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Addressing the challenges of employee retention: a qualitative analysis of job satisfaction and perceptions of advancement by marginalized women in the insurance industry

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Addressing the challenges of employee retention: a qualitative analysis of job satisfaction and perceptions of advancement by marginalized women in the insurance industry

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Content ii

Addressing the Challenges of Employee Retention: A Qualitative Analysis of Job
Satisfaction and Perceptions of Advancement by Marginalized Women in the Insurance
Industry

Cynthia Wheeler

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2023

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© Copyright by Cynthia Wheeler 2023
All Rights Reserved

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The Committee for Cynthia Wheeler certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Dr. Helena Seli
Dr. Patricia Burch
Dr. Kalim Rayburn
Dr. Nicole Maccalla, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

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Abstract
This study addressed the problem of practice that there is a gap in career advancement for
women from marginalized groups in the insurance industry. With the labor force’s changing
demographics, organizational changes are necessary to meet its evolving needs and values. The
industry has been facing the challenge of acquiring and retaining talent, with a limited pool of
candidates available to fill job openings. In addition, there is tough competition from other
industries in the war for talent. To overcome this challenge and embrace a diverse workforce, a
better understanding of the factors that impact employee satisfaction and turnover intentions for
women of marginalized groups is needed, especially in relation to perceptions of career
advancement. A qualitative study guided by the Burke-Litwin model was conducted, using
interviews with women from marginalized groups employed in the insurance industry. The
study’s findings revealed that career advancement opportunities and development were key in
themes that impacted employee satisfaction and turnover intentions among marginalized women
in the insurance industry. In addition, the study found that the intersectionality of gender biases
and minoritized status exacerbated the challenges faced by women of marginalized groups, as
they experienced stereotypes, discrimination and harassment, and limited access to networks and
mentors as barriers to career advancement. The study’s implications suggest that organizations
can take informed actions to strengthen their employee acquisition and retention strategies by
implementing diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives that address the barriers
marginalized women face. Moreover, this study underscores the need for further research on
effective DEI solutions to improve succession planning within the insurance industry.
Keywords: talent attraction, retention, insurance industry, marginalized women, career
advancement, employee satisfaction, turnover, diversity, equity, inclusion, intersectionality

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Acknowledgements
I would like to express my gratitude to my husband and daughter for their unwavering
support and patience as I pursued my educational goals. Their sacrifices have been
immeasurable, and I am deeply grateful for their love and encouragement. I would also like to
acknowledge my mother and father, who have always been my greatest champions. Their
unwavering support and sacrifice in immigrating to this country to provide me with opportunities
they never had will always be honored. I am committed to making them proud in every way
possible.
I would like to express my gratitude to my friends, who have patiently waited and
supported me even during my absence while I focused on my studies. I have missed them
tremendously and look forward to catching up on lost time and making up for the moments we
have had to miss together.
I would like to express my appreciation to my cohorts, as this journey would not have
been as meaningful without their presence. Together, we faced numerous challenges and
celebrated many victories, which have brought us closer. They hold a special place in my heart,
and I value their friendship dearly.
I would like to extend my sincere appreciation to my dissertation committee for their
invaluable support and guidance during my research project.
To the insurance industry that employs me, I am grateful for the opportunities that I have
been given, the lifestyle that it has afforded me, the wonderful relationships I have cultivated,
and the career that I love pursuing.
I am deeply grateful to the women who generously volunteered to participate in my
study. Your stories have served as a great source of motivation for me, inspiring me to pursue

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my research and degree with the primary objective of uplifting the voices of women who may
still struggle for equity and inclusion. My ultimate goal is to promote a work environment where
everyone feels supported, can be themselves, and have the same opportunities. This is a personal
mission for me, and I am determined to be a role model and encourage other women to pursue
their dreams. As a mother, I want my daughter and all young girls to understand that they can
accomplish anything they set their minds to in our industry. My work in the insurance industry
remains essential to me, and I want to use my platform to drive change and empower women,
especially those of marginalized groups, to reach for their seats at the table and know that they
deserve one just as everyone else does.

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Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Acknowledgements ..........................................................................................................................v
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures ..................................................................................................................................x
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study ...........................................................................................1
Context and Background of the Problem .............................................................................4
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions ...................................................................6
Importance of the Study .......................................................................................................6
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology ...................................................10
Definitions..........................................................................................................................12
Organization of the Dissertation ........................................................................................14
Chapter Two: Literature Review ...................................................................................................16
Historical Context of the Insurance Industry .....................................................................16
How Climate Impacts Fit, Job Satisfaction, and Turnover Intentions ...............................21
Barriers to Career Development and Advancement for Women and Marginalized
Groups ................................................................................................................................24
A Review of Resistance to DEI efforts that Address Advancement Barriers ....................40
Conceptual Framework ......................................................................................................45
Summary ............................................................................................................................51
Chapter Three: Methodology .........................................................................................................58
Research Questions ............................................................................................................58
Overview of Design ...........................................................................................................59
Research Setting.................................................................................................................59
The Researcher...................................................................................................................62
Data Source: Individual Interviews ...................................................................................63

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Validity and Reliability ......................................................................................................67
Ethics..................................................................................................................................68
Chapter Four: Findings ..................................................................................................................70
Research Question 1 ..........................................................................................................72
Research Question 2 ..........................................................................................................87
Research Question 3 ..........................................................................................................98
Summary ............................................................................................................................99
Chapter Five: Recommendations .................................................................................................101
Discussion of Findings .....................................................................................................101
Recommendations for Practice ........................................................................................111
Limitations and Delimitations ..........................................................................................123
Recommendations for Future Research ...........................................................................125
Conclusion .......................................................................................................................128
References ....................................................................................................................................131
Appendix A: Interview Protocol ..................................................................................................144
Appendix B: Initial Phone Call Invitation ...................................................................................149
Appendix C: Study Information Sheet .........................................................................................150

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List of Tables
Table 1: Average Hires-Per-Job-Opening Ratio by Industry and Region, 2007–17 20
Table 2: Sample Characteristics, n = 12 61
Table 3: Themes 72
Table 4: Negative Work-Unit Climate Examples 73
Table 5: Positive Work Climate Examples 82
Table 6: The Identified Barriers to Advancement 88
Table 7: Recommendation 1 114
Table 8: Recommendation 2 117
Table 9: Recommendation 3 121
Appendix D: Code Book 153

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: Applicants per Job in the Insurance Industry 21
Figure 2: Conceptual Framework Burke-Litwin Causal Model of Organizational Performance
and Change 46
Figure 3: Work-Unit Climate Study 50

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Chapter One: Introduction to the Study
This study addressed the problem of practice that there is a gap in the career advancement
for women from marginalized groups in the insurance industry. There is a plethora of data to
support that women of marginalized groups are not advancing through the career pipeline in the
insurance industry. McKinsey & Company (2023) recently reported the alarming statistics
related to women's racial diversity in the insurance industry showing that there is a significant
lack of representation at all levels, particularly at the higher levels of leadership. At the entry
level, 19 percent of women are from ethnic minoritized groups, but this percentage drops sharply
as women advance in their careers. Only 3 percent of women from ethnic minoritized groups
hold positions in the C-suite and at the board level, the percentage is even lower, with only 2
percent of women from ethnic minoritized groups compared to 22 percent of men from ethnic
minoritized groups (McKinsey & Company, 2023). A total of 21.4% of women as a whole were
represented in executives and officers in the large insurers that trade on the New York Stock
Exchange (NYSE) or Nasdaq compared to 78.6% of men (Ross & Woleben, 2020b). Although
women in the workplace make up 62% of employees in the insurance industry, they make up just
31% of the C-suite in management (Women in the workplace, 2022); and marginalized groups,
which are underrepresented at all levels of employment, make up only 4% of executive
leadership positions (Evans, 2019). In addition, Hogan & Vesneski (2021) showed that although
there had been a steady increase in the number of women on board seats in the last eight years,
they were largely made up of roles in the marketing and human resources areas that don't track to
C-suite positions.
Giscombe and Mattis (2002) advanced the knowledge associated with barriers to upward
career mobility for women and marginalized groups by demonstrating that they were no longer
2

found underrepresented at the recruitment or job entry stage but were now found at the
advancement stage. Additionally, research has established that job satisfaction and organizational
advancement suffer as a consequence of organizational barriers (McCarty Kilian et al., 2005;
Catalyst, 2001). These studies provide a historical context of the underrepresentation in the
career advancement of women of marginalized groups who become trapped in low-ranking
levels and the job dissatisfaction that ensues. “Little has been written on evidence-based
employer practices to support the advancement of employees of color from the frontline to first-
level management positions” (Hanleybrown et al., 2020). Further research is needed to help
insurance organizations implement practices that will improve the advancement of women of
marginalized groups to attract and retain a larger portion of that growing workforce, the
consequences of which can be incredibly costly.
Much research supports that a lack of equity and inclusion leads to costly consequences.
Lack of equity and inclusion in the insurance industry erodes employee satisfaction and increases
turnover (Thomas et al., 2019). Employee turnover is very costly to companies (Rakhra, 2018),
costing upwards of one-half to two times the employee’s annual salary to replace an existing
worker (Gandhi & Robison, 2021). Employee turnover that results from non-inclusive workplace
environments costs the United States an estimated $64 billion per year, with an estimated 2
million Americans leaving their jobs due to unfairness and discrimination (Frost, 2018). The
consequences of high turnover in service sector organizations include instability in employee
groups, long-term vacancies, an increased workload for the remaining employees, and a lack of
knowledge among new employees (Bindu & Srikanth, 2019). Diversity efforts have been
attempted to address these issues but have not succeeded (Baker et al., 2020; Flory et al., 2021;
Jaekel & St. Onge, 2016; Sabharwal, 2014).
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Diversity efforts have been attempted, and shortly after the death of George Floyd, an
increased commitment to diversity was communicated across corporate America (Baker et al.,
2020). The insurance industry has also seen increased diversity and inclusion initiatives
(Chordas, 2021). Unfortunately, diversity efforts have not led to significant change (Flory et al.,
2021; Jaekel & St. Onge, 2016; Sabharwal, 2014). The evidence highlights that women and
women of marginalized groups do not receive equal opportunities that would qualify them to
compete for senior leadership positions (Allen et al., 2016; Fitzsimmons & Callan, 2016;
Hanleybrown et al., 2020; Hogan & Vesneski, 2021; Mohan, 2014). Further research using
organizational change model frameworks to investigate the reasons diversity efforts have not led
to significant change is needed to improve employee turnover rates which continue to have
devastating consequences on workplace costs.
There is a need to further study how to support the advancement of women of
marginalized groups in the insurance industry. Specifically, additional research is needed to
understand the barriers to advancement found in organizational culture and climate as they are
experienced by women of marginalized groups and how these drive employee turnover
intentions and performance. There is consensus in the research that performance management
practices do not provide equitable opportunities for advancement in the workplace for women of
marginalized groups and that they should be replaced with performance enablement practices
that provide better opportunities for development into more competitive candidates for
leadership positions (Abendroth et al., 2017; Bellé et al., 2017; Cappelli & Tavis, 2016;
Klimoski & London, 1974). Research indicates that organizations have not succeeded in their
DEI adoption attempts and that additional studies are needed to understand how this can be
successfully implemented (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016; Ely et al., 2011; Ibarra et al., 2013). A review
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of the context and background needs to be conducted to better understand the factors that may be
contributing to the problem of practice that there is a gap in career advancement for women from
marginalized groups in the insurance industry.
Context and Background of the Problem
With the gap in supply and the increase in demand, acquiring and retaining talent is
increasingly important for the insurance industry’s survival and health. The insurance industry
faces tough competition from other industries in the war for talent. According to the 2023
Conference Board C-suite Outlook Survey, attracting and retaining talent is a top concern for
CEOs worldwide, and they are prioritizing building resilient, innovative, and inclusive
organizational cultures to address this challenge (Mitchell, 2023). The insurance industry must
seriously consider and address diversity, equity, and inclusion to become more competitive and
attractive. Attracting and retaining a larger pool of candidates may solve this challenge. Women
and women of marginalized groups make up a large part of the labor force that could fill the
labor demand if tapped into. Women represent 46.8% of the labor market, and of the women
between the ages of 25 to 64, 47.2% hold a bachelor’s degree or higher (U. S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics [BLS], 2022). In addition, minorities made up of traditionally marginalized groups are
set to become the majority by 2044 (Hanleybrown et al., 2020). This study endeavors to better
understand employee satisfaction, turnover intentions, and perceptions of career advancement
among women of marginalized groups in the insurance industry.
There is a talent shortage to fill the job openings in today’s job market (Davis et al.,
2021; Hirsch, 2021). This shortage, along with the lack of talent development, is a major issue in
the labor market (Archambeau, 2021). Currently, there is a gap of 1 million workers in the U.S.
job market. According to the Department of Labor, there are 8.7 million potential workers, while
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the job placement site Indeed reported 9.8 million job vacancies (Cox, 2021). The COVID-19
pandemic has played a role in contributing negatively to the shortage of talent by forcing an
estimated 1.7 million older workers into involuntary retirement and more than 2 million women
out of the workplace (Davis et al., 2021). Reports show that millions of American workers have
disappeared from the labor force since the onset of the COVID-19 crisis. A record number of
people are quitting their jobs, and employee retention is at an all-time low (Talley et al., 2021). A
Gallup Poll conducted in March of 2021 reported that 48% of U.S. workers were actively
disengaged, costing the United States an estimated $8.1 trillion per year (Gandhi & Robison,
2021). Microsoft’s work trend index further supports this in a survey of more than 30,000 global
workers indicating that 41% were considering quitting or changing professions this year (Hirsch,
2021); and also by the 3.6 million resignations that took place during May 2021 alone, that is
part of what has become known the Great Resignation (Gandhi & Robison, 2021).
The talent shortage is exacerbating the insurance industry’s already significant challenge
to meet its demand for human capital. The BLS average hires-per-job-opening ratio by industry
and region report shows that the insurance industry has struggled in comparison to other
industries to fill its job openings since 2007 (Oslund, 2018). The insurance industry has been
experiencing a human capital risk caused by a combination of talent morbidity from an aging
workforce population nearing retirement and a recruiting problem from a less-than-attractive
industry reputation for attracting talent (Jean Kwon, 2014). To further conceptualize this
shortage, the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Summary (JOLTS) reported that the number of
job openings in the insurance industry doubled in January 2022 from the prior year, increasing
from 197,000 to 411,000 and although the overall labor force saw a decrease in quit rates of
2.8%, the financial and insurance industry saw an increase of +30,000 quits (BLS, 2022). The
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next section introduces the purpose of the project and the research questions aligned with
overcoming these challenges.
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to better understand employee satisfaction, turnover
intentions, and perceptions of career advancement among women of marginalized groups in the
insurance industry. To accomplish this, first, the barriers to advancement at the organizational
cultural level and climate level were explored through the experiences of women of marginalized
groups who are currently employed or have been employed in the insurance industry.
Additionally, this study explored how barriers to advancement may contribute to employee
intentions to stay or leave the insurance industry and how those barriers to advancement may be
reduced, while intentions to stay in the industry increase. The following research questions
guided this study:
1. “ How and in what ways does work-unit climate perceived or experienced by women
contribute to job satisfaction in the insurance industry?”
2. “How and in what ways is work-unit climate and organizational culture perceived or
experienced as a barrier to advancement for women of marginalized groups in the
insurance industry?”
3. “To what extent, if at all, do barriers to advancement perceived or experienced by
women of marginalized groups contribute to their intentions to stay or leave the
insurance industry?”
Importance of the Study
In this section, the importance of the study is addressed by investigating the literature.
Numerous studies have shown that gender diversity in the workplace leads to improved
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performance, increased innovation, and better decision-making (ILO, 2019: McKinsey & Co.,
2018). This problem is important to address because increasing the participation of women in
senior leadership positions is associated with better corporate performance (Mohan, 2014),
increased ethics in corporate decision making (Fitzsimmons & Callan, 2016), innovation (Ruiz-
Jiménez, et al., 2014), and growth, and it is critical to succession planning (Virick & Greer,
2012). Additionally, when women have successful careers, it can have a ripple effect on their
families, communities, and the economy (Morais, 2017). Improved financial stability through
higher salaries and job security for women can uplift both themselves and their families from
poverty, particularly important as women are disproportionately affected by poverty (Morias,
2017). They can also serve as role models for other women and girls, inspiring them to pursue
their own careers and goals (Bridges & Bamberry, 2023.
Numerous studies in the literature have also explored the relationship between employee
job satisfaction, retention, and turnover. Studies have identified career advancement
opportunities and development as key retention variables in job satisfaction climates (Bindu &
Srikanth, 2019; Chan & Mai, 2015; Das & Baruah, 2013; McCarty Kilian et al., 2005).
Furthermore, research has shown that the perception of a lack of career advancement
opportunities is strongly associated with employee turnover (Bindu & Srikanth, 2019; Chan &
Mai, 2015; Das & Baruah, 2013; McCarty Kilian et al., 2005). Moreover, the literature has
critiqued the notion that the underrepresentation of women and marginalized groups in
leadership roles is due to a lack of talent in the pipeline (STEMconnector, 2018; Carter & Silva,
2010; Ellingrud & Lodolo, 2019; McCarty Kilian et al., 2005; Eagly & Karaus, 2002;
Archambeau, 2021). Instead, studies have highlighted a range of barriers that prevent their
advancement, such as gender biases and stereotypes (Eagly & Carli, 2007; Bruckmüller &
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Branscombe, 2010; Bowles et al., 2007), discrimination and harassment (Mohan, 2014; Allen et
al., 2016; Fitzsimmons & Callan, 2016), and lack of access to networks and mentors (Hogan &
Vesneski, 2021; Eagly & Karaus, 2002; Maume, 1999).
The changing labor force demographics have clashed with the traditional values prevalent
in the insurance industry, which no longer meet employee expectations. This is evidenced by the
civil unrest of 2020 and the subsequent Great Resignation, both calling for social justice and
change. While the literature has addressed gender and racial/ethnic issues in the workplace, little
research has been done on the intersectionality of the two. As of 2020, women make up 47% of
the labor force, and by 2044, minorities are projected to become the majority (Hanleybrown et
al., 2020). The intersectionality between women and minoritized groups is a growing population
with unique challenges and needs, requiring careful consideration by the workforce.
Intersectionality intensifies outcomes, resulting in a “double jeopardy” perspective, as described
by Rosette and Livingston (2012, p. 1162). Further research is needed to document the
intersection between women and marginalized groups. This study specifically focuses on women
from marginalized groups to address this research gap.
The insurance industry is a vital component of our economic infrastructure, and therefore,
its long-term sustainability warrants investigation. Weisbart (2018) reported that U.S. insurance
companies provide safety and security with paid claims averaging $1.5 trillion and investments
totaling over $5.8 trillion into stocks and bonds. The insurance industry funds 28% of the
municipal bonds in America, which finance three-quarters of the total U.S. investment in
infrastructure. Jean Kwon (2014) reported that the ability of the insurance industry to thrive in its
succession planning is central to the industry’s future. The trend in employee attrition in the
insurance industry has serious consequences that will impact the ability of insurance
9

organizations to survive (Varghese & Alex, 2021). A pressing challenge that requires attention is
succession planning, as better-informed decisions must be made to ensure the industry’s
continued success.
With the labor force’s changing demographics, organizational changes are necessary to
meet its evolving needs and values. Previous research suggests there have been attempts to
address succession planning through DEI solutions, but despite efforts, progress has been
inadequate (Ellingrud & Lodolo, 2019; Larcker & Tayan, 2020; McCarty Kilian et al., 2005),
and implementation has been met with resistance (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016; Wells et al., 2020) and
organizational barriers (Ely et al., 2011; Ibarra et al., 2013; Sabharwal). Therefore, a
comprehensive understanding of the mechanisms and antecedents of failure necessitates a
rigorous investigation that draws on a theoretical framework. By leveraging such insights,
stakeholders can develop and implement more effective solutions tailored to the insurance
industry’s unique needs and challenges, ultimately facilitating a more diverse and inclusive
workforce. This study turned to the theoretical framework of Burke and Litwin’s causal model of
organizational performance and change rooted in understanding causality (Burke & Litwin,
1992) to assist in the understanding of how organizations react to change in organizational
development and how the different levels found in an organization create the organizational
climate and influence each other to impact organizational performance.
In addition, analyzing this problem through an organizational change model as the
conceptual framework offered deeper insights into the necessary changes for addressing the
insurance industry’s succession planning challenges. In this regard, this study also utilized the
Burke-Litwin model (1992) as a conceptual framework to better understand the challenges of
change adoption in addressing the need to align organizational changes. By leveraging this
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model, the study identified key areas for intervention and improvement, including leadership,
organizational culture, and climate levels, that are essential for driving effective change adoption
and fostering a more diverse and inclusive workforce.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
The Burke-Litwin causal model of organizational performance and change (CMOPC),
also referred to as the Burke-Litwin model, is based on two types of theorizing, that of change
theory found in organizational development and that of organizational performance found by
integrating implementation theory and change process theory (Burke & Litwin, 1992).
Additionally, the Burke-Litwin model (1992) has its roots in organizational climate studies. It
begins with the notion that organizational transformation is triggered as a result of the external
environment, which in turn calls for a change in the mission, vision, strategy, and leadership
culture which then trickle down to the transactional level where the work-unit climate exists
(Burke & Litwin, 1992). Burke and Litwin (1992) posed that climate lives at the transactional
level of an organization which is found in everyday interactions and exchanges, while culture is
found at the transformational level, which is concerned with value shifts; culture has a stronger
influence on the organization’s climate than climate has on culture. To realize true and effective
change, Burke and Litwin (1992) argued that it is insufficient for an organization to simply
implement at the transactional level; it requires alignment with strategy and leader behavior
found in the organizational culture. They further clarify that climate results from transactions that
have to do with a sense of direction, role, responsibility, standards and commitment, fairness of
rewards, and focus on customers versus internal pressures. The Burke-Litwin model defines
climate as “the perceptions that individuals have of how their local work-unit is managed and
11

how effectively they and their day-to-day colleagues work together on the job” (Burke, 2018, p.
225).
The Burke-Litwin model is appropriate for this study because the external environment
associated with human capital that the insurance industry finds itself in has changed, which
created a need for organizational transformation in the insurance industry to compete and survive
in this new environment. Workforce demographics have shifted to include more women and
culturally diverse talent and will continue to grow in that direction (BLS, 2021; Hanleybrown et
al., 2020). To succeed in acquiring and retaining human capital, insurance industry organizations
will need to transform and lead change adoption efforts that embrace new workforce
demographics. As prescribed by the Burke-Litwin model, transformational change must start
with leadership values and strategy that drive organizational culture, which is then implemented
at the transactional level that creates the climate for employees (Burke & Litwin, 1992). The
Burke-Litwin model explores how climate impacts the degree to which an individual feels that
their job is the right fit for them and whether it meets their needs and values (Burke & Litwin,
1992). Climate studies can be used to better understand retention and acquisition of the growing
demographics that are women of marginalized groups through exploring perceptions of career
development and advancement that impact job satisfaction and turnover intentions. Finally, the
Burke-Litwin model is appropriate to review whether visions for change adoption that have to do
with diversity, equity, and inclusion are embraced at the cultural level and implemented at the
transactional level found in structures, management practices, and systems of organizations and
create the climate that is experienced and perceived by women of marginalized groups.
This study used a qualitative approach to better understand employee satisfaction,
turnover intentions, and perceptions of career advancement among women of marginalized
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groups in the insurance industry. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) recommended that researchers
interested in understanding how people interpret their experiences, construct their worlds, and
what meaning they attribute to their experiences using a qualitative approach. The qualitative
research consisted of semi-structured interviews with women of marginalized groups who
worked or had worked in the insurance industry. Interviews were appropriate for this study
because the “fundamental principle of qualitative interviewing is to provide a framework within
which respondents can express their understandings in their own terms” (Patton, 1987, p. 348).
Patton (1987) argued that interviews provide opportunities for insight and understanding of what
cannot be directly observed, which make it the most appropriate methodology to capture
employee feelings and perceptions. “The purpose of qualitative interviewing is to capture how
those being interviewed view their world, to learn their terminology and judgments, and to
capture the complexities of their individual perceptions and experiences” (Patton, 1987, p. 348).
Collecting qualitative data through interviews helped provide a better understanding of employee
satisfaction, turnover intentions, and perceptions of career advancement among women of
marginal groups in the insurance industry.
Definitions
The following are definitions for relevant terms that appear throughout the dissertation:
Climate: The concept of climate is derived from the works of Litwin and Stringer in 1968
and Tagiuri and Litwin in 1968 from the study of motivation analysis over a 20-year period that
resulted in a model used to control and predict motivation and performance in organizational
climates (Burke & Litwin, 1992). In the Burke-Litwin model (Burke & Litwin, 1992), the
climate is influenced by transactional factors that consist of systems, processes, and management
practices. Climate is described in terms of impressions, expectations, perceptions, and feelings
13

that individuals have toward their local work unit; how it is managed; how effectively they and
their day-to-day colleagues work together on the job; and it influences relationships with the
boss, with one another, and with other work units (Burke, 2018; Burke & Litwin, 1992). Climate
is the result of transactions that have to do with a sense of direction, role, responsibility,
standards and commitment, fairness of rewards and focus on customers versus internal pressures
(Burke, 2018).
Culture: Burke and Litwin (1992) defined culture as the underlying values and meaning
systems in organizations that, in turn, create climate.
Intersectionality: This concept describes the relationships between social categories such
as race, class, and gender, which combine to produce intricate and interconnected systems of
oppression and privilege (Crenshaw, 1989)
Employee satisfaction: Employee satisfaction is measured by Burke’s (2018) definition of
fit, which refers to meeting the needs and values of employees.
Employee turnover intention: Employee turnover intention refers to thoughts of quitting,
intentions to search for another job, and the intention to quit (Chan & Mai, 2015).
Leadership: In the Burke-Litwin model, leadership is found at the executive level of
organizations and provides direction while serving as behavioral role models (Burke & Litwin,
1992).
Marginalized groups: Marginalized groups refers to groups that have historically been
underrepresented. The term "marginalized groups" in this study encompasses race and ethnicity.
Management practices: Burke (2018) defined management practices as what managers
do to carry out the strategy.
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Performance reviews: Performance reviews, which are influenced by biases, are
overwhelmingly used by midsize and large companies for determining pay, making promotion
decisions, and identifying and rewarding the best employees (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016). How
supervisors conduct performance reviews will, in turn, impact the outcome of who is chosen for
leadership roles. In fact,
studies show that raters tend to lowball women and minorities in performance reviews
and when companies introduce them, there’s no effect on minority managers over the
next 5 years, and the share of White women in management drops by 4%, on average.
(Dobbin & Kalev, 2016, p. 56)
Structure: Burke (2018) identifies the structure as what leads to the implementation of the
organization’s mission, goals, and strategy.
Systems: the policies and procedures used to support the organization in carrying out jobs
and responsibilities (Burke, 2018).
Transactional change: A term that describes organizational change as short-term changes
in individuals and group behavior that evolves from reciprocity (Burke & Litwin, 1992).
Transformational change: This concept is found at the organizational level when
interactions with external environmental forces make it necessary for the adoption of entirely
new behavior sets from organizational members (Burke & Litwin, 1992).
Organization of the Dissertation
This dissertation is delineated by five chapters. The first chapter introduces the problem
of practice highlighting the background of the problem, the context, purpose, research questions,
and importance of the study, followed by an overview of the theoretical framework,
methodology, relevant definition of terms, and organization of the dissertation. Chapter Two
15

provides a literature review on the problem of practice, the conceptual framework, and a
summary. Chapter Three covers the methodology and includes the research questions, an
overview of the methodology, the researcher, data sources and ethics. Chapter Four reviews the
results of the study, and Chapter Five offers a discussion and implications for practice along with
the limits and delimitations in the study. A reference section, appendices, and tables follow the
five chapters.

16

Chapter Two: Literature Review
This section begins with the historical context of the insurance industry, how the
development of talent unfolded, and where it was at the time. It then continues by addressing the
challenge to attract and retain talent in the insurance industry by providing a review of the
literature using the Burke-Litwin model (Burke, 1992) to explore employee satisfaction and
turnover intentions for women of marginalized groups and their perceptions for career
advancement. The questions investigated in the literature review pertained to what was reported
in the historical context in the insurance industry about the development of women of
marginalized groups into its workforce and the context behind the challenges in acquiring and
retaining talent at that time. The review also examined what research revealed about
organizational climate's impact on job satisfaction and turnover intention and what research had
been conducted to understand the barriers to career development and advancement for women of
marginalized groups. Additionally, the chapter delved into what the literature revealed about
efforts to overcome barriers to the advancement of women of marginalized groups or the
resistance to these efforts at the transactional level.
Historical Context of the Insurance Industry
The Encyclopedia Britannica (2023) provided an overview of the development of the
insurance industry. Insurance has a history that dates to ancient Babylonian times in 4000 BCE
when bottomry contracts were issued to protect merchants from having to repay loans for
shipments that were lost in transit. It then expanded in 1666 in England to cover losses from the
fire, which began what is referred to today as property and liability insurance. The premise of
insurance lies in the principle of underwriting losses, which refers to absorbing risk in return for
a premium. This practice began as a business for merchants, bankers, and insurance underwriters
17

who came together to negotiate these contracts at a coffeehouse in London in which the most
well-known organized insurance company, Lloyd’s of London, was born in the 17th century and
still exists; it was responsible for launching the international insurance market. Insurance was
launched in the United States by Benjamin Franklin in 1752 and then expanded to cover other
losses (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2023). Today, the insurance industry is made up of over 1.5
million insurance carriers and 5 billion in net written premiums in the United States alone
(Insurance Information Institute, 2022) and extends to hundreds of different products that offer
protection for risks that vary from home, auto, life, accident, health to pet insurance.
Until the mid-1800, insurance was an exclusively White male industry; however, over
time, the demographics in the insurance industry have evolved to keep up with the changes in the
external environment. As the Encyclopedia Britannica (2023) portrays, the founders and early
practitioners of the insurance industry were male, and when the industry was introduced to the
United States, it was led and developed by European male descendants. Riboloni (2019) recounts
how the entry of women unfolded into the insurance industry, motivated by pressure in the
external environment caused by industrialization, the increased commercial activity expanded
the insurance industry and created an abundance of paperwork to be processed that required a
cheap and flexible workforce that was not attractive to males. The need to change hiring
practices that were inclusive of women ensued, and in 1871, women were hired for clerical
purposes. In 1900 when technology expanded and typewriters were introduced, the first female
typists were hired by Yorkshire in Glasgow, the Friend’s Provident, and the Thames and Mersey
in Liverpool. In 1919 the bar for women sitting to take insurance exams was lifted, allowing
them to enter more advanced roles (Riboloni, 2019).
18

Legislative action in the 1960s allowed a more diverse workforce to enter the insurance
industry. In 1964, protection from discrimination became a legal right with the passing of the
Civil Rights Act, which opened the door further for women and marginalized groups to enter the
insurance workforce (Sweet, 2021). The Civil Rights Act provided legal avenues for acts of
discrimination to be battled in court, which forced changes in hiring practices that kept women
and marginalized groups from obtaining desirable jobs within the insurance industry. A class-
action lawsuit ruled on by the U.S. District against an Illinois-based insurance company accused
of discriminating against hiring women for sales agent jobs in California was one example of
how the Civil Rights Act prevailed in forcing changes in the hiring practices of the insurance
industry. In this case, Hager (1988) from the Los Angeles Times reported that of the company’s
1,454 agent jobs in California, only two were women. The case involved 1,113 sales jobs in
dispute. The settlement led to an agreement by the insurance company to adopt a hiring quota
and pay monetary awards to the plaintiffs. By 1988 the insurance company reported an
improvement in the hiring of women and minorities into sales agent positions adding 2,418 since
the settlement in 1980 (Hager, 1988).
Although several decades have passed since the Civil Rights Act that protected
traditionally marginalized communities from discrimination, the insurance industry’s lack of
diversity has been called into question. In 2020, increased awareness of systemic racism resulted
in the National Association of Insurance Commissioners launching a special committee on race
and insurance to examine the levels of diversity (Ross & Woleben, 2020a). In addition, reports
have indicated a low representation of female and non-White executives and officers in the
insurance industry (Evans, 2019; Ross & Woleben, 2020b).
19

Professional organizations’ reports have built a case for diversity, drawing attention to
the low representation of women and women of marginalized groups and have argued for the
benefits of diversity within the insurance and financial services industry, such as McKinsey &
Co’s (2018) Closing the Gap: Leadership perspectives on promoting women in financial services
and Marsh’s (2018) The Journey of African-American Insurance Professionals. The International
Labour Organization’s (ILO, 2019) research supported the same conclusions about the benefits
of diversity in its report, Women in business and management: the business case of change. The
ILO surveyed nearly 13,000 enterprises across the globe to create a business case for women in
business and management across all enterprises. Their survey results showed the following
impact of gender diversity: 60.2% reported increased profits and productivity, 59.7% reported an
enhanced ability to retain talent, 59.1% reported greater creativity, innovation, and openness,
57.8% reported enhanced company reputation, and 37.9% reported better ability to gauge
consumer interest and demand. In addition, from an examination of a panel dataset of 186
countries over 26 years, the ILO (2019) reported that gender diversity initiatives contributed to
national economic growth.
The insurance industry has been tackling challenges in the acquisition and retention of
talent (Table 1). For every job opening in the insurance industry in 2008, there were .85 jobs
filled, compared to the total per job openings filled in all industries of 1.26. The latest BLS
average hires-per-job-opening report from 2017 showed a steady decline in the insurance
industry of only .5 hires per job opening compared to the total for all industries at .92 resulting in
only half of the openings being filled with a limited pool of candidates to choose from.
Additionally, the JOLTS reported that the number of job openings in the insurance industry
doubled in January 2022 from the prior year, increasing from 197,000 to 411,000. Figure 1
20

provides an illustration that incorporates the data from the BLS (2017) average hires-per-job-
opening report and JOLTS; BLS, 2022) to show the predicted labor shortage in the insurance
industry in January 2022. Solutions to the challenge of human capital experienced in the
insurance industry has crossed paths with the case for diversity in the workforce. Through a
better understanding of employee satisfaction and turnover intentions for women of marginalized
groups and their perceptions of career advancement, findings may be used to inform the
insurance industry’s efforts and actions to acquire and retain employees in a growing diversified
workforce.

Table 1
Average Hires-Per-Job-Opening Ratio by Industry and Region, 2007–17
Industry 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017
Total 1.15 1.26 1.58 1.43 1.3 1.19 1.16 1.07 0.96 0.93 0.92
Finance and
insurance 0.78 0.85 0.84 0.65 0.63 0.65 0.62 0.57 0.53 0.51 0.5

Note. Adapted from average hires-per-job-opening ratio by industry and region, 2007–17. By
2017 the insurance industry had almost half as many hires as the total average of all industries.
From Office of Publications & Special Studies, by U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, n.d.,
(https://www.bls.gov/opub/btn/volume-7/which-industries-are-filling-job-openings-and-which-
industries-are-not-exploring-the-jolts-hires-per-job-opening-ratio.htm).

21

Figure 1
Job Openings per Hires in the Insurance Industry

Note. At the rate of job openings the insurance industry is experiencing (BLS, 2021) compared to
the number of hires per insurance industry job in the latest U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2017)
report, there is a significant shortage of human capital in the insurance industry. From
Employment & Unemployment, by U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2018,
(https://www.bls.gov/opub/btn/volume-7/which-industries-are-filling-job-openings-and-which-
industries-are-not-exploring-the-jolts-hires-per-job-opening-ratio.htm) and Office of Publications
& Special Studies by U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, n.d.
(https://www.bls.gov/opub/btn/volume-7/which-industries-are-filling-job-openings-and-which-
industries-are-not-exploring-the-jolts-hires-per-job-opening-ratio.htm)

How Climate Impacts Fit, Job Satisfaction, and Turnover Intentions
Researching the literature through the Burke-Litwin model provides additional insight
into the inclusion climate created by management practices, processes, and systems. Climate
shapes an employee’s perception of fit. Fit refers to the satisfaction of meeting needs and values
(Burke, 2018). Meeting needs and values can be achieved through different variables associated
0 100000 200000 300000 400000 500000
Hires
Jobs Openings
Hires per Job Openings
22

with job satisfaction. A review of the literature to investigate these variables provided a better
understanding of how they were related to turnover intentions and retention.
Job satisfaction was found to be impacted by the variable of perceptions for career
advancement. Chan and Mai (2015) studied the relation of career adaptability to career
satisfaction and turnover intentions in low-ranking employees. Their findings indicated that
limited career advancement opportunities led to career dissatisfaction. They explained that
although their sample consisted of low-ranking employees, the majority had diplomas or degrees,
were young, and were more willing to move to pursue better career opportunities. Chan and Mai
(2015) concluded that career advancement and the meaningfulness of their jobs played a role in
career satisfaction and turnover intentions. Rakhra (2018) conducted a study on factors
influencing employee retention in companies and revealed the top five factors contributing to
retention were: work environment, possibilities for career progression, wages and compensation,
job satisfaction, welfare measures, and job security; however, employees only considered a job
satisfying when there was adequate career development (Rakhra, 2018). In an extensive review
of the literature on employee retention, Das and Baruah (2013) found that opportunities for
promotion and growth were factors related to job satisfaction and that job satisfaction was
positively correlated to employee retention. The studies by Chan and Mai (2015) and Rakhra
(2018) both highlight the importance of career advancement in job satisfaction and retention,
which is consistent with the findings of Das and Baruah's (2013) review.
The variable of career advancement was also found among other variables in studies
concerned with turnover intentions. An empirical study of organizational culture and climate on
employee turnover intentions was conducted by Bindu and Srikanth (2019) and identified 10
variables that impact turnover intentions: trust, training and development, transformation and
23

diversity, leadership, employee wellness, communication, performance management, rewards
and remuneration, teamwork, and work environment. The study revealed that employees are less
likely to quit when organizations foster these 10 variables. Das and Baruah’s (2013) review of
the literature identified variables related to job satisfaction, including compensation, rewards and
recognition, opportunities for promotion and growth, work-life balance, and job security. They
found that when job satisfaction was high, employee turnover was low. A study of organizations
that experience high staff turnover concluded that employee turnover was associated with a lack
of training, lack of career development, lack of opportunities, and no recognition of skills (Dutta
& Banerjee, 2014). Further, Rakhra (2018) concluded that several variables contributed to the
retention of women employees. These included help in career progression, rewards, and other
benefits, freedom while working, working conditions, and learning and development
opportunities. Many variables were found to impact turnover intentions. However, the most
common theme among all the findings pertained to career development and advancement.
Key retention variables found in climates that foster job satisfaction are strongly
associated with career advancement opportunities and development, as pointed out in studies
where career advancement perceptions were positively correlated to employee retention while
the perception of a lack of career advancement opportunities was correlated with employee
turnover (Bindu & Srikanth, 2019; Chan & Mai, 2015; Das & Baruah, 2013; McCarty Kilian et
al., 2005). Chan and Mai (2015) found that career satisfaction was a predictor of turnover
intentions and concluded that for low-ranking employees, adaptability could help improve
retention. Limited career advancement opportunities led to career dissatisfaction and increased
turnover intentions (Chan & Mai, 2015). Research also identified that when employees perceive
their organizations foster a favorable climate among dimensions like training, development, and
24

performance management, they are less likely to quit (Bindu & Srikanth, 2019). Das and Baruah
(2013) concluded that many factors were found to promote high employee retention; among
them were opportunities for promotion and growth. McCarty Kilian et al. (2005) revealed that
women and marginalized groups with high leadership potential are often missed at lower levels
and eventually leave the organization, but that development opportunity is associated with
retention, especially for female employees.
There is ample research to suggest that career development and advancement are linked
to career satisfaction and serve as a predictor of turnover intention. It is, therefore, important to
review the literature to identify the multiple barriers to career development and advancement for
women of marginalized groups, also known as the glass ceiling, and why DEI efforts have not
made a significant impact in changing this culture and climate. The glass ceiling is a term used to
describe the invisible barriers within attitudes and biases in organizations that prevent women,
marginalized groups and women from marginalized groups from advancing upwards into
leadership and decision-making levels, despite their qualifications (Purcell et al., 2010; Glass &
Cook, 2020).
Barriers to Career Development and Advancement for Women and Marginalized Groups
Research studies have challenged the notion that the underrepresentation of women and
marginalized groups in leadership positions was a result of insufficient talent in the pipeline
(STEMconnector, 2018; Carter & Silva, 2010; Ellingrud & Lodolo, 2019; McCarty Kilian et al.,
2005; Eagly & Karaus, 2002; Archambeau, 2021). It also argued that a multitude of workplace
barriers for women and marginalized groups prevented their advancement (Mohan, 2014; Allen
et al., 2016; Fitzsimmons & Callan, 2016; Hogan & Vesneski, 2021; Eagly & Carli, 2007;
McCarty Kilian et al., 2005; Maume, 1999; Eagly & Karaus, 2002; Bruckmüller & Branscombe,
25

2010; Bowles et al., 2007). Additionally, the literature revealed that attempts at implementing
DEI efforts have been unsuccessful in changing the climate as a result of managerial sabotage
and resistance (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016; Wells et al., 2020) and organizational structure and
systems (Ely et al., 2011; Ibarra et al., 2013: Sabharwal). An in-depth exploration of the barriers
that impede the career advancement of women and marginalized groups can offer valuable
insights for organizations seeking to improve their transactional factors of structure, management
practices, and systems that impact job satisfaction and turnover intentions. The literature
uncovered two central arguments related to this issue. The first argument suggested that the
underrepresentation of women and marginalized groups was due to a lack of qualified candidates
in the pipeline, while the second argument proposed that multiple barriers within the pipeline
prevented these groups from advancing. By examining these arguments, this study aimed to shed
light on the root causes of this issue.
Traditional Argument that Supports the Status Quo: The Pipeline Problem
The current state of organizational culture in the insurance industry was depicted by a
pipeline problem where women and marginalized groups largely made up the lower-ranking
employees and had difficulty advancing to the top. As was noted earlier, S&P Global data
showed a consistently low representation of female executives and officers, with just 21.4% of
women represented in the large insurers that trade on the NYSE or Nasdaq compared to 78.6%
of men (Ross & Woleben, 2020b). Although women in the workplace made up the majority of
employees of publicly traded insurance companies, they made up just 15% of executive
management; and marginalized groups, which were underrepresented at all levels of
employment, made up only 4% of executive leadership positions (Evans, 2019) while
minoritized women made up just 3% of c-suite positions (McKinsey & Co., 2023). Studies
26

conducted by Rosette and Livingston (2012) provide a deeper understanding of intersectionality
for women of marginalized groups. Their research found that women from marginalized groups,
such as Black women suffered a double jeopardy which was evidenced by their
underrepresentation in leadership and executive positions.
Pipeline problems were demonstrated by a lack of career advancement early on for
women and marginalized groups across corporate America. This was a theme across the
literature indicating concerns for strengthening the leadership pipeline for women and
marginalized groups in the insurance industry (STEMconnector, 2018), underrepresentation of
women in insurance company leadership positions (Ellingrud & Lodolo, 2019), and observations
that there were fewer women and marginalized groups as one traveled higher up the leadership
ladder (Carter & Silva, 2010; Larcker & Tayan, 2020). Additional studies across corporate
America indicated that the pipeline problem was not unique to the insurance industry. Women
across all industries were 21% less likely to be promoted than men, and Black women were 40%
less likely, which further demonstrated the problem (Ellingrud & Lodolo, 2019). An original
study by Mckinsey and Co. (2015) found that far fewer women made it to management from
entry positions than men. This broken rung, as referenced in the report, was attributed to the lack
of parity in leadership positions between the genders. The report found that the gender gap
appeared early in the talent pipeline, upon the first promotion to manager (Mckinsey & Co.,
2015). To further the problem, there was a lack of awareness that this was the causation (Thomas
et al., 2019).
The literature also revealed that pipeline problems have not disappeared over time; the
problem was still prevalent and has created feelings of unfairness in employees, which lowers
employee morale. In 2019 McKinsey and Co. expanded their original study to 600 companies
27

and surveyed a quarter-million people; they reported that the problems they had found 5 years
earlier had not changed; although some progress had been made, it was not enough that
workplace equality ceased to be an issue (Ellingrud & Lodolo, 2019). Larcker and Tayan’s
(2020) study of diversity among Fortune 100 senior executives attributed the obstacles to
advancing women and marginalized groups into executive leadership positions to succession
planning processes that seldom align women and marginalized groups to positions with a high
potential for CEO and board positions. McCarty Kilian et al. (2005) conducted a literature
review to investigate the research on building diversity in the corporate pipeline. Their findings
indicated that across the U.S. workforce, diversity had increased over the last few decades.
However, diversity remained in the lower ranks and had not translated into equal representation
at the top. The barriers for women and minorities were no longer found at the recruiting stage;
instead, they were found at the advancement stages. McCarty Kilian et al. (2005) pointed to a
deterioration of job satisfaction and upward career mobility because of organizational barriers.
The traditional argument that supported the status quo has persisted over time; the literature also
indicated that it has not gone unchallenged.
A traditional approach to explaining the problem in the pipeline placed the blame on
women and marginalized groups. Several studies challenged the traditional arguments that
blamed women and marginalized groups for not advancing to leadership roles because there
were not enough qualified candidates for advancement in the pipeline (Archambeau, 2021; Eagly
& Karaus, 2002; McCarty Kilian et al., 2005; STEMconnector, 2018). Arguments that blamed
women included the explanation that they chose not to pursue leadership roles because of family
demands (Eagly & Carli, 2007; STEMconnector, 2018). Eagly and Carli (2007) found that
decision-makers have made arguments that women were not viable candidates for promotion
28

because mothers have too many demands from their family obligations which would make it
inappropriate to advance them. In addition, the excuse for family demands was used to explain
why women did not participate in enough networking opportunities and therefore did not have
enough connections to be effective (Eagly & Carli, 2007). STEMconnector (2018) reported that
men were almost twice as likely to cite the stereotypical “work-family conflicts” as an obstacle
that led to a shortage of suitable women candidates for leadership, while women were more
likely to place the blame on institutional shortcomings than personal reasons.
The traditional approach to explaining that there were not enough women and
marginalized groups candidates in the pipeline continued with the argument that they did not
have the leadership traits required to be considered qualified candidates. Eagly and Karau (2002)
explained this through the congruity theory of prejudice. This theory explained the arguments
used to justify fewer women in leadership roles, such as inconsistent reasoning of inherent
tendencies for women to display fewer of the traits and motivations needed to succeed in high-
level positions and stereotypes about social groups that were incongruent with what was required
for success, which lowered the evaluation of the group as potential candidates for advancement.
Archambeau (2021) further argued that if a woman exhibited certain qualities desirable for
leadership, such as confidence and assertiveness, she was viewed negatively. Ibarra et al. (2013)
suggested that second-generation bias shaped stereotypical explanations that women did not
advance through the pipeline because of their inherent deficiencies, such as being too nice, not
working aggressively enough, or committing enough to overcome setbacks, essentially blaming
women for their failure to progress. Without addressing second-generation bias, organizational
practices will continue to undermine efforts to move women up the leadership pipeline.
29

Rosette and Livingston (2012) concluded that Black women’s intersectionality of gender
and race created a double jeopardy that came from having two subordinate identities aligned with
the discriminatory bias that was not associated with leadership roles or success. White women
and Black men had the benefit of at least aligning with one predominant identity aligned to a
leadership role, but not women from marginalized groups like Black women. Their research
found that Black women received a double penalty for making mistakes, were more harshly
evaluated, and faced greater consequences. Seen as atypical leaders, they were often expected to
fail, and any mistakes were used to reinforce that notion (Rosette & Livingston, 2012).
Wells et al. (2020) argued that DEI stigmatization, founded in stereotyped beliefs, was
used to justify a lack of qualification for traditionally marginalized people and created barriers to
their advancement. In their definition of stigmatization, they combined the approach of Goffman
(1963) and Edmondson et al. (2021),
As linking a person to undesirable characteristics (stereotypes) that are deeply
discrediting, reducing the person from a whole and usual person to a tainted, discounted
one” and “as a perceived negative attribute or mark ascribed to an individual in a target
group as a consequence of directly benefiting from a DEI initiative or of not being
selected to participate. (p. 33)
The traditional approach laid the burden of the pipeline problem on women and
marginalized groups and allowed systemic discrimination to exist without question (Eagly &
Karaus, 2002). Organizational leaders and managers could justify their reasons for resisting DEI
change adoption and sustain the status quo’s inequality by arguing that they did not promote
women and marginalized groups because there were not enough qualified candidates to promote
in the pipeline. The congruity theory of prejudice challenged the burden of proof to the pipeline
30

problem, laid the blame on systemic prejudice instead, and provided the need for an alternative
explanation.
The Alternative Argument for the Pipeline Problem
The Burke-Litwin model was applied to investigate an alternative explanation for the
pipeline problem; that organizational structure, managerial practices, and systems created a
climate where women of marginalized groups were met with barriers that made it so that they
were prevented from being identified and developed as qualified candidates in the pipeline. The
next section will clarify the multiple obstructions that women from marginalized groups faced in
the pipeline, such as inadequate access to social capital, biases in leadership perception, biases in
performance reviews, and the glass cliff phenomenon.
Access to Social Capital
A significant barrier to the advancement of women and marginalized groups was
associated with less access to social capital (Hogan & Vesneski, 2021; Eagly& Carli, 2007;
McCarty Kilian et al., 2005; Maume, 1999; Singh et al., 2010). Eagly and Carli (2007) defined
social capital as building professional networks that accrued from spending time socializing,
politicking, and interacting, which played a part in career advancement, and proposed two
explanations for the inequitable access to social capital. Less access was one explanation offered
as a result of the fewer hours available for women to commit to after-hours social functions
because of their work/family responsibilities. The second explanation was that the male-
dominated settings focused on masculine activities that would exclude women from fully
participating even when they were present (Eagly & Carli, 2007). A study by Maume (1999) that
used a panel of income dynamics pointed out that gender stereotypes segregated work between
women and men, which led to fewer opportunities for women to develop human capital,
31

particularly for training, professional growth, and interactions with male managers. McCarty
Kilian et al. (2005) reported that women and marginalized groups did not have the same access
to mentors and sponsors and that membership in informal groups and networking were often
based on racial and gender lines. Singh et al. (2010) pointed to inequities for women and
marginalized groups in access to information because of poor connectedness. Their poor
connections led to limited awareness of who knew what and created more challenges in finding
help from others that would be best suited to guide them.
Finally, in a more recent study conducted by Metz et al. (2022), they explained that social
capital contributed to professional success by facilitating information flow, the ability to exert
influence on others, and achieving social standing and recognition. Their study found that social
capital was tied to inclusion and exclusion. Members of the in-group used social comparison to
gauge whether a person met the in-group value standards. Those who did not meet those
standards could experience marginalization, discrimination, and segregation that led to being
excluded from access to social capital and may be prevented from experiencing the benefits of
social capital, such as access to professional opportunities and career mobility (Metz et al.,
2022).
An important argument to consider by Glass and Cook (2020) was that women and
racial/ethnic minorities in elite organizations required greater attention to how gender and race as
status characteristics shaped their experiences. For example, they were denied full access to
formal and informal networks, limiting their access to information and workplace support.
Bridges and Bamberry (2023) investigated barriers for women in male‐dominated industries,
which included social exclusion, marginalization, discrimination, harassment, and other forms of
social closure. Their study argued that resilience played a part in women thriving and
32

developing. They suggested employing strategies that promoted and supported gender inclusion.
Bridges and Bamberry found that the lack of mentoring, access to role models, leadership from
other women, and isolation from other women led to consequences of poor wellbeing, high
attrition, slow career advancement, reduced opportunity, and lower career pay and high rates of
attrition. Their findings suggested that resilience was built when employees had access to
resources and psychological support. These were found within role models, mentors, and
networks and were significant when women could connect with other women, which could
inspire and empower them and provide reinforcement and guidance (Bridges & Bamberry,
2023). “These networks provided women with a sense of collegial collectively and some refuge
from hegemonic masculine cultures and from gender discrimination” (Bridges & Bamberry,
2023, p. 274). The study found that mentoring and social networks were seen as interrelated.
They argued that for organizations to support women to thrive and survive, these types of
networks needed to be part of formal organizational policy integrated into the culture and must
have support from senior leadership and be evaluated to ensure adoption (Bridges & Bamberry,
2023).
Phase 3 in Burke’s (2018) phased leadership development program addresses an
organization’s responsibility for providing learning support, including mentoring and coaching.
This responsibility was identified and addressed in the literature by McCarty Kilian et al. (2005).
Their research indicated that managerial accountability to develop talent was necessary to retain
women of marginalized groups because they had less access to mentors and sponsors. This
included accountability for developing, effectively making introductions, recognizing and
supporting the advancement aspirations, supporting the ideas and proposals, and facilitating the
33

inclusion of women and minorities (McCarty Kilian et al., 2005). In addition to the alternative
explanation of access to social capital, gender bias also contributed to the pipeline problem.
Biases in Leadership Selection
Gender biases impacted organizational structure, management practices, and systems and
existed at all levels of the career journey, which ultimately created barriers to advancement and
resulted in the scarcity of females in top leadership roles. Burke (2018) addressed the selection of
leaders in Phase 1 of the Phased Program of Leadership Development and cautioned against
homogeneous executives because they did not align with the change adoption efforts and led
organizations to underperformance. According to Ibarra et al. (2013), second-generation forms of
gender bias were the primary cause of women’s persistent underrepresentation in leadership
roles. “This bias erects powerful but subtle and often invisible barriers for women that arise from
cultural assumptions and organizational structures, practices, and patterns of interaction that
inadvertently benefit men while putting women at a disadvantage” (Ibarra et al., 2013, p. 64). To
further exacerbate the problem, the underrepresentation of women in top positions reinforced the
preconceived beliefs that shaped second-generation bias (Ibarra et al., 2013). Rosette et al.
(2016) indicated that much research examined two biases against women leaders: agentic
deficiency and agentic penalty. Agentic qualities included being aggressive, ambitious,
dominant, self-confident, and forceful, as well as self-reliant and individualistic (Eagly & Carli,
2007). These traits were historically associated with leadership and men. Agentic deficiency was
the perception that women had minimal leadership potential, and agentic penalty was the
backlash for counter-stereotypical behavior. In addition, the analysis conducted by Rosette et al.
(2016) indicated that Black and Asian American women were more frequently targeted for these
two types of bias and further found that Black women were penalized for their ambitious agency
34

because they represented a threat to social hierarchies. In turn, it was helpful to understand the
traits associated with females.
Communal qualities were associated with female roles, and when they were violated,
women were met with acts of discrimination. Eagly and Carli (2007) described communal
qualities as being compassionate, affectionate, helpful, friendly, kind, sympathetic,
interpersonally sensitive, gentle, and soft-spoken. Leadership qualities that were incongruent
with the prescribed communal qualities dictated to them by society led to prejudicial behavior
(Eagly and Karaus, 2002). Eagly and Karau (2002) provided examples of prejudicial behavior
found in negative connotations given to women who were proficient in their leadership roles
because they challenged their gender role assignment. Some examples of the labels used include
battle ax and iron lady. Women were also perceived to be more bitter, selfish, argumentative, and
less rational than their male counterparts (Eagly & Karaus, 2002). Discrimination from gender
bias bled into other areas as well, such as in performance evaluations.
Bias in Performance Evaluations
Discrimination due to gender bias also materialized in negative performance evaluations.
Olanrewaju and Yetunde (2011) found that female leaders were evaluated more unfavorably than
their male counterparts. Their research also indicated that the gender of the evaluators also
affected the evaluation of leaders. Their findings paid homage to studies by Schein (1973, 1975,
as cited in Adebayo & Ibironke-Libre, 2011) in that characteristics associated with leadership
were more likely to be held by men than women and that both the gender of the leader and the
gender of the perceivers affected their evaluations. Bolman and Deal (2017) pointed out that
cognitive biases or frames created self-reinforcing cycles that impact performance reviews for
women. Cognitive bias was described as a type of mental shortcut used when people filled in
35

gaps of knowledge with what they already knew and what they already believed (Bolman &
Deal, 2017). Common cognitive biases found in performance reviews were “halo effects” and
“anchoring effects” (Bellé et al., 2017). “Anchoring was the cognitive tendency to estimate
unknown quantities by making adjustments from an initial value” (Bellé et al., 2017, p. 281).
Kahneman (2011, as cited in Bellé et al., 2017) described the halo effect as “the tendency to like
(or dislike) everything about a person—including things you have not observed’ (p. 81) and
explained that we tended to exaggerate the consistency of judgments to maintain simple and
coherent explanatory narratives” (p. 282). Schappell and Schnapp (2019) added that implicit
association tests revealed that everyone held unconscious biases of which they were unaware. In
the selection of applicants, unconscious bias primed people to favor others similar to themselves,
which put groups that were different due to race, gender, sexual orientation, and other
characteristics at a disadvantage and threatened the validity of recruitment processes.
Prejudicial behavior was also found in the research conducted by Eagly and Karau
(2002), indicating that it impacted women’s ability to receive fair performance evaluations. The
prejudice created less favorable evaluations of potential for leadership and less favorable
evaluations of the actual leadership behavior (Eagly & Karaus, 2002). In addition, second-
generation bias impacted performance feedback by subjecting women to double binds and
double standards that penalized high-potential women who were evaluated as strong managers
because they failed to meet the social expectation for feminine traits of being likable, which
created an unlevel playing field that benefited men over women (Ely et al. 2011; Ibarra et al.,
2013). Women leaders were criticized for not being agentic enough for leadership, but if they
were agentic, they were criticized for not being communal. The double bind also penalized
women for self-promotion because it was not a communal quality (Eagly & Carli, 2007).
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Abendroth and colleagues (2017), Dobbin and Kalev (2016), and Cappelli and Tavis
(2016) found that women and minorities were more likely to receive negative performance
evaluations, which could have adverse effects on their career advancement and pay. Bowles et al.
(2007) explained that prejudicial practices ensued when gender roles were violated by studying
the inability of women to self-promote and negotiate because it led to discrimination. They
argued that there was a double standard for women in negotiations and self-promotion and
provided examples of discrimination from socially constructed gender roles. Their results
supported that a double standard existed. Women did not self-promote because of expectations to
remain modest. This kept them from advancing in promotions and pay. While for men, this was
acceptable behavior. If women adopted the same behaviors as men, they were perceived as
socially incompetent and unhireable.
The experiments conducted by Bowles et al. (2007) also supported that women
encountered more social resistance than men did when they attempted to negotiate their pay. In
their studies, they determined that the two characteristics of masculine stereotypes were
competence and dominance and that women could get away with adopting competence
characteristics, especially when combined with nice and polite female trait expectations.
However, adopting male dominance characteristics was met with social rejection. Negotiations
over pay were seen as traditionally male-dominant traits and therefore were not appropriate
behavior for women. Their results concluded that women’s propensity to engage in negotiations
was motivated by the negative treatment proposed by gender expectations and not the result of
personality traits. The double standard provided men an advantage over women since they were
able to negotiate their pay without the same consequence of social rejection. It thereby furthered
the gap in pay and promotions between women and men (Bowles et al., 2007).
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Several studies highlighted the negative impact of performance reviews on women,
particularly those from marginalized groups (Sanchez-Hucles & David, 2010; Rosette &
Livingston, 2012; Glass & Cook, 2020). Performance reviews have been shown to put
marginalized women at a deeper disadvantage because of the intersection of race and gender
biases. Research by Sanchez-Hucles and David (2010) suggested that Black women’s leadership
experiences differed from those of Black men and White women due to the importance of
assertiveness in their leadership style. However, this assertiveness was viewed negatively
because it conflicted with the stereotype of the submissive and passive female. Therefore, Black
women who displayed assertiveness, which was expected of a leader, were likely to be evaluated
negatively in performance reviews due to role incongruity and inconsistency with the White
female stereotype. Additionally, because sexism and racism were parallel processes,
assertiveness may have also elicited negative reactions among African American men and
women who displayed the dominance that was expected of leaders. As a result, performance
reviews may further marginalize women of color, who faced a double bind of being assertive
enough to be seen as leaders while not being perceived as too aggressive or abrasive (Sanchez-
Hucles & David, 2010)
Rosette and Livingston (2012) highlighted the potential for Black women executives to
experience more severe consequences in performance reviews compared to their non-
marginalized counterparts and even Black men. As Brescoll, Dawson, and Uhlmann (2010, as
cited in Rosette and Livingston, 2012) noted, atypical leaders were often expected to fail, and
such failures were evaluated more negatively. Therefore, Black women executives may have to
be exceptionally diligent when managing subpar outcomes to minimize the impact on their
evaluations. This may involve taking special care to communicate the circumstances surrounding
38

subpar performance to management, peers, and subordinates. The need for such careful
management of performance reviews was likely to be more acute for Black women than for other
groups due to the intersection of gender and race, which can lead to negative evaluations of
assertive behavior by Black women, as noted by Parker and Ogilvie (1996) and Eagly and Karau
(2001) in Rosette and Livingston (2012). Therefore, performance reviews were likely to have a
more profound impact on the careers of marginalized women, as they must work harder to
minimize negative evaluations and may face more severe consequences for mistakes compared
to their non-marginalized peers.
Additionally, research conducted by Glass and Cook (2020) found that women from
marginalized groups, particularly Black women, faced harsher penalties in performance reviews
due to being deemed “outsiders” in high-status professions. They must assimilate into the
dominant culture and repress their identities to avoid negative judgments. This created hyper
surveillance, a burden of doubt concerning their competence and capability, and significant
performance pressures. Hyper visibility prevented them from being evaluated fairly, and they
had to navigate organizational climates strategically to establish membership as quasi-insiders by
reducing the unease generated by their presence. Assimilation was a critical strategy for
organizational outsiders to overcome negative evaluation bias. In the following section, the
concept of the glass cliff was examined as another factor that could provide insight into the
disparity in women’s progress toward leadership roles.
Glass Cliff
The research into organizational structure, management practices, and systems that
impacted the selection of leaders included multiple studies that investigated the glass cliff
phenomenon, which refered to when women, marginalized groups, and women of marginalized
39

groups were more likely to achieve leadership positions in companies that were associated with a
state of crisis and were at a higher risk of failure (Bruckmüller & Branscombe, 2010;
Morgenroth et al., 2020). In their first study, Bruckmüller and Branscombe (2010) highlighted
that an analysis of the top 100 companies on the London Stock Exchange found that women
were more likely to be appointed to a board of directors’ position when those companies
experienced consistently poor performance during prior months. Their research suggested that
one reason for this phenomenon was gender stereotypes. Their second study involved an
experiment that led to the conclusion that stereotypical male attributes were aligned to leadership
choices for successful companies, and stereotypical female attributes were aligned to leadership
choices for times of crisis that center on interpersonal attributes (Bruckmüller & Branscombe,
2010). In their studies, Morgenroth et al. (2020) extended the glass cliff phenomenon to
members of underrepresented racial and ethnic groups.
Combining the studies of Bruckmüller and Branscombe (2010) on the glass cliff and of
Morgenroth et al. (2020) on the phenomenon as experienced by marginalized groups can explain
the phenomenon from the lens of intersectionality. Intersectionality helped us understand how
different forms of discrimination could interact with and amplify each other, creating unique
experiences of marginalization for individuals with intersecting identities (Crenshaw, 1989). This
compounding effect could make it even more challenging for individuals to overcome systemic
barriers and achieve equality (Crenshaw, 1989). Such can be the case in being more vulnerable
to being appointed to leadership positions during times of crisis and more likely to experience
negative outcomes due to systemic barriers. Glass and Cook (2020) pointed out that the glass
cliff phenomenon created a higher risk of failure for women in marginalized groups who were
promoted to leadership positions. Although their study did not research the intersectionality
40

between the two, they addressed it as an area of concern that needed further research. The
upcoming section delves into resistance to DEI endeavors to shed light on impediments to equity
and inclusion in the workplace.
A Review of Resistance to DEI efforts that Address Advancement Barriers
Burke (2018) described resistance to change at three levels: the individual, the group, and
the larger system. At the individual level, choice and involvement were important. Resistance is
likely to take three different forms: blind, ideological, and political. At the group level, resistance
was likely to occur as a result of protecting “one’s turf.” Finally, at the larger system level,
cynicism toward change initiatives as fads that would soon pass created resistance. A review of
studies conducted provided a better understanding of why some DEI efforts have failed to make
a significant impact on DEI change adoption (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016; Lyer, 2022; Sabharwal,
2014; Wells et al., 2020) while others have been successful (McCarty Kilian et al., 2005).
Lyer (2021) described resistance to DEI efforts found at the group level. The advantaged
group resisted change as a way of holding onto the status quo that they benefitted from by
fighting against perceived threats to their interests. There were three types of threats: resource
threat, which was concerned with losing benefits and opportunities; symbolic threat, which was
concerned with changing organizational culture and traditions for meritocracy; and in-group
mortality threat, which was concerned with the continued existence of the advantaged group and
perpetuation of the inequality that privileged them (Lyer, 2021).
Research conducted by Dobbin and Kalev (2016) revealed that diversity initiatives had
been met with resistance and often sabotaged by the managers that are counted on to implement
them. Their study analyzed 3 decades of data from over 800 U.S. firms and included interviews
with hundreds of line managers and executives. Their analysis over 5 years of data after the
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implementation of mandatory biased training revealed that not only did the number of women,
Black, and Hispanics in management roles remain stagnant, but Black women decreased on
average by 9% and Asian Americans decreased by 4% to 5%. Their second finding from the
interview data revealed that mandatory hiring tests used to fight bias were often sabotaged
because managers did not like being told whom they could hire. The data indicated that White
managers were only making strangers, who were most often minorities, take the tests but were
“hiring White friends without testing them” (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016, p. 55). Managers that did
make everyone take the tests were likely to ignore the results or cherry-pick results to amplify
bias. Mandatory hiring tests resulted in a decrease of 4% to 10% in the share of managerial jobs
held by women and minorities (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016).
A look into performance ratings further explained why organizational structure,
management practices, and systems for DEI efforts had failed to make a significant impact in
changing climate (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016). Data collected by Dobbin and Kalev (2016) reported
that many managers had worked around performance reviews and found that, over a 5-year
implementation period, instituting performance ratings had no effect on managers from
minoritized groups, but the share of White women dropped by an average of 4%. Their findings
revealed that performance ratings had been used to shield corporations from litigation but had
not helped to boost diversity (Dobbin and Kalev, 2016).
The final diversity initiative that Dobbin and Kalev (2016) analyzed was grievance
procedures, which in many instances, led to ridicule and demotion rather than improved diversity
efforts, further discouraging women and minorities from speaking up. Their analysis involved
almost 90,000 discrimination complaints to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in
2015, of which 45% also included retaliation charges. Data showed that 5 years after
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implementing formal grievance systems, in all minoritized groups but Hispanic males, there was
a decline of 3-11% (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016). Dobbin and Kalev’s research expands with
additional studies that explored resistance to DEI efforts that address advancement barriers.
Research by Wells et al. (2020) shed light on change resistance at the group level, where
protecting one’s turf had been responsible for thwarting DEI efforts. As a result of the war for
talent, many organizations had used DEI in their branding efforts to acquire high-potential
candidates for hiring from traditionally excluded groups. However, in their findings, Wells et al.
(2020) indicated that predominantly White organizations with low diversity climates had not
held up to their commitment to DEI branding internally. This was explained largely due to DEI
stigmatization that heavily scrutinizes traditionally excluded groups through stereotypes, bias,
and retaliation toward DEI efforts because they are seen as providing unearned and unfair
advantages for women and marginalized groups. Wells et al. (2020) argued that incorporating
feedback to managers was essential to support DEI efforts and decrease DEI stigma and that
leadership accountability for mitigating the stigma was a necessary component. In addition to
resistance to DEI efforts at the group level that addressed advancement barriers covered by Well
et al. (2020), additional studies provided insight at the leadership level.
Research by Sabharwal (2014) explored why diversity efforts had not made a significant
change in organizational climate due to problems associated with the lack of leadership in
implementation. Burke (2018) explained that the final point of the prelaunch phase for change
implementation consisted of providing clarity of vision and direction and that a successful vision
would mobilize the desired behaviors needed for change adoption. Sabharwal’s (2014) study
demonstrated this in their research. A survey measured individual perceptions and experiences
related to leadership, job performance, diversity, and job aspirations of public sector employees.
43

The results were that although organizations provided diversity training that included sexual
harassment, valuing differences, and diversity management, they were met with resistance to
creating an environment of inclusion and fell short of realizing the potential of a diverse
workforce. The implications it had on women and marginalized groups were examined through
social identity theory, social comparison theory, and optimal distinctiveness theory, which all
addressed a sense of fit associated with organizational climate. This led to their conclusion that
inclusive organizational behaviors (commitment from top leadership to foster inclusion, the
ability of employees to influence work group decisions, and treating employees fairly) were
needed in addition to diversity management. The two were distinguished in that “diversity
management focuses on improving recruitment and training mainly for women and minorities in
the workplace, whereas inclusion focuses on the removal of barriers to enable high performance
from all employees” (Sabharwal, 2014, p. 5). Problems associated with the lack of
implementation leadership efforts contributed to the resistance of DEI efforts; however, there
were reports of success.
The literature also provided examples of successful DEI change adoption as a result of
clear direction, vision, and communication from leadership. In their study of organizational
structure, management practices, and systems, McCarty Kilian et al. (2005) revealed positive
trends in DEI efforts that had led to successful adoption. Managerial accountability was key in
building diversity in the corporate pipeline. McCarty Kilian et al. (2005) highlighted that
organizations that had success in creating a leadership culture that overcame barriers to the
advancement of women and minorities and motivated progress for building diversity in the
pipeline have incorporated managerial accountability. This was also found to have a direct
impact on the retention and promotion of women and minorities. McCarty Kilian et al. (2005)
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highlighted the organizational structure, management practices, and systems needed to benefit
from DEI efforts. Successful implementation started with an organizational structure that shaped
management practices for accountability that promoted clear, unambiguous, and equally
available opportunities to all. One way that some companies had success in promoting
managerial accountability was through the enforcement of policies that called for diversity. For
example, to increase diversity in a slate of candidates for the selection of a managerial candidate,
Motorola instituted a policy that, first, a minimum of three candidates needed to be identified,
one of whom needed to be a qualified woman or from a minoritized group. The result was an
increase from two to 32 in the number of women and managers from minoritized groups
(McCarty Kilian et al., 2005). Additional examples of successful DEI adoption efforts were
observed at university institutions.
Lane-Fall et al. (2021) analyzed historical personal and professional consequences for
DEI leaders in university institutions that have challenged the status quo and why today’s leaders
have experienced a softening of negative consequences. Their research found that an increase in
representation of marginalized groups has helped spread the “minority tax” burden so that no
single individual was identified and punished for it, a global community of marginalized groups
and White allies made up of students, staff, support staff, and faculty have provided
encouragement through surfacing these experiences, and the existence of a shared vernacular to
describe and explain these experiences which led to improvement in this area. Lane-Fall et al.
attributed success in DEI efforts to the support that was needed from leaders at the highest levels.
They were the key to creating the conditions needed to thwart retaliation for DEI leaders to do
their jobs. Turning to a conceptual framework provided further contributed to a better
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understanding of employee satisfaction and turnover intentions for women of marginalized
groups and their perceptions of career advancement in the insurance industry.
Conceptual Framework
The Burke-Litwin model explained that the need for organizational change started with
external environmental factors that created a need for change. The model then was used to
analyze organizational change using three different factors in an organization: transformational,
transactional, individual, and personal factors (Burke & Litwin, 1992). The transformational
factors level was described as having more weight than other factors. Changes in the
transformational level resulted from environmental influence and required a transformation in
behavior from organizational members that were led by the executive leadership. Figure 2
summarized each of the levels in the Burke-Litwin model. The transformational factors level
consisted of three variables: mission and strategy, leadership, and culture. These are illustrated
with three yellow boxes. The mission was why the organization existed and what it set out to
accomplish. The strategy was how the mission would be accomplished, and the culture was the
meaning system in the organization. Burke and Litwin (1992) defined culture as the underlying
values and meaning systems in organizations that guided organizational behavior. It was referred
to as the meaning system and which in turn created the climate. Leaders in an organization
provided direction while also serving as behavioral role models; they created the culture (Burke
& Litwin, 1992).

Figure 2
Conceptual Framework Burke-Litwin Causal Model of Organizational Performance and Change

46
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Burke (2018) addressed the importance of getting leadership selection and development
right. Selection bias was identified by Burke (2018) as what prevented organizations from
getting it right. Selection bias consisted of three mistakes: the cloning effect, which was when
senior leaders chose their successor and looked for a candidate just like themselves; trait theory,
when leaders were chosen based on the big five personality factors: stable, agreeable,
conscientious, outgoing, open to new ideas and also a preference for leaders to be tall; and finally
implicit theory when erroneous preconceived notions created a picture of what a leader should be
like (Burke, 2018). Through this theoretical framework of the Burke-Litwin model, a review of
the literature was conducted to investigate the multiple causes associated with the gap in women
of marginalized groups in leadership roles in the insurance industry.
Burke (2018) summarized a guide for leadership selection and development that
consisted of four phases, which could be applied to help address common barriers to
transformation and could be trickled down to each level in the Burke-Litwin model. Phase 1
consisted of selection and emphasized that the criteria should be grounded on the future state of
the organization and, therefore, cloning bosses should be avoided. Instead, an approach that
emphasized diversity must be adopted. Phase 2 consisted of job assignments and focused on
providing opportunities for challenging job assignments that provided development opportunities
through different experiences. Phase 3 consisted of providing support for learning through
mentoring and coaching and training that developed specific skills. Phase 4 consisted of the
evaluation phase, which highlighted before and after assessments using a multi-rater system,
performance appraisals, promotion rate, and the extent that which employees were chosen for
further challenging job assignments (Burke, 2018).
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Transactional factors were the next level of the Burke-Litwin model (Burke & Litwin,
1992). The variables that made up the transactional factors appear in Figure 2 in three light blue
boxes: structure, management practices, and systems were used to carry out the mission and
strategy of the organization. In Figure 2, this connection was illustrated between the lines within
each of the transformational boxes to the transactional boxes. Structure was the arrangement of
functions; it defined the roles and responsibilities of each member and who had decision-making
authority. Management practices were the work that managers did on a day-to-day basis to use
human and material resources to carry out the organizational strategy. Systems were the policies
and procedures that facilitated work and could be found in the organization’s reward system,
performance appraisal system, and resource allocation. An example of how this manifested could
be found in the congruity theory of prejudice (Eagly & Karaus, 2002) and in incongruency
theory (Eagly & Karaus, 2002). Both were used to explain that there were preconceived traits for
women and marginalized groups and proper behaviors and expectations that were prescribed by
norms in society. When these were violated, they were met with discrimination and backlash.
This worked against change to preserve the status quo and created barriers to the advancement of
women of marginalized groups. An analysis of the literature found these norms created barriers
at the transactional level in organizations within systems, managerial practices, and structure.
The transactional factors, in turn, created the climate that was experienced in the work unit found
at the individual and personal factors level (Burke, 1992).
In the Burke-Litwin model, climate was influenced by transactional factors. Climate was
described in terms of impressions, expectations, perceptions, and feelings that individuals had
toward their local work unit; how it wase managed; how effectively they and their day-to-day
colleagues worked together on the job; and it influenced relationships with the boss, with one
49

another, and with other work units (Burke & Litwin, 1992). Climate was the result of
transactions that had to do with a sense of direction, role, responsibility, standards and
commitment, fairness of rewards, and focus on customers versus internal pressures (Burke,
2018). The variables at the level of the personal factors were illustrated by four green boxes in
Figure 2. These included the work-unit climate, which sat on top, and the tasks and individual
skills, motivation, and individual needs and values, which sat below and made up the work-unit
climate. An investigation at the work-unit level helped to provide an understanding of the
perceptions of the members within it compared to the culture of the organization; this
represented the degree to which there was a fit or job-person-match. Figure 3 illustrated how the
work-unit climate was investigated in this study. Interview questions were aligned to understand
the three factors that made up work-unit climate.

Figure 3
Work-Unit Climate Study

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Individual and organizational performance was the output of all the results and were
found illustrated in the red box in Figure 2 of the Burke-Litwin model. Performance was defined
and measured by productivity, customer satisfaction, quality, profit, earnings, and growth (Burke
& Litwin, 1992). Each level was connected to another throughout the model, as seen by each line
that connected the boxes in the illustration. The causal connections between transactional and
transformational factors and work-unit climate aided in comprehending the experiences and
perceptions of women from culturally marginalized groups in the insurance industry.
Specifically, how these factors influenced their career development and advancement
opportunities, whether they faced any barriers, and how these factors impacted employee
satisfaction and turnover intentions. The data gathered were utilized to better understand
employee satisfaction and turnover intentions for women of marginalized groups and their
perceptions of career advancement in the insurance industry.
Summary
The literature review yielded the following findings. The following information was
uncovered during the literature review, which investigated the historical progression of women
from marginalized groups in the workforce of the insurance industry. The insurance industry,
which dates to Babylonian times, was exclusively male until the mid-1800s when women were
hired for clerical purposes; they were allowed to take insurance exams in 1919 for more
advanced roles (Riboloni, 2019). Legislative action, such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964, paved
the way for a more diverse workforce (Sweet, 2021). The law made discrimination illegal,
leading to changes in hiring practices, as exemplified by a class-action lawsuit in California in
which an insurance company was accused of discrimination against women in sales agent
positions (Hager, 1988). The settlement included a hiring quota and monetary awards to the
52

plaintiffs, leading to improvements in hiring women and minorities for sales agent positions
(Hager, 1988).
The present study’s literature review aimed to investigate the context behind the
challenges associated with recruiting and retaining talent in the insurance industry today. The
following information was revealed as a result of this inquiry. Despite the protection afforded by
the Civil Rights Act, the lack of diversity in the insurance industry remained a concern (Ross &
Woleben, 2020a). The industry reports showed the low representation of women and non-White
executives and officers (Evans, 2019; Ross & Woleben, 2020b). The professional organizations
highlighted this issue and advocated for the benefits of diversity (McKinsey & Company, 2018;
Marsh, 2018; ILO, 2019). The industry faced challenges in acquiring and retaining talent (BLS,
2022). With a labor shortage predicted in the industry, diversity in the workforce could provide
solutions (BLS, 2017, 2022). Understanding the perceptions of career advancement and
employee satisfaction for women of marginalized groups could inform the industry’s efforts to
strengthen acquisition and retention (ILO, 2019).
In the course of the literature review conducted to investigate the impact of
organizational climate on job satisfaction and turnover, pertinent findings were unearthed.
Organizational climate had a significant impact on job satisfaction and turnover. The literature
showed that climate shaped employees’ perception of fit, which referred to the satisfaction of
meeting needs and values. According to Burke (2018), meeting these needs and values could be
achieved through different variables associated with job satisfaction. Several studies identified
career advancement as a key variable impacting job satisfaction and turnover intentions (Chan &
Mai, 2015; Das & Baruah, 2013; McCarty Kilian et al., 2005; Rakhra, 2018). Chan and Mai’s
(2015) study found that limited career advancement opportunities led to career dissatisfaction
53

and increased turnover intentions. Similarly, Rakhra’s (2018) study revealed that employees only
considered a job satisfying when there was adequate career development. The literature also
indicated that employee turnover was low when job satisfaction was high (Das & Baruah, 2013).
Furthermore, Bindu and Srikanth’s (2019) study found that employees were less likely to quit
when organizations fostered certain variables such as training, development, and performance
management. Overall, career development and advancement were strongly associated with job
satisfaction and were predictors of turnover intention, making it critical to identify barriers to
career advancement for marginalized groups, such as the glass ceiling (Glass & Cook, 2020;
Purcell et al., 2010).
The literature review found that research has been conducted to understand the barriers to
career development and advancement for women of marginalized groups (Mohan, 2014; Allen et
al., 2016; Fitzsimmons & Callan, 2016; Hogan & Vesneski, 2021; Eagly, 2007; McCarty Kilian
et al., 2005; Maume, 1999; Eagly & Karaus, 2002; Bruckmüller & Branscombe, 2010; Bowles et
al., 2007). They have criticized the argument that the gap in leadership roles was due to not
enough talent in the pipeline (Archambeau, 2021; Carter & Silva, 2010; Eagly & Karaus, 2002;
Ellingrud & Lodolo, 2019; McCarty Kilian et al., 2005; STEMconnector, 2018;) and highlighted
multiple workplace barriers. Moreover, DEI efforts had not been successful due to managerial
sabotage and resistance (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016; Wells et al., 2020) and organizational structure
and systems (Ely et al., 2011; Ibarra et al., 2013; Sabharwal). Exploring these barriers could help
organizations improve their structure, management practices, and systems, ultimately to enhance
job satisfaction and reduce turnover intentions. The study aimed to shed light on the root causes
of this issue. Additionally, the traditional argument that supported the status quo blamed the so-
called pipeline problem, where women and marginalized groups mostly made up the lower-
54

ranking employees and had difficulty advancing to the top (Hewlett et al., 2010). Research
studies indicated that pipeline problems did not disappear over time, with women across all
industries being 21% less likely to be promoted than men (McKinsey & Company, 2020). There
was a lack of awareness that this was a causation (Thomas et al., 2019). The literature also
revealed that pipeline problems had created feelings of unfairness in employees, which impacted
employee morale (McCarty et al., 2005).
Additional studies have explored the barriers women from marginalized groups faced in
their career development and advancement. One significant obstacle was the limited access to
social capital, including professional networks, mentors, and sponsors (Hogan & Vesneski, 2021;
Eagly & Carli, 2007; McCarty Kilian et al., 2005; Maume, 1999; Singh et al., 2010). Women had
less time for after-hours social functions due to work and family responsibilities, and male-
dominated settings excluded them from fully participating (Eagly & Carli, 2007). Additionally,
women may face gender stereotypes that limit their opportunities for training, professional
growth, and interaction with male managers (Maume, 1999). Inclusion and exclusion play a role
in social capital, and those who did not meet in-group value standards experienced
marginalization, discrimination, and segregation (Metz et al., 2022). Resilience was crucial for
women to thrive and develop, and organizations must promote gender inclusion, support
mentoring and coaching, and foster social networks (Bridges & Bamberry, 2023). Managerial
accountability for developing talent was also critical for retaining women of marginalized groups
(McCarty Kilian et al., 2005). Gender bias also contributed to the pipeline problem (Glass &
Cook, 2020; Bridges & Bamberry, 2023).
Research has shown that gender biases in leadership selection were a significant barrier
to career development and advancement for women of marginalized groups (Burke, 2018; Ibarra
55

et al., 2013; Rosette et al., 2016). These biases created subtle yet powerful barriers for women
due to cultural assumptions and organizational structures, practices, and patterns of interaction,
which reinforce preconceived beliefs and further limit career advancement opportunities.
Women who exhibited agentic qualities were frequently penalized, while those who violate
communal expectations faced discrimination (Eagly & Carli, 2007; Eagly & Karaus, 2002;
Rosette et al., 2016). Black and Asian American women are more frequently targeted for these
biases, which reinforced second-generation biases and limited their career advancement
opportunities (Ibarra et al., 2013; Rosette et al., 2016).
According to research, women from marginalized groups faced multiple barriers to career
development and advancement, including bias in performance evaluations (Sanchez-Hucles &
David, 2010; Rosette & Livingston, 2012; Glass & Cook, 2020). Studies showed that women
leaders were evaluated more unfavorably than their male counterparts, with gender bias affecting
both the evaluators and the evaluated (Eagly & Karaus, 2002). Cognitive biases, such as the halo
and anchoring effects, impacted performance reviews for women (Bellé et al., 2017).
Additionally, women were subjected to double binds and standards that penalized them for not
meeting social expectations for feminine traits, such as being likable (Eagly & Carli, 2007).
Marginalized women were at a deeper disadvantage due to the intersection of race and gender
biases (Rosette et al., 2008). These findings highlighted the need for inclusive and unbiased
practices in performance evaluations to ensure equitable career opportunities for all women.
(Hogue et al., 2021; Eagly & Karaus, 2002; Heilman & Okimoto, 2007; Rudman, 1998; Rosette
et al., 2008).
Studies by Bruckmüller and Branscombe (2010) and Morgenroth et al. (2020)
investigated the glass cliff phenomenon, which showed that women and marginalized groups
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were more likely to achieve leadership positions during times of crisis and face higher risks of
failure. Gender stereotypes and intersectionality, where different forms of discrimination could
amplify each other, contributed to this phenomenon. Glass and Cook (2020) pointed out that the
glass cliff created a higher risk of failure for women in marginalized groups, hindering progress
toward achieving equity and inclusion in the workplace. Further research was needed to address
this concern.
To address the inquiry regarding the literature’s findings on the attempts to overcome
barriers to the advancement of women belonging to marginalized communities and the
challenges to these endeavors at the transactional level, a review examined the resistance to DEI
initiatives aimed at addressing advancement barriers. Efforts to overcome barriers to the
advancement of women of marginalized groups have faced resistance at various levels, as
described by several studies. According to Burke (2018), Lyer (2021), Dobbin and Kalev (2016),
Wells et al. (2020), and Sabharwal (2014), resistance was found at the individual, group, and
system levels, in various forms, such as blind, ideological, and political. At the group level, the
advantaged group resisted change to hold onto the status quo, and resulted in three types of
threats: resource, symbolic, and in-group mortality (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016).
Research found that diversity initiatives were often met with resistance and sabotaged by
managers, resulting in a stagnation of the number of women and minorities in management roles
(Wells et al., 2020). Moreover, mandatory hiring tests, performance ratings, and grievance
procedures were not effective in boosting diversity, with some leading to a decline in minoritized
group representation (Burke, 2018). Therefore, feedback to managers, leadership accountability,
and effective vision and direction were found as essential to overcome resistance (Lyer, 2021;
Sabharwal, 2014).
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To finalize this section, the Burke-Litwin conceptual framework (Burke & Litwin, 1992)
was used to understand organizational change, starting with external environmental factors that
created a need for change. The framework used three different factors: transformational,
transactional, and individual and personal factors to analyze the change. The transformational
level consisted of three variables: mission and strategy, leadership, and culture. The transactional
level consisted of structure, management practices, and systems. The individual and personal
factors level included work-unit climate, tasks and individual skills, motivation, and individual
needs and values. The framework was applied to investigate the perceptions of career
advancement, employee satisfaction, and turnover intentions among marginalized women in the
insurance industry. Burke (2018) also provided a guide for leadership selection and development
that consisted of four phases, which could be applied to help address common barriers to
transformation.

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Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of this study was to better understand employee satisfaction, turnover
intentions, and perceptions of career advancement among women of marginalized groups in the
insurance industry. This chapter provides the research design and methods that have been
incorporated to answer the research questions that seek to understand perceptions of
advancement at the organizational culture and climate levels within the insurance industry by
women in marginalized groups, how these may have contributed to employee intentions to stay
or leave the insurance industry, and how they could be reduced to increase intentions to stay in
the industry. This chapter began with the research questions that supported the purpose of the
study and then continued with the overview of the study’s design, the participants, the interview
protocol, the data collection process, and the data’s credibility and trustworthiness. The chapter
ended with a discussion of ethical considerations.
Research Questions
The following research questions guided this study:
1. How and in what ways does work-unit climate perceived or experienced by women
contribute to job satisfaction in the insurance industry?
2. “How and in what ways is work-unit climate and organizational culture perceived or
experienced as a barrier to advancement for women of marginalized groups in the
insurance industry?”
3. To what extent, if at all, do barriers to advancement perceived or experienced by
women of marginalized groups contribute to their intentions to stay or leave the
insurance industry?
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Overview of Design
This study used the Burke-Litwin model as both a theoretical and conceptual framework.
The Burke-Litwin model (1998) had its roots in organizational climate studies. The model
defined climate as “the perceptions that individuals had of how their local work unit was
managed and how effectively they and their day-to-day colleagues worked together on the job”
(Burke, 2018, p. 225). Climate was made up of several key concepts, including skills and
abilities, individual needs and values, development, and motivation. The design for this study
was qualitative, consisting of interviews with current and former employees of property and
casualty insurance companies. Interviews explored perceptions of women of marginalized
groups about the climate of inclusion in the insurance industry. The interview data addressed
each of the research questions in this study. The findings were used to better understand how to
support the advancement of women of marginalized groups in this industry, to discover the
barriers they experienced, and understand how these impacted turnover intentions and
performance. The Burke-Litwin model explored how climate impacted the degree to which an
individual felt that their job was the right fit for them and whether it was meeting an individual’s
needs and values, which could be used to better understand the impact on retention and
acquisition of a diverse talent workforce.
Research Setting
I conducted interviews with participants who were or had been employed in the insurance
industry. To recruit the sample for this study, I reached out using phone calls and emails to my
network of connections which included women I have met through the organization where I
work, through professional industry organizations, educational institutions, conferences, and
connections from social media sites such as LinkedIn. This provided me with an opportunity to
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bring in potential candidates who had unique criteria that fit the sampling criteria. I also recruited
additional candidates by asking for recommendations from those connections. Each interview
took approximately 45 minutes to 1 hour. The interviews were conducted from my home office
using Zoom technology. This allowed me to ensure confidentiality and privacy. Audio/video
recordings were used as a necessary procedure for the ability to transcribe interviews and to help
promote trustworthiness in the data collection efforts by capturing the interviewee’s actual
words.
A total of 12 participants were included in the study, and their identities were
anonymized using alpha-numeric references. The sample consisted of women from diverse racial
and ethnic backgrounds, with Black women comprising 42%, Hispanic women comprising 33%,
Asian women comprising 17%, and those from other ethnicities comprising 8%. The sample also
included participants from various management levels, with middle management accounting for
67%, non-management for 25%, and senior level management for 8%. Additionally, the sample
encompassed participants with varying levels of experience in the insurance industry, with 10-15
years comprising 25%, 16-20 years comprising 33%, 21-25 years comprising 17%, 26 or more
years comprising 25%. The sample characteristics are presented in Table 2. Since this study was
focused on women of marginalized groups who were employed or had been employed in the
insurance industry that could speak directly about the perception of climate and “fit” and their
personal experiences while working in the insurance industry, a purposeful selection was
necessary as they were the stakeholders best linked to the research questions in this study. The
participants were employed or had been employed by five property and casualty (P&C)
insurance companies found in the top 20 largest P&C insurers in the United States (AM Best,
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2020). The interviews all took place virtually to better facilitate the ability to meet, as
participants lived in various locations throughout the United States.

Table 2
Sample Characteristics, n = 12
Race/ethnicity % Management level % Years in insurance %
Black 42 Non-management 25 10–5 25
Hispanic 33 Mid-level 67 16–20 33
Asian 17 Senior level 8 21–25 17
Other 8

26+ 25

Note. Some cells are blank because each column represents a different characteristic of the
sample. Some characteristics have more categories than others, for example race and ethnicity
had four categories while management level had three, and years in insurance had four
categories.

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The Researcher
My experiences and identity from the intersection of “power and the politics of gender,
race, class, sexuality, ethnicity, culture, language, and other social factors” allowed me to
understand my problem of practice from my positionality (Villaverde, 2008 p. 10). My
positionality was shaped by being a woman, having a career in the insurance industry, being a
daughter of immigrant parents, being a Spanish-speaking Latina, college-educated, heterosexual
married, mother, middle-class person who came from a working social class family childhood.
As a Latina woman with a career in the insurance industry, I had a vested interest in seeing the
industry change in favor of gender and racial equity. I also had the opportunity to quickly build
rapport with study participants, given the potential overlap of being a woman and part of a
marginalized group. My knowledge and experience in the insurance industry supported the
development of good questions and ease of communication with participants.
My positionality provided me with an experiential viewpoint that lent itself to exposing
the taken-for-granted norms that were hidden in plain sight from those more privileged. I not
only identified them but questioned them in pursuit of equity. My research assumption is value-
bound and subjective and never unbiased. It will always be influenced by the point of view of the
researcher. I was influenced by the postmodernist paradigm combined with a critical perspective,
which I used to focus on deconstructing cultural norms that enabled me to use the research to
impact equity in a meaningful way by exposing unconscious bias and stereotypes that had
created barriers for women of traditionally marginalized groups and had made it difficult for
them to advance into a senior leadership position. It could challenge current ways of thinking to
build a more equitable work culture. As stated in findings from the literature, equity is not just an
end goal but rather a process that involves acknowledging an unequal starting place and working
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towards correcting and addressing the imbalance (Bogler, n.d.). On the other hand, my
positionality could create blind spots and biases that I had to constantly keep in check. These
blind spots included over-sensitization of being a victim of gender bias, trust issues that made
working with men more difficult and lent to a preference for working with women and being
overcritical of men in roles of authority. A researcher’s position or reflexivity, which was
described by Merriam and Tisdell (2016) as ongoing critical self-reflection, was an important
practice that I valued and employed frequently.
Data Source: Individual Interviews
The data sources for this study were individual interviews with current and former
employees of the insurance industry.
Participants
I interviewed women of marginalized groups who worked or had worked in the insurance
industry. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) stated that qualitative research sampling is best achieved
by purposeful sampling in contrast to quantitative research, which is more concerned with a
random sample because what is important to qualitative research is in-depth understanding, not
what is generally true of many. According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), “purposeful sampling
is based on the assumption that the investigator wants to discover, understand, and gain insight
and therefore must select a sample from which the most can be learned” (p. 96). To best
discover, understand, and gain insight, I needed to find participants that fit the criteria that I was
researching in the problem of practice. Since the focus was on the insurance industry, I
interviewed participants who were or had been employed in the insurance industry. Also, since I
was interested in the gaps in career progression for women of traditionally marginalized groups
in the insurance industry, I contacted women within my network who I knew also represented
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traditionally marginalized race/ethic groups, such as Black, Hispanic, and Asian. This type of
purposeful sampling could be categorized as unique in that it was based on specific attributes.
My goal was to conduct 15 interviews, with at least half of the participants as women,
five Black, five Hispanic, and five Asian participants. To recruit the sample for this study, I used
a combination of convenience, purposeful, and snowball. The study was made up of candidates
from multiple insurance organizations; these were comprised of five property and casualty
(P&C) insurance companies found in the top 20 largest P&C insurers in the United States (AM
Best, 2020). I started with my network made up of connections at the organization where I work,
through professional industry organizations, educational institutions, conferences, and
connections from social media sites such as LinkedIn. These provided me with an opportunity to
bring in potential candidates who have unique criteria that fit the sampling criteria. I also
recruited additional candidates by asking for recommendations from those connections. This
strategy was described by Merriam and Tisdell (2016) as a snowball or chain sampling, asking
for introductions to others who were coworkers or peers that may also want to participate in the
study.
Instrumentation
I used a semi-structured interview protocol in the study. Burkholder et al. (2019)
described the semi-structured interview as a process of constructing interview questions that
related to the research question beforehand, anticipating probes to explore responses further, and
using them as needed. Constructing interview questions beforehand, along with conducting a
pilot of the questions, allowed me to vet them more dutifully so that they could be more
intentional with them. Before the first pilot interview, I put together a first draft of questions. In a
peer-review session, these questions were further refined to ensure that the questions were clear
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and unbiased. I used Patton’s (1987) six types of questions in the interview protocol
(behavioral/experiences, opinions/values, feelings/emotions, knowledge, sensory, and
background) to map each question. I also mapped each interview question to the research
questions and the key concepts tied to the Burke-Litwin theoretical framework, which included
skills/abilities, individual needs/values, development, and motivation. I then had the opportunity
to meet with their dissertation chair to review and further refine them.
After multiple drafts, I refined 15 interview questions that included several potential
probes (Appendix A). Patton (1987) described this as an interview guide, which allowed an
interviewer to be free to build conversations on a subject and made interviewing people more
systematic and comprehensive. Another advantage and reason for selecting the semi-structured
format was that it allowed me to stay focused on the research questions while allowing flexibility
for interviewees. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) described semi-structured interviews as questions
being more flexibly worded and where most of the interview is guided by a list of questions or
issues to be explored. Exploration was the key idea that I felt the semi-structured approach
encouraged, whereas a more rigid approach would have missed or limited the opportunity for in-
depth exploration.
Data Collection Procedures
I began by recruiting potential candidates using several communication strategies. The
women that I contacted first were from my personal network of connections. My network was
comprised of connections I have made with people from the organization where I work, through
professional industry organizations, educational institutions, conferences, and connections from
social media sites such as LinkedIn. The communication plan commenced by making an
introductory phone call to potential participants, informing them of the purpose of the call, which
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was to invite them to partake in research for a doctoral project. I requested their preferred email
address and informed them that an email invitation to participate in the study would be sent to
that address (refer to Appendix B for the word track used for the introductory phone call).
I then sent the candidate an email that consisted of describing the purpose of the study, a
description of the participants’ involvement, and the steps used to maintain confidentiality (see
Appendix C). Once consent was obtained, I sent a follow-up email using a link to Calendly to
schedule a date and time for the interview. Calendly was free online appointment scheduling
software that made finding availability between people more simplified than the back-and-forth
approach often found in emails.
The logistics for collecting interview data included conducting interviews through Zoom
technology. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) pointed to several advantages of this approach which
included the ability to easily record and transcribe interviews and facilitate more flexibility for
enabling interviews despite distance and busy schedules. Each interview took 45 minutes to 1
hour. I conducted these interviews in the comfort of their home office, where they could ensure
confidentiality and privacy. The ability to use Zoom technology to record and transcribe
interviews further helped to promote trustworthiness in data collection efforts by capturing the
interviewee’s actual words. This prevented me from unintentionally capturing incorrect
perspectives. Patton (2002) addressed the importance of capturing the words of your interview
by stating that “it all comes to naught if you fail to capture the actual words of the person being
interviewed” (p. 380). Further, the recording provided more trustworthiness in data collection
than the alternative of notetaking because, as detailed by Weiss (1994), notes never fully capture
what was said, do not include vividness of speech, and threaten a loss of content.
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Data Analysis
I analyzed the data by first using Tesch’s eight steps of coding (Creswell & Creswell,
2017). Once the interviews were complete, I read each transcript carefully to get a sense of the
whole. From there, I analyzed each transcript for the importance of meaning, and made notes in
the margins. The third step I took was to make a list of all the topics and organize them into
columns. I then coded each topic . Once codes were assigned, the following step I used was to
reduce the total lists by creating categories by topics that related to one another. I then
alphabetized the codes, which allowed me to assemble the data into categories that could be
analyzed. The final step I used was to recode the data as necessary (Creswell & Creswell, 2017).
Once the data were coded, I interpreted the findings by comparing the learnings to the
literature, discussing the interpretation of the findings, and stating the limitations found, and the
recommendations for future research (Creswell & Creswell, 2017). I employed a variety of
methods to ensure validity and reliability in the interpretations of the data including reflexivity,
clarifying bias, the use of peer debriefing, notetaking and the use of rich, thick descriptions
(Creswell & Creswell, 2017; Mirriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Validity and Reliability
To ensure ethical, valid, and reliable qualitative data collection practices in my
dissertation research, I incorporated several strategies recommended by Merriam and Tisdell
(2016). The first approach I used was reflexivity, described by Merriam and Tisdell (2016) as
ongoing critical self-reflection, as an important practice throughout the study to minimize
assumptions and biases. Peer review, another approach described by Merriam and Tisdell, was
ongoing throughout our dissertation writing as part of a cohort group led by the same dissertation
chair. Being part of a peer-review group helped me identify unconscious bias or inaccurate
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assumptions and increased ethical, valid, and reliable qualitative data collection practices.
Additionally, I was organized and purposeful with data collection efforts and notetaking,
providing a strong audit trail to ensure that the methods and procedures were well accounted for.
Finally, Merriam and Tisdell (2016) recommend the strategy of using rich, thick descriptions for
promoting validity and reliability. Rich, thick descriptions is described as "providing enough
description to contextualize the study such that readers would be able to determine the extent to
which their situations matched the research context, and, hence, whether findings could be
transferred" (p. 259). To increase transferability in my study all of the findings were supported
with evidence in the form of direct quotes from my participants.
Ethics
The aim in my relationship with the participants was to give them a voice and to create a
counternarrative that told the story from the perspective of a female belonging to a traditionally
marginalized group. Axiology was about how one acted in the world (Aliyu et al., 2015) and
played an important role in putting the standards and requirements of acceptable research
approaches and research techniques. It was about the responsibility to ensure respectful and
reciprocal relationships with research participants (Wilson, 2008) and the role of values and
ethics in the ways used and interpreted findings (Saunders, 2019). It was important to consider
the purpose of my research to understand how my axiological approach fit within it. I saw my
values and beliefs incorporated into my research as a positive thing. My own experiences shaped
my understanding from the same lens as a Hispanic female in middle management in the
insurance industry. In this process, ethical challenges could occur if I did not pay particular
attention to explaining the purpose of the inquiry and methods to the participants, ensuring
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confidentiality, and emphasizing informed consent. My stance was to carry these items out in the
most ethical manner possible to ensure the trustworthiness of my study.
Informed consent is a crucial component of research that involves human participants and
is a fundamental ethical principle. The institutional review board (IRB) is responsible for
overseeing ethical considerations of research involving human subjects (Grady, 2015). I
carefully followed the process as outlined by the IRB to ensure that ethical standards were
abided by. These steps included development of a study information sheet (see Appendix C).
This form was provided to each of the participants prior to the interviews. Another step was to
obtain consent from participants which I incorporated within my interview protocol (see
Appendix A). In addition, the process involved explaining the research project in-depth, which
was integrated into both the informed consent form and interview protocol. Furthermore, the
informed consent form included contact information for the IRB, ensuring that participants could
continue to provide informed consent throughout the research project. Overall, the process of
informed consent ensured that participants understood that nature and the purpose of the
research, were aware of the risks involved and had the right to withdraw from the study at any
time, which was safeguarded by the IRB.
In addition, ethical considerations encompassed maintaining participant privacy and data
confidentiality. IRB also oversees ethical considerations for privacy and data confidentiality. The
steps that I took to ensure participant privacy and data confidentiality were submitted to the IRB
and approved prior to commencing my research. To safeguard participant privacy, data were
collected and evaluated in a secluded location, which was my home office, and only authorized
research personnel, which comprised myself and the participant, were permitted to be present
during research activities. The amount of information gathered about the participant was
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restricted to what was necessary to achieve the research objectives, utilizing predetermined semi-
structured interview questions. Data were coded to preserve confidentiality, and identifiable
information was kept confidential. The electronic storage of data on both my computer and cloud
drive employed appropriate electronic protections, including usernames, passwords, and security
software that continuously scanned for viruses and spyware. Additionally, once recordings were
transcribed, they were permanently deleted. Finally, after final publication of the disseration, all
direct identifiers and codes will be permanently erased. The present investigation carried
significant implications for the insurance industry. Indeed, diversity in leadership was found to
yield substantial benefits, as demonstrated by the ILO research, which identified an increased
ability to attract and retain talent, higher profitability and productivity, greater creativity,
innovation, and openness, enhanced reputation, and the ability to better connect with customers
(ILO, 2019). Adopting recommendations stemming from the findings could promote greater
equity for women of marginalized groups. The study’s research questions aimed better
understand employee satisfaction, turnover intentions, and perceptions of career advancement
among women of marginalized groups.

Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this study was to better understand employee satisfaction, turnover
intentions, and perceptions of career advancement among women of marginalized groups in the
insurance industry. The first research question that was investigated was “How, and in what
ways, does work-unit climate perceived or experienced by women contribute to job satisfaction
in the insurance industry?” Two themes emerged in the research that answered this question.
First, when work-unit climate was perceived negatively, it hurt job satisfaction. The subthemes
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found that job satisfaction suffered when perceptions were present in lack of career
advancement, exclusion, inequity, unfair compensation, lack of meaningfulness, and lack of
work-life balance. Second, when work-unit climate was perceived positively, job satisfaction
was also positive. The subthemes found in job satisfaction were access to career advancement,
access to development, inclusion, fair compensation, work-life balance, meaningfulness, and
relationships. When perceptions in these subthemes were positive, so was job satisfaction.
The second research question was: ““How and in what ways is work-unit climate and
organizational culture perceived or experienced as a barrier to advancement for women of
marginalized groups in the insurance industry?” The research uncovered the theme that multiple
barriers to career advancement were found in both the climate and the culture across different
organizations within the insurance industry. Seven subthemes were identified as barriers within
the organizational climate: the selection process, unequal access to knowledge, lack of supervisor
support, lack of career path, lack of social capital, lack of work-life balance, and the barriers
found at the cultural level had to do with few women and women from marginalized groups in
leadership positions attributed to DEI efforts. The third research question that was investigated
was, “To what extent, if at all, do barriers to advancement perceived or experienced by women
of marginalized groups contribute to their intentions to stay or leave the insurance industry?” The
research revealed the theme that barriers to career advancement perceived by women in the
insurance industry increased their turnover intentions. The four themes found in the research are
referenced in Table 3.

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Table 3
Themes
Themes RQ Weight
of theme
(%)
Key concepts
When the work-unit climate was
perceived negatively, it contributed
negatively to job satisfaction.
1 100 Individual needs & values,
motivation, tasks &
individual skills
When the work-unit climate was
perceived favorably, it contributed
favorably to job satisfaction.
1 100 Individual needs & values,
motivation, tasks &
individual skills
Barriers to career advancement were
found in transactional factors.
Barriers to career advancement were
found in transformational factors.
2 100 Systems, management
practices, and processes
2 100 Mission and strategy,
leadership, and culture
Barriers to career advancement
perceived by women in the insurance
industry increased their turnover
intentions.
3 83 Individual and organizational
performance

Research Question 1
The first research question asked, “How and in what ways does work-unit climate
perceived or experienced by women contribute to job satisfaction in the insurance industry?”
Theme 1: When Work-Unit Climate Was Perceived Negatively, It Contributed Negatively
to Job Satisfaction
When work-unit climate was perceived or experienced negatively, it contributed
negatively to job satisfaction. The subthemes identified in this study contributed to the work unit
climate which found that when experiences or perceptions of exclusion were present job
satisfaction suffered. Moreover, experiences or perceptions of inequity contributed negatively to
job satisfaction. Additionally, when a lack of career advancement was present job satisfaction
declined. It was also found that experiences or perceptions of unfair compensation were present,
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it deteriorated job satisfaction. In addition, when work-life balance was perceived negatively so
was job satisfaction. Finally, when participants felt a lack of meaningfulness in their jobs, job
satisfaction eroded. The subthemes detail the different perceptions and experiences that led to a
deterioration of job satisfaction. Table 4 provides a detailed account of the number of
participants who referenced each subtheme, which provides an answer to Research Question 1.
Quotations from the interviews can be found in the sections that follow Table 4 and are used to
provide research data to support the findings. The examples represent the individual and personal
factors layer of the Burke-Litwin model in work-unit climate and consist of employees’
perceptions about tasks and skills, motivation, individual needs, and values (as illustrated in
Figure 3 in Chapter Two).

Table 4
Negative Work-Unit Climate Examples
Subthemes Burke's Individual and Personal Factors N %
Exclusion Individual needs and values 12 100
Inequity Motivation 12 100
Lack of career advancement Motivation 10 83
Unfair compensation Motivation 6 50
Lack of work life balance Individual needs and values 5 42
Lack of meaningfulness Task and individual skills 4 33

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Subtheme 1: Perceptions of Exclusion Hurt Job Satisfaction
When perceptions of exclusion were present, job satisfaction suffered. This was an
example of how individual needs and values impacted perceptions of work-unit climate that tied
to job satisfaction. When the individual needs and values of the participant’s desire for belonging
were not met, it lowered job satisfaction. Perceptions of exclusion that participants shared
included lack of empowerment, not having a voice or seat at the table, being undervalued or not
recognized, lack of diversity, DEI retaliation, and fear that the authentic self would not be
accepted. All the participants shared examples of exclusion. P8 shared her feelings about
expressing her authentic self:
I think women should be able and just like me, you know, should be able to express who
they truly are at work without fearing repercussions, or, you know, fearing that they
might not respect them as they should because I think that’s my fear at this point.
P9 added an example of psychological safety when discussing having a voice at the table:
You know, the person who speaks the most in the meetings, and doesn’t allow space for
the other voices, and doesn’t create space for like all those, that’s very much the team that
I’m on right now. … But in general, I don’t think I would say it’s a psychologically safe
space.
P12 mentioned a fear of being stereotyped:
I need to be careful about what I say, you know, how I’m present because, you know,
also there’s the angry Black woman trope that’s out there, too. So, it was like I was trying
to be a lot of different things that were playing into that. But at some point, I woke up.
And this is when I started thinking about actively leaving the company.
Lastly, P13 expressed feelings relating to being gaslighted:
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That, especially when, as a woman talking to them about that, I don’t feel that they
necessarily trust or believe in what I’m saying. And so, the treatment that you get is one
of dismissal. But when and as I talk about those experiences, or to explain that to my
leadership, like, then it’s almost turned around to your, that it’s more, it’s more of an
issue with me and this dismissive of the treatment that you get.
Subtheme 2: Experiences of Inequity Hurt Job Satisfaction
When perceptions of inequity were present, job satisfaction suffered. This was an
example of how the work-unit climate impacted motivation which tied back to job satisfaction.
When participants’ expectations to be treated fairly were not met, job satisfaction suffered.
Inequity refers to the unjust treatment of people and has its roots in perceptions of favoritism
and/or discrimination. The ways in which participants described feelings of inequity included
experiencing unfairness, discrimination, and sexual harassment. All of the participants shared
examples of inequity. P9 stated,
And here’s what’s interesting. You have 70% of high school valedictorians are women.
We have women graduating from colleges at a higher rate than men. We have all of these
pieces. And then, and I think these microaggressions, like, for me, I’ve been told I’m too
aggressive, where someone else can do something 10 times stronger. And it’s not, you
know what I mean? So, I think these underlying women, people of color, all of those
pieces, yeah, they we are viewed differently, and the trajectory of White men being
promoted 10 times higher.
P11 added that she felt the lack of representation in leadership was exacerbated when looking at
Hispanic Women:
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I would say, in the last few years, you know, to try to move toward a little bit more
equity. But at the same time, I think there’s inequity amongst the minority groups when
you look at it even further. And then even the gender piece, I mean, that’s a whole other
layer. I think when you do that, the percentages get even smaller. With me, when I look
at our executive team, it’s very much still not as diverse, and then I look at just even my
peer group or that level of third-line leaders. I mean, there’s only two Latinas across the
entire claims organization, one of six Hispanic individuals at that level across all of our
organization at that level.
P14 added that she felt grateful for her job opportunity, but at the same time noticed inequities
that bothered her:
So, and actually, right now, I feel good about it. But like it fluctuates. And so, I feel like
okay, first of all, I’m super grateful for this opportunity. I think we still have a, there’s a
lot of things that are dumped in our lap, and some days are better than others. But for the
most part, I’m super grateful that I have this job, and I get to do what I get to do. So that
being said, there’s some other things that have really made me feel like, you know, a little
bit of a head-scratcher, like, what is this? And what is this about? So, one of those things
is, you know, when they first started to figure out who was getting, what territory, I did
feel like looking back, there are some territories that got, you know, handed to certain
people, more so than others. So, I had very much a turnaround territory.
Subtheme 3: Experiences of Lack of Career Advancement Hurt Job Satisfaction.
When experiences of lack of career advancement were present, job satisfaction suffered.
This was an example of how the work-unit climate impacted motivation which tied back to job
satisfaction. When participants’ expectations of being able to advance in their careers were not
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met, job satisfaction suffered. Although the interviews revealed that most participants (92%)
aspired to advance their careers, 83% shared examples of a lack of career advancement
opportunities. The following are examples provided from the interview transcripts. P1 discussed
the lack of leadership positions available:
I know in the past, I’ve been recommended for like a senior role, you know, and then I’ve
been marked ready for leadership for probably about 6 years or something, but there’s no
leadership position available.
P3 added that although she served successfully in temporary management roles, she was never
offered a promotion into those positions:
Now, sprinkling of what I failed to tell you is through the period of being a team
manager. I did three separate developmental opportunities acting as a middle manager. I
applied and had interviews for Section Manager, which is a term at my employer for the
middle manager role, but I was never offered the job, but I successfully served in those
roles three times.
P8 discussed her concerns with reaching a ceiling in her career despite her development efforts:
Because at this point, I’m going to be covering for my manager, same thing, for a limited
amount of time, just covering the role going through changes, communicating, I lead a lot
of projects, completing my designations, I want to start, like my master’s degree next
year, starting in March. That’s my plan. I created my individual development plan in
working on my 90-day plan. So, I mean, I’m doing a lot. But it does make me afraid that
I’m going to end up falling into the same space I did before, where opportunities might
be limited once you actually feel prepared to take that next step.

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Subtheme 4: Experiences of Unfair Compensation Hurt Job Satisfaction
When participants had perceptions that compensation was unfair, job satisfaction
suffered. This was an example of how the work-unit climate impacted motivation which tied
back to job satisfaction. When participants’ expectations for fair compensation were not met, job
satisfaction suffered. Half of participants provided examples of unfair compensation. P10 shared
her frustration with unfair compensation:
I know that there’s still work to be done on transparency, on salaries, regarding even
with, you know, gender and race. I found that some interesting information from a
coworker, who was a White male, who has worked less time than I do. I’ve had better
overall performance reviews. And he makes right under what I make. And he’s been
here, you know, 5, 6 years less time. So that was a little frustrating, right? If you’re
putting in all the math together, you’re like, well, wait a minute, this doesn’t really add
up, so to speak. So, there’s work to be done on that front, which I think is why I’m like, I
want to be paid for the extra work that I’m doing.
P4 added her experiences having to do with inequitable pay:
And like so I said, that's one of the things you see the same thing over and over again, I
learned very quickly, like, you know, that is very inequitable in terms of like pay, right?
So yeah, your leaders are making six figures and your account reps who are doing all the
work and building the conversations are making maybe an hourly wage, or they don't
have a career path or they don't have incentive pay in performance, right? Or they don't
what's available to them.

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Subtheme 5: Perceptions for Lack of Work-life Balance Hurt Job Satisfaction
When participants reported having perceptions of a lack in work-life balance, they
discussed feeling job dissatisfaction. This was an example of how individual needs and values
impacted perceptions of work-unit climate that tied to job satisfaction. Work-life balance refers
to when work and personal life can co-exist in harmony. The negative detailing of work-life
balance that participants shared included demand, lack of flexibility, requirements for mobility,
and a conflict with family obligations. Demand was in reference to stress, hours and emotional
drain. Family obligations referred to work requirements that created a conflict with the
employee’s home life situation. Flexibility was in reference to a lack of it if the job requirements
did not allow time off, adjustments to work schedules, or the ability to work virtually from home.
A total of 33% of participants shared examples of a lack of work-life balance. P8 shared the high
demand experienced at her job, “I mean, I'm pulled in all directions, I probably work 50 hours
per week or more.” P10 added the multiple reasons that the lack of work-life balance in claims
was overwhelming, “I find that a lot of the resignations were in the claims department. I think
that it’s because of pay, stress, and inflexibility and hours. I mean, that’s why I got out of claims.
Probably never go back. Ever.”
P12 shared how a lack of flexibility with work life balance impacted her family
obligations:
But the problem was, it was supposed to be remote, but then they had to do it in Chicago,
and I couldn't move because my mom was you know, she was still living in our home.
So, she's in a memory care facility now. So, but I ended up getting a job with [another
company outside of the insurance industry].

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Subtheme 6: Perceptions for Lack of Meaningfulness Hurt Job Satisfaction
The study found that when participants perceived their work as lacking in
meaningfulness, their job satisfaction was negatively impacted. This highlights how the work-
unit climate can affect the tasks and skills performed by employees, which in turn affects their
job satisfaction. Participants’ perception of job meaningfulness was linked to job outcomes that
they deemed significant. Outcomes involved pride in their work, for example quality over
quantity. When participants were required to perform tasks and skills that lacked
meaningfulness, their job satisfaction decreased. The study also observed that job
meaningfulness was described in relations to empowerment. Participants felt that their work was
more meaningful when they had control over their outcomes rather than feeling detached from
them. Moreover, some participants associated meaningfulness with their job’s ability to
positively impact others. Out of all participants, 33% provided examples of work that lacked
meaningfulness. Relevant quotations from the interviews are provided below to illustrate this
finding. P4 shared that the outcomes of the job conflicted with her values:
But I stopped doing that, because I also felt like at some point, you have to, you have to
look at what you're recruiting to. So if I'm recruiting these kids in, and I don't have a
strong sales manager to help develop them, that is not good. That's not a good fit, right.
P10 discussed the importance of the pride she had in her work and how the expectations
from her boss created conflicting values:
And I remember distinctly saying, Do you want quality or quantity? Because you’re not
always going to have both? If you want me to produce and produce and produce, I’m
going to make a mistake. And do you want that to where we have to then go back and fix
it and do all these other things, which is time and money for somebody else to fix that I
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might not be trained on? Or do you want me to go slower and produce quality work so
that it’s done right the first time? And he was like, oh, okay, I’m like, you can’t always
have both. And the expectation that you, as management as a whole, not just that
particular manager, that you’re shoving down people’s throats, is not okay.
P13 expressed, "I feel a little less connected to the brand than when I first started.”
Theme 2: When Work-unit Climate Was Perceived Favorably, It Contributed Favorably to
Job Satisfaction
When work-unit climate was perceived favorably, it contributed favorably to job
satisfaction. The subthemes found in the study were that when perceptions or experiences in
access to development, inclusion, fair compensation, meaningfulness, relationships, career
advancement and work-life balance were present, job satisfaction was also present. Table 5
provides a detailed account of the number of participants who referenced each of the subthemes,
which provides an answer to Research Question 1. Quotations from the interviews can be found
in the sections following Table 5 and are used to provide research data to support the findings.
The examples provided represent the “individual and personal factors” layer of the Burke-Litwin
model in work-unit climate and consist of employees’ perceptions of tasks and skills, motivation,
and individual needs and values (as illustrated in Figure 3).

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Table 5
Positive Work Climate Examples
Subthemes Burke's individual and personal factors n %
Access to development Individual needs and values 12 100
Inclusion Individual needs and values 10 83
Positive compensation Motivation 6 50
Meaningfulness Task and individual skills 5 42
Work life BALANCE Individual needs and values 5 42
Relationships Individual needs and values 4 33
Career Advancement Motivation 4 33

Subtheme 1: Perceptions of Access to Development Helped Job Satisfaction
When perceptions of access to development were present, job satisfaction was present.
This was an example of how individual needs and values impacted perceptions of work-unit
climate that tied to job satisfaction. All the participants of the participants shared examples of
access to development. P2 described training she received,
I got my scrum master certificates that I want to go over to our maybe being a scrum
master, or more over to like I’m taking courses for different computer languages. So, I
can move over to that section and getting out of the claim and moving to more of the IT
department.
P8 revealed that her job provided education benefits,
And I think the benefit, so again, I want to start my master’s in the companies willing to
pay for that as a huge benefit. So, I value that a lot in a company. I think they should
value it more within because they are encouraged you, and they’ll pay for your education.

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Subtheme 2: Perceptions of Inclusion Helped Job Satisfaction
When perceptions of inclusion were present, job satisfaction was present. This was an
example of how individual needs and values impacted perceptions of work-unit climate that tied
to job satisfaction. When the participants’ desire for belonging was met, job satisfaction was
present. Inclusion referred to feeling valued and respected as an individual for who you are.
Participants shared stories of having positive instances of inclusion that had to do with their
ability to speak, feeling valued and recognized through positive experiences with DEI adoption
efforts, and being heard. Eighty-three percent of the participants shared examples of inclusion.
P8 shared an example of progress in representation:
Overall, I think it’s getting a lot better, with each department now helping more women
and minorities be represented. So, for example, one of our senior marketing vice
presidents. She is Mexican American and has been the first Mexican American to reach
that level. So it’s nice to see somebody that it’s in that role in representing,
P12 highlighted a positive experience with her last manager:
My best experiences was my last manager, who was over the diversity. The way she
brought me into the department really gave me the opportunity to thrive and be the best,
you know, my best self at work, than the way my career started.”
Subtheme 3: Positive Perceptions of Compensation Helped Job Satisfaction
When participants had perceptions that compensation was fair and provided security, job
satisfaction was present. This was an example of how the work-unit climate impacted motivation
which tied back to job satisfaction. When participants' expectations for compensation that
provided security were met, job satisfaction was met. Half of participants provided examples of
positive compensation. P3 conveyed feelings of security:
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Make the money that will provide shelter and food and pay the bills for myself and my
family. That was the priority. So really, that’s number one. Why, you know, I didn’t
make a move outside of my current employer.
P4 expressed her job satisfaction with her pay:
And you can make a lot of money. Like, I made more money last year than I ever have
before. And so that’s, you know, it’s financially very rewarding what we do, and it
provides a different level of comfort and security that I have never experienced, that I
didn’t think I would experience at this point in my life, you know.
Lastly, P5 was pleased with her benefits, “You know, the pay and benefits after you’ve been here
for quite a while are good. So, there’s not a real strong reason to leave.”
Subtheme 4: Perception of Meaningfulness Helped Job Satisfaction
When participants had perceptions that work was meaningful, job satisfaction was
present. This was an example of how the work-unit climate impacted tasks and skills, which tied
back to job satisfaction. When participants were allowed to perform tasks and skills that
provided meaningfulness, job satisfaction was present. Meaningfulness of the job and
empowerment were found together in many of the accounts. When participants felt that they had
control over their outcomes, the job was more meaningful than when the work was detached
from outcomes. I also found accounts of meaningfulness tied to the job itself in the ability to help
people. Forty-two percent of participants provided examples of meaningfulness. P3 said, “I get
satisfaction about helping my fellow mankind because that’s my value.” P5 stated, “I do believe
that we help people at my company. … And I think that the work that we do is important. And
that’s an important piece to me too.” Lastly, P12 said,
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I always tell people this, that was the best job I have ever had because it was the
foundation of everything I did because when I joined, we weren’t pulling stuff off of the
shelf. We were creating it. So, we had to, you know, analyze, figure out what the issues
were, and come up with a solution and then deliver the solution. So it really taught me
everything from instructional design to really everything that I still use foundationally
now in my job that I have now, and actually that I use, in almost everything that I did,
you know, even when I had I have, you know, almost like coaching business, but I
became a coach there, and I was on help to create leadership development programs and
had some really good creative teams.
Subtheme 5: Perceptions of Positive Work-life Balance Helped Job Satisfaction
When participants indicated perceptions of work-life balance, they also reported
feelingjob satisfaction. This was an example of how individual needs and values impacted
perceptions of work-unit climate that tied to job satisfaction. Forty-two percent of the
participants shared examples of work-life balance. The positive detailing of work-life balance
provided accounts of flexibility. Many interviewees shared perceptions that they had autonomy
and could control how they got their work done. P5 said she was pleased with her autonomy and
flexibility:
So, I work in a fully remote role. I have flexibility to not only sort of work when and how
I need to but also manage my team in the way that I like. So, I do have a lot of autonomy
in my role, which I really appreciate. And then flexibility. Absolutely.
P10 added that being a remote worker contributed to her job satisfaction:
So, I think that also keeps me to stay. And now that I’m remote, it’s great. You know, I
get to work from home and do all those other things too. And since there’s no plan to
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have me come to what office and then I got to move, I have no reason to leave. They, you
know, everything I’ve asked for, so to speak.
Subtheme 6: Perceptions of Positive Relationships Helped Job Satisfaction
When perceptions of positive relationships were present, job satisfaction was present.
This was an example of how individual needs and values impacted perceptions of work-unit
climate that tied to job satisfaction. When the participants’ desire for belonging was met, job
satisfaction was present. “Relationships” refers to people connecting to others in a friendship
way through their jobs. Thirty-three percent of respondents spoke about having relationships at
work that provided a sense of satisfaction. P3 said, " It's commonly said at [my company] but for
me, I get why I hear it. And I totally understand what I said. But it's because of the people, the
relationships that I have with the people that I work with."
P4 added,
Yeah, I think the, the biggest, like I said, the biggest value that I’ve had in my
organization is my women’s study group. And the relationships that I’ve built and feeling
seen and in having conversations surrounding personal development has been unique and
rare.
Subtheme 7: Perceptions of Career Advancement Helped Job Satisfaction
When perceptions of career advancement were present, job satisfaction was present. This
was an example of how the work-unit climate impacted motivation which tied back to job
satisfaction. When participants’ expectations of being able to advance in their careers were met,
job satisfaction was positive. Ninety-two percent of participants revealed that they aspired to
advance their careers, yet only 33% of the participants shared examples of career advancement
opportunities. P4 highlighted perception for advancement: “Yep, even with the realignment so
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you know where I'm at, it does feel very diverse. And it doesn't feel like there's a glass ceiling
above me.” P11 provided an accounting of her advancement over the years:
"I've been with my company now for 16 years, about 10 and a half of year 10. and a half
of those years have been in leadership, both in first line, second line and third line to this
point, and a lot of movement and change in the last 10 years between the different roles
and areas that I lead."
Research Question 2
The second research question asked, “To what extent, if at all, do barriers to advancement
perceived or experienced by women of marginalized groups contribute to their intentions to stay
or leave the insurance industry?
Theme 3: Barriers to Career Advancement Were Present in Transactional and
Transformational Factors.
The research uncovered a third theme, that barriers to career advancement were present in
transactional and transformational factors. Six subthemes were found that explained that barriers
were found in the work-unit climate. These six subthemes included perceptions about the
selection process, unequal access to knowledge, the lack of supervisor support, the lack of social
capital, the lack of career path opportunities, and the lack of work-life balance found in the work-
unit climate that were experienced or perceived barriers to career advancement. One subtheme
was found to demonstrate that barriers perceived and ore experienced at the organizational
cultural level, that having few women and few women from marginalized cultural groups in
leadership created a barrier to advancement. Table 6 provides a detailed account of the number
of participants who referenced each of the subthemes, which provided an answer to Research
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Question 2. The examples provided represent the “transactional” and “transformational” factors
of the Burke-Litwin model (Burke & Litwin, 1992).

Table 6
The Identified Barriers to Advancement
Subthemes Burke's Transactional and
Transformational Factors
n %
Selection process Transactional: systems 12 100
Few women and women from
marginalized cultural groups in
leadership
Transformational: organizational
mission and strategy, leadership, and
culture
12 100
Unequal access to knowledge Transactional: systems 10 83
Lack of career path Transactional: structural 10 83
Lack of supervisor support Transactional: management processes 9 75
Lack of social capital Transactional: structural 8 67
Lack of work life balance Transactional: structural 4 33

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Understanding transactional factors such as structure, management practices and systems
provides insight into perceptions of climate, whereas understanding transformational factors
provides insight into perceptions of culture. The Burke-Litwin model (Burke & Litwin, 1992)
illustrates that work-unit climate perceptions are fed through transactional factors made up of
structure, management practices, and systems. Participants perceived that systems created
barriers to advancement in two ways: in the selection process for leadership and in unequal
access to knowledge. Participants perceived that management practices created barriers having to
do with supervisor support. Participants perceived that organizational structure created barriers in
three ways: lack of career path, lack of social capital, and lack of work-life balance. Culture, on
the other hand, is found in transformational factors at the leadership level, which is responsible
for the evolution of transactional factors. The transformational factors consist of the
organization’s mission and strategy, leadership, and culture. Participants perceived that
transformational factors that were rooted in a lack of women and women from marginalized
culutal groups represented at the leadership level created barriers to advancement.
Subtheme 1: Participants Perceived That the Selection Process Created a Barrier to
Advancement
The selection process used for career advancement was identified as a barrier to
advancement. This was an example of how transactional factors within systems impact the work-
unit climate. All of the participants reported perceptions that the selection process created
barriers to advancement. Examples included job openings were not communicated or posted for
everyone to see, that it was not unusual for senior roles to be chosen from a covert pipeline and
announced only after the positions had been filled, participants reported opportunities for lateral
moves and small increments of advancement but seldom opportunities that led to senior
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leadership roles, and opportunities that were turnaround opportunities. P6 described her
experience with barriers having to do with the selection process for advancement:
So, I do feel that there definitely is diversity all throughout the organization. There are
excellent individuals who could, at any point in time, be able to be tapped to take on
these roles. If they’re not given the support to succeed in those roles, they’re not going to
do well. So, it’s all about who are they setting up for success, to be honest, so they know,
you know, executives, they all know senior leaders know to who they want to work on
developing who they want to give that extra opportunity to, so they can showcase their
skill set. If they’re being biased in their selection of who they want to give those
opportunities. That’s one thing. And the other thing is, you know, the ones that claim, we
can’t find diverse talent out there, we just don’t know where to look for them. It’s like,
they’re right here. You’ve just not done anything to get to know them any better or what
their aspirations are, and what you can do more for them. So, that also exists as another
hurdle to overcome.
P6 added,
So, if they come in, they’re masking, or they’re hiding, because they see what’s at the
top of the organization. Or they see what their manager looks like in their managers
manager looks like and how they act and the things that they champion things that they
do, that can be too hard, you know, for people who are diverse to come in and just
assimilate to that instead of being themselves. That creates a lot of stress. That creates,
you know, people saying that their wellbeing isn’t that great. … People take leaves of
absences. You know, it’s, it’s just not healthy for anybody.
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P13 complained about the lack of transparency and development in the leadership selection
process:
Not a lot of transparency and not a lot of leadership development once you were put into
that leadership pool. So, you, it was like you got on the list that you should be happy
you’re here on the list, but we’re not going to assist you any further with developing you
or helping you to interview or preparing you for an interview or preparing you with
different experiences or exposing you to different scenarios that would help you in your
leadership quest.
P14 conveyed her frustration for who is selected for the best opportunities and who is handed the
turnaround opportunities:
And so, when is it our turn to do that? Especially if you and I have amazing work ethics.
We work so diligently and so hard. We’re super smart and knowledgeable. We do have
influence. It’s just sometimes we’re handed this sort of territory, but yet, you’re expected
to turn that into gold. And then I look at other people who are handed this amazing
territory, and they don’t have. I mean, they work hard, too, don’t get me wrong, but they
work harder differently.
Subtheme 2: Participants Perceived the Lack of Women and Women from Marginalized
Cultural Groups in Leadership As a Barrier to Advancement
Participants perceived that having few women and women from marginalized cultural
groups in leadership created a barrier to advancement. The lack of women and the even larger
gap of women from marginalized cultural groups in leadership is an example of how
transformational factors create perceptions of barriers to advancement. Burke-Litwin refers to
transformational factors as the mission and strategy, leadership and culture found in an
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organization. All of the participants responded that they perceived there were few women and/or
women from marginalized cultural groups in leadership positions, which in itself created barriers
to advancement. The participants provided examples that either their organizations lacked a clear
strategy for implementing DEI efforts, that leadership valued the status quo and continued to
clone existing leadership and that the culture valued the homogenous traits of existing leaders.
P6 described the selection process in her organization:
So, it’s like even the pipeline going into the executive team is not diverse. And if you
look at the teams of our executive leaders, still not diverse, so it’s like, at some point, if
you’re going to make that change, you’re going to have to change the team that reports
directly to you. Because if one of them were to ever step away, or retire, or something,
you know, changes, we most likely would go to somebody within that next level. And so
as long as that does not remain diverse, we’re not going to see any change in that space.”
P8 added her concern that the selection process overlooked minoritized women, especially of
Hispanic decent:
So, yeah, I see in marketing, there’s definitely more diversity and around the more
women in leadership positions, but not a lot of minorities. And I don’t, I, you know,
that’s probably my feedback for the company is I would like to see more women,
Hispanic, so more women of Hispanic descent, in leadership, sharing their experience,
their accomplishments, how, you know, maybe they have experienced things similar to
mine, where, you know, they’re ready for leadership, and they just can’t find that position
that’s going to be available for them.

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Subtheme 3: Participants Perceived Unequal Access to Knowledge As a Barrier
Participants perceived that having unequal access to knowledge was a barrier to
advancement. This was an example of how transactional factors within systems impact the work-
unit climate. Eighty-three percent of interviewees reported that they had unequal access to
knowledge. They reference not having information for job openings, job descriptions, job
requirements for leadership roles, feedback on how to advance, requirements for advancing, and
how to apply as obstacles for advancement. The following are examples provided from the
interviews: P1 described how access to knowledge was not equally available:
Your manager really plays a role in that, right? And I’ve learned that, and I’ve
experienced it, and I’ve seen it, where if you are fortunate enough to find one person within the
organization who’s willing to shed some light on what’s available, what you could get the ball
rolling, then you’re in a better position than those who have a manager who’s just not at all
interested in them. Right? You don’t know what you don’t know. So, there are a lot of tools and
resources that are out there that a lot of employees are not aware of. P3 added that access to
knowledge was found in the absence of feedback: “I’ve never been given interview feedback.
I’ve asked for it.”
P6 shared how her organization perpetuated inequality to knowledge through the lack of
transparency:
We don’t necessarily utilize titles. So a number of people don’t even know what their
formal titles are within the organization. They don’t share them within their email
signatures. A lot of people didn’t even know what their salary range was because they
want to keep everything, like don’t ask questions. Don’t worry about things like that. You
work for the company, you serve the company, and that’s all you need to know.
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P13 provided additional examples of covert practices that created unequal access to knowledge:
Like I didn’t understand how I would get on a list to be could be promotable, but then
you don’t really help the people that are on the list. So, they didn’t help me. So I can’t say
everybody’s on the list because other people got promoted, obviously. But, and then
sometimes, I know another time I interviewed when I was done on the list, but then they
would pick somebody else and say it was their turn. And it was like, what does that
mean? You know, it’s their turn.
Subtheme 4: Participants Perceived Lack of Career Path As a Barrier to Advancement
Participants perceived a lack of career path as a barrier to advancement. This was an
example of how transactional factors within organizational structures impacted the work-unit
climate. Eighty-three percent of participants reported that they perceived an absence of positions
available in a higher level of responsibility from their current role. They felt they had reached a
ceiling. P4 articulated her perceptions for the lack of career paths available for her in her role as
an account representative with her previous company:
So yeah, your leaders are making six figures, and your account reps are doing all the
work and building the conversations and are making maybe an hourly wage, and they
don’t have a career path, or they don’t have incentive pay in performance, right?
P8 disclosed her perceptions for the lack of career path in her underwriting role:
Another thing that was limiting to me was that they were asking me to go into an entry-
level leadership position that was lower than the current role that I had. So, to me, even
though the money would be higher, to me, it seemed like a demotion. And they were
asking me to stay in that role for 5 years just because there was so much turnover and
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underwriting. So, after experiencing that, I took a step back and decided to take a shift in
my career and did a lateral.
Subtheme 5: Participants Experienced Lack of Supervisor Support as a Barrier to
Advancement
Participants experienced a lack of supervisor support as a barrier to their advancement.
This was an example of how transactional factors within management practices impact the work-
unit climate. Several examples of how management practices contributed to barriers to career
advancement for women in the insurance industry were identified by the participants. Seventy-
five percent of participants provided examples of barriers created by the lack of supervisor
support. These examples included perceptions that performance reviews were not helpful, lack of
communication, absence of interest in developing, and/or discrimination. P13 shared her
experience with running into racism in performance reviews:
There’s been different points in my career where I have talked to my supervisor or
leadership about my performance reviews, and what I wanted to do, or where I saw
myself. And sometimes, I’ll just be transparent, it was just outright racism, like, just
because of who I was. … I remember talking to my manager about, oh, can I be
considered for this opportunity? And she told me that she didn’t think it was the right
time. They had somebody else in mind because I had not done insurance designation.
You know, they wouldn’t consider me. I had just completed my master’s degree, it’s, I
have an MBA, but that was not considered equitable to having an insurance designation.
But the person that she selected was someone that hadn’t even finished college. … So,
sometimes, I think it was obvious that it was not necessarily ability or my ability or
competence. I think it was just more about who, who I was.
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P3 added her distaste with performance reviews carelessly representing her performance: “In my
experience has been it was always this performative thing where it’s already a done deal. Just
here’s your rating, your average. Thank you. You’re doing a great job, though.” P9 shared
concerns for performance reviews that were subjective:
So, all of the performance metrics were numbers based. And then they were very
subjective. So, it was, kind of, it was really a popularity contest. Yeah, it was pretty
political. There were a lot of what I would call toxic geniuses, were people who could get
results, not always ethically.
P10 shared accounts of supervisors unequally carrying out their responsibilities for developing
their people during performance reviews:
In, in the situations where they’re not happening, is it because the supervisors may be
trying to be too nice, or it could be too nice. The ones, the people that I know, because I,
again, I’ve had these conversations with coworkers, and they go into meetings and say,
what else can I do? And the supervisor says, You’re doing great. And there’s no
feedback, good or bad. And so, if I want to do personal development, can you help me?
And then it’s sort of like, yeah, we can we’ll have another, you know, meeting about that,
and that another meeting doesn’t happen. It’s sort of like a brush-off. I think that happens
more often than not. But I think that it’s also dependent on the relationship of that
supervisor with that particular employee.
Subtheme 6: Participants’ Perceived Lack of Access to Social Capital As a Barrier to
Advancement
Participants perceived a lack of access to social capital as a barrier to advancement. This
was an example of how transactional factors within organizational structures impacted the work-
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unit climate. Several examples of how the lack of access to social capital contributed to barriers
to advancement were identified by 67% of the participants. These examples included the lack of
a mentor, sponsorship, and networking opportunities. P12 revealed the lack of support she
received with developing her social network,
I navigated my entire career myself. And that was good, in a sense that I had the initiative
to do so. But it’s not good because there are a lot of missed opportunities that I felt like I
should have had with some sponsorship or advocacy, you know, for different
opportunities.
P13 articulated the disadvantages that came as a result of missing out on mentorship:
I definitely feel like there has been there’s been opportunity. But I also feel like there’s a
lot that they don’t do that unless you … There’s a lot that they don’t tell you and a lot of
questions you don’t know to ask if you don’t have anyone mentor you and helping you
along the way. I think I’m smart enough that I could have gone further had I been given
or had I known who to talk to or even had a mentor, you know, or someone to work with
me to, to kind of lead the way for me.”
Subtheme 7: Participants’ Perceived Lack of Work-life Balance As a Barrier to Advancement
Participants perceived a lack of work-life balance as a barrier to advancement. This was
an example of how transactional factors within organizational structures impacted the work-unit
climate. Thirty-three percent of participants reported that work-life balance due to the demands
for mobility, hours, and inflexibility of the job created an obstacle to advancement. P1 said, “But
with my insurance company, there’s just a lot of limitations at the moment to move up if you’re
not mobile.” P3 described her experience with the expectation to sacrifice her work-life balance
in a very crucial time in her life:
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And so, I came back, and it was just really stressful. It was too much. I couldn’t. I needed
to be with my father. And I called my manager that night or either the next day. And I
remember telling her. I said I need somebody else to take the shift. I am with my dad in
the hospital. I can’t do this and properly handle customers in their urgent time of need.
And she told me no. No.
P8 articulated what the expectation was for those who worked in claims and underwriting:
I think when we started looking at those entry levels, with claims and underwriting, there
is a highlight, they do experience a lot of stress. And they’re the first ones that get that are
impacted when changes take place. When catastrophes take place, you have the CAT
team, and trying to put out, you know, not literally, but the fires at work and just, you
know, trying to meet the expectations, and then it moves into underwriting with, you
know, rate filings, how to properly assess the value of our insurance. So, there is a lot of
stress, there’s a lot of micromanaging that goes into place, and just in my own experience
working 1 year in claims.
Research Question 3
The third research question asked, “To what extent, if at all, do barriers to advancement
perceived or experienced by women of marginalized groups contribute to their intentions to stay
or leave the insurance industry?
Theme 4: Barriers to Career Advancement Perceived by Women in the Insurance Industry
Increased Their Turnover Intentions
Perceptions of the lack of career advancement opportunities increased turnover
intentions. Lack of career advancement opportunities was found within 67% of participants
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indicating it as a reason for turnover intentions. The following are examples of career
advancement barriers that led to turnover intentions. P6 stated,
And given that I am so young and in a senior role. I would have to wait a long time. So, if
I ever did want to work out, you know, and activate that potential aspiration, I do feel I’d
have to go to another location or another company to do that.
P11 acknowledged that she had doubts about continuing to work with her company because she
felt that there were obstacles hindering her from progressing in her career:
When I think back to my experience with some of the leaders and just the opportunities
that maybe I did not get, it made me question kind of what we were really doing our
motives and or thought process for, you know, kind of just moving people along and
what, who we were moving along. And so, to be honest, there’s most recent, this recent,
most recent, you know, promotional process that I went through, in my mind, I had
already told myself it was the last one I was going to do.
P12 added her dissatisfaction:
So, I was one of the inaugural members of [the call center]. And that was when I realized
that year that I had to get out of claims because I realized that, at that point, I had kind of
gone as far as I would go. And I was I was quite honestly bored.
Summary
In summary, the findings highlighted four themes that helped answer the research
questions and accomplish the purpose of this study. The first theme found was that when work-
unit climate was perceived negatively, it contributed negatively to job satisfaction. Vice versa,
the second theme was that when work-unit climate was perceived positively, it contributed
positively to job satisfaction. The key concepts that contributed to positive and negative
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perceptions of the work unit participants’ individual needs and values, their motivation, and their
tasks and individual skills.
The third theme found that barriers to career advancement were present in transactional
and transformational factors. Transactional factors were found within systems that had to do with
the leadership selection process and access to knowledge; management practices that had to do
with supervisor support; and processes that had to do with lack of career paths, lack of social
capital and work-life balance. Transformational factors were found within the mission and
strategy, leadership, and culture of the organization rooted in a lack of women and women from
marginalized cultural groups represented at the leadership level, which created barriers to
advancement.
The fourth theme was that barriers to career advancement perceived by women in the
insurance industry increased their turnover intentions. This was found at the individual and
organizational performance levels, which was reflected in the negative outcome of increased
turnover intentions. The four themes aligned with the purpose of this study: The purpose of this
study was to better understand employee satisfaction and turnover intentions for women of
marginalized groups and their perceptions of career advancement in the insurance industry. This
led to the following significant conclusion from the findings: women from minoritized
backgrounds might encounter a lack of supervisor support and biasness leading to unequal
treatment and fewer opportunities than others; social networking issues that limit who they are
introduced to and mentored or sponsored by and covertness that leads to a lack of knowledge
about who gets to move up into higher executive roles.

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Chapter Five: Recommendations
This chapter provides a discussion of the findings that were identified as themes within
the participant interviews. Each finding includes a discussion of how it connects to the literature
review, the conceptual framework and the problem of practice. The discussion of findings is
followed by a section dedicated to recommendations that are aligned with the findings and
supported by the research and the conceptual framework. Additionally, a section is included to
reviews the limitations found within this study. Then recommendations for future research are
addressed to help further the problem of practice and are based on the limitations that were found
within the Burke-Litwin conceptual framework. Lastly, a conclusion is provided to give a brief
overview of the study and its importance.
Discussion of Findings
Themes 1 and 2 were interrelated. The themes provide insight into job satisfaction by
women in the insurance industry. Theme 1 indicated that negative perceptions of work-unit
climate lowered job satisfaction. When work-unit climate was perceived or experienced
negatively, it contributed negatively to job satisfaction. The subthemes identified in this study
found that when experiences in lack of career advancement were present job satisfaction
suffered. Additionally, job satisfaction suffered when perceptions of exclusion were present.
Moreover, perceptions of inequity contributed negatively to job satisfaction. It was also found
that experiences of unfair compensation deteriorated job satisfaction. In addition, when
participants felt lack of meaningfulness in their jobs, job satisfaction eroded. Finally, when work-
life balance was perceived negatively so was job satisfaction. Theme 2 indicated that favorable
perceptions of work-unit climate contributed to job satisfaction. The subthemes found in the
study were that when perceptions or experiences in access to development, inclusion, fair
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compensation, meaningfulness, relationships, career advancement and work-life balance were
present, job satisfaction was also present.
Themes 1 and 2 are aligned with the literature. Chan and Mai (2015) reported that limited
career satisfaction led to career dissatisfaction and that career advancement and meaningfulness
of jobs played a role in career satisfaction and turnover intentions. Rakhra (2018) conducted a
study on factors influencing employee retention in companies and revealed the top five factors
contributing to retention were: work environment, possibilities for career progression, wages and
compensation, job satisfaction, welfare measures, and job security. In addition, Rakhra (2018)
found that employees only considered a job satisfying when there was adequate career
development. Das and Baruah’s (2013) review of the literature identified the variables that were
related to job satisfaction, including compensation, rewards and recognition, opportunities for
promotion and growth, work-life balance, and job security. They also found that opportunities
for promotion and growth were factors related to job satisfaction and that job satisfaction was
positively correlated to employee retention (Das & Baruah, 2013).
The variables discovered in the literature were consistent with the results of this study.
Theme 1's subthemes, which suggest that unfavorable work-unit climate perceptions have a
detrimental effect on job satisfaction, were supported by similar subthemes found in previous
literature. For example, job satisfaction was negatively impacted when employees felt a lack of
career advancement opportunities or experienced feelings of exclusion. Furthermore, the study
found that job satisfaction decreased when participants experienced unfair compensation, a lack
of job meaning, and negative perceptions of work-life balance. Additionally, the findings in
previous studies were also comparable to the results found in Theme 2 of this study, which
suggest that positive work-unit climate perceptions have a positive impact on job satisfaction.
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The subthemes identified in positive job satisfaction included access to development
opportunities, inclusion, fair compensation, meaningfulness in work, positive relationships with
coworkers and supervisors, career advancement prospects, and favorable work-life balance
perceptions. The findings in previous studies were also similar to the findings in theme 2 in this
study, that favorable ones contributed favorably to job satisfaction.
The Burke-Litwin model (Burke & Litwin, 1992) was applied to understand work-unit
climate. Themes 1 and 2 came about by analyzing climate through the lens of the Burke-Litwin
model. According to Burke and Litwin (1992), climate was found at the level of personal factors
and includes tasks and individual skills, motivation, and individual needs and values. An
investigation at the work-unit level helped to provide an understanding of the perceptions of the
members within it. Tasks and individual skills were found in whether work was perceived as
meaningful. Individual needs and values were found within career advancement perceptions,
feelings for belongingness through perceptions of inclusion or exclusion, the participants' desire
for balance between work and their personal lives through perceptions of work-life balance, and
a desire to have good relationships at work. Motivation was found within perceptions of fairness
in pay and perceptions of being treated equitably.
Themes 1 and 2 helped address the purpose of the study to better understand employee
satisfaction, turnover intentions, and perceptions of career advancement among women of
marginalized groups in the insurance industry. The interviews provide examples of how career
advancement, inclusion and exclusion, inequality, compensation, meaningfulness, development,
and relationships are experienced by women in the insurance industry. Their testament provides
insight into their perceptions. Through a better understanding, informed decisions can be taken to
overcome the challenges of attracting and retaining talent.
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The third finding from this study was that participants perceived multiple barriers to
career advancement in transactional and transformational factors, confirming the findings within
the literature that highlighted the range of barriers that prevent the advancement of women and
minorities, such as gender biases and stereotypes (Eagly & Carli, 2007; Bruckmüller &
Branscombe, 2010; Bowles et al., 2007), discrimination and harassment (Mohan, 2014; Allen et
al., 2016; Fitzsimmons & Callan, 2016), and lack of access to networks and mentors (Hogan &
Vesneski, 2021; Eagly & Karaus, 2002; Maume, 1999) . Barriers to advancement were reported
by all the women that participated in the study. The barriers that the participants reported
included: the selection process used for advancement created unequal access to opportunities,
there was a perception of unequal access to knowledge that created barriers to advancement, a
lack of supervisor support, a lack of access to social capital, a perceived lack of career path aka
reaching a glass ceiling in their career, perceptions that a lack of work-life balance created
barriers to advancement, and perceptions that women and women from marginalized cultural
groups were not represented in leadership positions which created barriers to advancement.
The women in the study identified the selection process used for advancement as creating
unequal access to opportunities. This is similar to the selection process for leaders as described in
multiple studies that investigated the glass cliff phenomenon, which refers to when women of
marginalized groups are more likely to achieve leadership positions in companies that are
associated with a state of crisis and are at a higher risk of failure (Bruckmüller & Branscombe,
2010; Morgenroth et al., 2020). The cloning of leaders that happens as a result of selection bias is
another barrier to the advancement of women and women from marginalized cultural groups
explained through the literature (Burke, 2018).
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In 83% of the participants interviews, unequal access to knowledge was described as a
barrier to advancement. This is similar to studies related to inequity in information. Singh et al.
(2010) pointed to inequities for women and marginalized groups in access to information and
limited awareness. Metz et al. (2022) reported a lack of information flow for women and
minorities. Burke-Litwin described these barriers within the transactional factor found in
organizational systems.
The literature aligned with the findings that participants described in the examples they
provided for lack of supervisor support found in management practices such as discrimination,
unhelpful performance reviews and lack of honest performance feedback. Ibarra et al. (2013)
reported that discrimination was found as a result of second-generation forms of gender bias
were the primary cause of women’s persistent underrepresentation in leadership roles. Eagly and
Carli (2007) reported that communal qualities were associated with female roles, and when they
were violated, women faced acts of discrimination. Discrimination due to gender bias also
materialized in negative performance evaluations. Schein (1973, 1975, as cited in Adebayo &
Ibironke-Libre, 2011) that characteristics associated with leadership were more likely to be held
by men than by women and that both the gender of the leader and the gender of the perceivers
affected the outcome of their evaluations. Bolman and Deal (2017) pointed out that cognitive
biases or frames created self-reinforcing cycles that impact performance reviews for women.
“Halo effects” and “anchoring effects” negatively impacted women’s performance reviews
(Bellé et al., 2017). When performance reviews were used for rating purposes, they created
barriers to advancement for women and minorities. Women and minorities suffered the
disadvantage of being lowballed in performance reviews (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016).
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A barrier to the advancement of women of marginalized groups was associated with a
lack of access to social capital, which also aligned with findings in the literature having to do
with women and marginalized groups (Hogan & Vesneski, 2021; Eagly & Carli, 2007; McCarty
Kilian et al., 2005; Maume, 1999; Singh et al., 2010). McCarty Kilian et al. (2005) reported that
women and marginalized groups did not have the same access to mentors and sponsors and that
membership in informal groups and networking are often based on racial and gender lines. Metz
et al. (2022) explained that unequal access to that social capital contributed to professional
success by facilitating information flow, the ability to exert influence on others, and achieving
social standing and recognition.
The literature also aligned with participants' perceptions of the lack of career path that
caused barriers and pipeline problems and created feelings of unfairness in employees, which
lowered employee morale. In 2019 McKinsey and Co. reported that workplace equality
continues to be an issue (Ellingrud & Lodolo, 2019). Larcker and Tayan’s (2020) study
attributed the obstacles to advancing women and marginalized groups into executive leadership
positions to succession planning processes that seldom aligned women and marginalized groups
to positions that had a high potential for CEO and board positions.
The findings in the literature were similar to the participants’ responses regarding
perceptions of work-life balance as a barrier to advancement. Eagly and Carli (2007) found that
decision-makers have made arguments that women were not viable candidates for promotion
because mothers have too many demands from their family obligations which would make it
inappropriate to advance them. In addition, the excuse for family demands was used to explain
why women did not participate in enough networking opportunities and therefore do not have
enough connections to be effective (Eagly & Carli, 2007). STEMconnector (2018) reported that
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men were almost twice as likely to cite the stereotypical “work-family conflicts” as an obstacle
that led to a shortage of suitable women candidates for leadership, while women were more
likely to place the blame on institutional shortcomings than personal reasons. These findings
aligned with participant responses, as 33% of respondents identified work-life balance as a
barrier compared to 100% of respondents identifying institutional shortcomings as barriers to
advancement, such as lack of career path, lack of equal opportunities, lack of access to social
capital, selection process, and unequal access to knowledge.
The literature also supported the perception respondents had for low representation of
women and women from marginalized cultural groups as a barrier to advancement. There was a
low representation of women in leadership positions within the insurance industry (Ellingrud &
Lodolo, 2019; Evans, 2019; Ross & Woleben, 2020b) and concerns for strengthening the
leadership pipeline for women and marginalized groups in the insurance industry
(STEMconnector, 2018), as well as observations that there are fewer women and marginalized
groups as you travel higher up the leadership ladder (Carter & Silva, 2010; Larcker & Tayan,
2020). The literature also supported the perception that it would take DEI adoption efforts at the
leadership level (Lane-Fall et al. 2021). Participants also perceived some progress toward DEI
efforts; however, the progress had been slow or met with resistance. The literature supported
these perceptions, and the research conducted provided a better understanding of why some DEI
efforts have failed to make a significant impact on DEI change adoption (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016;
Lyer, 2022; Sabharwal, 2014; Wells et al., 2020). Research conducted by Dobbin and Kalev
(2016) revealed that diversity initiatives have been met with resistance and often sabotaged by
the managers that are counted on to implement them. Organizational leaders and managers have
justified their reasons for resisting DEI change adoption and sustaining the status quo’s
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inequality (Ibarra et al., 2013.) To further exacerbate the problem, the underrepresentation of
women in top positions reinforces the preconceived beliefs that shaped second-generation bias
(Ibarra et al., 2013). Lyer (2021) described resistance to DEI efforts that were found at the group
level. The advantaged group resisted change as a way of holding onto the status quo that they
benefited from by fighting against perceived threats to their interests.
The third theme of transactional and transformational factors as barriers to career
advancement tied into the Burke-Litwin (2018) model used as the conceptual framework for this
study. The model illustrated that work-unit climate perceptions were fed through transactional
factors made up of structure, management practices, and systems. Culture, on the other hand,
was found in the transformational factors, which were responsible for the evolution of
transactional factors. The transformational factors consisted of the organization’s mission and
strategy, leadership, and culture. Understanding transactional factors such as structure,
management practices and systems provided insight into perceptions of climate, whereas
understanding transformational factors provided insight into perceptions of culture. The
transactional factor found in systems was present in the selection process used for career
advancement and the unequal access to knowledge that created barriers to advancement.
Management Practices that contributed to barriers to career advancement for women in the
insurance industry were identified in the lack of supervisor support. The transactional factors
found in structures were present in the perceived lack of social capital, the lack of career path
and the lack of work-life balance as a barrier to advancement.
The lack of women and the even larger gap of women from marginalized cultural groups
in leadership was perceived as a barrier to advancement is an example of how transformational
factors created perceptions of barriers to advancement. Burke-Litwin referrde to transformational
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factors as the mission and strategy, leadership and culture found in an organization. In the study,
100% of the participants responded that they perceived that there were few women and women
from marginalized cultural groups in leadership positions, which could in itself create barriers to
advancement. The participants provided examples that either their organizations lacked a clear
strategy for implementing DEI efforts, that leadership valued the status quo and continued to
clone existing leadership and that the culture valued the homogenous traits of existing leaders.
Burke (2018) described resistance to change at three levels: the individual, group, and the larger
system. At the individual level, choice and involvement are important. Resistance was likely to
take three different forms: blind, ideological, and political. At the group level, resistance was
likely to occur as a result of protecting “one’s turf.” Finally, at the larger system level, cynicism
toward change initiatives as fads that would soon pass created resistance.
Theme 3 helped address the purpose of the study to better understand employee
satisfaction, turnover intentions, and perceptions of career advancement among women of
marginalized groups in the insurance industry. The interviews provided examples of the different
barriers that were identified as experienced by women in the insurance industry that led to
negative perceptions of career advancement. Their testament provided a better understanding of
barriers so that informed decisions could be taken to reduce them and improve perceptions of
advancement to overcome the challenges of attracting and retaining talent. The present study
yielded a salient finding that shed light on an important aspect of career aspirations among
women from marginalized groups. Specifically, the investigation revealed that an overwhelming
majority of the participants, comprising 92% of the sample, expressed a desire to advance in
their careers. Notably, a significant proportion of these women, a total of 83%, reported
experiencing or perceiving a lack of a career path as a major impediment to their progress. These
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women felt that there were limited opportunities available for them to progress to higher-level
positions beyond their current roles, thus impeding their career growth. This finding underscored
a major counter narrative that the gap in women from marginalized cultural groups is not due to
a pipeline problem but as a result of barriers found within management practices, systems and
processes. There is a critical need to identify and address systemic barriers that hinder the
advancement of women from marginalized groups and promote more equitable access to career
opportunities. Further research, such as a quantitative study is needed to establish
generalizability. Additional research is warranted to better understand the factors that contribute
to career-related challenges among these women, and to develop effective interventions aimed at
fostering career advancement and empowerment.
The fourth theme was that barriers to career advancement perceived by women in the
insurance industry increased their turnover intentions. Lack of career advancement opportunity
was reported by 67% of participants that indicated it as a reason for turnover intentions. These
findings were supported by the literature. The literature revealed that many variables were found
which impacted turnover intentions; however, the most common theme among all of the findings
pertained to career development and advancement. Career advancement perception has been
positively correlated to employee retention, while the perception of a lack of career advancement
opportunities has been positively correlated to employee turnover (Bindu & Srikanth, 2019;
Chan & Mai, 2015; Das & Baruah, 2013; McCarty Kilian et al., 2005). McCarty Kilian et al.
(2005) revealed that women and marginalized groups that have high leadership potential are
often missed at lower levels and eventually leave the organization, but that development
opportunity is associated with retention, especially for female employees.
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The Burke-Litwin model asserts that climate impacts the degree to which an individual
feels that their job is the right fit for them and whether it is meeting an individual’s needs and
values (Burke & Litwin, 1992). Climate studies can be used to better understand retention and
acquisition of the growing demographics that are women and women of marginalized groups
through exploring perceptions for career advancement that impact turnover intentions. The
findings within this study confirmed that work unit climate and organizational culture impacted
job satisfaction and turnover intentions of women from marginalized groups in the insurance
industry. This study brought to light a noteworthy finding, in addition to finding that a
substantial proportion of women from marginalized groups, approximately 92%, aspired to
advance in their careers, and that a significant proportion of them, approximately 83%, perceived
a lack of career path as a formidable obstacle to their advancement, this ceiling effect was a
contributing factor to high turnover intentions, with 67% of women indicating that the reasons
they consider quitting had to do with the lack of career advancement opportunities. These
findings underscore the need for organizations to create a more inclusive and equitable
environment that provides equal opportunities for career growth and development to all
employees, regardless of their gender or marginalized status. The following section provides
recommendations that incorporate the findings from this study.
Recommendations for Practice
This section makes three recommendations using the four themes found in the study to
address the challenge of attracting and retaining talent in the insurance industry through a better
understanding of employee satisfaction and turnover intentions for women of marginalized
groups and their perceptions of career advancement in the insurance industry. Tables are
provided after each of the recommendation sections to provide an illustration of how each
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recommendation aligns with the themes and the conceptual framework. This study used the
Burke-Litwin model as the conceptual framework, which highlighted the component of climate.
Climate shapes an employee’s perception of fit and refers directly to the satisfaction of meeting
the needs and values of employees (Burke, 2008).
Recommendation 1: Revamp Management Practices Use for Performance Reviews
The first recommendation is to change current management practices starting with
performance reviews that create barriers to advancement that focus on ratings and replace them
with performance reviews that empower and develop talent. The current management practices
that impede progress, as exemplified by performance reviews that prioritize ratings and curtail
growth, can no longer be tolerated. In their place, performance reviews should empower
employees and cultivate their talents. It is imperative for those in charge to initiate the required
modifications to enable their workforce to thrive and reach their full potential. To enhance the
development and advancement of their workforce, companies should shift toward performance
reviews that emphasize talent cultivation and implement specific strategies. For example,
management should create opportunities for employees to connect with mentors, sponsors, and
company leaders, who can offer guidance, feedback, and support. Moreover, continued
development programs should be provided to equip employees with the necessary skills and
knowledge to succeed in their current and future roles. Additionally, clear advancement
opportunities and pathways should be established and communicated to employees, enabling
them to chart their career growth and progress within the company. It is essential for
management to take proactive steps to ensure that their workforce is supported, empowered, and
encouraged to reach their full potential.
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As the findings in Theme 1 and 2 in this study revealed, job satisfaction was tied either
positively or negatively to work-unit climate based on meeting individual and personal factors.
Recommendation 1 works to diminish perceptions of limited career advancement and elevates
access to development and career advancement by addressing the barrier that participants lacked
supervisor support to advance their careers found in management practices. This
recommendation is directed toward addressing barriers to career advancement perceived by
women in the insurance industry that increased their turnover intentions, which harmed
organizational performance. Table 7 provides an illustration of how each of the themes and
subthemes align with the recommendation along with how they are connected to the conceptual
framework.

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Table 7
Recommendation 1
Recommendation 1: Revamp management practices used for performance reviews.
Connection to the themes Subtheme Conceptual framework
Theme 1: When work-unit
climate was perceived
negatively, it contributed
negatively to job satisfaction.
Subtheme 2: When perceptions
of career advancement were
present, job satisfaction was
present.

Individual and personal
factors: motivation
Subtheme 3: When perceptions
of limited career advancement
were present, job satisfaction
suffered.

Individual and personal
factors: motivation
Theme 2: When work-unit
climate was perceived
favorably, it contributed
favorably to job satisfaction.
Subtheme 1: When perceptions
of access to development were
present, job satisfaction was
present.
Individual and personal
factors: individual needs
and values
Subtheme 7: When perceptions
of career advancement were
present, job satisfaction was
present.

Individual and personal
factors: motivation
Theme 3: Transactional and
transformational factors as
barriers to career advancement
Subtheme 3: Participants
perceived a lack of supervisor
support as a barrier to their
advancement.
Transactional: management
processes
Theme 4. Barriers to career
advancement perceived by
women in the insurance
industry increased their
turnover intentions.
Subtheme 4: Lack of career
advancement opportunities
perceived by women in the
insurance industry increased
their turnover intentions.
Individual and
organizational
performance: turnover
intention

In 77% of interviews, participants reported that performance reviews were not helpful.
On the other hand, the remaining 23% of the interviewees that had a positive experience with
their performance reviews revealed that reviews were led by conversations around career
development and supervisor support toward their goals. When performance reviews were used
for rating purposes, they created barriers to advancement for women and minorities. Women and
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minorities suffered disadvantages in performance reviews (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016). Performance
reviews used for rating employees are erroneous due to their limitations from cognitive bias
(Bellé et al., 2017). My recommendation is that performance reviews should focus on
employees’ goals with managerial support and coaching to assist with those aspirations. An
example of what that could look like was shared by participant 10 in her description of the
interaction between her and her supervisor during a performance review:
So, with that designation, there are a couple of pathways. And so, my supervisor and I
went over the different departments that my designation could be utilized to the best that
it could be. And so, I took different job shadowing, like 30-minute meetings to kind of
know what people do on a daily basis. What are their pain points? What’s most rewarding
about their role? If they had a choice? Would they do it again?
A focus on developing talent as opposed to appraising it during performance reviews is a
more effective approach for job satisfaction and talent retention. Capelli and Tavis (2016)
reported that this is critical for the long-term survival of organizations. The Burke-Litwin model
(Burke & Litwin, 1992) reports that management practices found in the transactional factors are
part of what creates work-unit climate. When management practices are aligned with the
individual needs and values found in the individual and personal factors of the model, the work-
unit climate degree to which an individual feels that their job is the right fit for them will
improve. This, in turn, impacts individual and organizational performance (Burke, 1992). In
Burke’s (2018) guide to leadership selection, Phase 4 consists of the evaluation phase, which he
argues should be aligned with providing feedback to assist with learning and development and
should ideally be employed all throughout rather than at a later time.
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Recommendation 2: Change the Covert Systems Used for Succession Planning
The second recommendation is to change the covert systems used for succession planning
policies that create barriers to diversified talent. The implementation of the second
recommendation is paramount. Current systems for succession planning policies that obstruct the
advancement of diverse talent must be overhauled. It is unacceptable to continue using such
policies that limit opportunities for talented individuals based on factors such as gender, race, or
ethnicity. To cultivate a workplace that values diversity and inclusion, succession planning
policies must be revised to allow for the advancement of all capable individuals, regardless of
their background. This is a vital step towards creating a workplace that is equitable, supportive,
and committed to the growth and success of all its employees.
Findings in Theme 1 and 2 in this study revealed that job satisfaction was tied either
positively or negatively to work-unit climate based on meeting individual and personal factors.
Recommendation 2 works to diminish experiences of being treated unfairly and of limited career
advancement opportunities which harms job satisfaction, it does so by elevating access to career
advancement which helps job satisfaction and addresses the perception of barriers found in the
selection process found in the transactional factors within organizational systems. This
recommendation is directed toward addressing the barriers to career advancement experienced
by women from marginalized groups in the insurance industry which increased their turnover
intentions and harms organizational performance. Table 8 provides an illustration of how each of
the themes and subthemes align with the recommendation along with how they are connected to
the conceptual framework.
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Table 8
Recommendation 2
Recommendation 2: Change the covert systems used for succession planning
Connection to the themes Subtheme Conceptual framework
Theme 1: When work-unit
climate was perceived
negatively, it contributed
negatively to job
satisfaction.
Subtheme 2: When
participant expectations of
being treated fairly were
not met, job satisfaction
suffered.

Individual and personal
factors: motivation
Subtheme 3: When
perceptions of limited
career advancement were
present, job satisfaction
suffered.

Individual and Personal
Factors: Motivation
Theme 2: When work-unit
climate was perceived
favorably, it contributed
favorably to job
satisfaction.

Subtheme 7: When
perceptions of career
advancement were present,
job satisfaction was present.

Individual and personal
factors: motivation
Theme 3: Barriers to career
advancement were present
in transactional and
transformational factors.

Subtheme 1: Participants
perceived that the selection
process created a barrier to
advancement.

Transactional factors within
systems
Theme 4. Barriers to career
advancement perceived by
women in the insurance
industry increased their
turnover intentions.
Subtheme 4: Lack of career
advancement opportunities
perceived by women of
marginalized groups in the
insurance industry
increased their turnover
intentions.
Individual and organizational
performance: turnover
intention

The findings revealed that interviewees had unequal access to knowledge, which created
barriers to their advancement. In the study, 83% of interviewees reported that they were not
aware of the requirements to advance into leadership positions. The reasons included not having
access to job descriptions and job requirements for leadership roles. All the participants also
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reported obstacles that prevented moving up into higher roles due to a lack of access to
opportunities. Examples were that job openings were not communicated or posted for everyone
to see and that it was not unusual for senior roles to be chosen from a covert pipeline and
announced after the positions were filled. The participants reported opportunities for lateral
moves and small increments of advancement but seldom opportunities that led to senior
leadership roles and that opportunities were often turnaround opportunities.
My recommendation for changing policies and procedures that are currently being used
for succession planning include increasing transparency in the selection process. Providing equal
access to information and opportunities, such as job descriptions, requirements, job postings, and
clear career paths, can help create a climate that promotes job satisfaction. This approach can
effectively reduce the barriers to advancement that women and minorities often face. Creating a
more diverse and inclusive workplace and promoting transparency in the job hiring process can
be achieved by enhancing equal access to information. One way to achieve this is to publicize
job openings through various communication channels to ensure that all candidates have the
same opportunity to access the information.
Clear job descriptions should be provided along with the requirements, necessary
qualifications, and job responsibilities. In addition, employing a diverse selection committee can
improve fairness and more unbiased selections. Furthermore, I would recommend the
improvement of the interview preparation processes for candidates seeking managerial positions,
particularly for those who are inexperienced in such roles. To ensure that these individuals are
well-prepared and adequately supported, it is essential to provide them with comprehensive
information about job expectations and potential developmental objectives, even if they
ultimately do not secure the role. It is also important to maintain transparency throughout this
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process, with feedback after the interview and explanations for the decisions made. Participating
in the interview and engaging with various individuals can serve as valuable professional
development. I strongly advise against limiting this process, as it would be a short-sighted
decision.
The literature supports these recommendations. Singh et al. (2010) argued that female
and minoritized employees had limited awareness and that there was inequity in access to
information. Burke (2018) also recognized the common barriers created in the organizational
selection processes that created barriers to organizational transformation, such as in efforts for
DEI implementation. Burke provided recommendations for restructuring leadership selection that
trickled down through each level in the Burke-Litwin model. Phase 1 of Burke’s leadership
development guide suggested that organizations should define criteria for leadership with care,
focusing on the future desired state of the organization. Burke cautioned organizations to avoid
cloning existing leadership and emphasized the need to include diversity (Burke, 2018).
Additionally, Phase 2 of Burke’s leadership development guide prescribed that organizations
make job assignments available to promote the development and experience necessary in
leadership. Finally, clearly developed and communicated career paths could reduce advancement
barriers. According to Rosenquist (1995), “creating, communicating, and implementing
successful career paths for professional technical communicators results in greater retention of
the most valued employees” (p. 610).
Recommendation 3: Replace Management Structures to Create More Equal Opportunities
for Social Capital
The third recommendation demands urgent action to replace current management
structures that fail to create equal opportunities for social capital. They must be dismantled and
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replaced with new structures that promote inclusivity and diversity. It is time to acknowledge
and address the gender disparity in networking channels that deprive women of opportunities to
access social capital. To rectify this situation, alternative networking channels must be created to
provide women and women from marginalized cultures with the chance to establish connections,
foster collaborations, and gain access to critical resources. This is a crucial step towards creating
a workplace that is committed to breaking down barriers and ensuring that everyone has the
chance to succeed.
As the findings revealed, job satisfaction was tied either positively or negatively to work-
unit climate based on meeting individual and personal factors. Recommendation 3 works to
diminish perceptions of exclusion and limited career advancement which harm job satisfaction.
The recommendation is meant to elevate inclusion, positive relationships, and access to career
advancement by addressing the perception of barriers in the lack of social capital outlined in the
transactional factors within organizational structures. This recommendation is also directed
toward addressing the barriers to career advancement experienced by women in the insurance
industry that increased their turnover intentions and harm organizational performance. Table 9
provides an illustration of how each of the themes and subthemes align with the recommendation
along with how they are connected to the conceptual framework.

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Table 9
Recommendation 3
Recommendation 3: Replace management structures to create more equal opportunities for
social capital
Connection to the themes Subtheme Conceptual framework
Theme 1: When work-
unit climate was
perceived negatively, it
contributed negatively
to job satisfaction.
Subtheme 1: When perceptions of
exclusion were present, job satisfaction
suffered.

Individual and personal
factors: individual
needs and values
Subtheme 4: When perceptions of lack of
career advancement were present, job
satisfaction suffered.

Individual and personal
factors: motivation
Theme 2: When work-
unit climate was
perceived favorably, it
contributed favorably
to job satisfaction
Subtheme 2: When perceptions of
inclusion were present, job satisfaction
was present. This was an example of
how individual needs and values
impacted perceptions of work-unit
climate that tied to job satisfaction.

Individual and personal
factors: individual
needs and values
Subtheme 3: When perceptions of
positive relationships were present, job
satisfaction was present.

Individual and personal
factors: individual
needs and values
Subtheme 6: When perceptions of career
advancement were present, job
satisfaction was present.
Individual and personal
factors: motivation
Theme 3: Barriers to
career advancement
were present in
transactional and
transformational
factors.

Subtheme 6: Participants perceived a
lack of social capital as a barrier to
advancement.
transactional factors
within organizational
structures
Theme 4. Barriers to
career advancement
perceived by women in
the insurance industry
increased their turnover
intentions.
Subtheme 5: Lack of career advancement
opportunities perceived by women in
the insurance industry increased their
turnover intentions.
Individual and
organizational
performance: turnover
intention

In 67% of interviews, it was reported that access to social capital was a barrier to
advancement. Examples included not having a mentor to provide career advice, which
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contributed to a delay or missed opportunities, and not having a sponsor to represent them, which
they felt contributed to being overlooked for advancement opportunities. In addition, all the
respondents shared examples of when their individual needs and values for belongingness were
not met lack due to a lack of inclusion in the workplace. My recommendation is to support
organizational structures that allow women to connect with each other outside of just their job
duties. P4 shared an example of what that could look like in her description of being part of a
women’s study group:
So, my study group, right? My women’s study group. Oh, my God, those have been the
most rewarding connections. Those are the women who save me a seat at the meetings,
those are the ones who are like, “Hey, this is what I’m doing.” Let you know they’re
there if you need help or allow you to share.
The literature review supports that a significant barrier to the advancement of women of
marginalized groups is less access to social capital (Eagly & Carli, 2007; Hogan & Vesneski,
2021; Maume, 1999; McCarty Kilian et al., 2005; Singh et al., 2010). Research by Roberts and
Mayo (2019) concluded that mentoring was useful, especially when the connection was made
naturally through work groups or common interests. Their research on Black employees is also
applicable to other culturally marginalized groups. They argued that Black employees who are
early in their careers “need safe spaces to grow and develop and to experience authentic failures
and successes without being subsumed in narratives of racial limitation” (para. 44). Bridges and
Bamberry (2023) found that the lack of mentoring, access to role models, and leadership from
other women lead to poor wellbeing, high attrition, slow career advancement, reduced
opportunity, lower career pay, and high attrition rates. Their findings suggest that resilience is
built when employees have access to resources and psychological support. These are found
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within role models, mentors and networks and are significant when women can connect with
other women to find role models who can inspire them. This can lead to the effects of
empowering, providing reinforcement, and guidance (Bridges & Bamberry, 2023). They argued
organizations must support these types of networks through formal organizational policy,
through senior leadership, and with evaluation efforts to ensure adoption (Bridges & Bamberry,
2023).
The Burke-Litwin model (Burke & Litwin, 1992) can be used to understand the
connection between organizational structures and work-unit climate. Supporting and allowing
structures that provide alternative methods for networking aligns with the individual needs and
values that employees desire for belonging, inclusion, relationships, and access to mentors and
sponsors. Additionally, Phase 3 of Burke’s leadership development guide supports the need for
mentoring and coaching (Burke, 2018). My recommendation is for organizations to support
alternative networking methods, including access to employee resource groups and women-
formed study groups. This improvement in work-unit climate can improve perceptions of
inclusion and address the barriers to career advancement created by unequal access to social
capital.
Limitations and Delimitations
This study encountered three limitations. First, the sample size of women who were
interviewed was limited, consisting of only 12 participants. Due to scheduling conflicts, one of
the interviews was not conducted, resulting in a deviation from the original goal of 15
participants for the study’s sample size. Upon conducting an assessment of the interviews that
were conducted to ascertain the conformity of participants with the study’s eligibility criteria,
two of the interviews were subsequently excluded from the study, resulting in a diminution of the
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sample size to 12. Another limitation that arose in this study was the lack of control in
participant selection due to the use of the snowball approach for recruitment. The original
intention was to achieve adequate representation of each group by including five Black women,
five Hispanic women, and five Asian women in the sample. There was a deviation from the
original sample goal as the actual participants included five Black women, four Hispanic women,
two Asian women, and one woman from an "Other" category. The study’s original purpose,
which aimed to gain a better understanding of employee satisfaction, turnover intentions, and
perceptions of career advancement among women of marginalized groups in the insurance
industry, was impacted by the resulting sample size, as it lacked adequate representation of Asian
and from an “Other” category. Despite the limitations in the sample size and the deviation from
the original goals, the study was able to capture the perspectives of women from marginalized
groups and their intersectionality, which aligned with the study’s overall purpose. The third
limitation of the study was the lack of representation of women in the insurance industry who
had been employed for less than 10 years, as the sample only included respondents who had
worked in the industry for 10–15, 16–20, 21–25, 26 or more years.
This study also experienced delimitations. The first delimitation derived from the purpose
of the study, to better understand employee satisfaction and turnover intentions for women of
marginalized groups and their perceptions of career advancement in the insurance industry. The
scope of this study was delimited to contribute to the existing research by gathering insights from
a specific stakeholder group, namely women from marginalized groups. Additional research
from the perspective of other stakeholders, such as men of marginalized groups who may have
also encountered comparable challenges in the insurance industry, is also necessary for
furthering the research. More research is also necessary that goes beyond informing to taking
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action. Research from the perspective of decision-makers as the stakeholders is necessary for
making recommendations for an implementation plan and initiating change adoption.
Additional delimitations originated as a result of the sample. Given the size of the
insurance industry, this study encountered delimitations that came from minimizing the study to
what was feasible. I limited the sample to interviews in the United States due to challenges from
a globalized approach, such as different languages, time zones, and availability from limited
reach. Delimitations were further encountered because the sampling included interviewees that
represented just five insurance companies from the 200 largest insurance companies in the
insurance industry in the United States (AM Best, 2021).
Recommendations for Future Research
Recommendation 1: Additional Research Through Quantitative Methods
This study uncovered a significant counter-narrative that challenges the prevailing
assumption of a pipeline problem as the main reason for the underrepresentation of women from
marginalized cultural groups in leadership positions. It is now clear that the root cause of this
disparity lies within the deeply entrenched and pervasive barriers embedded in management
practices, systems, and processes. This critical revelation highlights the urgent need for further
research to identify and address the systemic barriers that hinder the advancement of women
from marginalized groups and promote more equitable access to career opportunities. To this
end, a quantitative study is required to validate and extend these findings. This research should
aim to establish the generalizability of the results and provide a more comprehensive
understanding of the scale and nature of the barriers faced by women from marginalized groups.
Through this additional research, we can gain a deeper understanding of the challenges faced by
126

women from marginalized groups and develop effective interventions aimed at fostering career
advancement and empowerment.
Recommendation 2: Additional Research in Learning and Development Areas
Burke (2018) concluded that further research is also needed in the areas of learning and
development that are targeted to support organizational change. An expansion of the Burke-
Litwin CMOCP to include Argyris and Schoen’s (1974) Model I and II of feedback loops can
effectively address this need. Argyris (2008) pointed out that three common problems prevent
effective change: leaders espouse learning but act to inhibit it, organizations reward nice and
polite over honest dialogue, and they produce faux self-confidence and achievements. These
problems form a feedback loop that distorts reality. The results are single-loop learning as a
defensive mechanism that creates unconscious collusion, which blocks learning, protects, and
reinforces current norms. These problems are described as unconscious behaviors and are
captured in Model I of their theory, which is also referred to as a self-protective model of
interpersonal behavior (Argyris & Schön, 1974; Argyris, 2008; Bolman & Deal, 2017).
Implicit Biasness Training
The Argyris and Schön models postulate that organizations fail to learn because they are
unconscious of the fact that they function in a single-loop learning model that prevents growth
(Argyris & Schön, 1974). The theory of action in Models I and II can be used to understand how
organizations can effectively implement learning and change by becoming conscious of how
their learning styles prevent learning from occurring. These models can be used for further
research in areas of implicit bias training in the workplace that are strongly associated with the
unconscious element and to understand why DEI efforts often result in resistance, self-defense
mechanisms, and undermining efforts. Through the lens of the self-protective model (1974) of
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interpersonal behavior, the barriers that prevent learning can be further investigated. Onyeador et
al. (2021) described single-loop learning in majority group members as a reason why implicit
bias has been difficult to change and why training has not yielded more diversity in
organizations. The argument that their article makes for addressing the defensiveness of majority
group members as part of DEI training can be applied to solve challenges such as when members
deny information about inequality, justify or double down on misperceptions of inequality, and
why barriers to advancement continue to prevail (Onyeador et al., 2021).
The Self-Protective Model of Interpersonal Behaviors
The self-protective model of interpersonal behaviors (1974) can be mapped to the barriers
that were found in the literature that prevent the career advancement of women. These behaviors
consist of biases. “Second-generation” forms of gender bias were the primary cause of women’s
persistent underrepresentation in leadership roles. This bias erects powerful but subtle and often
invisible barriers for women that arise from cultural assumptions and organizational structures,
practices, and patterns of interaction that inadvertently benefit men while putting women at a
disadvantage” (Ibarra et al., 2013). Implicit bias was a cause of both women's and marginalized
groups’ underrepresentation in leadership. “Studies on the mechanisms and processes that affect
perception, interpretation, memory, and decision-making have convincingly demonstrated that
people harbor ‘implicit biases’ that possess ‘racial schemas’ that strongly influence perceptions
and behaviors” (Omi & Winant, 2015).
These behaviors can also be applied to management practices that consist of performance
reviews that are influenced by biases and create barriers to the career advancement of women of
marginalized groups. They are overwhelmingly used by midsize and large companies for
determining pay, making promotion decisions, and identifying and rewarding the best employees
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(Dobbin & Kalev, 2016). How supervisors conduct performance reviews will, in turn, impact the
outcome of who is chosen for leadership roles. Studies revealed that raters were more likely to
lowball women and minorities in performance reviews (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016). Holzbach
(1978) explains that rater bias takes on many forms in performance reviews, which creates
deficiencies and is one of the most serious drawbacks to performance ratings. Single-loop
learning in Argyris and Schön’s model (1974) can be used to explain “who” and “what” is
noticed and praised as a result of how it is shaped by the thinking, beliefs, and assumptions that
are influenced by bias and reflect onto performance reviews. The performance review rituals are
conducted year over year, and the result sustains the status quo where women of marginalized
groups continue to be underrepresented in leadership roles.
Women and minoritized employees are put into a difficult position where they risk being
seen as sore losers if they complain (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016). Efforts to change performance
reviews are met with resistance, referred to as the self-protective model of interpersonal behavior
(Argyris, 2008; Bolman & Deal, 2017). Women and minoritized employee motivation,
engagement, and job satisfaction are negatively impacted by unequal treatment, which leads to
performance gaps within organizations in the insurance industry. To overcome the circle of
single-loop learning and achieve change adoption, the barriers found in the self-protective
measures of single-loop feedback that guard and reinforce the thinking, beliefs, assumptions, and
norms in the insurance industry need to be overcome and replaced with realistic and untainted
feedback.
Conclusion
This study addressed the problem of practice that there is a gap in career advancement for
women from marginalized groups in the insurance industry. This problem was important to
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address for three reasons. First, the insurance industry’s industry relies on its ability to thrive in
its succession planning (Jean Kwon, 2014). Second, the trend in employee attrition in the
insurance industry has serious consequences that will impact the ability of insurance
organizations to survive (Varghese & Alex, 2021). Third, the study is important because it will
add to the body of research that is needed to implement change adoption in favor of DEI efforts
to improve employee retention and acquisition in the insurance industry.
Four themes were identified as findings from the research. The first was that when work-
unit climate was perceived negatively, it contributed negatively to job satisfaction. The second
was that when work-unit climate was perceived favorably, it contributed favorably to job
satisfaction. The third was that participants perceived multiple barriers to career advancement
that were found in both the climate and the culture of their organization. The fourth was that
barriers to career advancement perceived by women in the insurance industry increased their
turnover intentions. Findings from the interviews demonstrate that the insurance industry is
perceived by women as having many barriers that prevent career advancement in the work-unit
climate and culture. These perceptions were also found to tie into job satisfaction and turnover
intentions.
Recommendations are based on reducing career advancement barriers and improving job
satisfaction to strengthen acquiring and retaining employees in the insurance industry.
Recommendation 1 is to change current management practices starting with performance
reviews that create barriers to advancement that focus on ratings and replace them with
performance reviews that empower and develop talent. Recommendation 2 is to change systems
for policies and procedures that are currently being used for succession planning that create
barriers to diversified talent. Increasing transparency can be more effective in creating a climate
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that fosters job satisfaction by providing equal access to information such as job descriptions,
requirements and job postings and clearly communicated career paths which can help reduce
barriers to advancement experienced by women. Recommendation 3 is to change management
structures and replace them with new structures and systems that will create more equal
opportunities for all employees. Support alternative networking channels that can provide
women with opportunities for social capital.
The findings in the literature support that the loss of human capital is a real threat to
organizations. There is a gap of 1 million workers to fill the available vacancies in the U.S. job
market (Cox, 2021). The COVID-19 pandemic played a role in contributing negatively to the
shortage of talent by forcing an estimated 1.7 million older workers into involuntary retirement.
More than 2 million women are out of the workplace (Davis et al., 2021). Millions of American
workers have disappeared from the labor force since the onset of the COVID-19 crisis, a record
number of people are quitting their jobs, and employee retention is at an all-time low (Talley et
al., 2021). During May 2021 alone, 3.6 million resignations took place, part of what has become
known as the Great Resignation (Gandhi & Robison, 2021). Given that the loss of human capital
is a real threat to organizations, successful efforts of acquisition and retention in the insurance
industry depend on understanding the needs and values of a diverse workforce and making
efforts to improve employee satisfaction.
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Appendix A: Interview Protocol
My name is Cindy Wheeler, I am currently a doctoral student at the University of
Southern California, and I am collecting interview data to explore the challenges to attract and
retain talent in the insurance industry through a better understanding of employee satisfaction
and turnover intentions for women of marginalized groups and their perceptions for career
advancement.
Introduction to the Interview
Thank you so much for agreeing to talk to me today. Your perspective is very valuable to
this study. Before we begin, I would like to review the email that I sent you that includes some
very relevant information for your participation today. First, I want you to know that you should
feel comfortable throughout this entire interview process. If at any point you do not, please do
not hesitate to let me know, and I will pause the interview and address your needs. I will be
asking you a series of 12 open-ended questions and may be followed up with some probes for
further clarification, if needed, about your perceptions and experiences in the insurance industry.
The method we will be using today will be Zoom technology in which I will be recording the
session to appropriately capture your responses. I am also going to take notes while we are
talking, just so that I can make sure that I am capturing your ideas and can come back to them if I
need to during this interview. The ultimate goal is to learn and provide a better understanding of
the needs and values of a diverse workforce to inform the insurance industry’s effort to
strengthen the acquiring and retaining of employees. Your responses will remain strictly
confidential. This video recording will be transcribed and coded to protect you from any
identifiable information. Participants will be referred to as participant 1, participant 2, etc. In
addition, the organization that you belong to will not be disclosed. Once this recording has been
145

transcribed, it will be erased. Once the study has been completed, all keys to the coding and
notes will be destroyed. You have been invited as a participant because you are or have been
employed in the insurance industry and you have been identified as a woman and a member of a
marginalized groups group. Do you have any questions about the study? May I have your
consent to proceed? May I have your consent to take notes? May I have your consent to record?
Interview Questions
1. How did you start your career in the insurance industry?
2. Tell me a little about your career path – what position did you start with, and were there
different roles along the way before you got to the highest position you held?
Probes:
How do you feel about your career advancement?
What contributes to those feelings?
3. Do you have aspirations for growing further into your career? For example, an increase in
pay or a promotion?
4. What is it like for you to discuss your aspirations with your supervisor?
Probe:
Who else do you discuss your career goals with?
5. What role, if any, has your supervisor taken to develop you toward your career goals?
6. Can you walk me through what a typical performance review session is like?
Probe:
After a performance review, do you perceive your performance is in line with
your career aspirations?
7. Have performance reviews helped develop you toward your career goals?
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Probes:
If yes: In what way have they been helpful?
If not: In what ways have they not been helpful? What makes you stay?
8. Do you feel encouraged to speak up and share ideas when they are different from the
norm?
Probes:
Can you provide a recent experience?
What was it like for you?
What ways does your supervisor use, if any, to ensure that all voices are heard?
9. How are people recognized in your organization?
Probes:
In what way, if any, does your supervisor acknowledge your contributions?
How does this make you feel?
Probes:
What are some things that have led you to those perceptions?
10. Although women in the workplace make up the majority of employees of publicly traded
insurance companies, they make up just 15% of executive management; and marginalized
groups, which are underrepresented at all levels of employment, make up only 4% of
executive leadership positions. What is your perception of the representation of women
and marginalized groups in leadership positions within your organization?
Probes:
Why do you think the industry is severely underrepresented?
In what ways do you perceive that this is either fair or unfair?
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Do you perceive that you have the same opportunities as others?
11. To what extent do you see or perceive leadership treating minorities or women
differently?
Probe for examples:
Are there any discrepancies between what management says vs. what
management does?
Is there anything you would like to see changed about how women and
marginalized groups are treated? Can you give an example?
What makes you stay?
12. Do you see yourself with your current company in the next 5 years?
Probes:
Can you share any of the contributing factors that led you to these thoughts?
13. The Bureau of Labor Statistics shows that the insurance industry has struggled in
comparison to other industries to fill its job openings since 2007, and the number of job
openings in the insurance industry doubled in January 2022 from the prior year. This
year, although the overall labor force saw a decrease in quit rates of 2.8%, the financial
and insurance industry saw an increase of +30,000 quits (BLS, 2022). Why do you think
the insurance industry has had such a tough time with the acquisition and retention of
employees?
14. What are things you would like to see that would help reduce barriers and promote the
advancement of women from marginalized groups in the insurance industry?
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15. Might you know someone that identifies as a woman and/or in a marginalized groups
group that is also in the insurance industry that you could recommend that may be
beneficial to this research project?
Probe:
Are you able to reach out to them this week to see if they would be interested?
Can you facilitate an email introduction between us if they are interested?
Conclusion to the Interview
Thank you so much for your time today. This has been incredibly valuable and insightful
toward understanding the climate of inclusion and perceptions for advancement in the insurance
industry from your perspective and toward the ultimate goal of learning and providing a better
understanding of the needs and values of a diverse workforce that may be used to inform the
insurance industry’s effort to strengthen the acquisition and retention of employees. Thank you.

149

Appendix B: Initial Phone Call Invitation

Hi, this is Cindy Wheeler.
The reason for my call today has to do with my doctoral research project. I am currently
searching for candidates to participate in my study. I respect your views and opinions and think
that they would be very valuable to my study. I would like to email you information about it to
see if you would be interested in being part of it. Once you have had a chance to review it, would
you please let me know if it is something you would be comfortable participating in?
What is the best email to send correspondence to?
Would one week be sufficient time for you to have a chance to review it and respond?
Thank you very much. I really appreciate your help.

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Appendix C: Study Information Sheet
STUDY TITLE: Addressing the Challenges of Employee Acquisition and Retention in the
Insurance Industry
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Cynthia Wheeler
FACULTY ADVISOR: Nicole Marie-Gerardi MacCalla, Ph.D.

INTRODUCTION
You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This
document explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything
unclear to you.
PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to address the challenge to attract and retain talent in the
insurance industry through a better understanding of employee satisfaction and turnover
intentions for women of marginalized groups and their perceptions of career advancement. To
accomplish this, first, the barriers to advancement at the organizational cultural level and climate
level need to be explored through the experiences of women of marginalized groups who are
currently employed or have been employed in the insurance industry. Additionally, this study
will explore how barriers to advancement may contribute to employee intentions to stay or leave
the insurance industry and how those barriers to advancement may be reduced, while intentions
to stay in the industry are increased. This will be done through interviews. We hope to learn and
provide a better understanding of the needs and values of a diverse workforce in which the
findings may be used to inform the insurance industry’s effort to strengthen the acquisition and
retention of employees. You are invited as a possible participant because you are or have been
151

employed in the insurance industry and you have been identified as a woman and as a person
belonging to a Black, Hispanic, or Asian cultural group.
PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
Participants will be asked to participate in interviews. Each interview will take
approximately 45 minutes to 1 hour. I will conduct these interviews from my home office using
Zoom technology where they can ensure confidentiality and privacy. Audio/Video recording will
be used as a necessary procedure for the ability to transcribe interviews and to help promote
trustworthiness in data collection efforts by capturing the interviewee’s actual words.
There is no obligation to participate in this study. You can choose to withdraw from
participating at any time. There are no negative impacts if you choose not to participate or to
withdraw from participating. Your responses will remain confidential. I will ask 15 open-ended
questions followed by probes to gather additional understanding when needed. Participant may
elect to skip any of the questions they do not wish to provide answers for. If you are interested in
participating in a confidential Zoom interview for a doctoral dissertation research study, you will
be asked to schedule a date and time for a 45-minute to 1-hour interview using the Calendly link
that has been included for your convenience. You will then be sent a calendar invitation with a
link to join through Zoom. You will need to log in to the Zoom meeting room during the selected
time and have access to a camera and microphone that is compatible with Zoom.
CONFIDENTIALITY
The members of the research team, the University of Southern California Institutional
Review Board (IRB), may access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects. When the results of the research are published
or discussed at conferences, no identifiable information will be used. Information will be kept
152

confidential by ensuring that it is captured and reviewed in a private setting, only I will be
present during research-related activities, collection of information about participants will be
limited to the amount necessary to achieve the aims of the research, participants will not be
approached in a setting or location that may constitute an invasion of privacy or that could
potentially stigmatize them.
Precautions will be taken to ensure that identifiable information is kept confidential. I
will keep identifiable information confidential by using a coding method. The data were stored
electronically on a local computer and external cloud drive with appropriate electronic
safeguards such as unique usernames and passwords available only to me. Security software such
as antivirus McAfee will be used and regularly updated on all devices used for this study.
Audio/Video recording will be transcribed and will then be destroyed. Upon completion of the
study, any direct identifiers and/or keys to the codes will be destroyed.
Participants will have the right to review/edit the audio/video recordings or transcripts if
requested after the interview. Transcription will be electronic using Zoom technology.
Audio/video recordings will be erased immediately after transcriptions. Participant identities will
be shielded/disguised by using a coding method, such as participants 1, 2, 3, etc.
INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact Cynthia Wheeler at
wheelerc@usc.edu.
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
irb@usc.edu.
153

Appendix D: Code Book
Code
groups
Code subgroups Definition
Advancement intention
The participant indicated their intentions for wanting to
advance from a role they work or worked in.

No Participant does not have intentions to advance.

Yes Participant has intentions of advancing in their career.
Perceptions of advancement
barriers
Obstacles that prevent the moving up into higher roles

Barrier: lack of
social capital
Not having a person who is more experienced to provide
advisement.

Barriers: selection
process
The process used for selecting candidates for advancement
as an obstacle.

Barriers: Career Path
lack of opportunities
The absence of positions available in a higher level of
responsibility and/or pay.

Barriers: choice
work-life balance
The demands and or inflexibility of a job as an obstacle to
advancement.

Barriers: Few
females from
marginalized cultural
groups in leadership
The perception that a few women from marginalized cultural
groups exist in leadership positions which in itself creates an
obstacle.

Barriers: Lack of
supervisory support
The obstacle of having a supervisor that does not support
advancement and/or career development and/or supervisor
fails to provide feedback and/or clarity.

Barriers: Unequal
access to knowledge
Not having information for job openings, how to advance,
requirements for advancing, how to apply as an obstacle for
advancement
Negative perceptions for job
satisfaction
Perceptions that impacted job satisfaction negatively

Poor perceptions for
career advancement
Perceptions that opportunities for advancement were poor

Poor benefits and/or
pay
Pay was described as poor for the job performed or in
comparison to others.

Inequality
The just treatment of people without favoritism or
discrimination

Lack of
meaningfulness
Job does not result in outcomes that are significant to the
employee.

Lack of work-life
balance
Demands and/or their job or inflexibility of the job impedes
their personal life.

Exclusion
Participant does not have the feeling of not being valued and
respected as an individual for who you are.
Positive perceptions for job
satisfaction
Perceptions that impacted job satisfaction positively

Access to
development
The process of learning and becoming better in your career
154

Meaningfulness Job results in outcomes that are significant to the employee

Work-life balance Work and personal life can co-exist in harmony.

Relationships Having positive relationships with people at work

Benefits and pay Pay and/or benefits were described positively
Turnover intentions
Participants reported having turnover intentions attributed to
specific reasons.

Negative: barriers to
advancement
opportunity
Participants perceived a lack of opportunity as a reason for
turnover intentions.

Abstract (if available)

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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

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Asset Metadata

Creator Wheeler, Cynthia (author)

Core Title Addressing the challenges of employee retention: a qualitative analysis of job satisfaction and perceptions of advancement by marginalized women in the insurance industry

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-05

Publication Date 04/24/2023

Defense Date 04/17/2023

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag career advancement,diversity,employee satisfaction,equity,inclusion,insurance industry,intersectionality,marginalized women,OAI-PMH Harvest,retention,talent attraction,turnover

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor MacCalla, Nichole Marie-Gerardi (committee chair), Burch, Patricia (committee member), Rayburn, Kalim (committee member), Seli, Helena (committee member)

Creator Email cindy.wheeler.mv2g@gmail.com,wheelerc@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113077797

Unique identifier UC113077797

Identifier etd-WheelerCyn-11700.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-WheelerCyn-11700

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Wheeler, Cynthia

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20230424-usctheses-batch-1029 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu