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Addressing underreporting of sexual assault in U.S. Army units: perspectives of retired senior leaders

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Addressing Underreporting of Sexual Assault in U. S Army Units: Perspectives of Retired
Senior Leaders

Chylander Sonya Cummings

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2023

© Copyright by Chylander Sonya Cummings 2023
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Chylander Sonya Cummings certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Patricia Tobey
Kimberly Hirabayashi
Nicole MacCalla Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023
iv
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to understand the role of the U.S. Army’s sexual assault program
in addressing the underreporting of sexual assault in U.S. Army units. Specifically, this study
aimed to gather the perspectives of retired senior leaders on various influences on sexual assault
reporting while generating recommendations for Army policy and practice. This study employed
a qualitative semi-structured interview design, utilizing Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems
theory, to investigate the complexes of this continued phenomenon at the microsystem level.
Through thematic analysis, the dominant explanation yielded significant factors in senior leaders
engagement influencing the reporting rate. Prudent in the findings is the imbalance of senior
leader engagement and their contribution to trust, climate, and tangible actions when handling
sexual assaults. Accentuated in the body of research is the endemic relationship between senior
leaders and the Sexual Harassment/Assault Response and Prevention (SHARP) program and the
scope of inculcated norms and beliefs that provides triggering behaviors to hinder or promote a
victim’s willingness to report a sexual crime.
Keywords: sexual harassment and assault response prevention, Bronfenbrenner’s theory,
command, Army culture, underreporting of sexual assault

v
Dedication
To the voices of the past, present and future. We hear you!

vi
Acknowledgements
“When I am talking about ‘It Takes a Village,’ I’m obviously not talking just about or
even primarily about geographical villages any longer, but about the network of
relationships and values that do connect us and binds us together” (Clinton, 2023).
This was not an easy journey, but it is one that I would keep the same. I am humbled by
the support I received, whether through brainstorming, frequent check-ins, or extended
conversations. This work would not be possible without the financial support of the Post 9-11 GI
Bill through the U.S. Army.
I am grateful to all those who provided encouragement and the tough love to see this
achievement through. I am indebted to my accountability partners and those with whom I had the
pleasure of working with throughout this program. To my dissertation committee, without whom
this dream would not see fruition. Thank you for all the support and guidance to ensure my
success. Dr. Nicole MacCalla, you are an incredible chair whose support made my vision a
reality and, with your steadfast support, created a product that surpassed my expectations. Thank
you.
To my Army family, when I decided to undergo this challenge, you were and continue to
be my biggest supporters, who pushed me to think beyond the traditional while maintaining my
core values. Your faith in me drove me, and your support is priceless.
To my family, my sounding board, and personal cheerleaders, your faith in me is
humbling. Being the daughter of immigrants was not easy, but through their support, unwavering
love, and strict beliefs, they taught me how to break boundaries, and as a person, you always
have more to give. I love you all.

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ........................................................................................................................................ v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures .................................................................................................................................. x
Introduction to Problem of Practice ................................................................................................ 1
Context and Background of the Problem ............................................................................ 2
Purpose of the Project and Research Question .................................................................... 4
Importance of the Study ...................................................................................................... 4
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology ..................................................... 5
Literature Review ............................................................................................................................ 6
Historical Context ................................................................................................................ 7
Leadership ......................................................................................................................... 12
Underreporting .................................................................................................................. 12
Sexual Assault Reporting .................................................................................................. 13
Health Implications ........................................................................................................... 14
Medical Entitlements ......................................................................................................... 15
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 16
Summary ............................................................................................................................ 20
Methodology .................................................................................................................................. 21
Research Question ............................................................................................................. 22
Overview of Design ........................................................................................................... 22
Research Setting ................................................................................................................ 23
The Researcher .................................................................................................................. 24
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Data Sources ...................................................................................................................... 25
Data Collection Procedures ............................................................................................... 27
Instrumentation .................................................................................................................. 28
Data Analysis ..................................................................................................................... 29
Validity and Reliability ..................................................................................................... 30
Findings ......................................................................................................................................... 30
Theme 1: Lack of Confidence and Trust in Senior Leaders .............................................. 33
Theme 2: Culture of Support in at the Unit Level ............................................................. 34
Theme 3: Tangible Action in Handling Sexual Assault .................................................... 35
Theme 4: Relationships at the Unit Level ......................................................................... 37
Theme 5: Senior Leader Examples at the Unit Level ........................................................ 38
Theme 6: Education and Training at the Unit Level ......................................................... 39
Summary ............................................................................................................................ 40
Discussion of Findings .................................................................................................................. 41
Recommendations ............................................................................................................. 42
Limitations and Delimitations ........................................................................................... 52
Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................................. 53
Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 54
References ..................................................................................................................................... 56
Appendix A: Definitions ............................................................................................................... 64
Appendix B: The Researcher ......................................................................................................... 66
Appendix C: Semi-structured Interview Protocol ......................................................................... 68
Appendix D: Ethics ....................................................................................................................... 73

ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Themes and Research Question 32
Appendix E: Codebook 74

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework

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Addressing Underreporting of Sexual Assault in U. S Army Units: Perspectives of Retired
Senior Leaders
Sexual assault throughout the United States is a complicated concern that is difficult to
measure, and gaining a holistic illustration is challenging (Henninger et al., 2020). Yearly in the
United States, 463,634 people aged 12 or older are victims of sexual assault; moreover, since
1998, over 17 million women have reported instances of rape or attempted rape, while males
reported significantly fewer at 2.78 million (Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network, 2022). The
U.S. Department of Defense (2012) defined sexual assault as intentional sexual contact derived
by force, threats, or use of authority or when a victim does not consent to sexual contact. Sexual
assault is an intrusive act that annually impacts over 20,000 service members (Castro et al.,
2015). As a result, sexual assault preventive measures remain a point of concern, as highlighted
in the publicly available findings in a 2016 survey issued to over 735,000 active-duty members,
which found over 14,800 armed forces members reported unwanted sexual contact (Office of
People Analytics, 2016, as cited in Gidycz et al., 2018).
Introduction to Problem of Practice
The U.S. Army has seen an uptick since 2009 in the number of victims reporting sexual
crimes (Rosellini et al., 2017), with the U.S. Department of Defense (2021b) reporting per year
over 3,200, or 5.5 cases per 1,000, soldiers disclosing a sexual assault in the Army alone. Salient
in this number are reports made by service members totaling over 2,600, with the balance being
civilians, contracted employees, or foreign military. Even more concerning is underreporting of
sexual assault, with estimates suggesting roughly 6,500 Army service members per year
experience a sexual crime but decline to document it to Army officials (U.S. Department of
Defense, 2021b). Underreporting continues to be a monumental perturbation that influences our

2
understanding of the scope of sexual assault (Henninger et al., 2020). The preexisting sexual
assault program has made little impact, as can be seen by comparing the number from 2012 of
26,000 suspected cases (10%, n = 2,828) to the 14% reported in 2010 (U.S. Department of
Defense, 2021b). Further, Rennison (2002) highlighted this problem in an 8-year report (1992 to
2000), which estimated that 38% of sexual assault victims refuse to report the incident to law
enforcement agencies. Comparatively, the U.S. Department of Defense (2021b) estimated that in
2020, of the roughly 20,000 suspected sexual assault instances throughout the military, only 31%
were reported and documented, while 69% remained unreported. Due to the severity and
complexity of the problem, accountability structures of numerous factors must be in place, such
as health and mental support, prevention, and reduction in reprisal (Sadler et al., 2018). For this
reason, with these structures in place, there is a need to continue to better understand the extent
to which in-place programs adequately address the problem and how such programs can be
improved.
Context and Background of the Problem
Sexual assault is a pervasive problem in the United States, with the Rape, Abuse and
Incest National Network (2022) estimating on average that 1 in 6 women and 1 in 33 men are
victims of sexual assault yearly in the United States. This problem is also entrenched in the U.S.
military, where an estimated 6.2% of females and 0.7% of males experienced a sexual assault in
Fiscal Year 2020. Underreporting may be twice as large a problem in the U.S. military compared
to civilian life, as stated before, with over 60% annually remaining unreported (U.S. Department
of Defense, 2021b). Senior leaders are aggressively addressing sexual assault, yet underreporting
remains culturally resistant and is a multifaceted issue (U.S. Department of Defense, 2021b).
Castro et al. (2015) approximated that as many as 43% of females serving in the military

3
experienced a sexual assault, making them most at risk, which is further supported by the
national average of 90% of rape victims being women (Rape, Abuse and Incest National
Network, 2022). Although females had a higher propensity to be assaulted, Newins et al. (2021)
emphasized that sexual assault is gender-neutral and, as such, must be viewed holistically and
approached in ways that benefit all genders and gender identities.
As Turchik and Wilson (2010) suggested, the continuum for non-reporting is linked to
barriers such as accountability, revictimization, and reprisal (Sadler et al., 2018). Most sexual
assault victims do not report for fear of condemnation or attacks on their characters and
livelihoods. Castro et al. (2015) found in a 2014 survey of the U.S. military that 62% of females
who reported a sexual assault faced retaliation, while 11% reported receiving punishment. Army
leaders find it difficult to remove personal bias, remain non-singular, and establish a treatment
plan that is individually tailored for both the victim and the offender. Subsequently, many of the
20,000 suspected reported cases in the military (Castro et al., 2015) remain undocumented based
on the current military culture and fear of retaliation (Sadler et al., 2018). Current literature does
not address how various systems in the Army impact the propensity to report sexual assault.
Throughout the last decade, the military has been under congressional pressure to release
the rights to investigate sexual crimes to civilian law agencies (Congressional Research Service,
2021). However, the military argues that removing this responsibility from unit commanders will
squander one of the salient roles of unit leaders (Congressional Research Service, 2021). Yet,
despite this discourse, Fiscal Year 2020 showed 6,290 sexual assault cases, an increase of 54
cases since Fiscal Year 2019 (n = 6236; U.S. Department of Defense, 2021b). The Army created
the Sexual Harassment/Assault Response and Prevention (SHARP) program and, in 2021,
launched an independent program as a pilot program in seven Army installations (Army

4
Resilience Directorate, 2022). This pilot sexual assault program is designed to promote safe
reporting and synchronize care at the onset of reporting. This program works independently from
the command, with the hopes of reducing barriers to reporting, such as delays in soldier care and
lack of confidence in reporting, and instilling a victim-centric approach (Army Resilience
Directorate, 2022). However, due to its pilot form, it lacks tangible data for a comprehensive
assessment; hence, the focus is on the current program and its role in decreasing or increasing
reporting of sexual assault.
Purpose of the Project and Research Question
The purpose of this study was to understand the role of the current sexual assault program
in addressing underreporting of sexual assault in U.S. Army units. Specifically, this study
explored the perspectives of retired senior leaders on various influences on sexual assault
reporting while generating recommendations for Army policy and practice. Using
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory from the perspective of retired senior leaders, this
dissertation analyzed various factors associated with reporting and underreporting sexual assault
in the U.S. Army. Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory served as the theoretical
framework to answer the following research question: What are the perspectives of retired senior
leaders as to factors influencing, and senior leaders’ role in (supporting or hindering), sexual
assault reporting in U.S. Army units?
Importance of the Study
Sexual assault can have severe ramifications for the mental health and well-being of
those serving in Army units (Kimerling & Calhoun, 1994). Sexual assault can disrupt the
coherence and functioning of the organization; for an organization designed to protect the nation,
its functionality and its members’ well-being are paramount (Kimerling & Calhoun, 1994). Until

5
there is a salient handle on the full scope of sexual assault, attempts to address the problem will
likely be stifled.
This study explored the underreporting of sexual assault in the context of the preexisting
sexual assault program for U.S. Army units. Prior research establishing that underreporting
persists hints at this program’s ineffectiveness (Turchik & Wilson, 2010). Maximizing the
program’s effectiveness can better protect and serve at-risk and underrepresented populations
disproportionately affected by sexual assault (Turchik & Wilson, 2010). The organization’s
successful development hinges upon numerous factors in the microsystem within
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory. Salient to this is an examination of individual
development and its role in understanding, controlling, and predicting behaviors (Gardiner &
Kosmitzki, 2005). A tangible exploration and ecological orientation can identify incongruent
gaps that affect developmental transitions (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) and key factors of
underreporting. Furthermore, this study sought to inform policymakers and Army leaders nested
in the nation’s strategic defense to inculcate a climate that centers on trust, safety, and
community ideals for its most valuable assets (Gidycz et al., 2018).
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
The theory used to explore the problem of focus was Bronfenbrenner’s ecological system
theory. This philosophy around the microsystem addresses external qualities influencing long-
term development, which is of particular interest to the study. According to Bronfenbrenner
(1979), the ecological systems theory examines human development and how learning is
influenced by interaction stemming from various aspects of the environment that one encounters.
Bronfenbrenner’s theory showcases the profound impact of events contributing to learned
behaviors and their influence on people’s perceptions (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). This theory

6
emphasizes the assumption that multiple environments inevitably interact and influence various
aspects in periods of development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). A central focus of this study was the
bi-directional relationships embedded in the microsystem and their capability to change beliefs
and perspectives. The microsystem is considered the most influential prism, where one’s
personality, beliefs, and social or symbolic interactions outline the premise for long-term
psychological and behavioral development (Crawford, 2020).
The study’s methodology was qualitative to explore the meaning and understanding of a
phenomenon in a social or human context (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Qualitative methods are
generally inductive and ideal for generating data from a natural setting to develop a general
understanding (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). In this case, the goal was to develop a general
understanding by exploring underlying factors, as told by retired senior leaders, regarding what
contributes to the reporting or underreporting of sexual assault in the U.S. Army. An inductive
approach allowed for generating rich data while engaging with the selected stakeholders. Retired
senior leaders are important stakeholders in the context of sexual assault reporting in the U.S.
Army, and they shared their perspectives, aiding in a better understanding of the problem of
underreporting.
Literature Review
Sexual assault and underreporting in Army units continue to be a concern that fractures
trust and carries numerous consequences (Sadler et al., 2018), despite increased public
awareness. This literature review explores underreporting in U.S. Army units through current
research by examining its historical context and influence on organizational climate and pre-
juridical protocols; it identifies significant changes ascribed in the last 20 years. Furthermore, the
review provides an overview of sexual assault in Army units and its impact on health

7
implications, underreporting, and current policies. This section closes with a discussion of
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological system theory and an examination of how it informed this study.
Historical Context
Over the last 20 years, the propensity for military sexual assault has gradually risen
(Carson & Carson, 2018); as a result, victim reporting has increased (U.S. Department of
Defense, 2021a). However, historical documentation of sexual violence against military
members is rare (Douglas, 2021). This issue mainly garnered attention during publicized cases
(Congressional Research Service, 2021), such as the Tailhook Scandal in 1991, the Okinawa
Rape in 1995, and the U.S. Airforce Academy sexual assault scandal in 2003 (Wood &
Toppelberg, 2017). These incidents represent the frame for military reform and anticipated
contextual factors in applying formal systems to capture sexual assault reporting and potential
risks (Murdoch et al., 2014). As research indicates, through the previous decades, sexual assault
was common, with infrequent comprehensive reports detailing adverse or constructive
consequences, hence the coined term “the invisible war” (Holland et al., 2014). Before 1969, the
military had no judicial system solely focused on sexual crimes; instead, it deferred to the
civilian court system, essentially fostering an atmosphere of biased reporting and accepted
culture (Carson & Carson, 2018). The military has become more transparent in terms of sexual
assault, but decades of human rights violations and dismissive culture are not easily repaired
(Castro et al., 2015). Sexual assault in the military was rooted in a culture of underreporting,
counterproductive leadership, and a lack of a military judicial system (Carson & Carson, 2018).
Statistics in previous years demonstrate the prevalence of underreporting in a military setting
(Acosta et al., 2021).

8
Report Rates
Considered insidious, almost all military sexual assaults have occurred in a military
context, highlighting the growing need to identify the factors that hinder reporting (Skopp et al.,
2020). Over the last 14 years, significant evidence has placed increased recognition on the
differentiation of physical numbers, reporting, and resource solutions (Skopp et al., 2020).
Acosta et al. (2021) conveyed that from 2006 to 2018, the reporting rates of male
servicemembers declined from 1.8% to 0.7%. However, female service members’ rates declined
less, from 6.8% to 6.2%. An investigation conducted in 2011 estimated that armed
servicewomen were more likely to be raped by a fellow service member than to die in combat
(Burns et al., 2014).
This problem is also corroborated by Holland et al. (2014), who reported that annually,
roughly 9% to 13% of females and 1% to 2% of males serving in the military experienced a
sexual assault. The report also acknowledges that sexual assault is the most underreported crime
(Holland et al., 2014). Two years later, the U.S. Department of Defense (2017) reported similar
data, where evidence showed that 1 in 23 females and 1 in 167 males experienced a sexual
assault in the military (Skopp et al., 2020). In 2020, the U.S. Department of Defense (2021a)
reported that over 3,200 service members reported a sexual crime per year, while data suggests
the actual number was estimated at 6,500, which compels military policymakers to refine reform
effects and program development (Congressional Research Service, 2021).
Policies
Currently, the Army utilizes the SHARP program and has taken steps to develop a new
pilot program to address this problem (Army Resilience Directorate, 2022). In tandem with
SHARP, senior leaders represent a climacteric resource that encourages and supports victim

9
reporting and regulatory processing of sexual assault instances (U.S. Department of Defense,
2012). Despite this established program, victims continue to face challenges and barriers to
reporting sexual assault (Wood & Toppelberg, 2017). Although the military has made gains to
circumvent an environment that fosters sexual violence (Gidycz et al., 2018), data suggest the
need for a heightened and targeted health care approach, which is necessary to ensure the mental
and physical well-being of sexual assault survivors (Rosellini et al., 2017). In light of evidentiary
support, the U.S. Department of Defense (2021b) formulated a structured plan centered on
health, education, and training. However, similar to the prolonged gap in military law in terms of
sexual assault, its intent and impact are unclear (Carson & Carson, 2018), and subsequent data
imbalance leads to ill-constructed programs that call for updated prevention measures (McCabe
et al., 2020).
Current SHARP Program
Since 2004, with the implementation of the SHARP program, the military has enacted a
program to curb the uptick of sexual assaults; instead, its leaden reform procedures have resulted
in a sizable gap in judicial actions (Carson & Carson, 2018). The U.S. Department of Defense
(2021b) annually mandates SHARP training for all its personnel, where objectives focus on
increasing awareness and unit climate. However, as Acosta et al. (2021) stated, the current
SHARP program is riddled with disparities that fail to solidify measures for a lasting impact
when decades of research have shown military climate and culture as the foremost menace (U.S.
Department of Defense, 2021a).
In 2005, the Sexual Assault Prevention Office was created with a central goal of
prevention, surveillance, and reporting; however, there is a lack of evidence on how centralized
supervision supports sexual assault survivors’ needs (Orchowski et al., 2018). Equally important

10
is the historical lack of authentication and corroborating systems that addressed the consistently
inaccurate number of suspected military sexual crimes compared to the figure reported
(Congressional Research Service, 2021). Although substantial strides have been made to combat
this issue, in 2018, McCabe et al. (2020) reported that 6.2 % of females and .7% of males
experienced sexual assault, highlighting this continued concern. In addition, a 2016 survey
conducted by the U.S. Department of Defense (2017) yielded that roughly 14, 900 active-duty
members experienced a sexual assault; however, over 60% remained undocumented, which
attests to the previous effectiveness of the SHARP program (Skopp et al., 2020). As Bennett
(2018) argued, current military culture is entrenched with sexual violence and, as such, largely
contributes to the problem of reporting, which ultimately influence the tenets of SHARP (Skopp
et al., 2020).
Army Culture
Sexual assault in the Army is a complex problem sustained by a lack of military
oversight and neglect over the past 20 years, with culture playing a significant role in
diminishing reporting efforts (Carson & Carson, 2018). Army culture has a robust correlation
with the frequency of sexual assault, specifically when leaders shape the Army’s narrative,
which has a trickle-down effect (Sadler et al., 2018). In particular, accountability measures and
associated behaviors focus on eradicating problematic displays and tolerated dispositions (Acosta
et al., 2021). Several facts contribute to the problem of sexual assault and underreporting in
Army units, most notably, are military masculinity or hyper-masculinity (Wood & Toppelberg,
2017) and command climate or workplace climate (Congressional Research Service, 2021).
Hyper-Masculinity. With its male-centric hierarchical system, the Army’s structure
plays a salient role in sexual assault (Congressional Research Service, 2021). Evidence suggests

11
that hyper-masculine men feel entitled and threatened by women’s success and what they
consider weak men and, as a result, use extreme sexual behaviors to affirm their masculinity
(Castro et al., 2015). These behaviors present one of the greatest threats to policymakers, as such
an idea is rooted in ego and often deeply inculcated (Bennett, 2018). Further, Skopp et al. (2020)
attested that the hindrance of males reporting a sexual assault is likely due to military cultural
norms, such as job roles and unit culture (Bennett, 2018). In contrast, research shows the focus is
on females in the Army; conversely, males are virtually ignored despite being reported as 50% of
sexual assault survivors (O’Brien et al., 2015). To enumerate, during Gulf War I, it was
suggested that the number of reports was five times higher than for previous wartime veterans
(Murdoch et al., 2014). Nevertheless, some men enter the Army with an unknown history of
sexual violence and embrace the traditionalist thinking that it is their right to take (Bennett,
2018), which sustains an atmosphere that fosters sexual violence (Barth et al., 2016).
Command Climate. The climate of a unit is driven by its leadership and the uniqueness
of each situation (Congressional Research Service, 2021), and, as Sadler et al. (2018) reported,
workplace policies that lack enforcement and leader engagement and tolerate quid pro quo and
sexually compliant behaviors are six times more likely to lead to sexual assault. Further, Elliman
et al. (2018) explained that risky behaviors indicate a need for intervention; however, many
leaders hesitate to enforce regulatory systems built on Army values centered on dignity and
respect (Skopp et al., 2020). Such oversight impacts data collection, resulting in a failure to
accurately portray the magnitude of the problem (Carson & Carson, 2018) and pinpoint the
friction areas that require leadership oversight (Buchanan et al., 2014).

12
Leadership
Leadership is a complex concept not limited to finite principles. Rather, leadership is
gained through road-mapping leader competencies that support developmental growth (Dai et al.,
2011). Thus, when leaders model harassing sexual behaviors or disregard the enforcement of
policies designed to protect against retaliation, such trends can be adopted (Buchanan et al.,
2014). Leadership is viewed as a multi-complex and dynamic matrix executed through the core
and organizational principles and common goals (Northouse, 2019). However, when alignment
stems from sexual misconduct, the odds of sexual assault increase (Kimerling, 2017); hence,
leadership is not a singular function nor a one-size-fits-all application. Comparatively, it entails a
range of skills crafted and exhibited over time. Effective leadership is required to support the
reduction of sexual assault (Buchanan et al., 2014), particularly when desirable behaviors in
terms of leadership are layered and drawn from theoretical approaches to create a holistic
mechanism for practicing leadership (Northouse, 2019). Essentially, Army leaders’ dismissive
attitudes when addressing sexual assault can be infectious (Buchanan et al., 2014). For this
reason, organizational programs designed to counteract sexual crimes (Elliman et al., 2018),
fostered through chains of commands, contribute to building an effective response to
underreporting (Congressional Research Service, 2021).
Underreporting
“Let her burn” because “she ruins careers” (Wood & Toppelberg, 2017, p. 627) and “men
don’t get raped” or at least “real men/strong men don’t get raped” (O’Brien et al., 2015, p. 359)
are assumptions that have plagued the Army and significantly amplify the rate of unreported
sexual assault in its units (O’Brien et al., 2015). Further, illustrated by corresponding estimates
of underreporting in Fiscal Year 2015, when of 20,300 suspected assaults, only 4,736 were

13
reported (n = 15,564), and in Fiscal Year 2019, when of the approximately 20,500 cases, 6,236
(n = 12,264) were documented (U.S. Department of Defense, 2021b).
Rosellini et al. (2017) argued that changing institutional culture requires a comprehensive
approach, especially when linked to gender (Turchik & Wilson, 2010). Numerous studies have
sole methods focused on examining female victims, often trivializing male victims (Turchik &
Wilson, 2010), which leads to inaccurate estimations. For example, a study conducted in 2002
and 2003 reported that 99% of military sexual assault victims were female, and 91% of the
perpetrators were male (Turchik & Wilson, 2010). Low reporting is not centered on gender;
rather, it is nested in two main categories, a breach in confidentiality and retaliation (Holland et
al., 2014), especially when secondary victimization poses the greatest threat in reporting
(Kimerling, 2017).
Sexual Assault Reporting
There are over 20,000 estimated occurrences of military sexual each year, demonstrating
its prevalence (U.S. Department of Defense, 2021b); however, there is a lack of concrete
research in identifying patterns or blockades in reporting (Holland et al., 2014). In 2020, the U.S.
Department of Defense (2021a) reported that out of 1,000 soldiers sexually assaulted, only 5.5
cases were reported, with corresponding data for fiscal years 2018 and 2019. Furthermore,
Kimerling (2017) highlighted that the most influential aspect of reporting a sexual crime is
proximity to the perpetrator and environmental factors that promote zero tolerance. Yet, the
contrast was identified when, in Fiscal Year 2020, there were 6,290 suspected sexual assaults in
the Army (U.S. Department of Defense, 2021b). However, only 3,250 formal reports were
recorded (U.S. Department of Defense, 2021a), demonstrating a 51% rate of underreporting and
the current gap in the method of reports (Congressional Research Service, 2021).

14
Restricted Reporting

Restricted reporting refers to the confidential option where victims of a sexual assault
forgo an official investigation (Holland et al., 2014) yet receive mental and medical care through
the Army (U.S. Department of the Army, 2020). Fiscal Year 2020 yielded 700 restricted cases,
32 more than Fiscal Year 2019 (n = 668; U.S. Department of Defense, 2021a). As Bennett
(2018) argued, changing the pattern of thought and conduct debunks myths associated with
sexual assault (O’Brien et al., 2015) and increases the potential for holistic reporting (Rosellini et
al., 2017).
Unrestricted Reporting
Unrestricted reporting maintains a victim's medical and mental needs; however, this
report triggers a formal investigation (U.S. Department of the Army, 2020). The U.S.
Department of Defense (2021a) reported that the number of unrestricted cases in the Army
changed significantly from Fiscal Year 2008 (n = 1,476) to Fiscal Year 2020 (n = 2,550). This
change was mainly due to increased accountability, incentivizing legal actions against the
perpetrator, and formal support resources (medical and mental; U.S. Department of the Defense,
2021a). However, it is important to note that victims of sexual assaults can convert their
previously restricted reports to unrestricted reports (Congressional Research Service, 2021).
Holland and Cipriano (2019) said sexual assault victims placed in units that remove acceptability
barriers, such as retaliation and victim blaming, are more willing to use unrestricted reporting, so
the larger medical and psychological impacts can be safely addressed.
Health Implications
Sexual assault carries health concerns, as indicated by military health providers who, on
average, provide care for over 20% of females and 0.8% of males who experience sexual assault

15
(Barth et al., 2016). Consequently, Newins et al. (2021) found that in the military, 15.9% of
females and over 31% of males struggle with suicidal ideation when seeking treatment for sexual
assault. Further, in addition to the findings, roughly 49% of females and 5% of males in the
military report sexual crimes to their medical providers. Further, Zinzow et al. (2015) argued that
despite numerous available medical resources, on average, 38% to 39% seek treatment to combat
the psychological effects of a sexual assault. Additionally, sexual assault is auxiliary to increased
medical and mental health services (Kintzle et al., 2015), and estimates place a significant
percentage of suicide and suicide attempts among females (Kimerling, 2017). In their survey of
over 975,000 active-duty members in the Army, Rosellini et al. (2017) found that of the 153,250
females surveyed, over 4,200 have a recorded sexual assault, where 4.2% (n = 4,238) attempted
suicide. Nonetheless, the gender of the victim and offender, along with the setting of the
incident, largely determine the psychological outcomes and entitled care (Newins et al., 2021).
Medical Entitlements
Sexual assault is not limited to the physical act; instead, it circumscribes physical and
psychological symptoms (Kintzle et al., 2015). Army sexual assault victims are entitled to
physical and behavioral medical support (Holland & Cipriano, 2019); however, previous
treatment lacked an integrated and systematic plan supporting all aspects of victims’ and
offenders’ needs (Rosellini et al., 2017). Newins et al. (2021) contended that sexual violence is
generally the result of underlining problems, and as such, offenders require extensive support to
reform their violent behaviors. Consequently, the Army’s lack of adequate health care programs
for both perpetrators and victims sustains the continuum of sexual assault (Rosellini et al., 2017)
and contributes to its prevalence and underreporting (O’Brien et al., 2015). Sexual trauma
symptoms closely mirror those with mental health concerns, such as suicidal ideation, distress,

16
and behavior changes (O’Brien et al., 2015). Hence the need for updated response and
prevention techniques through aggressive leader engagement.
Conceptual Framework
The theoretical framework that guided this study was Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological
systems theory, which largely centers on evolving interactions that interconnect to decisively
sway a person’s development, especially when linked to leaders’ actions in terms of support for
victims of sexual assault (Sadler et al., 2018). Bronfenbrenner accredited this phenomenon to
influences beyond the immediate and dependent on each system’s variables’ effective
coexistence for a successful ecological transition (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2005). Hence, the
construction of systems is such that the closest ring represents the most influential
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Equally important is collaboration, when viewed as a component that
engages senior leaders and victims of sexual assault, ensuring accurate oversight centered on
dignity and respect (Sadler et al., 2018). Bronfenbrenner named these nested arrangements the
microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem; each is uniquely realized and
incorporates indirect and direct factors that shape the ecological environment (Gardiner &
Kosmitzki, 2005).
Through the outlined frame, clear interconnecting relationships and factors shape the
larger impact on resistance to reporting while highlighting the need for senior leaders’
commitment to reducing barriers to reporting (Kimerling, 2017). Bronfenbrenner (1979)
propounded the microsystem as the axis that molds foundational behaviors (e.g., reporting of
sexual assault), social position (e.g., stigma; self-perceived and perceived by others), and
subsequent long-lasting development (e.g., impacts on health and well-being), which represents
the core of this study’s conceptual framework. However, salient relationships within the

17
microsystem can create an infrastructure that fosters developmental growth that leads to multiple
channels for reporting instances of sexual assault (Buchanan et al., 2014).
Microsystem
The immediate environment serves as the nucleus for critical interaction that often
defines the developmental pathway of an individual (Bronfenbrenner, 1979); hence, the
importance of sustained leader engagement. Emphasized, in this realm, is the larger impact of bi-
directional engagements through people, groups, and institutions (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2005).
The design for this conceptual framework poses underreporting in the middle and engages
important influencers that challenge or refine the individual’s perceptions (Bronfenbrenner,
1979). With this intention, this conceptual frame probes the fundamental experiences (work and
peer interactions) and leadership support that sexual assault survivors experience and their
significance in long-term development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Notable are the ubiquitous social
stigma (Kimerling, 2017) and military cultural norms, which often manifest in severe physical
and mental health perturbation (Skopp et al., 2020). However, as Bronfenbrenner (1979)
belabored, the microsystem is not isolated, and each layer intertwines singularly through
correlating structures to configure an individual’s social mechanisms.
Mesosystem
Primarily, the mesosystem is influenced by the various parts of a person’s microsystem
yet lacks independence and, as such, does not directly influence the individual (Bronfenbrenner,
1979). However, for leaders, this layer presents the aperture for the range of sexual assault, from
unwanted contact to rape (Castro et al., 2015). In this layer, an individual who is victimized can
have conflicts with interconnecting relationships that influence decision-making and rationale

18
(Turchik & Wilson, 2010), such as family and work, and can require active leader intervention
(Sadler et al., 2018).
Ecosystem
The exosystem layer contains factors that expand the scope of interactions with the
individual yet are limited in their influence; more importantly, these are beyond the individual’s
control (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2005). Essentially, for a sexually assaulted individual, the
atmosphere or location of the workplace and those assigned to it (Kimerling, 2017) go beyond
their control (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2005). Yet, these can be balanced through senior leaders
determining risk while influencing the organization's climate with periodic evaluations to reduce
reprisal and other undesirable behaviors (Sadler et al., 2018). As Bronfenbrenner (1979)
highlighted, individuals can adapt to constraint objectives; however, what and how leaders
introduce training, accountability, and survivor support are key to an individual’s development
trajectory.
Macrosystem
Centered on culture but specifically focusing on social and variants of cultural
interactions, the macrosystem can equate to the microsystem (Vélez-Agosto et al., 2017). Sadler
et al. (2018) argued that military culture has a pressing influence and impacts the sphere of
sexual assault reporting (Wood & Toppelberg, 2017). As Holland et al. (2014) demonstrated, the
rate of underreporting holds elements of fear and reprisals, both of which arguably stem from
Army culture and require extensive leader oversight.
This conceptual framework provides clarity in contractual relationships that influence
policies and attitudes in the environment, especially when linked to social factors that guide
ways of thinking and emotions (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Subsequently, this framework explores

19
the gaps in the microsystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) to discern elements that inadvertently hinder
reporting and the role of senior leaders. Further, this framework explores how active leader
engagement inspires others to adopt similar behaviors regardless of their desired or undesired
state (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), especially with accountability concerns and how tiered
accountability, or lack thereof, supports instances of sexual assaults (Acosta et al., 2021).
Decades of research have shown that the prevalence of Army sexual assault has escalated
(Orchowski et al., 2018), hence the qualitative and refined approach that focuses on
underreporting through the lens of senior leaders to increase understanding.
The Army is a finite system governed by rules and regulations and, as such, promotes an
environment for repeated behaviors (Carson & Carson, 2018). Salient considerations, such as the
role of relationships and how expected behaviors for particular positions influence an
individual’s decision making (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), support the requirement to collect data
that goes beyond numerical (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) to understand the underlying reasons for
reporting and underreporting of sexual assault. Figure 1 demonstrates the two-directional
platform, individual and environment, by emphasizing the numerous environmental features that
create conclusive and inconclusive behavioral traits (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2005).

20
Figure 1
Microsystem Analysis Based on Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory

Note. Adapted from The Ecology of Human Development: Experiments by Nature and Design by
U. Bronfenbrenner, 1979, Harvard University Press. Copyright 1979 by Harvard University
Press.
Summary
Sexual assault and underreporting in Army units, as demonstrated by the literature
review, continue to be a pervasive crime (Congressional Research Service, 2021) that largely
impairs development in the microsystem fracturing ecology transition (Gardiner & Kosmitzki,

21
2005). Sexual assault and underreporting in Army units are not easy fixes (Skopp et al., 2020).
As research has found, the prevalence of military sexual assault has escalated; however, it is
unclear whether this increase is due to more reporting or more sexual assault (Congressional
Research Service, 2021). Gains have been made over the past 20 years to address the frequency
of sexual assault in the military through program development and implementation (McCabe et
al., 2020). However, the continuum of fear and reprisal remains prevalent (Gidycz et al., 2018).
To date, the military has yet to perfect health care programs that combat the psychological
symptoms that manifest in sexual assault victims (Rosellini et al., 2017), instead focusing on the
physical attributes and other smaller components (Newins et al., 2021) and, at times, overlooking
salient impacts within the microsystem. Periods of development drive developmental phases and
transitions (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), which is key in understanding Army sexual assault and
underreporting and how best to counteract gaps in the in-place program.
Methodology
This study used semi-structured interviews to explore the factors that influence sexual
assault reporting from the perspectives of retired senior leaders and understand how the Army’s
current sexual assault program impacts underreporting of sexual assault. This study’s findings
advance foundational knowledge and promote increased awareness of reporting gaps that can be
used throughout Army units to create strategic messaging, policies, and programs, to address
underreporting. This section includes the study’s purpose and corresponding research question,
provides an overview of the methods used in the data collection and analysis, and closes with
ethical considerations for the study and a discussion of its limitations and delimitations.

22
Research Question
The purpose of this study was to understand the role of the current sexual assault program
in addressing underreporting of sexual assault in U.S. Army units. Specifically, this study
explored the perspectives of retired senior leaders on various influences on sexual assault
reporting while generating recommendations for Army policy and practice. The following
research question guided the study: What are the perspectives of retired senior leaders as to
factors influencing, and senior leaders’ role in (supporting or hindering), sexual assault reporting
in U.S. Army units?
Overview of Design
This study employed a qualitative semi-structured interview design to draw a deep
understanding of experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This phenomenological study sought to
understand the underlying complexes of a phenomenon (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Through this
approach, theoretical and conceptual practices can be applied to delve into the experiences to
examine the root causes of underreporting in terms of sexual assault. (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Centric to the qualitative paradigm is a narrative approach, which delves into understanding
perspectives and how others make sense of their experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Further,
this approach is interpretive (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) on the grounds that experiences are
viewed as non-singular with numerous realities and interpretations (Skopp et al., 2020). The first
phase consisted of purposefully recruiting 10 retired senior leaders through personal
engagements and email correspondence, thereby addressing diversity and inclusion and
maintaining the integrity of the epistemological view of understanding and interpreting (Merriam
& Tisdell, 2016). Once a sample population was selected, 15-question semi-structured interviews
took place via Zoom and phone.

23
Research Setting
There was no formal recruitment site for this research. Retirees often return to their
original enlistment location throughout the United States, which supports the purposeful criteria
for this study. This process started with convenience sampling by identifying prospective
participants through non-probability means. The participants received an information sheet
explaining the research, purpose, research question, the dissertation committee chair, and other
pertinent information. The participants are retired Army senior leaders from various locations,
which aided in capturing, analyzing, and formulating themes across the previous formations.
Senior leaders play a central role in the Army’s SHARP program and function as an additional
source that coordinates care for a victim of sexual assault, which also includes sexual assault
reporting (McCabe et al., 2020).
Furthermore, senior leaders provide defining guidance on the tenets of the SHARP
program, including resources, the appointment of SARCs, and maintaining leader engagement
(McCabe et al., 2020). However, such care and guidance are not limited to the onset; rather, they
are enduring and, at times, shape the wiliness of a victim (McCabe et al., 2020). Salient concepts
are nested with the function of senior leaders and address key areas within this study, such as
addressing the safety needs and comfortability of sexually assaulted victims, if requested, to
empower victims of a sexual assault (McCabe et al., 2020). This stakeholder advocates for and
creates an environment that reduces sexual assault in Army formations while promoting
adherence to the SHARP program and reviewing subordinate units’ processes (McCabe et al.,
2020).

24
The Researcher
The Army is a male-centric system; however, I am a woman, specifically an African
American woman, who holds a senior-level leadership position in my Army organization. Two
decades ago, it was rare for a woman to be considered and approved for such a role (Trobaugh,
2018), which may contribute to the problem of practice. I am in a unique position where I
understand the challenges women encounter and how, without the proper support, these can
result in irreparable damage. Nonetheless, I still carry an innate vulnerability because I am a
woman (Kolata, 2020). As a senior leader, I am a mandated reporter, which allows me to
advocate and promote awareness of this systemic issue for those who fear coming forward,
which is critical for self-awareness and monitoring behaviors to not intimidate the participants
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
I concede to a degree of bias, primarily because women remain the most at risk (Castro et
al., 2015), and I am a woman in a senior-level position. Additionally, interviewees might not
have been eager to converse based on my rank and current role and their previous ranks and
roles, which may ultimately have affected the study’s results. To combat such bias and faulty
assumptions, modeling the qualities of transparency and honesty aided in mitigating
communication barriers (Fletcher & Marchildon, 2014), creating an environment of emergent
trust and removing dominant norms for the pathway of a reflexive mentality (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Power differentials can be reduced by reinforcing collaborative change-oriented research
(Fletcher & Marchildon, 2014). Hence the sample population consisted of retired Army
servicemembers far removed from a military setting and not in my organic chain of command. In
other words, participants are not my superiors or subordinates. Such a population allowed for

25
off-site interviews, where the primary investigator conducted interviews in civilian clothing
which helped remove the visual reminder of my rank.
Data Sources
The data sources in this study were semi-structured interviews, which provide flexibility
in questioning and probes but center on specific data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The process
began with selecting and validating 10 participants through purposeful sampling with elements
of convenience sampling (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Once participants were selected, a semi-
structured interview took place via Zoom and phone. Through interviews, the participants’
perspectives (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) shed light on the research question. Such data, whether
through personal narrative or shared experiences, draw on emergent themes (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016) to address the microsystem’s complexities in addressing sexual assault in Army units.
Individual Interviews
Interview responses provided unique perspectives (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) on
mechanisms that capture discrepancies and accountability associated with Army sexual crimes
highlighted through meaning and significance. Further, interview questions pertained to in-place
programs’ salient aspects to identify or narrow down the gaps that sustain underreporting,
subsequently providing interruptive data for value-laden responses (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Salient to this is the qualitative component that drives data collection that extends interpretation
through the perspectives of others (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), thus maintaining the quality of the
observer-researcher role (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The interview protocol contained 15 open-
ended questions aligned with the conceptual framework and research question. The following
section will discuss participant selection criteria, instrumentation, data collection and analysis
protocols for this method.

26
Participants
The target population for this study was retired Army senior leaders, who represent one
of the most influential groups who oversaw the SHARP Program and ensured that soldiers were
treated with dignity and respect (U.S. Department of the Army, 2021a). This study’s sampling
and recruitment approaches pivoted on purposeful sampling, which targets a specific subset to
yield the most data or knowledge based on experience and competence (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016), and convenience sampling methods to recruit participants through personal/known
relationships. Based on the characteristics and aim of the research, the criteria for participants’
selection centered on racial and ethnic backgrounds, variation in age, levels of leadership
experience, placement in senior leadership positions, length of time retired, variation in gender,
and exposure to sexual assault reporting data. Key in the selected participant pool is the
transparency and forthright in answers that differs from active duty members as retired members
are not bounded to defense department policies.
I recruited 10 participants out of a population of roughly 30 retired Army senior leaders
by using the stated criteria to ensure equity of perspectives and adequate gender representation in
the interviews. Using a purposeful sample, nine participants were males, and one was female.
Nine were non-commissioned officers, and one were officers. Eight were African American, and
two were White. Additionally, seven were first sergeants, two were Sergeants major, and one
was a lieutenant colonel. Further, the stated criteria allow for the initial delimitation process to
ensure that participants possess the necessary knowledge to support the collection process
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).

27
Data Collection Procedures
Data collection began by contacting the participants via email or phone to schedule
individual interviews in person, via Zoom, or by phone. Critical in this process was ensuring
selected times worked best with the participants, which was mitigated by presenting various
timeframes. Doing so built emergent trust and rapport by acknowledging respondents’ routine
activities and schedules (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The interviews lasted between 45 and 60
minutes. The aim was to evoke genuine responses through clear intent, an understanding of the
rationale for the interview, and the clearest analyses (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Additionally,
the prescribed time was set with awareness of interview fatigue, which can degrade responses
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Participants had the option of conducting interviews in person, via Zoom, or by phone.
The preferred format was in-person interviews; however, participants’ safety and requests played
a role in interview location and recording means (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Interviews were
scheduled toward the end of the participants’ workdays, which aided in reducing external
interruptions, allowing the interviewee to communicate meaningfully (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Interviews were conducted away from the participant’s workplace, which provided an additional
measure of confidentiality and limited any alterations that can arise when conducted in a natural
setting (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Data were collected through recorded interviews, with video
and audio and notes, which required explicit consent. Phone interviews were recorded via a
phone-recording app, and notes were captured via notebook. Additionally, online interviews
were recorded using the Zoom recording function, and notes were captured via notebook. To
protect participants and ensure anonymity, I used pseudonyms, such as “R-1” or “R-2”, which I
also used when transcribing the interviews in Microsoft word.

28
Instrumentation
The semi-structured interviews consisted of 15 open-ended questions (Appendix C). The
semi-structured format was used because of its open-ended template and ability to delve deeper
into participants’ thoughts and feelings for exploration of the topic through more direct
questioning (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), which was preferred over the stricter guidelines of a
structured format. A list of questions arranged in a predetermined order guided the interview but
allowed for exploratory dialogue (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), which sustained an organized
natural flow of information. Salient probes were integrated into the protocol to address
stagnation or misunderstandings to ensure a holistic understanding of the questions and address
antecedent inductive analysis (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Alignment to the research question is noted in Appendix C, which strengthens the
reliability of the interview protocol and a thorough assessment of the data focused on the broader
experience. Based on the conceptual framework, I developed questions to investigate the root
cause of underreporting and how this phenomenon impacts the relationships in the microsystem
and the interconnecting links that influence individual development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979).
Salient within this process is adherence to the institutional review board (IRB). Thus, the
information sheet presented the IRB approval number, the study’s focus, the research question,
the researcher’s contact information, the dissertation chair’s contact information, and a narrative
on confidentiality, anonymity, and voluntary participation. Each question was designed to
support the research question by investigating the phenomenon of sexual assault in Army units
and as it pertains to concepts in the conceptual frame (i.e., fear, reprisal, climate) linked to
underreporting.

29
Data Analysis
Qualitative data are non-numerical; hence, they require the proper data analysis tool to
generate emergent themes to extract insights (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I used Microsoft
Word’s transcription feature to convert audio files to written content. Through the transcription
feature, I converted 10 interviews to plain text, which enabled content standardization and a
written review of the interview. I entered all interview responses into MAXQDA and coded and
analyzed as is, without the need for transcribing, which acted as a cautionary measure to protect
the integrity of the data. MAXQDA allowed for paraphrasing and quickly connected like
responses in a summary format that structured directed coding of salient content and mapped
patterns within the microsystem. I analyzed the interviews through MAXQDA, which derived
five emergent themes and aided the creation of the codebook (Appendix E).
Additionally, I coded data per participant using the first letter of the word “retiree” and a
number based on their placement in the interview list. A-priori and a posteriori coding acted as
an extension of the narrative analysis to ensure easier and proper interpretation of participants’
responses (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Further, a priori and a posteriori coding established a
foundational focus based on the research question and conceptual framework, while priori
coding provided flexibility throughout the interviews and when seeing emergent themes develop.
Such a process replicates the organization of content and is better suited to validate the
theoretical frame and associated responses (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Essentially, assigning
code descriptions before and during the interviews enabled exploration of underreporting of
sexual assault as key to investigating the matter in an aligned manner to maximize the data
method and analysis.

30
Validity and Reliability
I used three specific strategies to assess and ensure credibility and trustworthiness
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). First was member checking or respondent validation, which solicits
feedback from the interviewee (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) about the topic to assess the
researcher’s degree of understanding. Member checking is an important strategy due to its
effectiveness in gauging and ruling out misinterpretations and researcher bias (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Essentially, it entails drafting a preliminary analysis of the interviewee’s
responses and presenting in a brief-back format to assess if the researcher interpreted the data
correctly (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Verbatim and mechanically recorded data were the second
and third strategies to ensure this study’s validity. Verbatim data utilize the participants’ exact
wording and phrases to build the descriptive narrative (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Verbatim data
responses were transcribed and analyzed, improving credibility and validity while limiting
assumptions that can infringe on the integrity of the research (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Mechanically recorded data captured the entirety of the interview to ensure accurate retelling and
reviewable content for areas that lack clarity, assessing emotional tone and drawing direct
phasing (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Findings
The purpose of this study was to understand the role of the current sexual assault program
in addressing underreporting of sexual assault in U.S. Army units. Specifically, this study
explored the perspectives of retired senior leaders on various influences on sexual assault
reporting while generating recommendations for Army policy and practice. Included in this
section the purpose of the study, an overview of the framework, participants, and findings and
concludes with a summary. This research framework was crafted using Bronfenbrenner’s

31
ecological systems model through the lens of proximal relationships and how such relationships
influenced by environment or processes shape developmental transitions (Rosa & Tudge, 2013).
In addition to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems, this section emphasizes the impact of bi-
directional engagement and the criticality of interrelated mechanisms (Bronfenbrenner, 1979)
that validates the gap in sexual assault reporting in Army units. Through the current findings the
saliency of leader engagement and key roles were identified. Retired senior leaders acknowledge
the complicit role leaders played the reporting sexual assault as well as the narrative that detract
from reporting measures. The current findings conveyed that leaders do have an important role in
sexual assault reporting, especially when linked to setting the tone and the culture to follow
protocols. Relationships matter (trust, culture, communication); however, problems with peers
and senior leadership – whether or not I can trust the leader, engaging where need to, not
engaging where not supposed to be engaging create complex challenges that hinder reporting
measures. Finally, the current findings highlights the diverse challenges junior and senior leaders
face in terms of sexual assault and the immature range of problem-solving.
The findings are presented through major themes. Table 1 illustrates six major themes as
a result from over 95% of the participants’ responses. Themes 1 and 2 addresses the research
question, the environmental factors of trust and confidence, and their linkage to culture in
creating an environment that promotes safety and enhances reporting. The research identifies the
prudence of senior leader oversight in creating such a climate. Themes 3 and 4 centers on the
research question, contractual factors as told through the lens of personal observations, and how
easily exclusive narrative can harm perception, action, and relationships. Themes 5 and 6 delves
into the research question and the cultural factors surrounding leader examples and education

32
nested in the criticality of the messaging. Table 1 links the conceptual framework and research
question to the corresponding theme.
The research question for this study asked, “What are the perspectives of retired senior
leaders as to factors influencing, and senior leaders’ role in (supporting or hindering), sexual
assault reporting in U.S Army units?”

Table 1
Themes and Research Question
Title Theme Research question Conceptual
framework
Theme 1 Lack of confidence
and trust in senior
leaders

RQ1 Environmental
Theme 2 Culture of support
at the unit level

RQ1 Environmental
Theme 3 Tangible action in
handling sexual
assault
RQ1 Contractual
Theme 4 Relationships at the
unit level
RQ1 Contractual
Theme 5 Senior leader
examples at the
unit level

RQ1 Cultural
Theme 6 Education and
training at the unit
level

RQ1 Cultural

33

Theme 1: Lack of Confidence and Trust in Senior Leaders
When addressing trust and confidence, over 80% of participants stated that there is a lack
of confidence and trust in senior leaders. This sentiment was evidenced when R-7 shared, “If a
soldier does not have faith in their [individual] leader, then they will suffer alone.” The findings
indicate that this statement garnered multiple points of view regarding the friction areas that limit
confidence in Army leaders. Additionally, confidence in senior leaders is directly tied to
answering underreporting of sexual assault, with data suggesting that confidence is linked to a
victim’s willingness to report as well as baseline knowledge of the leader. While not a holistic
list, the interviewees noted these elements broadly. The findings were that leader interaction
drives the development of confidence or, in this case, lack of confidence and trust. R-3 said,
“Leaders must know how to communicate openly and fairly while upholding a set standard,” yet
current data show this is not standard practice and often formulate perspectives that prove
detrimental with linked to reporting sexual assault at the unit level. Immediate leaders, as
mentioned previously, are often the first and most meaningful interactions a sexual assault victim
experiences, and as such, these interactions must be handled with care. In turn, this shapes how
senior leaders engage with sexual assault victims and the confidence they display.
Leader knowledge is a progressive process that, in turn, develops confident leaders
through mentorship and experiences. The Army does provide a concrete training regimen in
terms of SHARP training. However, R-2 noted, “I think a lot of it [sexual assaults] goes
unreported because of the level of confidence and trust in a leader.” Leadership competencies are
learned skills that require time and sustainable programs to foster and thrive. Young leaders
(SGT-SSG) require senior leader oversight to ensure adherence to Army policies and procedures,
which enhances trust. Nevertheless, R-4 said, “Senior leaders are not as fully engaged and often
34

are the ones that are not upholding the standard,” which can transition into a lack of support.
Trust, as R-8 conveyed, “provides the cornerstone for approachability yet is so fragile and
difficult to repair once broken.” Per R-3, reporting requires the “perception of trust and
confidence, specifically previous actions displayed by leaders.” A leader’s role is clearly defined,
with nested principles geared to developing a positive environment for those they lead. However,
R-6 stated that while there are Army leaders who create a climate (environment) “that promotes
togetherness and protection of those to the left and right,” there remain tangible actions that
contradict the latter. The findings revealed a lack of trust and confidence in leaders, especially
when linked to sexual assault victims.
Theme 2: Culture of Support in at the Unit Level
Sexual assault victims have to not only be heard but also evoke leadership actions.
Leader actions provide the foundation of unit climate and solidify commonplace responses in
answering underreporting of sexual assault in Army units. The interviewees acknowledged that
unit climate could mask severe problems, if any are present, and can hinder reporting and
accurate response measures. Over 90% of participants stressed that a culture of support is
essential. This need was evident when R-3 shared, “The temperature of the organization by
default is guided by senior leaders and their efforts in instilling zero tolerance and acting
accordingly.” Further, throughout the current data, failure to act comes in many forms; however,
seven interviewees conveyed that the two most important are a lack of a culture of support and
failure to intervene. Support is a relatively simple concept for implementation yet proves
challenging when viewed through the lens of a sexual assault victim.
Interestingly, R-9 stated, “We would conduct training on SHARP, and you would assume
that it is being disseminated to the lowest level.” However, the current findings show that a
35

culture of support is unit- and leader-dependent, where actions, regardless of training, counter
victim reporting. Similarly, bystander intervention and the moral conflict to intervene are nested
with support. R-7 stated, “In my unit, we had leaders who tried to establish a climate of support,
yet many continued to convey sexual innuendos and inappropriate jokes.” A large majority of the
participants voiced that their previous Army units enforced zero tolerance and were exceptional
in handling instances of sexual assault through actionable measures. However, as over 90%
detailed throughout their tenure in the Army, they had heard about leaders who failed to report a
sexual assault or other violations associated with sexual assault, as R-2 stated, “whether through
failure to utilize prescribed resources or providing a safe space which proved detrimental,”
especially when coupled with increased scrutiny. A keen understanding of internal and external
influences that shape the environment is vital to development. Salient within this construct are
pillars of trust but, more importantly, a climate of support. When asked, a climate of support
were echoed throughout all participants’ responses and often crafted the narrative for handling
sexual assault, which directly addressed tangible actions that support or hinder reporting.
Theme 3: Tangible Action in Handling Sexual Assault
Decisions drive actions through contextual bias or personal-contextual dialectic. Data
aids in answering underreporting of sexual assault in Army units that action-based decisions,
especially when “most senior leaders are not being effectively counseled when discrepancies
arise in processing sexual assault,” according to R-3, can provide visible evidence that actions
are selective when applied. Accountability, for the most part, provides current tangible action yet
remains nebulous when addressing senior leaders. In contrast, a salient discovery with all
participants was the role of fear and victim blaming in hindering sexual assault reporting and
leader action. R-8 said, “I have seen, as soon as there is a perception that things [sexual assault]
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get swept under the rug, people close off because they think nothing will get done.” Such is
endemic to both male and female victims, based on military cultural norms that streamline
interaction dictated by unit climate.
It can be difficult to address unit climate that counteracts disciplined initiative in
displaying tangible acts when “many senior leaders fail to believe a victim has been sexually
assaulted,” according to R-4, which curbs response actions and follow-on victim care. Courage is
needed to overcome fear, which can be crippling that warp reasoning; more accurately, the dread
of revictimization and non-belief, united with a lack of leaders’ action, can morph into
internalization and concerning behaviors. Salient to this are leaders’ assumptions that enable
biases to sway rational actions outlined by Army policies and regulations. R-6 said, “When
leaders hunt for the truth and are not qualified to do so, they can impede internal and external
efforts” while fracturing trust and relationships within their unit.
Perception is reality, a streamlined sentiment that transcended every interview. The
notion was that one’s views, combined with previous or current experiences, shape “how they
are being cared for as well as true faith and confidence in leaders,” per R-7. It is critical not only
in answering underreporting of sexual assault in Army units but in ensuring leaders safeguard
information in conjunction with understanding traditional norms that place sigma on reporting.
R-1 said, “The Army and society heavily define gender roles, and as such, they may look at a
male soldier, for example, and say there is no way you have been sexually assaulted.” Such
rhetoric can be a shared understanding, with data suggesting it evokes an emotional response
through shame, withdrawal, and suicide, all of which impacts relationships.
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Theme 4: Relationships at the Unit Level
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems center on relationships within environments and
how these influence development. The Army revolves around relationships, primarily when
related to combat, and, notably, all interviewees identified trust as a pillar of relationships and its
impact on reporting. However, data show that unit-level relationships can undermine sexual
assault reporting when tied to the age gap between junior enlisted and leaders, as well as between
professional and personal relationships. R-4 said, “Over the last 2 decades, the Army has
increased the frequency of promotion, and often junior leaders are close in age with those they
lead,” which can lead to blurred professional and personal barriers. Newly promoted non-
commissioned officers (junior leaders) generally have preexisting personal relationships with
junior soldiers” (R-4), “and as a result, such relationships can have loyalty conflicts when
inappropriate behaviors are observed” (R-3). Ultimately these relationships limit actions to report
sexual assault and adherence to in-place practices.
The data revealed that group dynamics played a salient role in solidifying placement and
interaction in a group. R-2 said, “There are times when junior enlisted soldiers and junior [non-
commissioned officers] hang out, where drinking was involved, and something happens, but the
group is conflicted on the events.” R-1 stated, “I have seen many instances that a sexual assault
occurred, and the circle of friends selected sides, painting the victim in a negative light.” Per R-4,
such occurrences disrupt good order and discipline of the Army culture while highlighting the
“necessity for senior leader intervention in dispelling hindering behaviors.” Being part of a team
is central to mission success in the Army and requires mutual trust and a cohesive mentality to
truly understand position and responsibility. R-4 added, “Units should ensure that all soldiers
understand reporting procedures, regardless of relationship, and trust that senior leaders will do
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the right thing.” Nevertheless, more and more, we hear trust is eroded based on relational and
positional power, simultaneously detracting from leaders adhering to Army policies.
Relationships are the venue to bridge gaps in terms of reporting. An individual’s proximation
shapes the influential components, such as fear and shame, to create a sphere of predetermined
concepts. However, nested within Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems, tangible actions and
relationships are often the most significant influencers that define experiences or hinder
transitional skills through salient examples.
Theme 5: Senior Leader Examples at the Unit Level
A common sentiment for 80% of the interviewees was that many leaders need help to do
what is right when facing challenges. The research highlighted reasons leaders find this difficult,
and relationships were most notable. R-8 said, “As a senior leader, we have to be vulnerable and
be open about the sensitivity of this subject and accept that the gap in reporting or lack thereof
are important issues” and, as such, focus on core values and the larger ideals. Senior leaders are
standard setters in their formations and must implement and adhere to examples. When senior
leaders veer from regulatory guidance, they establish a tone counterproductive to sexual assault
reporting. Such actions are significant when handling sexual assaults as senior leaders carry more
experience and knowledge, hence their placement in the Army’s hierarchy. In retrospect, R-8
said, “I have seen many leaders doing the wrong thing, and their actions have negatively
impacted the unit.” In hindsight, as mentioned, senior leaders drive the climate in their
organization through words and deeds. R-4 stated, “The worst is when a leader says not to do
this, and then turn around [does] the things they were just saying not to do.” Through such
models, leaders can cause prolonged complications in their formations that can take years to
repair.
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As R-4 expressed, the cornerstone of leading is setting examples that others can emulate;
however, if our actions inspire the wrong values, then we put victims of sexual assault at a
disadvantage. Senior leaders are influencers, and their communication and attitude can be
adopted. As such, R-9 mentioned, “Leaders must be cognizant of their environment, language,
and what they want others to see.” As the data suggests, education creates influential leaders who
are self-aware of the previously named areas. Each interviewee voiced the evolution of sexual
predators and the need for updated Army policies as reasons for the underreporting of sexual
assault. R-7 said, “More and more people [soldiers] are getter smarter; they are figuring out how
to victimize people still and not get caught.” Over half of the interviewees highlighted that “one
of the biggest concerns is senior leaders who are exhibiting inappropriate sexual behaviors,
which limits a critical resource for sexual assault victims.” R-2 concluded, “as predators evolve,
so must the Army, especially leaders in our formation who carry outdated rhetoric on who can
and cannot be sexually assaulted.”
Theme 6: Education and Training at the Unit Level
Sexual assault education and training have long been a point of contention, specifically,
content that is not viewed as “check the box for unit status but rather meaningful content that
reaches the audience,” according to R-8. Over 80% of the interviewees expressed that SHARP
training is effective. However, it is more beneficial to new recruits, not necessarily for leaders in
Army formations. Long-term or sustainment training does not align with challenges faced in
traditional formations. Essentially, current training is holistic, with repeated information that
becomes monotonous. Yet, as R-5 stated,
In the last 15 years, we have made strides to come up with a better program, and the
program kept evolving. So, the product that we have today, while it is not perfect, does
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address many of the issues that we face, and I know if we just continue to modify and
adjust those programs that the Army is still a great place for soldiers to serve.
The SHARP program, as previously mentioned, is not without faults, and as the Army evolves,
so must its programs. Over 50% of interviewees addressed seeing retaliation for victims of
sexual assault, with some expressing disgust at the practice and disbelief that senior leaders
continue this behavior. As R-5 stated, “[Victims] get targeted, isolated, set aside and labeled a
rat, the troublemaker, you know, the little chicken that screams the sky is falling.”
Training and education are critical in combating sexual assault, especially at the unit
level. The current research outlined a lack of leadership presence or, more importantly, leaders’
failure to comply with Army directives. Education and training, as many interviewees stressed,
are not enough. R-5 said, “We have rogue command teams that, instead of reporting the incident,
are conducting an internal investigation, even after training explicitly states they are to report and
let the appropriate agencies investigate.” Senior leaders are fully versed in their limitations to
include embedded resources that handle such limitations, such as SARCs and legal assistance.
However, education and training continue to be scrutinized when overarching guidance, leader
actions, and program oversight threaten the organization’s core cultural values.
Summary
The purpose of this research was to determine the factors that impact underreporting and
identify policies and practices that could increase the rate of reporting. This study was
approached through three salient concepts; each is designed to explore senior leaders’
perspectives on why underreporting persists through personal anecdotes and observations. The
research identified salient concerns through environmental, cultural, and contractual lenses. Each
interviewee provided differentiating views on factors that contribute to sexual assault
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underreporting, with considerable concern focused on senior leaders and their role in hindering a
climate of reporting. Major factors included trends and challenges leaders and junior soldiers
face in their formations.
The research highlighted the importance of senior leader engagement and its linkage to
curtail environmental influencers that produce counterproductive measures when handling sexual
assaults. Broadly stated, the research suggested that the Army as a whole is not solely
responsible for actions at the unit level; instead, selective leaders are rule breakers. Nested within
the research are prudent risks associated with mishandling sexual assaults and the resulting
culture of mistrust. The research considered relationships via Bronfenbrenner’s ecological
systems for developing transitional skills based on the need for contractual relationships.
Ultimately, to necessitate a climate where sexual assault victims can be heard followed by
executable Army requirements. Therefore, while this research’s sole focus was senior leaders’
application can be extended to the U.S. Department of the Army for utilization of a safe working
environment.
Discussion of Findings
The purpose of this study was to understand the role of the current sexual assault program
in addressing underreporting of sexual assault in U.S. Army units. Specifically, this study
explored the perspectives of retired senior leaders on various influences on sexual assault
reporting while generating recommendations for Army policy and practice. This section includes
an overview of the findings in relation to the literature. Also included are significant factors that
connect this study to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, which supports the
recommendations. The section concludes with a discussion of limitations and recommendations
for future research. Purpose of the following recommendations is to increase the ways in which
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victims can report a sexual crime, while minimizing the level of underreporting. Centric to this is
creating a balance of objectivity, transparency and trust to target commonplace and repeated
behaviors that impact reporting. Nested within the recommendations is a heightened focus on
external evaluation resources to create neutrality that can identify perpetuating behaviors to
increase options for those that are in units were safety and trust are questioned. Simultaneously,
such external resources can work towards cultural and climate shifts, creating more options for
reporting.
Recommendations
This section contains an in-depth discussion of recommendations and identifies future
research based on the following research question: What are the perspectives of retired senior
leaders as to factors influencing, and senior leaders’ role in (supporting or hindering), sexual
assault reporting in U.S Army units?
Findings were presented in six major themes, where each drew elements from the
conceptual framework, Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological systems theory, to answer the
research question. Each theme through thematic analysis connects to the problem of practice
while utilizing components of the conceptual framework. Theme 1 and 2 addresses the factors of
trust and confidence and their linkage to culture in creating an environment that promotes safety
and enhances reporting. Theme 1 and 2 explores the saliency of leaders modeling desired
behaviors through the alignment of core values linked to a dynamic matrix (Northouse, 2019),
which supports the growth of an organization. However, the findings highlighted numerous
discrepancies in leader development keyed to a senior leader’s role of support, enforcement of
mutual values, and debunking culturally offensive norms. Organic to rooted values are trust and
an environment that is supportive of those in need (Kimerling & Calhoun, 1994). When coupled
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with the lack of sustainable behaviors that grant equitable measures, such actions influence
transitional development in the environment (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2005). The research
identified the prudence of senior leader oversight in creating such a climate and the implication
when actions counteract the elements of a positive and inclusive environment.
Themes 3 and 4 centers on factors as told through the lens of personal observations and
how easily exclusive narrative can harm perception, action, and relationships. Salient within
Themes 3 and 4 is the dynamic complexities of tangible actions and a leader's role in hindering
its holistic impact on relationships. The findings suggest that shared understanding is a lacking
but critical component that works in tandem with workplace policies and practices to broadcast
adherence to standards. The literature highlights that the need for salient relationships aids with
transitional skills, which impacts the range and flexibility to encourage independent and
dependent variables (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Furthermore, significant actions or lack thereof
hasten the gap in reporting combined with auxiliary factors (Kintzle et al., 2015).
Themes 5 and 6 delves into factors surrounding leader examples and education. The
Army’s culture is complex as it is ingrained with norms and a climate that sways reporting of
sexual assaults (Bennett, 2018). Regulatory systems build a network of environments that hinder
reporting measures and aid the systemic imbalance in reporting (Skopp et al., 2020). The
findings identified gaps in senior leader behaviors and understanding of reporting protocols.
Acosta et al. (2021) stressed the significance of diversity in education and of arranging training
to match the audience. However, as O’Brien et al. (2015) expressed, actions are measured in
clearly identifiable outcomes and saturated in responsibility and awareness.

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Recommendations for Practice
Based on the findings, this section offers recommendations utilizing critical components
of the in-place framework, each will address issues discovered through the research.
Recommendation 1 highlights the need for increased awareness of the consequences of sexual
assault and addressing the practice of external evaluators when serious climate concerns are
identified. Recommendation 2 focuses on expanding the current SHARP program while
highlighting the Army’s ongoing efforts to combat sexual assault. Recommendation 3 supports
the development of standardized programs at the unit level to increase awareness of sexual
assault and, in tandem, develop ways to improve messaging to maximize reporting.
Recommendation 1: Streamline Awareness and Resources as the Unit Level. Lack of
trust in leaders has long plagued Army units, and the current study found morale and trust are
necessary components for building teams, and if those factors are not there, then no victim will
report an assault due to the climate (Sadler et al., 2018). Leaders are required to make a variety
of decisions both in a tactical and garrison environment, with the core function of protection for
those they lead (Sadler et al., 2018). Nested in this concept is the range of flexibility for
environmental factors that interact to hinder sexual assault reporting (Gidycz et al., 2018).
Bronfenbrenner specifically addressed the importance of interaction in development and the
sphere of influence with which that interaction correlates in the systems (Rosa & Tudge, 2013).
Arguably, the unit climate is a small portion of the more significant reporting discrepancies.
Nevertheless, alignment remains that connects leaders continued modeling of dismissive
behaviors (Buchanan et al., 2014), hence the recommendations for increased consequences
awareness of sexual assault and external resources in addressing unit climate.
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Increase Consciousness of the Consequences of Sexual Assault. Over the last 20 years,
the Army has aggressively strived for transparency in addressing sexual assault (Castro et al.,
2015), yet punishment continues to be unclear and non-systematic (Holland et al., 2014).
Through comprehensive reviews, detailed reports, and restructured medical services for
survivors of sexual assault (U.S. Department of Defense, 2021a), notable steps have been
documented. However, reporting continues to be problematic at the unit level, whether through
failure to report or, as Kimerling (2017) stated, proximation to the perpetrator combined with a
lack of trust toward tangible actions (Holland et al., 2014). Therefore, increased awareness of the
consequences of sexual assault is a necessary benchmark to return elements of trust into
formations, specifically trust in leaders. In other words, provide tangible evidence that focuses on
offender punishments by publishing court results. Consistency is the platform for such a
recommendation to enhance policies and workplace practice through accountability measures
granted under the Uniform Code of Military Justice.
Commanders retain prosecutorial decisions for sexual assault (Congressional Research
Service, 2021). Yet, previous research indicates significant concerns with applying punishment
for those proven guilty (Castro et al., 2015). Publicized court-martial results can narrow the gap
in underreporting and project transparency, which can aid in mending a culture of fear and
distrust in Army leaders. In addition, this practice can also normalize the consequences of sexual
assault perpetrators, potentially influencing the rate of underreporting. Through this approach,
leaders deliver a succinct action that, regardless of rank, appropriate actions for violators of
military policies will be taken. Streamlined practices are essential to counteract mistrust,
especially when data suggest the number of perpetrators differs from that of punishment (Carson
& Carson, 2018), which sustains toxic climates.
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Dedicated Team of External Evaluators to Assess Unit Climate. Climate is a unique and
salient aspect that hinders or supports reporting sexual assaults (Carson & Carson, 2018). When
a unit’s climate is toxic, where leaders foster elements of fear, reprisal, and shame, there is a
clear distinction of underlying reasons for the lack of reporting (Monteith et al., 2016). External
evaluators can be critical in improving climate, especially when soldiers fear their current
environment. The need for neutral examiners with no political ties to Army units can go a long
way in dispelling the mantra of leaders not caring. As reports of innate retaliation and the
increase in the mishandling of sexual assault, external evaluators can identify shortfalls within
policies to include administrative actions. Separate from the chain of command, external
evaluators examine unit-level relationships, systemic challenges and reporting discrepancies to
support climate improvement. Turchik and Wilson (2010) further supported the need for external
evaluators by questioning the confidentiality of victim reporting and subsequent actions, which
aligns with actions to protect victims (Holland et al., 2014), especially when leaders display
conflicts of interest when it comes to handling sexual assault (Greeson & Campbell, 2013).
External evaluators can be particularly important when data collection is lacking or
inconclusive. Based on generated reports, external evaluators can delve into major concerns
through anonymous feedback mechanisms (command climate surveys). Results provide the
foundational knowledge of a unit’s climate and help to identify core concerns that nest with
evidence-based collection regarding draft unit interaction. Additionally, evaluation results are
reportable to that installation’s senior mission commander and the U.S. Department of the Army,
heightening accountability. As the literature details, senior leaders are a defining resource (U.S.
Department of Defense, 2012), and as the findings highlight, leaders shape their organizations
through behaviors and communication. Whether through executable actions or verbal messaging,
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their sphere of influence traverses beyond single-unit engagement to multi-unit, depending on
the rank of the leader (Sadler et al., 2018). Rigor is essential when tackling an environment of
underreporting and dismissive norms (Buchanan et al., 2014), especially when chains of
command are a necessary component to climate creation that resonates unified messages to
encourage reporting (Congressional Research Service, 2021). Assessment through evidence-
based collaboration can create a more holistic view of core concerns (Greeson & Campbell,
2013) while inducing meaningful and long-lasting impacts toward changing negative behaviors
that influence the cultural realm.
Recommendation 2: Expansion of SHARP Training and Education. Since the
implementation of the SHARP program, the Army has sought to utilize prevention as a
steppingstone to curb the rate of sexual assault (Orchowski et al., 2018) while enlisting the aid of
bystanders and active leader engagement (Holland & Cipriano, 2019). Unique to the SHARP
program are options in reporting and a design to reform military culture (U.S. Department of
Defense, 2021b). Culture plays a significant role in development, and as Bronfenbrenner stated,
successful ecological transition depends on influences beyond the immediate environment to
linked systems (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2005). In other words, direct and indirect variables in a
victim’s environment define their actions, and if the said environment is not [culturally]
supportive, then the underreporting rate is expected (Bennett, 2018). To address the cultural
disparity, the recommendation to expand SHARP education and training may yield more
remarkable results in redefining or repairing cultural inconsistencies.
The recommendation is to expand SHARP training and education. On average, soldiers
receive yearly or quarterly SHARP training to increase awareness and address the don’ts in terms
of climate (U.S. Department of Defense, 2021b). However, it is a one-size-fits-all that lacks
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prudent aspects of current identified concerns (Acosta et al., 2021). It is important to note that
the SHARP program does permeate down to the individual level with its concrete training
program (U.S. Department of Defense, 2021b). The participants made clear that the SHARP
program is effective, but predators are evolving. Acosta et al. (2021) detailed a need for more
rigorous content that provides complete transparency to disrupt offenders. Similarly, Bennett
(2018) expressed that critical elements are missing from the program’s design, absolving the
final actions in a sexual assault process.
Training needs to be tailored per environment but retain the core principles of the
SHARP program, yet specific to the audience. For example, a leader with more than 5 years of
service in the Army should not be taught the same content as a new trainee. Based on experience,
both cannot be considered equal regarding work experience or leadership ability, which will
impact the disclosure rate. Buchanan et al. (2014) stated that training and education could
provide the pillar for reform if done with a strategic mindset that understands the best way to
reach the audience. Proven by data, the SHARP program is an effective tool; however, its range
of complexity and diversity in content plateaus the saliency of the message (Acosta et al., 2021).
Training should highlight punishments, realistic instances, and leaders who have been
removed from a position based on inappropriate handling of sexual assault. Additionally, training
must include elements of identification of counterproductive behaviors and mitigation techniques
to combat such behaviors. This approach not only increases awareness while providing tangible
actions on leaders’ responsibilities and outcomes for offenders but also can aid in curtailing
perpetuated behaviors. Expanding training also brings the critical component of empathy, which
is not a refined concept in the current program. As the findings expressed, empathy is not an easy
emotion to display and is non-existent in many units, thus the sustained gap in reporting and lack
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of intervention (Castro et al., 2015). As mentioned before, education is potent once content is
aligned through the development of resonating instruction (O’Brien et al., 2015), which requires
response actions specific to equipping leaders with the necessary strategies to combat offensive
conduct and report accordingly (Bennett, 2018).
The Army has made significant strides in combating sexual assault (Carson & Carson,
2018), and actuarial data, regardless of discrepancies, are available (Castro et al., 2015).
Although empirical evidence highlights the continuum of sexual assault in Army units (Sadler et
al., 2018), the Army has formal education focused on the sociocultural aspect of sexual assault
(Holland et al., 2014). Nevertheless, the current study found that the Army lacks a holistic
understanding of removing barriers. Army leaders are positioned to make meaningful and
durable changes to climate by facilitating a comprehensive understanding of the SHARP
program and reinforcing it through a zero-tolerance climate. Despite the SHARP program’s
aggressiveness, research has found that the prevention approach lacks methodological rigor and
requires more focus on proximal outcomes (Orchowski et al., 2018), which can be attained
through streamlined programs.
Recommendation 3: Improving Communication and Development at the Unit Level.
The current study pinpoints the criticality of relationships and their complexities in the reporting
dynamic. Notably, Bronfenbrenner (1979) stressed the exploratory elements of contractual
relationships in discerning the behavioral triggers that hinder or support transitional skills.
Equally important is institutional culture inclusive of norms, beliefs, and practices that contribute
to group identity (Skopp et al., 2020). The literature shows that influence is an interrelated
mechanism that plays a salient role in behaviors, specifically expected behaviors
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979). In the Army, victims of sexual assault often face penalties for reporting
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an assault based on collateral violations, such as using alcohol and drugs, which are significant
factors that sway reporting (Mengeling et al., 2014), especially when coupled with reliance on
leaders who are inexperienced in handling sexual assault and perplexing messaging regarding
sexual assault.
Development of Junior Leader Programs at the Unit Level. The current study found that
junior leaders are perhaps the most important first contact for sexual assault victims and often are
the friction point due to preexisting relationships. In this study, junior leaders are those in the
ranks of specialist to sergeant, as some specialists hold leadership positions. Junior leaders work
closely with their subordinates and, through first contact with a victim, should alert a senior
leader. Influential leaders are well-rounded and versed in policies and practices that benefit the
organization (U.S. Department of Defense, 2021b). However, leaders are developed through
experience and skills honed as they progress. Thus, there is a need for structured and streamlined
programs that focus on junior leader development to combat the mentioned barriers in the
SHARP program. As the literature makes clear, efforts to reduce sexual assaults are distinctive
and layered with numerous approaches, but none is more important than leader engagement
(Buchanan et al., 2014). Junior leader development is at the forefront, as the norms and values
they learn will transcend as they seek higher-level positions, shaping current and future
relationships. Empowerment is the core pillar in designing a program that arms junior leaders
with the skills to make hard decisions regardless of relationship dynamics, instead enforcing
bystander intervention and a climate of support.
Data has shown that senior leader oversight is key to this approach to ensure program
alignment, consistency, and delivery of appropriate content (Crissman, 2013). Additionally,
streamlining programs potentially prompts immediate corrective actions and debunks negative
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unit-level values damaging the reporting rate. Previous research has found that clearly defined
solid policies are standalone and require additional commitments to ensure fruition (Buchanan et
al., 2014). Notable is an aggressive address on individual roles in shortening the rift in reporting
(Skopp et al., 2020). Workplace relationships are fundamental in Army units (Crissman, 2013);
however, as the current findings show, junior leaders face professional and personal barriers.
Prior research shows that streamlined programs can reduce predictable factors that support a
climate of assault while increasing the scope of prevention and response (Stander & Thomsen,
2016). Essentially, these are unified efforts that provide a clear target for prevention (Skopp et
al., 2020). Program development strategies based on limited work and life experience can
increase awareness while identifying key behaviors that are detrimental to organizational
climate. Inculcated behaviors are often born through circumstances that heavily influence
relationships and, as the findings suggest, can sway messaging.
Improve Messaging to Maximize Sexual Assault Reporting. The SHARP program is an
integrated tool focused on prevention through bystander intervention, cultural change, and
accountability (Elliman et al., 2018). Within the scope of the program are comprehensive efforts
of strategic messaging on cultural discipline and a unified vision (U.S. Department of Defense,
2021b). However, the findings show that messaging continues to be problematic, where leaders
spearhead this concern. Language matters: it is clear that when communicating about sexual
violence, messaging is essential to prevention and reporting. Likewise, leaders must remain
vigilant of their surroundings to reduce sexualizing and endorsing sexually violent behaviors. As
leaders shape climate through trust and relationships, the ever-present support of the SHARP
program is necessary for program reform (Buchanan et al., 2014). Trust, as stated before, can
destroy reporting measures, and when leaders counteract expectations through Army or unit
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policies, the likelihood of victim reporting significantly reduces (Rosellini et al., 2017). Skopp et
al. (2020) said it best that clear and compelling messaging can reach a broader audience;
however, such a message must be factual with worthwhile content rooted in current concerns.
They are essentially optimizing rhythmed platforms to reinforce the program design.
Language is two-fold, not only to reinforce the standardization of content but also to
create a connection between leaders and those they lead. Working to strengthen messaging is not
easy, seeing the Army is diverse in culture, background, education level, and previous
experiences (National Sexual Violence Resource Center, n.d), hence recommendation one. Clear
and concise language and plain language are key factors that provide opportunities for the
assimilation of content to the appropriate audience. Nested in this approach are leaders’ efforts as
part of the conversation for the programs’ acknowledgment and validation. Additionally, the
current findings feature the lack of depth and breadth at the junior level in understanding the
saliency of the SHARP program, especially when victims disclose a sexual assault. Sherman
(2018) further expressed that there is still a negative impact when reporting a sexual assault and
seeing that a victim is more willing to disclose to close friends, often military relationships, the
criticality of careful communication cannot be understated.
Limitations and Delimitations
Research is not without limitations and delimitations that can appear in various forms,
such as constraints in the methodology or restrictions in the research design. Salient in this
exploratory process is the acknowledgment of limitations and delimitations, regardless of the
strength of the questions, the nature of the query, or how regimented the interview protocols are.
As Merriam and Tisdell (2016) explained, addressing limitations and delimitations in a study is a
defining part that accounts for known and unknown variables that can fracture the integrity of the
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study. Subsequently, a study’s parameters must be well defended with imposed boundaries to
protect the human subjects yet detailed enough to draw the richness of responses to yield
qualitative data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This study’s limitations are the technological
platforms for virtual interviews and respondent participation. The former limits personal
interaction, where body language and non-verbal cues can be difficult to assess. Additionally,
virtual interviews restrict the employment of interpersonal skills making a genuine connection
challenging.
Sexual assault in Army units is a sensitive and highly scrutinized subject and, in some
cases, can prove laborious to discuss, which can curtail participation and comprehensive
responses. The central limitation of this study is the sample, which consists of 10 participants,
and was neither an accurate representation of an inclusive group of Army retirees nor necessarily
representative of current Army leaders. An equally important delimitation is the lack of sexual
assault survivor interviews. This study had a relatively short window for data collection, and
interviewing survivors requires embedded trust and a level of vulnerability that could not be
achieved in the prescribed timeline. Interviews were conducted within a 2-week timeframe from
approval of the IRB. Interviews were started and completed in September 2022. Additionally,
this population (survivors) is in various stages of recovery, and as the researcher, I believe
interviews could cause more harm to the participants. Hence, the focus was on the individuals
that have worked with survivors.
Recommendations for Future Research
Army sexual assault continues to be a pervasive crime that data suggests is a long way
from elimination (O’Brien et al., 2015). Contrastingly, data support the in-place SHARP
program, regardless of inconsistencies, effectively promoting a space to encourage reporting
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(Skopp et al., 2020). However, through the course of the literature and findings, two areas for
future research have emerged as potentially beneficial in a longitudinal and embedded aspect.
First, research should be used to determine the effectiveness of external task forces and
their impact on underreporting sexual assaults. Independent task forces, separate from the
military structure, can provide valuable information on whether victims are more comfortable
reporting with external sources and the impact of elevating reporting of sexual assault. Research
of this manner can aid in supporting or refuting the Congressional pressure to remove
prosecutorial control for sexual offenses from military commanders.
Finally, research should consider the impact of communication theory in reducing the gap
in sexual assault reporting. As this study detailed, communication is critical for goal measuring
and understanding policies and practices. Such research can determine how best to deliver
content that resonates with the audience while investigating the range of required
communication. Essentially, will there be a decrease or increase in reporting based on different
communication strategies?
Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to understand the role of the current sexual assault program
in addressing underreporting of sexual assault in U.S. Army units. Specifically, this study
explored the perspectives of retired senior leaders on various influences on sexual assault
reporting while generating recommendations for Army policy and practice. Sexual assault
entrenches the continuum of harm in Army units (Kimerling & Calhoun, 1994). Sexual assault is
disruptive, as it is a stemming factor in ecological transition for individual development
(Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2005). This research investigated the saliency of senior leaders in the
context of underreporting and the preexisting program. The findings made clear that
55

underreporting will continue if a more profound examination into reporting factors goes
unconducted.
The key takeaway from this research is that environmental, cultural, and contractual
factors are significant contributors to sexual assault underreporting in Army units. Major factors
such as senior leader engagement, trust, and cultural and climate discrepancies provide the
descriptive tools to shape interactions. The literature accentuates endemic relationships and risks
associated with transitional skills and their application in sustaining the underreporting
imbalance. Notably is the mishandling of sexual assaults through equal punishment and related
leader tasks, such as an organizational climate built on dignity and respect. Reform is necessary
to deliver standardized messaging that targets individual and group development while providing
tangible actions on leader involvement. Executable workplace policies and practices, once
designed on an Army construct of swift and consistent punishment for those violators of the
SHARP program, is a nested approach to curb the lack of reporting. Considering the
inconsistency in punishment for sexual offenses, streamlined programs not only provide
hypervigilance in terms of prevention of sexual assault but also provides the seeding of Army
values for the future force.

56

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Appendix A: Definitions
The following are salient terms that support this dissertation framework and provide
intertextual content in addressing the problem of practice:
Accountability refers to promoting sensitive care and confidential reporting for victims of
sexual assault and answerability for those who commit these crimes (U.S. Department of the
Army, 2020).
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, focusing on the ecology of human
development, is the scientific study of the progressive, mutual accommodation throughout the
life course between an active, growing human being and the changing properties of the
immediate settings in which the developing person lives (Johnson, 2018).
Reprisal refers to taking (or threatening to take) an unfavorable personnel action or
withholding (or threatening to withhold) a favorable personnel action (The Military
Whistleblower Protection Act, 1988).
Restricted reporting allows a soldier who is a sexual assault victim, on a confidential
basis, to disclose the details of their assault to specifically identified individuals and receive
medical treatment and counseling without triggering the official investigative process (U.S.
Department of the Army, 2020).
Sexual assault is intentional sexual contact characterized by using force, threat,
intimidation, or abuse of authority or when the victim does not or cannot consent (Castro et al.,
2015).
Qualitative method is an approach to exploring and understanding the meaning
individuals or groups ascribe to a social or human phenomenon. The research involves emerging
questions and procedures, data typically collected in the participant’s setting, data analysis
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inductively building from particulars to general themes, and the researcher interpreting the data’s
meaning (Creswell, 2014).
Sexual Assault Response Program reinforces the Army’s commitment to eliminate
incidents of sexual assault through a comprehensive policy that centers on awareness and
prevention, training and education, victim advocacy, response, reporting, and accountability
(U.S. Department of the Army, 2020).
Sexual assault response coordinator (SARC) is a U.S. Department of the Army or civilian
contract employee who works for the family advocacy program manager and reports directly to
the senior commander for matters concerning incidents of sexual assault (U.S. Department of the
Army, 2020).
Sexual Harassment/Assault Response and Prevention Program (SHARP) is designed to
assist commanders with prevention, annual training activities, compliance with required response
actions when sexual harassment or assault is reported, and victim support.
Underreporting is the term used to represent sexual assault cases being reported to be less
than are actually the case (Merriam-Webster, n.d.).
Unrestricted reporting allows a soldier who is sexually assaulted and desires medical
treatment, counseling, and an official investigation of his/her allegation to use current reporting
channels (for example, the chain of command or law enforcement), or he/she may report the
incident to the SARC or the on-call VA (U.S. Department of the Army, 2020).

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Appendix B: The Researcher
The Army is a male-centric system; however, I am a woman, specifically an African
American woman, who holds a senior-level leadership position in my Army organization. Two
decades ago, it was rare for a woman to be considered and approved for such a role (Trobaugh,
2018), which may contribute to the problem of practice. I am in a unique position where I
understand the challenges women encounter and how, without the proper support, these can
result in irreparable damage. Nonetheless, I still carry an innate vulnerability because I am a
woman (Kolata, 2020). As a senior leader, I am a mandated reporter, which allows me to
advocate and promote awareness of this systemic issue for those who fear coming forward,
which is critical for self-awareness and monitoring behaviors to not intimidate the participants
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
I concede to a degree of bias, primarily because women remain the most at risk (Castro et
al., 2015), and I am a woman in a senior-level position. Additionally, interviewees might not
have been eager to converse based on my rank and current role and their previous ranks and
roles, which may ultimately have affected the study’s results. To combat such bias and faulty
assumptions, modeling the qualities of transparency and honesty aided in mitigating
communication barriers (Fletcher & Marchildon, 2014), creating an environment of emergent
trust and removing dominant norms for the pathway of a reflexive mentality (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Power differentials can be reduced by reinforcing collaborative change-oriented research
(Fletcher & Marchildon, 2014). Hence the sample population consisted of retired Army
servicemembers far removed from a military setting and not in my organic chain of command. In
other words, participants are not my superiors or subordinates. Such a population allowed for
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off-site interviews, where the primary investigator conducted interviews in civilian clothing,
which helped remove the visual reminder of my rank.

68

Appendix C: Semi-structured Interview Protocol
Hello, my name is Chylander Cummings, and I’m currently a doctoral student at the
University of Southern California, exploring underreporting of sexual assault in U.S Army units:
perspectives of retired senior leaders. My research seeks to gain a better understanding of what
contributes to reporting and underreporting in the hopes of generating recommendations for
policy and practice. Let me begin by saying thank you for taking the time out of your busy
schedule to conduct this interview. I would like to review the information sheet that I emailed to
you, so we can review some key areas. First and foremost, at any time throughout this process
you feel uncomfortable, please let me know, and we will pause the interview to address how best
to meet your needs. This interview consists of 15 open-ended questions that pertain to the study
purpose stated above, and you have elected to use in person or video. Please let me know if this
format and time still work for you. Know that Zoom and telephone are available if needed. The
goal is to gather salient information that can highlight and educate Army units on the relational
and reporting gaps in sexual assault. When answering questions about others, please speak
generally and without providing any information that could directly identify other individuals
who did not agree to participate in this research.
Your responses will remain strictly confidential. All notes, records, and transcripts will
be stored away from the workplace in a locked filing cabinet and will only be used for the
duration of the study. At this time, do you have any questions before we begin? May I have your
consent to proceed? May I have your consent to record?
SHARP Program and Leader Engagement
1. What position did you hold in your previous unit while on active duty?
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o Probes: What was your senior leader position in the U.S. Army? How long ago
did you retire? What are you doing now?
2. What was the role of senior leaders in terms of sexual assault reporting?
o Probes: How and in what ways were they engaged in the process? What do you
think about the level of leader engagement in handling sexual assault?
3. Without naming individuals, can you describe a previous interaction with a leader in
terms of sexual assault handling/reporting?
o Probes: What does an ideal engagement from a leader relate to the issue? How far
away are we from that ideal? What might explain the distance?
Reporting and Underreporting
4. Tell me about your previous unit’s process of reporting a sexual assault. Please speak
generally and without providing any information that could directly identify other
individuals.
• Probes: What does the process of reporting a sexual assault look like? What are
the steps? How long does it take? Who is involved? Please only identify
position/title, not other individuals. What are your thoughts about your unit’s
handling of sexual assault? What more could be done?
5. Tell me about some of your previous unit’s reporting mechanisms and the extent to
which they might be able to capture discrepancies in reporting.
• Probes: Have there been any discrepancies in sexual reporting? Please describe.
6. Currently, the Army is reporting per year roughly 6,500 cases of sexual assault go
unreported. What are your thoughts on sexual assault underreporting in the U. S
Army?
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• What do you think are some factors contributing to underreporting of sexual
assault?
7. What measures were utilized in your previous unit to capture sexual assault
underreporting, if at all?
• Probes: What are some things that are working to statistically annotate sexual
assault? What are some things that are not working to capture sexual assault?
What more could be done?
Unit Culture and Climate
8. How did your previous unit assess and address unit culture as it relates to sexual
assault?
• Probes: How might Army culture contribute to the occurrences of sexual assault
at a rate higher than we see in civilian populations? How might a culture of fear
and shame in the Army influence reporting of sexual assault?
9. To what extent do you see a link between unit climate and underreporting of sexual
assault?
• Probes: Can you tell me about some factors, in terms of climate, that may
contribute to the occurrence of sexual assault and the subsequent decisions to
report or not report? What do we need to pay more attention to regarding culture
& climate to address the problems of sexual assault and underreporting?
10. What are your thoughts about underreporting for males in terms of sexual assault?
• Probes: What are your thoughts on all-male units and barriers to reporting sexual
assault? To what extent do you think the root causes of underreporting are the
same for males and females? How do we address this as an organization?
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Peer Interaction
11. How did your previous unit promote desirable behaviors in terms of sexual assault
reporting? Accountability?
• Probes: What were those desirable behaviors or processes? What should we be
striving for? How do we get there?
12. Can you tell me about individual soldier relationships in your previous unit and how
they might apply to the occurrence of sexual assault and subsequent reporting or lack
thereof? Please speak generally and without providing any information that could
directly identify these individuals.
• Probes: How important are peer relationships, and how might such relationships
impact reporting for victims?
Reprisal
13. How did your previous unit handle undesirable behaviors in terms of sexual assault
reporting?
• Probes: What were those undesirable behaviors? How do we go about addressing
undesirable behaviors in a way that reduces sexual assault and/or underreporting?
14. What happened in your previous unit when reprisal was experienced by someone who
reported sexual assault? Please speak generally and without providing any
information that could directly identify other individuals. How serious is it handled?
Is it enough?
15. Do you have anything additional to add in terms of sexual assault, reporting, and
underreporting in Army units?
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• Probes: Do you have anything else to add that might be helpful for the study?
What are we doing well? Where should we focus our efforts for improvement?

73

Appendix D: Ethics
Research, however important, is bound by ethics, especially when it involves human
subjects (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Navigating interviews can be challenging, especially when
issues of consent can present opposition (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) and when some data or
background content are bound by confidentiality. This process started with an information sheet
that explained the focus of the research, confidentiality, and reporting and that participation was
voluntary. Verbal consent to participate in the study addressed issues that could arise, especially
in terms of participation and useable data, along with additional permission to record the
interviews (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The intent during the initial step was to express the
purpose of the research and the role that autonomy would play (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Soliciting interviews from outside my organization removed the elements of power and
coercion (Fletcher & Marchildon, 2014), which were mitigated by interviewing retired Army
senior leaders from various locations in the United States. I explained that interviews were
voluntary and that participants could stop or exit the interview at any time with no negative
consequences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). All raw data (notes, files, memos) were secured away
from the workplace in a locked filing cabinet, and I used cryptonyms for participants’
designation (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In addition to these measures, the data were stored in an
encrypted folder utilizing Microsoft One Drive that requires dual authentication for access. As
mentioned, participants were assigned a letter and number to address confidentiality and for
reporting results. At no point when taking notes, transcribing, or in verbal interactions were
names used or recorded. Respondents were informed that, as the researcher, I was not in a
position of power that required sharing identity or information with the Army’s hierarchy.

74

Appendix E: Codebook
Code
(number)
Code
(word or phrase)
Description of code
(What are the inclusion/exclusion criteria for each code?)
1. Leader engagement Is leader engagement a critical component that hinders or
supports underreporting of sexual assault? Does the role of
leader engagement promote a climate that fosters safe
reporting of sexual assault?
1a. Approachability A sense of perception of one’s belief that leaders are open
and receptive to critical or providing aid.
1b. Dependability The notion, when called upon, is that leaders are willing and
able to provide the necessary support to survivors and
promote the same through their formations.
1c. Uphold standards An outline that defines clear expectations for others to follow
and provides legal and ethical boundaries that can be
enforced through leader engagement.
1d. Soldier care Centers on how leaders provide support, through medical,
legal, etc., in terms of victims and offenders, as well as
inducing a climate that fosters those ideals.
2. Underreporting The most significant crime that is underreported is largely
based on numerous factors. Sexual assault carries many
barriers to why victims do not report the crime, yet it
remains a chronic concern with Army formations.
2a. Confidentiality A victim’s sense of privacy when reporting instances of
sexual assault.
2b. Trust It can be viewed as a barrier that hinders reporting when the
“need to know” boundaries are broken.
2c. Stigma One’s perception of Army culture is that seeking help is
weak or stereotypes, such as males cannot be raped.
2d. Shame One’s emotional and mental belief in the aftermath of a
sexual assault.
3. Reporting One’s innate sense for justice or to seek recorded services for
a sexual assault.
3a. Climate The environment of an organization, through leadership, that
can deter or promote sexual assault.
3b. Personal views One’s belief, through personal accounts or others, that
shapes an individual’s opinion of sexual assault.
3c. Personal
relationships
A personal or professional interaction that builds bonds,
which can influence the rate of reporting or underreporting.
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Code
(number)
Code
(word or phrase)
Description of code
(What are the inclusion/exclusion criteria for each code?)
3d. Fear An emotion that significantly impacts one’s ability. Often, it
can cripple reasoning and morph principles.
4. Support culture A network that promotes training, accountability, leader
engagement, and necessary care for victims and offenders.
4a. Unit leadership It consists of subordinate leaders that work closely together.
Such leadership is charged with creating cohesive teams
through example setting.
4b. Bystander
intervention
The actions of intervening during potentially harmful
situations.
4c. Group dynamics One’s sense of placement within a group is based on
interaction, which impacts behaviors and psychological
factors.
4d. Education Focuses on knowledge gained through training and leader
mentorship.
5. Peer interaction Social interaction that one experience that is critical to trust
and open communication.
5a. Group division Addresses when group elements are fractured due to
instances of sexual assault, where the group shares
opposing views.
5b. Professional
conduct
Guidelines that outline contractual principles that inform
Soldiers on their conduct of themselves.
6. Reprisal A salient barrier that victims fear when reporting sexual
assault. One’s notion is that they will receive punishment if
disclosing a sexual assault.
6a. Victim blaming When survivors of a violent crime experience language or
actions that place them at fault.
6b. Tangible action Leaders’ actions that promote fairness and support.
6c. Rational behaviors A mindset that counteracts or contradicts the nature of a
sexual assault, rendering it normal.
7. Other factors Aspects introduced by participants encompassing other
influencers as to the rate of underreporting.
7a. Evolving Addressing the current trend of sexual assault offenders
adapting to modern teaching and reporting to continue
assaulting.
76

Code
(number)
Code
(word or phrase)
Description of code
(What are the inclusion/exclusion criteria for each code?)
7b. Age gap Highlights the narrow age range between leaders and their
subordinates.
7c. False accusations Identifies the population that uses sexual assault reporting as
a weapon rather than its correct utilization of helping
victims.

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Chylander Sonya (author), Cummings ()

Core Title Addressing underreporting of sexual assault in U.S. Army units: perspectives of retired senior leaders

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-05

Publication Date 04/19/2023

Defense Date 04/10/2023

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Army culture,Bronfenbrenner’s theory,command,OAI-PMH Harvest,sexual harassment and assault response prevention,underreporting of sexual assault

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor MacCalla, Nicole (committee chair), Hirabayashi , Kimberly (committee member), Tobey, Patricia (committee member)

Creator Email chylander_roberts@yahoo.com,cscummin@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113056711

Unique identifier UC113056711

Identifier etd-CummingsCh-11661.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-CummingsCh-11661

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Cummings, Chylander Sonya

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20230420-usctheses-batch-1026 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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