2007), and low or poor engagement with
faculty (Nuñez, 2009).
Moreover, Latine students often navigate space through multiple historically excluded
intersectional identities. Prior literature also indicates experiences of low college belonging for
first-generation students (Gopalan & Brady, 2020; Means & Pyne, 2017; Museus & Chang,
2021; Strayhorn, 2019) those who hold minoritized religious identities (Vaccaro & Newman,
2016), and LGBTQIA+ students (Parker, 2021; Sotardi et al., 2022; Strayhorn, 2019; Wilson &
Liss, 2023).
Critical intersectional identities for Latine students are college generation and
immigration generation (as also shown through acculturation). This study aimed to explore
belongingness at 4-year colleges for Latine-identifying students, with particular attention paid to
their college generation, immigration generation, and acculturation. Further, this study explored
whether there are group differences in belonging. This study used an 85-item closed (81 items)
and open-ended (four items) digitally self-administered survey. I identified participants using
snowball sampling through staff, faculty, and student networks at 4-year colleges in Southern
California.

3
Significance of the Study
While feeling a sense of college belonging is an essential factor in retention, college
campuses have yet to be systemically designed to foster belonging for all students. By exploring
how Latine students’ intersectional identities impact belonging, colleges and universities can
better prepare identity-aligned interventions and support students’ within the Latine community
who are most vulnerable. This study contributes to the breadth of research on Latine college
students and provides a contemporary additional perspective of belongingness through a mixedmethods study.
A Note on “Latine”
Throughout this study, and particularly in a review of previous literature, the term
“Latine” may be used interchangeably with other terms, including “Latino,” “Latina,”
“Latino/Latina,” “Latin@,” “Latinx,” and “Hispanic,” depending on the language prior
researchers used. The diversity of terms used reflects the fluidity of language as we continue to
create terminology that most closely encompasses Latine identity. All terms describe individuals
who consider themselves of Latin/Latin American origin or descent. The only term that strays
slightly from this definition is Hispanic, which refers to individuals who have Spanish ancestry.
Many Latines are Hispanic, but not all Hispanics are Latine. The differences between the use of
o, a, x, and e at the end of “Latin” reflect varying gender or non-gendered connotations of the
term.
Literature Review
This literature review addresses previous studies on belonging, acculturation, and the
experiences of Latine students in higher education.

4
College Belonging
Human beings fundamentally need to belong (Leary & Cox, 2008). It is a pervasive and
independent force tied to our social-emotional health (Leary & Cox, 2008). Strayhorn (2019)
framed the need to belong through Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, which places the need to belong
right above safety and physiological needs. Goodenow (1993) noted that there is substantial
evidence to tie developmental factors to the need to belong. In other words, feeling like we have
a home is a part of human existence, and young adults attending college are no strangers to the
fundamental need to belong.
Belonging is also a feeling that is not static and shifts during transition periods. An
example of a transition for college students is going to college or experiencing changes from
year to year while in college (Gray et al., 2018; Strayhorn, 2019). When students cannot feel
secure in their college belonging, they cannot attend to more traditional goals of academic spaces
like fulfillment and career exploration (Strayhorn, 2019). The importance of college belonging
has also been measured statistically, as students with low college belonging are more prone to
stop out (Gopalan & Brady, 2020; Strayhorn, 2019), transfer (Pascarella et al., 2004), or have
depression (Brannon & Lin, 2021; Layous et al., 2017). College stop-out occurs when a student
“stops out” or leaves college and does not enroll in another institution. Stopouts can stem from
students’ choices or be due to academic or behavioral expulsion.
To best address student success and college completion, colleges should strive to create
an environment that fosters belonging for all students. Factors that influence student belonging at
a university include the residential environment (or lack thereof; Hurtado & Carter, 1997;
Johnson et al., 2007; Museus & Chang, 2021; Nuñez, 2009; Strayhorn, 2019), connections with
peers, faculty, and staff (Johnson et al., 2007; Museus & Chang, 2021; Strayhorn, 2019 ), the

5
racial climate (Gray et al., 2018; Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Hurtado & Ponjuán, 2005),
membership in student organizations (Johnson et al., 2007; Strayhorn, 2019) and community
engagement (Hurtado & Carter, 1997), as well as the students’ social identities and community
context (Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Johnson et al., 2007; Strayhorn, 2019).
Central to belonging is feeling connected and accepted by others. College students will
encounter peers, faculty, and staff during their collegiate experience, and all these relationships
can influence feelings of belonging. Means and Pyne (2017) and Tinto (2006) found that faculty
engagement with students inside and outside class was tied to higher rates of belonging. Peer
relationships through residential life (Museus & Chang, 2021; Strayhorn, 2019), clubs and
organizations (Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Johnson et al., 2007; Strayhorn, 2019; Tinto, 2012) and
classes were also tied to belonging (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). Diverse peer relationships could
increase belonging when they were positive and decrease belonging when they were tied to
racialized incidents or a disconnect of values (Salusky et al., 2022). Hausmann et al. (2007)
found that mentorship from a staff member was particularly beneficial for first-generation
student belonging. Studies focused on mentorship programs at Hispanic-serving institutions
(HSIs) identified positive relationships and belonging outcomes for undergraduate students when
paired with a faculty or staff mentor (Castro Samayoa, 2018; López et al., 2021). Aguirre (2019)
also highlighted the value of asset-based mentorship for Latina students in science, technology,
engineering, and math.
Student participation in organizations on campus, civic engagement or community
service, and co-curricular opportunities such as study abroad are also spaces where individual
and group-based interpersonal relationships may influence belonging. Some studies have
identified that student multicultural or identity-based organizations foster higher rates of campus

6
belonging (Gonzales et al., 2015; Hausmann et al., 2007; Saunders & Serna, 2004), though
others have not identified a clear relationship (Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Hurtado & Ponjuán,
2005). Participation in identity-based communities may also influence belonging to varying
degrees depending on the student’s racial/ethnic identity. Identity communities are student clubs
and organizations specifically intended for students who share a specific identity, such as a
Latino Student Union for Latine-identifying students or a Latino student fraternity. Identity
communities may also involve or be formed by administrative staff and faculty, such as a center
for Latino/Chicano Studies. In one study, non-identity-based student social clubs and
organizations fostered greater belonging for White and Asian-identifying students but not for
Black and Latino-identifying students (Johnson et al., 2007).
Finally, residential environments foster greater belonging for students when compared to
commuter environments (Museus & Chang, 2021). Residential environments can create
inclusive, community-building space among students and serve as a primary hub for social
interaction (Strayhorn, 2019). They can provide students with mentorship relationships with their
residential advisors or friendships due to physical proximity (Museus & Chang, 2021). However,
for some students, specifically Black and other students of color at predominantly White
institutions, residential environments can also be a source of stress and lack of belonging due to
lack of representation and prevalence of microaggressions from peers (Hotchkins & Dancy,
2017; Johnson et al., 2007).
College Belonging for Students With Minoritized or Historically Excluded Identities
Historically, the college space in the United States was not designed for Black,
Indigenous, and other students of color and acted actively in the harm and marginalization of
these communities. S. Stein (2018) unpacked three eras of mythical shine that are dominant

7
narratives in higher education and how they also hide a shadowed underbelly. The founders of
these colleges enslaved people and funded universities through the profits of slavery. These same
universities also built their campuses on stolen land and secured funding through missionary
programs aiming to deculturize First Nation peoples (Patton, 2016). Additionally, the knowledge
granted to students in these institutions on topics such as geography, history, and philosophy has
been the same vehicle used to justify colonialism and racism (Scheurich & Young, 1997).
Given this historical context of U.S. colleges and universities, students who hold one or
more minoritized identities are less likely to feel a sense of belonging in the college space
(Johnson et al., 2007; Nuñez, 2009), as attributed to their belongingness experiences in
community environments, academic spaces, and their perceptions of general campus racial
climate. For students who have not been historically welcomed but further harmed by these
spaces, the residential experience carries a layer of historical and living trauma. Efforts of
colleges to create spaces of cultural affinity for students, such as identity-based unions, while
contributing to feelings of belonging, further drive home that the dominant space is not ‘for
them’ (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). At the same time, Museus et al. (2017) found that an
institutional-level commitment to creating a culturally engaging campus environment benefits
students of all racial groups.
Hurtado and Carter (1997) and Nuñez (2009) identified community service and civic
engagement as tied to greater feelings of belonging for Latino/a students. However, Johnson et
al. (2007) noted that service opportunities are more accessible to White students on a college
campus than other racial/ethnic groups. Hurtado and Carter also linked participation in
Latino/Greek life to greater belonging for 1st- and 2nd-year students but not 3rd-year students.
Moreno and Sanchez Bañuelos (2013) linked Latino/sororities and fraternities to positive

8
academic experiences for Latina students. Students found a community in these organizations
that allowed them to feel seen or see others like them and have a home space for belonging
regardless of whether they felt they belonged to the more excellent university (Garcia, 2019).
Finally, Hurtado and Carter (1997), Salusky et al. (2022), and Gray et al. (2018) found
that perceptions of the racial climate on campus were among the most significant factors tied to
low belonging for minoritized students. African American students reported experiences that
contributed to lower feelings of belonging, like being the only non-White person in classes or
social groups, as well as racialized incidents with peers and faculty at predominately White
institutions (M. T. Williams et al., 2020). For White students, in one study, the racial climate was
not a contributing factor to belonging (Johnson et al., 2007). However, for students of color who
did find peers from a shared identity group, group relationships contributed to positive feelings
of belonging (Hausmann et al., 2007; Johnson et al., 2007; Means & Pyne, 2017; Salusky et al.,
2022).
Latine College Belonging
Hurtado and Carter (1997) first explored Latino students’ belonging in their seminal
study. They found that discussion about academics outside of class with peers, participation in
peer tutoring, involvement in Greek life, religious organizations, and membership in socialcommunity organizations all contributed to Latino students’ feelings of belonging (Hurtado &
Carter, 1997). Membership in social-community organizations was the most salient. Overall
GPA and participation in some campus organizations were not tied to belonging. Membership in
racial-ethnic organizations was hypothesized to mediate a lack of belonging due to a hostile
racial climate.

9
Johnson et al. (2007) echoed these findings in their study but added that smooth
transitions to college were tied to belonging to Latino colleges. Strayhorn (2019) added to this
research finding that engagement with diverse peer groups (later supported by Nuñez, 2009),
access to knowledge outside of class, and financial status contributed to belonging. Students who
needed to work to support themselves or their families reported lower belonging. Vaccaro and
Newman’s (2016) qualitative study on the development of a sense of belonging also supported
this idea. Nuñez (2009) identified that engagement through practices under social capital through
positive cross-racial interactions and diversity curricula could be good mediators for lack of
belonging due to perceptions and experiences with negative campus racial climate. According to
Nuñez, social capital refers to the rules and practices of a space that allow for mobility. In a
college setting, this might look like knowing how to interpret a degree audit, go to office hours,
write a resume, or understand cultural language choices in a given space. Additionally, Nuñez
found that while engagement in these multicultural settings and practices could positively
influence a sense of belonging, engagement also could increase experiences of a hostile racial
climate on campus.
Intersectional Identity and Belonging
Crenshaw et al. (1995) first coined the term intersectionality, naming that individual
identities intersect in ways that impact how they are viewed, understood, and treated. For college
students with multiple minoritized identities, belonging is complex, and the convergence of these
identities can influence experiences of belonging. Qualitative studies on students who hold more
than one minoritized identity found belonging to one identity community but not the other
(Vaccaro & Newman, 2016) or did not think about one of their minoritized identities often
(Means & Pyne, 2017). Some research has reviewed belonging through an intersectional lens,

10
exploring belonging for identity pairings, such as first-generation college with racial/ethnic
identity (Orbe, 2004; Reyes & Nora, 2012; S. M. Williams & Ferrari, 2015), racial/ethnic
identity and sexuality (Strayhorn, 2019), and racial/ethnic identity, as well as class year and
racial/ethnic identity (Bui, 2002; Johnson et al., 2007; Salusky et al., 2022). However, little
research has addressed how multiple identities contribute to shifts in belonging or belonging
differences among varied intersectional identities. Further, contemporary research on identity
and college belonging for the past 10 years has mainly been in the form of qualitative studies.
This study aimed to add to the current literature on intersectional identity and belonging through
a mixed-methods study.
Two significant identities for Latino college students are their connection to immigration,
either as immigrants themselves or continuing generation (Nuñez, 2009), and first-generation
college status. Over half of Latino children (53%) in the United States live with at least one
immigrant parent (National Research Center on Hispanic Children & Families, 2020). Latino
college students are also most likely to be the first in their family generation to attend a 4-year
college, representing 44% of all first-generation college students in the United States (U.S.
Census Bureau, 2021, as cited in Greenwood, 2024). Given the significance of these identities, it
is essential that they are addressed in research as they pertain to Latine students who belong to
the college.
First Generation College Belonging
Students who are in the first generation of their families to attend higher education
experience high rates of attrition (Salusky et al., 2022), lower education aspirations (Bui, 2002;
Terenzini et al., 1996), and hold reported lower sense of belonging in college (Means & Pyne,
2017; Salusky et al., 2022). Factors tied to first-generation college belonging have included

11
perceptions of campus environment (Means & Pyne, 2017; Museus & Chang, 2021),
intersectional identities (Johnson et al., 2007; Salusky et al., 2022), college preparation (Yee,
2016), and feelings of validation (Museus et al., 2017). First-generation college students tend to
be demographically distinct from the average 4-year college student.
Significantly, first-generation college students are typically non-White (Means & Pyne,
2017) and come from lower-income backgrounds (Stebleton et al., 2014). As a result, firstgeneration college students may need to work (Pascarella et al., 2004; Vaccaro & Newman,
2016) or be limited by financial stability goals (Bui, 2002). Studies explicitly addressing the
intersections of Latin@ identity and college generation have pointed to Latino/students who are
in the first generation of their families to attend college having a lower reported sense of
belonging (Dueñas & Gloria, 2020; Reyes & Nora, 2012).
Several studies have explored interventions that may effectively mediate the negative
impact of first-generation college identity on belonging. Hausmann et al. (2007) found that Black
first-generation college students who received a gift, such as a care package from a community
member, reported a slower decline in belonging over the course of college. Additionally, greater
peer group interactions (Hausmann et al., 2007), as well as institutional support systems (Means
& Pyne, 2017), positively influenced initial feelings of belonging for these students.
Immigration Generation Belonging
While the literature extensively examines belonging among first-generation college
students, research exploring the intersections of this identity with immigration generation or
acculturation remains relatively scarce. Primarily, studies concerning immigration generation
and its implications for retention or other educational success factors have predominantly

12
focused on the K–12 academic milieu. Nevertheless, a handful of studies delve into college or
college transition contexts.
One study on this subject is Nuñez’s (2009) investigation into Latino students’ transition
to college. Nuñez linked aspects of intercultural capital to a sense of belonging. That research
uncovered evidence supporting a positive relationship between second-generation immigrant
status and perceptions of a hostile climate, which, in turn, negatively impacted students’ sense of
belonging.
Furthermore, S. Ryan and Ream (2016) examined immigrant generational disparities in
social capital behaviors that contribute to college access and success. They observed that social
capital practices were less prevalent among Hispanic households compared to their White and
Black counterparts. Moreover, there were discernible discrepancies in social capital practices
between first-generation immigrant student households and third-plus generations. Firstgeneration families sought knowledge from their families and immediate communities, whereas
third-plus-generation households relied more on relationships with institutions and school
administrators. Although this study did not directly address belonging or college retention, the
involvement of families in college planning and the differential context across immigration
generations are noteworthy.
In the K–12 domain, research on immigrant generation has identified associations
between immigration generation and various factors potentially related to belonging. Recent
immigrants (first-generation) have been found to experience more significant acculturative stress
(Mena et al., 1987). Second-generation children of immigrant parents have been associated with
reduced cultural belonging, lower academic achievement (Rumbaut, 2005), diminished selfesteem (Alessandria & Nelson, 2005), and heightened feelings of victimization (Peguero, 2009)

13
compared to their first-generation counterparts. Rumbaut (2005) attributed this to the likelihood
that second-generation immigrants have encountered longer or more intense exposure to negative
cultural stereotypes, which may predispose them to withdraw from academic and social contexts.
Additionally, studies on immigrant children who arrived after the age of 12 and secondgeneration immigrant children have linked first- and second-generation immigrant identities to
parentification—providing translation support or financial assistance for their parents (Johnson et
al., 2007; Kao & Tienda, 1995; Orellana, 2003). However, the explicit implications of
parentification for immigrant and subsequent immigrant generations in college remain
underexplored.
Influence of Acculturation
As Berry (2005) defined, acculturation entails the mutual cultural and psychological
adjustments that occur during interactions between individuals from different cultures. While
historically perceived as a linear process of assimilation, particularly exemplified by European
immigration to the United States, the narratives of Southeast Asian, East Asian, South American,
Caribbean, and Central American immigration to the United States have challenged this
simplistic view. In this evolving understanding, acculturation unfolds as a multidirectional
process, allowing immigrants to integrate aspects of the host culture while retaining elements of
their cultural heritage across generations (Sam, 2006).
The degree of acculturation, or challenges encountered during the process, has been
associated with various psychological outcomes for both adults and children. Immigrantgeneration students may grapple with acculturative stress—stress linked to the acculturation
process—in educational settings, leading to manifestations such as anxiety, depression, or other
psychosomatic symptoms (C. L. Williams & Berry, 1991). Conversely, individuals with high

14
degrees of biculturalism tend to exhibit greater adaptability in new social environments (Chen et
al., 2022), with biculturalism potentially serving as a buffer against acculturative stress (Suarez
et al., 1997). For instance, a study focusing on college students from diverse immigrant
backgrounds found that a strong endorsement of individualistic values associated with U.S.
culture correlated with higher levels of student well-being (Schwartz et al., 2012). Similarly,
heritage identifications were loosely associated with aspects of well-being, possibly reflecting
pride in one’s cultural origins and consequent self-confidence (Schwartz et al., 2012).
Additionally, Latino youths experiencing discrimination often maintain closer ties to their culture
of origin or traditional practices, exhibiting lower levels of acculturation (Baldwin-White et al.,
2017).
Acculturation also intersects with student academic performance, particularly in K–12
settings. Studies have found that students with positive acculturation tend to exhibit greater
academic motivation (R. M. Ryan & Deci, 2000) and engage more effectively in educational
goal setting and achievement (Nepper Fiebig et al., 2010).
Several studies focusing on Latino college students have further explored the concept of
acculturative stress (Castillo et al., 2015; Saldaina, 1994; Wong et al., 2017) and its implications
for the college experience. These studies highlight factors such as language proficiency,
representation in the curriculum, and familial relationships as influential in how Latino students
navigate and perceive their college environment. Moreover, gender differences in experiencing
acculturative stress have been identified, with female-identifying students often reporting lower
levels of depressive symptoms and acculturative stress (Castillo et al., 2015; Nepper Fiebig et al.,
2010; Tackett et al., 2024). Nevertheless, Nepper Fiebig et al. (2010) noted that femaleidentifying students also exhibited stronger affiliations with their culture of origin. While direct

15
literature linking acculturation and belonging among Latine college students is limited, previous
research on acculturative stress provides insights into the potential belonging experiences of
Latino college students and the intricate relationship between acculturation and belonging.
Theoretical Foundations
This study utilizes the theory of belonging as its primary theoretical framework. The
theory of belonging asserts that we have a fundamental need to belong and that it is a central
motivator (Leary & Cox, 2008). Said simply, people desire to be accepted and avoid rejection.
When these needs are not met, individuals may experience psychological impacts such as
depression. This is particularly pronounced in adolescence (Gray et al., 2018).
For students, academic, social, and psychological success in school environments is tied
to the need to belong. Goodenow (1993) defined belonging as a “student’s sense of being
accepted, valued, included, and encouraged by others (teacher and peers)” (p. 21). Low feelings
of belonging in school-based settings have been tied to effects such as depression (Brannon &
Lin, 2021) and aggression (Leary & Cox, 2008). For college students, belonging has also been
linked academically to GPAs (Gopalan & Brady, 2020; Gray et al., 2018; Hausmann et al., 2007;
Layous et al., 2017; Murdock-Perriera et al., 2019) and retention (Tinto, 1975). Strayhorn (2019)
and (Pedler et al., 2022) found that students who experience a positive sense of belonging are
more prone to seek university support and resources.
Tinto (1975) first explored the idea of belonging and its ties to college retention through
his model of student retention. Tinto’s model called for inclusion and immersion into college as
necessary for student success outcomes. However, since the release of Tinto’s study, researchers
have problematized the idea that students from minoritized identities need to fit into a college
setting, given the historical context. While acknowledging some of the theoretical underpinnings

16
from Tinto’s work, this study leaned more heavily on the conceptual frameworks of college
belonging provided by Hurtado and Carter (1997) and Strayhorn (2019), which consider identity
as a factor in college belonging. Hurtado and Carter (1997) linked belonging to academic,
residential, and social settings of college, including relationships with peers and faculty.
Strayhorn (2019) added to this work a conceptual model that connects belonging to Maslow’s
hierarchy of needs, considering the need to belong in college secondary to primary biological
needs.
Finally, this study also integrates the conceptual frameworks provided by Means and
Pyne (2017), Salusky et al. (2022 study), and Nuñez (2009), which highlight exploring belonging
from an intersectional lens, that is, incorporating multiple identities. The concept of
intersectionality shares that the totality of an individual’s experience cannot be encompassed
solely through a singular identity lens (Crenshaw et al., 1995).
Positionality
My relationship to this study is both personal and professional. I identify as an ablebodied, brown-skinned, Ecuadorian American, cisgender heterosexual woman. Further, I grew
up low-income in an affluent community, was within the first generation of my family to earn a
4-year college degree, and am the daughter of immigrants, a second-generation American. It is
how these intersectional identities influenced my feelings of belonging when I attended a private
residential 4-year college that, in part, incentivized my interest in working with students who are
historically excluded from higher education spaces. Further, these identities and my work
thereafter have inadvertently influenced my interest in exploring this research topic.
In conducting research for this study, I continue to learn and reflect on the marginality
and privilege I hold, given my positionality. As a now middle-income wage earner who is

17
pursuing a doctoral degree, I acknowledge the privilege I hold in the shifts of my identity and the
power I carry as a researcher. Further, in exploring literature on college generation, I have also
come to reflect on how I feel I should and should not take up space within the first-generation
college community. As the daughter of blue-collar workers who had not completed a 4-year
college education and the daughter of parents who attended a 4-year college in their home
country and one who completed a 2-year degree at a U.S. community college, I acknowledge the
privilege I hold within my college generation and the ways in which I do and do not identify as
first-generation.
When I engaged with this study, I was mindful of how my personal and professional
experiences in the college space influenced this study’s design, survey administration, and
interpretation of analysis results. In response, I ensured that the committee members reviewing
this research held positionalities, epistemologies, and professional backgrounds that were
different from my own. I also anonymized student data in the quantitative survey instrument.
Finally, I engaged in ongoing reflection on bias and subjectivities throughout the study.
Methods
This study set out to explore the following questions:
1. For Latine (o, a, x) students at 4-year colleges in California, are there group
differences in feelings of belonging based on college generation, immigration
generation, and/or degree of acculturation?
2. How do Latine students believe, if at all, their college generation, immigration
generation, and/or cultural connections (to their culture of origin and U.S. culture)
influence their sense of belonging in college?

18
Participants
A total of 130 Latine undergraduate students at 4-year colleges in Southern California
participated in this study. Survey completion rates between these participants varied; only 73
participants completed at least one open-ended question. All participants were over the age of 18.
The most represented intersectional identities were Mexican, Mexican American, Chicanx,
second-generation immigrants, and first-generation college students. Table 1 provides a more
detailed picture of participants’ demographics.
Table 1
Demographic Characteristics: Gender, Ethnic/National Identity, College Generation, and
Immigration Generation
Characteristic n %
Immigration generation
1–1.5 11 15
2 47 64
3+ 13 18
Nationality
Caribbean American 5 7
Central American 12 16
Mexican/Chicanx 49 67
Native 3 4
South American 11 15
Multiethnic/multiracial 9 12
College generation
First generation 61 84
Continuing generation 12 16

19
This study used a snowball sampling method to select participants that are a
representative sample of Latine 4-year college students in California. I recruited participants for
this study through email communication and digital advertising at their colleges, universities, and
community-based programs. Participants may also have found out about this study through
peers, colleagues, or mentors outside of their current academic institution or community-based
program.
Instrument
I collected data via an 85-item survey. The survey took participants approximately 15
minutes to complete. Four open-ended questions were placed at the end of the survey to allow
for further elaboration of topics in the prior closed-ended questions. Table 2 contains an
overview of the survey questions.

20
Table 2
Instrument Questions
Section n Question in
survey
Description of question
items
Purpose
Demographic
information
13 Q1–Q15 General demographic,
racial identity, ethnic
identity,
socioeconomic status,
college generation,
immigration
generation, age,
college year, college
size
Identify participants’
identities.
Abbreviated
Multidimensional
Acculturation
Scale (AMASZABB)
42 Q16–Q57 Uses three subscales in
2-part sections each
(assessing U.S. culture
followed by culture of
origin); includes
subscales: cultural
identity, language
competency, cultural
competency
Identify participant
connection to culture
of origin and U.S.
culture, determine
degree of
acculturation/
biculturalism.
University
Belonging
Questionnaire
(Slaten et al.,
2018)
24 Q58–Q81 Structured in three subsections: university
affiliation, university
support and
acceptance, faculty
and staff relationships
Identify participant
perception of college
belonging.
Short-answer
questions
4 Q82–Q85 Short answer questions
asking participants to
reflect on potential
influence of college
generation,
immigration
generation,
acculturation on
belonging
Understanding
participant
experience/perceptions
of belonging based on
college and
immigration
generation.

21
The survey consisted of four parts: demographic information (i.e., racial/ethnic identity,
birthplace, parent birthplace, parent/grandparent/guardian college attendance, socioeconomic
status, gender identity, age, college year, college size), an adaptation of the Abbreviated
Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AMAS-ZABB; Zea et al., 2003), an adaptation of the
University Belonging Questionnaire (UBQ; Slaten et al., 2018), and additional qualitative sense
of belonging questions.
Measure of Acculturation
The AMAS-ZABB is a 42-item scale with a 4-point self-report including cultural
identity, language, and cultural competency subscales (Zea et al., 2003). A Likert-type scale
ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree) is used for the cultural identity
subscales, and a Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (not at all) to 4 (extremely well/like a native) is
used for the language and cultural competency subscales. Zea et al. reported Cronbach alpha
coefficients ranging from .90 to .97. Cronbach alpha coefficient was .897 for U.S. identity, .875
for Spanish identity, .938 for English language, .942 for Native language, .832 for U.S.
competency and .872 for Latino competency subscales. I selected this instrument because it is
one of the more recent scales assessing Latine acculturation, focuses more broadly on the Latine
community (compared to Chicano/Mexican or other identity-focused instruments), and holds a
perception of reciprocity on the relationship between how varying cultures can influence one
another.
Measure of Belonging
The UBQ is a 3-factor 24-item multiple choice questionnaire with university affiliation
defined by 12 indicators, university support and acceptance defined by eight indicators, and
faculty and staff relationships defined by four indicators” (Slaten et al., 2018). Each question

22
item used a 4-point Likert-style scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree)
(Slaten et al., 2018). Slaten et al. (2018) reported an overall alpha coefficient of .93 and
coefficients of .89 for university affiliation, .85 for university support and acceptance, and .88 for
faculty and staff relations, as well as Cronbach alpha coefficients of .875 for university
affiliation, .88 for university support and acceptance, and .908 for faculty and staff relationship
subscales. I selected this instrument given its simplified and accessible language structure along
with the emphasis on college/university setting belonging as opposed to more generalized
belonging.
The four qualitative questions in the survey instrument ask participants to expand on the
role they believe their college generation plays in their overall college experience and the role
they believe their immigration generation plays in their overall college experiences to address the
second research question.
Data Collection
I emailed the survey to administrators in Chicano/Latino student support service offices,
faculty in Chicano/Latino studies departments, staff counselors in college success programs, and
student leaders of Latino/Hispanic student unions. A snowball sampling method encouraged
recipients to share the survey with eligible students. Follow-up emails were sent at intervals of 2,
3, and 4 weeks to enhance student participation. To incentivize participation, I offered
participants the chance to win one of four $50 Amazon gift cards through an opportunity
drawing, ensuring anonymity by collecting contact information separately. Qualitative data were
gathered in the final section of the survey to supplement potential low participation risks.
Appendix A presents the complete survey.

23
Data Analysis
I computed ANOVA single variate correlations for variables of college generation,
immigration generation, and degree of acculturation. Given the differences between sample
sizes, I employed the Kruskal-Wallis testing method. For the four open-ended questions
addressing the second research question, I used qualitative coding to identify common themes of
participant responses. I incorporated triangulation to address credibility and trustworthiness by
conducting additional qualitative interviews with some participants. Further, I remained
reflective and transparent about my proximity to the research topic and positionality.
Results
This study investigated Latine students’ belonging at Southern California 4-year colleges,
exploring group differences based on college generation, immigration generation, and
acculturation. Qualitative short-answer questions added depth to the findings, organized into two
research questions (RQs): RQ1 for quantitative findings and RQ2 for qualitative findings.
Research Question 1 is subdivided into sections for each independent variable: college
generation, immigration generation, and acculturation, for clarity and readability.
RQ1: For Latine (o, a, x) Students at 4-Year Colleges in California, Are There College
Generation, Immigrant Generation, or Acculturation Group Differences in Feelings of
Belonging?
Variable labels were adjusted and aggregated in some cases to account for lower response
rates. These labels included moving four students who identified as fourth generation or greater
into a missing category for immigration generation, grouping bachelor’s degree and further
education for college generation, and technical and associate degree obtainment.

24
For Latine (o, a, x) Students at 4-Year Colleges in California, Are There College Generation
Group Differences in Feelings of Belonging?
A Kruskall-Wallace ANOVA test assessed the relationship between college generation
and university belonging. I used this test due to incongruity within the sample, as some students
did not respond to all questions on the UBQ. Based on the UBQ, there was no statistically
significant relationship between college generation and belonging.
For Latine Students (o, a, x) at 4-Year Colleges in California, Are There Immigration
Generation Group Differences in Feelings of Belonging?
I also used a Kruskall-Wallace ANOVA test to assess the relationship between
immigration generation and university belonging. As shown in Table 3, there was a statistically
significant positive relationship between immigration generation and belonging under the
category of university support. University support and acceptance represents an 8-question
subscale that asks participants to identify whether they found supportive resources in their
campus environment, diverse experiences for growth, and overall satisfaction with the
institution.
Table 3
Results ANOVA University Belonging Questionnaire Immigration Generation
Measure 1st gen
immigrant
2nd gen
immigrant
3rd gen +
immigrant
p
M SD M SD M SD
University affiliation 2.887 .465 3.079 .613 3.079 .614 .608
University support 2.892 .511 3.269 .606 3.375 .597 .025
Faculty and staff support 2.929 .513 3.045 .814 3.210 .683 .485

25
These findings indicate that as immigration generation increases, students feel an increase
in their belonging grounded in the accessibility and connection to on-campus resources and
environment. The data suggest that students with a longer connection to the United States may
feel greater ease with navigating their universities’ resources or community spaces, given that
these practices may have cultural connections to the greater country’s cultural context.
For Latine Students at 4-Year Colleges in California, Are There Acculturation Group
Differences in Feelings of Belonging?
Finally, I also used an ANOVA test to assess the relationship between degree of
acculturation and university belonging. Table 4 shows the means and standard deviations for this
test. I conducted a 2-tailed ANOVA with the AMAS-ZABB as the independent variable and the
UBQ as the dependent variable. Table 5 details the results of this test.
Table 4
Descriptive Statistics Acculturation and Immigration Generation
Measure M SD
Latino competency 2.350 .705
U.S. competency 2.866 .627
Native language 3.214 .682
English language 3.750 .441
Spanish identity 3.456 .531
U.S. identity 2.650 .763
Immigration generation 2.043 .580
Note. N = 124

Table 5
Correlations, Means, and Standard Deviations Between Abbreviated Multidimensional Acculturation Scale and University Belonging
Questionnaire
Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 M SD
AMAS-ZABB Latino
competency
– 2.350 .705
AMAS-ZABB U.S. competency .192* – 2.865 .627
AMAS-ZABB Native language .336** –.110 – 3.214 .682
AMAS-ZABB English language –.278** .166 .086 – 3.750 .441
AMAS-ZABB Spanish identity .130 .063 .203* .184* – 3.456 .531
AMAS-ZABB U.S. identity .107 .508** –.039 .003 .007 – 2.650 .764
UBQ university affiliation .221* .279** .068 .150 .108 .401** – 3.000 .574
UBQ university support .094 .297** .144 .295** .063 .435** .545** – 3.255 .593
UBQ faculty and staff support –.052 .222* .077 .278** 024 266** .223* .406** – 3.071 .736
Note. *p < .05. **p < .01; AMAS-ZABB = Abbreviated Multidimensional Acculturation Scale, UBQ = University Belonging
Questionnaire
26

27
Regarding Latino competency, a statistically significant relationship was observed with
university affiliation. Based on the design of the AMAS-ZABB acculturation scale, Latino
competency refers to a participant’s confidence in naming popular culture related to the culture
of origin. For example, students were asked how well they knew popular television programs or
political leaders. Findings suggest that as participants’ awareness of Latino/Hispanic cultural
symbols increased, so did their affiliation with their university. This could be attributed to
several reasons, but most importantly, this finding points to the non-linear nature of
acculturation. Students may still feel connected to their culture of origin while also feeling like
they belong to a university in their host culture.
For U.S. competency, which measures knowledge of U.S. cultural symbols, a statistically
significant positive relationship was found for all measures of university belonging. Greater
familiarity with U.S. popular culture, including the ability to name political figures and actors,
correlated with higher reported belonging to the college community. This connection to popular
culture facilitates social belonging with peers, as well as with faculty and staff.
No significant findings were observed for native language familiarity. However, English
language competence is significantly positively correlated with university support and
faculty/staff support. This confirms that proficiency in the dominant language used at the
university enhances students’ sense of belonging in academic and social contexts.
No significant relationship between Spanish identity and university belonging was found.
Conversely, a significant positive relationship was observed between U.S. identity and university
belonging across all measures, indicating that students with a stronger connection to and pride in
U.S. culture reported greater belonging at their colleges and universities. This underscores the
influence of U.S. cultural identity on perceptions of belonging in the college environment.

28
RQ2: How Do Latine (o, a, x) Students Believe, if at All, Their College Generation,
Immigration Generation, and/or Cultural Connections (to Their Culture of Origin and
U.S. Culture) Influence Their Sense of Belonging in College?
The results of the first research question indicate that students feel some sense of
belonging at their colleges. However, the extent of that belonging and why it was formed are
evidenced in the responses to the open-ended questions. This section is divided into relevant
thematic areas in relation to findings for RQ1. Given the breadth and depth of findings from
qualitative responses, an additional emergent findings section has been added to address topics of
potential consideration for future research.
College Generation and Belonging
While quantitative findings did not identify a statistically significant relationship between
college generation and university belonging, student responses to open-ended questions highlight
that college generation, specifically for first-generation students, did, in fact, contribute to their
belonging experiences.
A prevalent theme in student responses was the impact of being first-generation college
students on navigating the “hidden curriculum” of college. Students expressed difficulties
understanding processes like financial aid, academic advising, seeking help in class, and career
preparation due to limited resources for finding answers. They felt unprepared for the
expectations placed on them from the beginning of college. Participants emphasized that their
familial background contributed to this lack of resources. For instance, a 1st-year female student,
identifying as a Colombian second-generation immigrant, shared,
I think, in general, everything requires 10x more efforts. Registering for classes? I have
to Google what class numbers mean, what classes I should take. Financial aid? My family

29
has never done FAFSA and doesn’t understand complex collegiate practices. I have
friends who send their parents any essay they write before they turn it in for edits or are
following their parents’ advice for course selection. I was raised by a single father who
can’t do either, he didn’t finish middle school and doesn’t proficiently speak English.
Students also demonstrated positive underlying emotions around being first-generation. For
some students, the fact that they were the first to encounter these challenges grounded them with
a sense of pride and gratitude. For example, a male student who identified as second-generation
Mexican in his senior year of college shared,
Being first-generation at my school has led me to realize how difficult it is to be in school
and the immense privilege I have being here. I often find myself having to feel grateful
for being in this space. Because my parents did not have the opportunity, language, and
money to attend school I find myself having to solve a lot of issues on my own. I am the
first one in my family to be interacting with the higher education systems, and these are
spaces I have to navigate using new connections I have made. Whereas a lot of my peers
are able to rely on their parents to solve or navigate situations and challenges.
This student named difficulty and barriers in his college experience but noted ambivalence in his
response. His difficulty reflects his pride in being the first in his family and what being in college
provides for him.
Further, for many of these students, creating family around their college identityformally through clubs or informally through friendships was an important contributor to
belonging. For example, a current senior at a small college who identifies as Mexican/Chicanx,
second-generation immigrant, and first-generation college student noted,

30
Groups like first-generation low-income scholars and [university] science scholars or
even chicane latine [sic] student affairs. These organizations have allowed me to find
community at a predominantly white [sic] institution where if it weren’t for my close
friends that I could reflect with, I think it I would have had a harder time staying hear
[sic].
Finally, students noted deep feelings of isolation in their identity, tokenization, or imposter
syndrome because of the dominant culture imposed in their colleges. To name that they felt they
did not belong or how they sought belonging meant naming, centering, and understanding what
the norm was. A Salvadoran woman who is a second-generation American and sophomore
student shared,
My college generation plays a role in how I belong because it sometimes makes me feel
very out of touch with everyone else. The majority have college graduate parents and
money and I don’t have that. It’s also a lot of pressure because I’m the one that has to
make a difference and get the education my parents couldn’t get.
Perceptions that their peers are navigating college with ease due to their privilege amplify these
students’ struggles. As a result, they may also feel pushed to or find a stronger affinity with peers
from their college-generation background.
Connection to Culture of Origin and Belonging
Sustaining quantitative findings, particularly on the multidirectional nature of
acculturation, connection to culture of origin and finding this representation on campus
connected positively to student belonging. Overwhelmingly, students identified that their chosen
peer community often looked like them or identified as Latine or Mexican. Students expressed
that peers who shared a cultural background allowed them to feel more comfortable being

31
themselves, expressing themselves, and feeling understood. One young woman who identifies as
a Chicana, second-generation immigrant, first-generation college student shared:
As a Chicana student, my Mexican culture has meant that I can very easily communicate
and feel connected with other Latine students. Due to the diversity within my school, I
never really feel alienated on an institutional way, and feel that my needs and voice are
supported.
Similarly to first-generation college students, students emphasized the significance of peer
community for their sense of belonging. They specifically highlighted belonging to an identity
group on campus. Those who were involved in an identity club or had access to a cultural center
reflecting their college generation and cultural background generally felt a sense of belonging, at
least in the spaces they frequented. These spaces provided opportunities to engage in shared
cultural customs or enjoy meals from their home culture, facilitating a sense of home within the
college environment.
The Academic Setting
Beyond social context, students also noted how the representation of culture of origin in
the classroom was important. While quantitative findings did not indicate a clear relationship
between Latino competency or Spanish identity and faculty/staff support, a handful of students
highlighted how their college having a Chicanx or Latinx studies major allowed them to feel
validated in their cultural identities. For example, a student who identifies as Mexican American
at a small college shared,
I am constantly trying to find ways to represent my culture and identity as Mexican
American because of the lack of representation there is in my college and other
[predominantly White institutions]. I am extremely lucky that my major is

32
Chicanx/Latinx Studies, and I am able to embrace my culture, however this department is
often not recognized or given the resources we deserve!
Majors that reflect culture and heritage allow students to see themselves visibly in the university
curriculum. Where most classes may reflect the stories or lenses of a White, Eurocentric
experience, Chicanx/Latinx Studies programs allow an escape and validation for these students.
Finally, for many students, seeing themselves physically and culturally reflected in their
peers and faculty during classes shaped feelings of belonging. When students felt tokenized or as
the only representative of their identity group, they often felt a disconnect. One student who is a
second-generation immigrant son of Mexican parents and a first-generation college student
shared,
I feel ignored, or if my perspectives/cultural roots would perceive American education
even at the higher ed level differently. So I [sic] feel timid about sharing inputs in fear i
[sic] will have to justify my perspective using ‘cultural experience’ and non scientific
data (passed down knowledge) to justify something.
U.S. Culture Affiliation, Acculturation, and Belonging
Student responses supported significant findings indicating a positive relationship
between acculturation to U.S. culture and university belonging. Most participants noted that their
connection to U.S. culture facilitated their college experience. They consistently expressed
understanding and comfort with U.S. culture, viewing it as a shared bond with peers and faculty,
even amid other aspects of their identity. For example, a Mexican second-generation immigrant
woman who is a first-generation and 1st-year college student wrote,
With my U.S. culture, there is common ground within everyone I speak to. More than
likely we listen to very similar music and watch very similar shows, are interested in

33
similar internet people and celebrities, and can engage about political discourse that is
affecting our lives. It is a connection that is much more established by shared interests
than it is by shared experiences in how we were raised.
For another student, a woman who is Salvadoran, a first-generation immigrant, and a firstgeneration college student, being affiliated with U.S. culture was the way she felt she was the
same as others. She wrote,
I think this helps me belong a lot because through my nationality, i’m [sic] the same as
everyone else. I’m American and I participate in voting and other actions. I have the
same presidents and that’s something that’s equal with all my peers.
Where most identity reflections for students have been in the ways they stand out and are
strategic in how they belong, being a part of U.S. culture was perhaps the one moment where
students did not feel they were on the outside or had to seek a community within a communityin this identity. They could just be.
Emergent Findings
The qualitative findings revealed additional significant trends regarding minority students
within the broader Latine community. Despite Latine identity’s marginalization in many
colleges, this community’s diversity and intersectionality highlight non-uniform experiences.
Most respondents identified as first-generation college students (84%), Mexican/Chicanx
(67%), and/or children of immigrants (64%). However, students with less common intersections,
such as third-generation immigrants, continuing-generation college students, or members of nonMexican/Chicanx national identities, faced challenges in finding belonging. They felt neither
fully American nor entirely connected to their nationality, immigration generation, or college
generation, fostering ambivalence about their place.

34
Furthermore, some students discussed the pressures of participating in Spanish language
courses. For instance, a 1st-year Salvadoran first-generation college student at a small college
expressed, “My Spanish skills aren’t the best and not up to par with a native speaker, so
sometimes I find that being in Spanish class, my peers silently judge me for being the only
Latino in that course level.” The complexity of students’ relationships with their language of
origin varied. Some felt their inability to speak Spanish diminished their sense of belonging.
Others, particularly third-generation immigrants, felt excluded from Latine student communities
due to their lack of language proficiency, reflecting the significance of language as a cultural
symbol among Latine communities.
Discussion
This study’s findings were consistent with previous literature on Latine college
experiences, acculturation, and core traits of belongingness.
Acculturation Is a Non-linear Process
This study found a positive correlation between students’ Latino competency, which
assesses familiarity with native cultural symbols, and their sense of belonging through university
affiliation. Qualitative findings underscored the positive impact of cultural events, identity
groups, Latine-focused centers, and Chicanx/Latinx academic programs on belonging. The
presence of these spaces and access to other Latine students may contribute to students’
understanding and appreciation of Latine popular culture. Students who take pride in their
university and find belonging through university events may also do so in their engagement with
Latine popular culture.
The current discourse on acculturation emphasizes that students can simultaneously
embrace their Latine roots and feel a sense of belonging in their academic setting. Although the

35
college experience may be part of American culture, biculturally adjusted students can navigate
both cultural spaces with pride. Moreover, research, such as that by Fraga et al. (2012), indicated
that recent immigrants may feel pressure to acculturate to the United States. In contrast, those
born in the U.S. may already feel integrated, reducing the need for further acculturation.
Belonging to U.S. Culture Is the Greatest Common Denominator
Competency in U.S. popular culture and identity proved to positively connect with
students’ feelings of belonging. In quantitative findings, both host culture acculturation clusters
correlated with university affiliation and support, and U.S. identity also related to faculty and
staff support. Open-ended responses revealed that many students viewed familiarity with popular
culture as a means to integrate and navigate relationships with faculty and peers. Some students
considered this identity so routine that it required little contemplation.
Mean scores on the UBQ consistently exceeded 3.0 on a 4.0 scale across demographics,
indicating a general sense of belonging among students despite potential group differences.
These results echo prior research on acculturative stress, suggesting that stronger connections to
the host culture mitigate such stress (Lueck & Wilson, 2011). Additionally, low school belonging
may be linked to acculturative stress (Roche & Kuperminc, 2012).
First-Generation College Identity Still Matters
While the quantitative data did not show a statistically significant relationship between
college generation and belonging, qualitative responses echoed previous literature on the
significance of this identity in shaping college belonging experiences. The limited number of
non-first-generation college students in the study (12.7%) likely contributed to the absence of
statistical significance. Research by Salusky et al. (2022), Bui (2002), Means and Pyne (2017),
Yee (2016), Museus et al. (2017), and others has highlighted first-generation college status for

36
student belonging at 4-year institutions. Similarly, studies by Stebleton et al. (2014), Dueñas and
Gloria (2020), Reyes and Nora (2012), and Strayhorn (2019) have emphasized this identity for
Latine-identifying students.
First-generation college students who participated in the qualitative component described
challenges in navigating college, accessing resources, connecting with faculty or staff, and
maintaining familial ties. However, they also emphasized identity groups and peer support in
fostering a sense of belonging, consistent with prior research.
Belonging Is About Community
Belonging is often about finding a connection and a sense of home in others. As Leary
and Cox (2008) highlighted, humans inherently seek group membership and human connection.
The predominant theme in students’ open-ended responses was the role of connection in their
college experience. Connection took various forms across different identities, but for the
participants, relationships with family and peers were particularly significant.
Research on Latine college students underscores the importance of familial bonds in
ethnic identity development (Jean-Van Hell, 2007; Nepper Fiebig et al., 2010; G. L. Stein et al.,
2017). In collectivist cultures like Latine culture, family influences individuals’ navigation of
space, even outside their homes. Students emphasized how their families influenced decisionmaking and served as motivation for college persistence. Family ties contributed both positively
and negatively to student belonging experiences.
For students struggling to find familial belonging in the college environment, many
sought communities in peers, cultural centers, and student groups. Like Luna and Martinez’s
(2013) findings, participants wanted to connect with peers who shared their Latine identity,
finding solace and support through resource sharing within these communities. N. Rodriguez et

37
al. (2003) also supported the significance of peer support, noting its greater impact on
psychological well-being compared to family support.
Finally, Leary and Cox (2008) discussed the socialization of belonging, where
individuals may establish or respond to out-groups to feel included in the in-group. Many
students described their experiences in this context, highlighting differences and disconnect with
the dominant outgroup, often described as White, affluent, or privileged.
Highlight Diversity Within Diversity
While this study lacked a significant representation of third-generation or higher
immigrants, non-Mexican, Mexican American, Chicanx individuals, and continuing-generation
college students, it is important to acknowledge the existence of these underrepresented groups.
Most literature on Latinx college students focuses on more prevalent intersections of Latinx
identity. However, as U.S. Latinx communities’ societal dynamics evolve and generational shifts
occur, research must not overlook these outliers. Previous literature has explored similar themes,
though through the lens of the country of origin, focusing on domestic versus international
students (C. Rodriguez et al., 2017).
Implications for Practice
This study reinforces research on the college experiences of Latinx students and the
significance of belonging at their academic institutions. As the fastest-growing minority group
enrolling in colleges, observing and supporting Latine students’ experiences is imperative.
Sustained Support for On-Campus Identity Groups and Centers
This study’s findings echo previous literature on identity-based communities on campus
(Garcia, 2019; González, 2002; Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Martinez & Nuñez, 2023). Participants
found belonging predominantly through fostered community spaces such as identity groups,

38
cultural centers, cultural celebrations, and dedicated academic programs. Colleges must uphold
these spaces and continue investing energy and resources to center their student body’s diverse,
intersectional identities. Latine, first-generation college students, and students of immigrant and
immigrant descent all require a space to find belonging and community. And further, to see
themselves recognized in their larger university communities.
This is particularly important given contemporary events and policies targeting diversity
initiatives at colleges and universities. In 2023, the Supreme Court revoked Affirmative Action
consideration (Jaschik, 2023). In 2024, college diversity, equity, and inclusion offices and
programs face increasing pressures through state or federal-based DEI bans (Wood, 2023). These
events point to shifting tides in the accessibility of resources and funding. For this reason,
creativity may be required in how universities reframe/rename their cultural organizations or
protect them through legal action or budgeting initiatives. Alternatively, universities may invest
resources in academic mentorship or staff/faculty mentorship programs as a source of cultural
community building without the risk of DEI bans. Previous literature on Latine mentorship
(Castro Samayoa, 2018; López et al., 2021) and qualitative findings from this study confirm that
mentorship is important in developing a sense of belonging.
Acknowledging and Discussing Diverse Identities Within Latine Community
Latine identity is multifaceted, encompassing diverse cultural and identity affiliations.
Cuellar and Salinas Jr. (2022) explore previous literature on Latin* identity development and the
impacts and outcomes of these diverse, intersectional identities, highlighting how intersectional
identities can impact the student experience and enrollment trends. Findings highlighted in this
study and referenced in previous studies, particularly those of Nuñez (2009), Torres (2003), and

39
Torres et al. (2019), indicate that a monolithic approach to understanding and supporting Latine
students is insufficient.
Cuellar and Salinas (2022) recommended expanding data tracking at a federal and
national level. I propose extending this practice to institution-based data collection, including via
admissions offices, student affairs offices, and identity centers. These spaces may offer a greater
opportunity to disaggregate data by providing question prompts in surveys that ask students to
identify nationality or regional identity. Further, it allows ample opportunities for students to
identify other intersects of their identity around college generation and socioeconomic status.
Data gathering and disaggregating then can be coupled with institutional commitments to
recognize and celebrate the Latine community’s diversity, which can positively contribute to the
sense of belonging for Latine students. This may include promoting cultural events and practices
reflective of various Latine nationalities, collaborations between Latine and first-generation
college identity groups on campus, or embedding greater diversity of texts and academic
resources to reflect intersectional experiences of Latine peoples or multiply-minoritized Latine
peoples. Opportunities such as hosting “real talks” or community discourses around how
intersectional identity impacts experiences may also be beneficial in fostering belonging and
community development.
Extending Family Engagement Beyond High School
For many students, their connections to family and being the first in the college space
were a source of pride and a lack of belonging to their families. Moreover, the relationship with
their families and their desire for parents to be involved in their education did not end with
college access. This study adds to the literature on familism and its relevance for Latinx students.
Previous literature on Latinx families and colleges confirms that family involvement is important

40
in the college-going process, including through family encouragement (Marrun, 2020),
participation in educational preparation (Zarate, 2007), and the transmission of cultural capital
(Matos, 2023). Yet, students in this study still emphasized how their family connection,
particularly as Latine first-generation college students or second-generation immigrant students,
resulted in mixed feelings of belonging.
Colleges can learn from practices noted in the literature to create community-based
programming around ongoing programming around college success. These institutions may
provide sessions led by other Latine or first-generation staff, students, or community members
that allow for cultural capital transmission and cultural awareness. For example, sessions may
focus on sharing about the college experience for students with parents, fostering parent
networks, and resource sharing on processes like academic advising, financial aid, and career. In
doing so, institutions may support bridging the gap students may feel forming between
themselves and their families when they go to college.
Fostering Language Supports in Higher Education
Quantitative findings indicate that language matters for belonging- if students can better
understand what is happening in their classes or conversations with faculty and staff, they will
likely feel more comfortable. Previous literature on English language learning (ELL) students
and colleges generally centers on how ELL students have barriers to college entry (Kanno &
Cromley, 2015; Kanno & Kangas, 2014) but not on what continued support looks like when they
get there. Colleges should provide options for language practice or additional resources to ELL
students.

41
Limitations
This study has several limitations. Due to my personal connections, the sample primarily
consisted of students from two Southern California colleges. Consequently, most participants
attended private, predominantly White institutions, potentially limiting the generalizability of
findings to historically HSIs or schools with a non-White majority. Moreover, most participants
were female, first-generation college students, second-generation immigrants, and identified as
Mexican/Chicanx/Mexican American, reflecting demographic trends in Southern California. The
intersection of first-generation college and second-generation immigrant identities limited the
ability to analyze group differences effectively.
Limitations in instrumentation and data collection methods were evident. Quantitative
and qualitative findings diverged, possibly due to differences in survey structure. While
demographic identifiers assessed college generation quantitatively, open-ended questions
provided qualitative insights into students’ reflections on their college generation. The
preexisting instruments, AMAS-ZABB and UBQ, may not fully capture students’ acculturation
and sense of belonging. The tools selected were deemed suitable for addressing RQs but may not
encompass all aspects of identity and belonging.
Qualitative findings were collected asynchronously through open-ended survey
questions, potentially limiting the depth of understanding. Future studies may benefit from
interview strategies, allowing for follow-up questions and deeper insights. Lastly, the study did
not account for other identities, such as race, gender, sexuality, and ability, which are also
associated with belonging.

42
Directions for Future Research
Future research on Latine college experiences should aim to delve deeper into the Latine
community’s diversity, focusing on outlier identities and emerging demographic trends. This
includes exploring the experiences of students from continuing college generations and thirdgeneration or above immigrants, who, although not representing the majority, may hold
significance as Latinx communities evolve in the United States.
While most participants identified as first-generation college students, disaggregating this
identity may offer insights into Latinx college experiences. Specifically, future research should
examine how parents’ or grandparents’ educational attainment (e.g., primary education, high
school, associate degree) influences students’ ability to navigate college warrants attention.
Additionally, although not the primary focus of this study, some quantitative findings suggested
statistically significant relationships between immigration status and acculturation. Exploring
these intersections alongside familial and their connections to other factors, such as residential
living or academic settings, could provide further insight into Latinx belonging experiences.
Conclusion
The theme of this study began with the phrase ni de aquí, ni de allá (meaning “neither
from here nor from there”) and emerged as a complex exploration of belonging. Analyzing
participants’ responses revealed that this phrase embodies more than just a sense of not fitting
into one space or another; it represents the ambivalence of simultaneously experiencing
marginality and belonging. It reflects the duality of being part of the beautiful, rich, and diverse
Latine community, which elicits feelings of pride, frustration, resilience, and motivation all at
once.

43
Despite colleges and universities in the United States not being originally designed with
Latine students in mind, these students have forged paths to belonging through campus
community building, maintaining familial connections, preserving their cultural heritage, and
navigating and adapting to U.S. culture. Latine students have become integral members of 4-year
college communities, and their identities and experiences deserve recognition and inclusion in
these spaces. Moreover, they need these spaces to be of them. To be Latine in U.S. colleges and
the United States should be an experience of “de aquí y de allá” (of here and there).

44
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Appendix A: Survey Instrument
The following sections present the survey instrument used in this study.
Opening Instructions
This survey is designed to better understand the college belonging experiences of
Latine(o,a,x) students at 4-year colleges in California. More specifically, the researchers of this
study are hoping to understand the relationship between intersectional identities of immigration
generation and college generation with belonging. Here we use Goodenow’s (1993) definition of
belonging as “the extent to which students feel personally accepted, respected and included and
the support by others in the school social environment” (p.80).
The information collected from this survey and sequential study aims to help higher
education practitioners better support Latine students at 4-year colleges.
This survey should take approximately 15 minutes to complete. All responses are
anonymous, and information collected will not be distributed for use outside of this study.
Should you want to participate in an opportunity drawing for one of multiple $50 Amazon gift
cards, please follow the link included at the end of the survey.
Section 1: Demographics
The following section asks questions about your identities and college status.
1. (logic no = end survey) Do you identify as Latine/o/a/x or Hispanic? This study
defines Latino/Hispanic as a person of Latin American origin or descent.
• yes
• no

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2. (logic no = end survey) Are you over the age of 18?
• yes
• no
3. What are your racial identity/identities? There will be a space to further detail
ethnicity in the next question. Select all that apply.
• African/African American/Black
• American Indian/Alaskan Native/Indigenous, specify tribal affiliation if
applicable __
• Asian/Asian American
• Latine (o/a/x)
• Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, specify ethnicity if applicable __
• Middle Eastern, North African, Arab/Arab American, specify ethnicity if
applicable __
• White/European American
• Other __ (Please specify).
4. (logic based on Q3) Based on your response to the previous question, please select
one or more of the following that best describes your background/ethnic
identity/identities.
• African/African American/Black
• African (Ethiopian, Egyptian, Ghanaian, etc.)
• Afro-Caribbean (Cuban, Dominican, Haitian, etc.)
• Other __ (please specify).
• American Indian/Alaskan Native/Indigenous

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• Please note your tribal affiliation ___
• Asian/Asian American
• Central (Kazakhstani, Uzbek, Tajik, etc.)
• East (Chinese, Japanese, Korean, etc.)
• South (Indian, Pakistani, Nepalese, etc. )
• Southeast (Thai, Cambodian, Filipx, etc.)
• Other __ (please specify)
• Latine
• Caribbean American (Dominican, Puerto Rican, Haitian, etc.)
• Central American (Guatemalan, Salvadoran, Costa Rican, etc.)
• Mexican/Mexican American
• South American (Colombian, Ecuadorian, Brazilian, etc.)
• Other __ (please specify).
5. What is your gender identity/identities? (Select all that apply from below)
• genderqueer/gender non-conforming
• Man
• non-binary
• trans man/trans male/transmasculine
• trans woman/trans female/transfeminine
• transgender
• woman
• self-identified
• not listed/other __

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6. What is your country of birth? (Open-ended)
7. If your country of birth is not the United States, at what age did you immigrate to the
United States (pick the most appropriate age range)?
• <1 years of age
• 2
• 3
• 4
• 5
• 6
• 7
• 8
• 9
• 10
• 11
• 12
• 13
• 14
• 15
• 16
• 17
• 18
• > 18 years of age

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8. What is the country of birth of your parent or guardian? Please complete this question
for each parent/guardian you have. You may use the ‘add additional’ to add more
than one parent/guardian. (drop down + add another option)
• Parent 1
• add another
9. What is the country of birth of your grandparents? Please complete this question for
each grandparent you have knowledge of. You may use the “add additional” to add
more than one parent/guardian.
• Grandparent 1
• add another
10. Do you identify as a first-generation college student? This survey defines a firstgeneration college student as someone who is attending a 4-year college and whose
parent(s), stepparents, guardians, or grandparents have not completed a 4-year college
degree.
• yes
• no
• not sure
11. Please select the highest level of education obtained by any of your parents,
stepparents, guardians, or grandparents.
• primary school (attended some school before age 14 or U.S. ninth-grade
equivalent)
• some high school (attended school after age 14 or U.S. ninth-grade
equivalent).

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• completed high school/high school diploma equivalent.
• completed technical education certificate.
• some college (attended a 2- or 4-year institution).
• completed associate degree.
• completed bachelor’s degree.
• completed education beyond bachelor’s degree (i.e., master’s, doctoral, or
post-graduate certificate program)
• Other __ (please specify).
12. Please select the relative size of the college you attend.
• small, < 5000 undergraduate students
• medium, 5000-15000 undergraduate students
• large, > 15000 undergraduate students
• not sure
13. Please type the zip code for your current college. (short answer)
14. Please select the class year that best describes your current college status.
• 1st year/freshman
• 2nd year/sophomore
• 3rd year/junior
• 4th year/senior
• 5th year
• 6th year
• Other_ (please specify).

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15. Do you consider English to be your primary language?
• yes
• no
Section 2: U.S. Generational Experiences, Abbreviated Multidimensional Acculturation
Scale
The following section asks questions related to your culture of origin and your native
language. By culture of origin, we are referring to the culture of the country you or one or more
of your parents/grandparents came from (e.g. Puerto Rico, Cuba, China).
By native language we refer to the language of that country, potentially spoken by you,
your parents, your grandparents in that country (e.g., Spanish, Quechua, Mandarin). If you come
from a multicultural family, please choose the culture you relate to the most.
For the next questions, please use the scale 1 = strongly disagree, 4 = strongly agree.
16. I think of myself as being U.S. American.
17. I feel good about being U.S. American.
18. Being U.S. American plays an important part in my life.
19. I feel that I am part of U.S. American culture.
20. I have a strong sense of being U.S. American.
21. I am proud of being U.S. American.
22. I think of myself as being (a member of my culture of origin).
23. I feel good about being (a member of my culture of origin).
24. Being (a member of my culture of origin) plays an important part in my life.
25. I feel that I am part of culture (culture of origin).
26. I have a strong sense of being (culture of origin).

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27. I am proud of being (culture of origin).
For the next questions, please use the scale 1 = not at all, 4 = extremely well.
How well do you speak English
• at school or work
• with American friends
• on the phone
• with strangers
• in general
How well do you understand English:
• on television or in movies
• in newspapers and magazines
• words in songs
• in general
How well do you speak the language best associated with native language*
• with family
• with friends from the same country as you
• on the phone
• with strangers
• on the phone
How well do you understand your native language*
• on television or in movies
• in newspapers and magazines
• words in songs

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• in general
How well do you know
• American national heroes
• popular American television shows
• popular American newspapers and magazines
• popular American actors and actresses
• American history
• American political leaders
How well do you know
• national heroes from your native culture
• popular television shows in your native language
• popular newspapers and magazines in your native language
• popular actors and actresses from your native culture
• history of your native culture
• political leaders from your native culture
Section 3: College Experiences, University Belonging Questionnaire
The following section asks questions related to your experience at your current college or
university. This questionnaire is divided into three categories: university affiliation, university
support and acceptance, and faculty and staff relations. To answer the questions in this section,
use the scale 1 = strongly disagree, 4 = strongly agree for your answers.
University Affiliation
There are 12 questions in this section. As a reminder, please respond using the scale
1 = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree.

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58. I take pride in wearing my university’s colors.
59. I tend to associate myself with my school.
60. One of the things I like to tell people is about my college.
61. I feel a sense of pride when I meet someone from my university off campus.
62. I would be proud to support my university in any way I can in the future.
63. I have university-branded material that others can see (pens, notebooks, bumper
sticker, etc).
64. I am proud to be a student at my university.
65. I attend university sporting events to support my university.
66. I feel “at home” on campus.
67. I feel like I belong to my university when I represent my school off campus.
68. I have found it easy to establish relationships at my university.
69. I feel similar to other people in my major.
University Support and Acceptance
There are eight questions in this section. As a reminder, please respond using the scale
1 = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree.
70. My university provides opportunities to engage in meaningful activities.
71. I believe there are supportive resources available to me on campus.
72. My university environment provides me an opportunity to grow.
73. My university provides opportunities to have diverse experiences.
74. My culture customs are accepted at my university.
75. I believe I have enough academic support to get me through college.
76. I am satisfied with the academic opportunities at my university.

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77. The university I attend values individual differences.
Faculty and Staff Relations
There are four questions in this section. As a reminder, please respond using the scale 1 =
strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree.
78. I believe that a faculty/staff member at my university cares about me.
79. I feel connected to a faculty/staff member at my university.
80. I feel that a faculty/staff member has appreciated me.
81. I feel that a faculty member has valued my contributions in class.
Section 4: Short-Answer Question
The following section asks you to expand a bit more on how you believe your college
generation immigration generation may inform your college experience. These questions provide
an open-ended response space for you to answer freely in the way that feels most appropriate.
For this section, we use the following definitions.
College generation refers to the generation you are in within your family as it pertains to
attending a 4-year college or university.
• First generation: You are within the first generation of your family to attend with
intent of completing a 4-year degree. This means your parents and grandparents do
not hold a 4-year degree.
• Continuing generation: At least one of your parents or grandparents holds 4-year
degrees.
Immigration generation refers to the generation you are in within your family as it
pertains to residence in your current country. In this case, the United States.
• First generation: you identify as an immigrant, you were born in another country, and

69
came to the United States after.
• One-point-five generation: you identify as an immigrant, you were born in another
country, though you came to the United States prior to age 18.
• Second generation: you are the child of at least one immigrant parent, i.e., you were
born in the United States, but your parent(s) were not.
• Third generation: you are the child of a 2nd generation parent. You and your parent(s)
were born in the United States, but one or more of your grandparent(s) were not.
• Fourth generation +: You, your parent(s), and your grandparent(s) were born in the
United States.
Cultural connection/acculturation refers to the ways a long-term exposure to a second or
third culture may impact the ways you think, perceive the world, or even act. For the context of
this survey, we consider culture of origin your heritage culture (i.e., the country or culture you,
your parents, grandparents, or previous generations of your family are from), and we consider
the United States as your current cultural context.
82. In what ways (if any) do you feel your college generation plays a role in how you
belong at your current college or university?
83. In what ways (if any) do you feel your immigration generation plays a role in how
you belong at your current college or university?
84. In what ways (if any) do you feel your connection to your native culture plays a role
in how you belong at your current college or university?
85. In what ways (if any) do you feel your connection to U.S. culture plays a role in how
you belong at your current college or university?

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Conclusion
You made it! Thank you for taking time to complete this survey. Your participation is
truly appreciated. Should you be interested, you may also enter in an opportunity drawing to win
one of multiple $50 Amazon gift cards. Please use the following link if you are interested in
participating. Please note, the information provided on this survey remains confidential.
Should you have any questions or wish to discuss this study further. Please feel free to
reach out to Nicole Piedra at npiedra@usc.edu.

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Creator Piedra, Nicole Denisse (author)

Core Title Latine college belonging: influences and differences of immigration and college generation

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2024-05

Publication Date 06/10/2024

Defense Date 05/06/2024

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