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Significance of the recent acquisition of insular posessions by the United States
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Significance of the recent acquisition of insular posessions by the United States
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Content
Significance of the Recent Acquisition
of
Insular Possessions
by the
United States.
A Thesis
Presented to the
Department of History
University of Southern California.
Written in connection with
Course 216, American Government.
by
Alpha Dutton ,
~
July, 1916.
-
P r e f a o e
The first part of this treatise is devote d
to a description of the various territories which
have come into the possession of the United States,
together with their history an• the incidents con
nected with their aoquieition.
The second part is devoted to the consideration
of the United States as a World Power, and the
significance of the acquisition of the insular
territory as it touches upon the territorial and
commercial expansion.
•
Content.
Chapter
I. Rights to acquire territor -----------------------------1
First acquisitions ------------ ------------------ 2
II. Hawaii ----------- ------------------------------------ 6
Description --------------- ---------------------- 5
Early history ------------------------------- ----- 6
~
Missionary activities ---------------- ·----------- - 7
Withdrawal of treaty from Senate -------------·-- 12
Establishment of a Republic --------------------- 13
Question of annexation ---- ---------------------- 14
Annexation -------------------------------------- 16
III. Porto Rico ------- ------------------------------------ 20
Description ------------------------------- ------ 20
Early history ----------------------------------- 21
Acquisition by the United States ---------------- 23
The language problem ---------------------------- 26
IV. Guam ------------------------------------------------- 29
Deec~iption ------------------------------------- 29
Early history ----------------------------------- 29
Acquisition by the United States ------ ---------- 32
V. American Samoa -------- - -- ---------------------------- 34
Description ---------------------~---------------- 34
Early history ----------------------------------- ~5
Acquisition by the United tatee ---------------- 37
VI. The Philippine Islands
Description ------------------------------------ 39
Early history ---------------------------------- 39
Conquest by Legaspi ----------- ----------------- 40
Insurrection under Aguinaldo ------------------- 43
Destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay -- 44
Peace commissioners at Paris ------------------- 49
Ratification of Treaty ------------------------- 52
Attitude of the political parties -------------- 53
First Philippine Commission -------------------- 54
Philippine constabulary ------------------------ 55
Proolamation of amnesty ------------------- ---- 56
Second Philippine Commission ------------------- 56
The School System ------------------------------ 57
Numerous reforms and improvements -------------- 59
Philippine Bill ---------- ---------------------- 65
VII. The Monroe Doctrine --------------------------------- 67
VIII.The United States as a world power ------------------ 73
Status of Cuba --------------------------------- 73
Attitude of Europe towards United States ------- 75
Imperialism ------------------------------------ 77
Isolation or Imperialism? ---------------------- 78
Chinese question ------------------------------- 79
Significance of the acquisitions ------ -- ------ 81
I.
Significance of the Recent Acquisition of Insular
Possessions by the United States.
I.
At the time of the adoption of the Constitution and the
establishment thereunder of the present National Government,
the bounds of the United States embraced an area organized into
the thirteen original States, and also, a vast, undeveloped,
1 .
but resourceful region west of the Alleghaniee. The part of
the national domain lying north and west of the Ohio River was
known as the Northwest Territory and subject to the Ordinance
of 1787. The ordinance provided. that this territory was ulti-
2 ·
mately to be organized into States.
The Constitution does not give express power to the federal
governmen~ to acquire new territory, but the power has been held
by the Supreme Court to be implied. Chief Justice Marshall bas
ed hie interpretation upon:
1. The power to declare and carry on war (Art. I, Sec. 8,
Clause 11);
2. The power to make treaties (Art. II, Sec. 2, Clause 2);
and declared the government in consequence had the power of -
acquiring territory either by conquest or by treaty.
A still further right to acquire territory is based upon
the general principles of International Law, giving every sov
ereign State the right to acquire territory by discovery and
occupation. This right of the United States has been questioned
1 Willoughby American Constitutional 'ystem, 191.
2 Latane, American Nation ~eries, XXVI, 134.
3 Latane, American ation Series, XX.VI, 134.
from the view point of its own Constitution, but the upreme
Court has recognized as valid the exercise of such a right.
1
Soon after the adoption of t he Constitution a new force
entered into the territorial conflicts of America, but it did
not alter their essential character. In 1803, the vast
Louisiana Territory was acquired by purchase from France and
annexed to the Union. This was done to obtain relief from
burdensome conditions such as questions of disputed boundary
.
2.
and commercial restriction.
2
On Febuary 22, 1819, a treaty was
executed at Washington by which Florida was purchased from Spain,
thus constituting the next acquisition of new territory by the
United States. In 1845, Texas was brought directly into the
3
Union as a State by means of a joint resolution. In 1 46 the
Oregon Territory was obtained through discovery by Captain
Robert Gray (1792), exploration by Lewis and Clark, occupation
4
by fur-traders, and convention with England. By the Treaty of
Guadalupe Hidalgo of Febuary 2, 1846, which ended the War with
Mexico, the United States acquired California and New Mexico.
The latter embraced the political divisions now known as Nevada,
Utah, and Arizona, as well as parts of Wyoming, Colorado, and
New Mexico. This marked the close of the acquisition of Terri
tory which has been incorporated into Statehood.
In 1856 Congress authorized the annexation of the Guano
5
Islands by statute. The law of these islands is the same as
1 Willoughby, The American Constitutional Syste~, 196.
2 Moore, Four Phases of American Development, 152.
3 Randolph, Law and Polic1 of Annexation, 9 • .
4 Moore, Four Phases of American Development, 178-9.
5 Willoughby, American Constitutional System, 196.
3.
that of merchant ships at sea.
In 1867 Alaska was purchased from Russia for the sum of
$7,200,000.
This is the first example of importance of a non-
contiguous territory acquired by the United States, and it is
the only example of an unorganized territory constituting a part
1
of it. The promise of statehood was not extended, this beirig
the first significant refusal to contemplate statehood as the
destiny of annexed territory.
2
The purchase of Alaska was the beginning of a general but
permanent expansion movement. It removed a possible source of
dispute between Russia and the United States, since it put an
end to Russian dominion on the . . American continent.
3
So far as
communication and defense were concerned, the territory was as
completely detached as if it had had no direct physical connec
tion with the continent. The United tates was obliged to rely
wholly upon the sea for the purposes of communication and de
fense, as the intervening territory was not only British but was
not readily traversable. Hence the situation of Alaska with the
Aleutian Islands which formed part of the cession did not differ
from that of a distant island.
4
Alaska is apt to suffer from neglect on the part of the
government rather than from any injurious measure enacted. In
the beginning very little was known of this vast territory, and
so unimportant appeared its administration that no provision was
made for its government. It was administered by the executive
branch of the government with no express legislation for seven
teen years. No regular form of government was provided until
l illoughby, Territories and Dependencies, 74.
2 Randolph, Law and Policy of Annexatio, o.
Garner and Lodge, History of the United IV 14 7
~ • t •
---
4
oore, our
WWW
•
4.
1884, when, on May 17, an act was passed by Congress providing
a civil government fof Alaska. This provided for a governor,
appointed by the President of the United States, to be charged
l
with the interests of the United tates arising in the Territory.
The general lawa of the State of Oregon were put into force so
far as they were applicable.
David Starr Jordan said that "Wisely or not, willingly or
not, we have assumed duties toward alien races which can be
honorably discharged only by methods foreign to our past exper-
2
ience."
He thinks that the lack of interest in distant affairs
having no relation to personal or partisan politics is one
source of difficulty. Vital legislation for Alaska may fail,
because no Congressman concerns himself in it. Alaska has no
vote in any· convention or election.
With a colonial bureau similar to that of Great Britain,
the problem of ruling an inferior and aependent people would be
simple. Such a bureau could care for Alaska and could give good
government to any territory over which our flag may float.
l Willoughby, Territories and Dependencies, 76.
Jordan, JmEerial Democraci, 183.
•
II.
Hawaii •
The acquisition of the Hawaiian Islands was another instance
of the extension of the United States sovereignty by a simple
Joint Resolution of the two Houses of Congress on July 7, 1898,
and marked the logical consummation of the special relations that
1
had long subsisted between the United States and that group.
The Hawaiian Islands at the northern verge of the torrid
zone are swept by the trade winds and the cool oceanic currents
flowing southward, the latter reducing its average temperature
several degrees below the point which might be expected from
its geographical location~ The islands are of volcanic origin,
being the only ones of that nature lying North of the equator
in the Pacific Ocean.
The insular Territory of Hawaii is composed of a group of
islands whose number ie variously stated. Only eight of these
are worthy of consideration, their total area being lees than
seven thousand square miles, representing an extent of territory
no greater than the State of Massachusetts. The capital and
chief seaport, Honolulu, is in the direct route from our Pacific
ports to Australia and Asia, and is the only stopping-place in
the route to Japan. Aside from its natural resources and in
dustrial development, the future prosperity of the Territory
2
would be ensured because of its commanding geographical position.
The first white men in Hawe.ii were the survivors of the crews
of two Spanish vessels which were wrecked on the isl ands as early,
1 Moore, Four Phases of American Development, 183.
2 ForbeeTLindsay, American Insular osseeaions, 24.
possibly, as 1527. hey intermarried with the nativ a, and
their descendants, recognized by their Caucasian characteristics
in complexion and features, are still to be found at Kekea.
The islands, though scatteringly seen several times by white
men, were first discovered and made known as a group by Captain
James Cook in 1778, and named the Sandwich Islands, after
John Montagu, the fourth Earl of Sandwich,then first Lord of the
Admiralty. Captain Cook estimated the population t 400,000,
but this was probably an exaggeration. The inhabitants were
living in a feudal stage of semi-civilization.
In 1786, Joseph Barrell, a Boston merchant, conceived the
idea that profit might result from a visit to the coast and
islands which had been the scene of Cook's adventures, and col
lecting from the natives the fura of the Alaskan and Oregon
coasts and the sandal-wood, cocoanut oil, and other products
of the newly discovered Pacific Islands. A number .of merchants
formed a stock company, with a capital of fifty thousand dollar.
Two vessels were purchased for the expedition. The ship Columbia
was commanded by Captain John Kendrick, of Wareham, Massachusetts,
and the sloop Lady Washington by Captain Robert Gray of Boaton.
1
The two vessels sailed from Boston in 1787. After visiting the
Oregon coast and discovering a great river which received the
name of the ship Columbia, the voyage was continued to the
Hawaiian Island.
Upon the return of the expedition in 1790 Governor John
Hancock entertained in honor of the officers and owners. In a
procession which escorted the r turned adventurers through the
1 Carpenter, America in Ha aii, o.
----
7.
streets, Captain Gray walk d arm-in-arm 1th a Hawaiian chief
who had accompanied the party to this country, and who was the
first of his race to b seen in Boston.
A missionary expedition to Hawaii was organized in Boston
in 1819. The party consisted of graduates of the Andover Theo~
logical Seminary, a physician, a teacher, a mechanic, a farmer,
their wives, and three young Hawaiians who had been educated in
America. A written form of the language of the Islands was made,
and textbooks were soon printed. Favorable progress was made in
the work of Christianizing and civilizing the natives. The work
was so successful that in 1840 the care of the public schools
1
established by the miaaionariefa was assumed by the government.
Our responsibility to Hawaii was thus created by missionary
activities. Foreign critics of our civilization, indeed, are
apt to regard our missionaries as pioneers of a political imper
ial expansion. Thie remark contains a certain truth, and has
a double aspect, for where imperial expanaion, due to political
causes, occurred, as in the Philippines, it must in its turn
receive the aid and cooperation of missionary enterprize for
educational and social development.
President Monroe appointed John c. Jones in 1820 to be Agent
of the United tates for Commerce and Seamen at the Hawaiian
Islands. The office being practically that of consul, its es
tablishment marked the opening of diplomatic relations between
the Hawaiian Government and other nations.
Captain Catesby Jones commanded the first American warship
to anchor in Hawaiian waters, in 1826. He was sent for the pur
pose of adJu ting certain claims of American citizens, but, hile
8.
there, accomplished the negotiation of a treaty of friendship,
commerce, and navigation with the King. This, however, failad
of ratification in the Senate. It was the first Hawaiian con
vention with a foreign power. Shortly after this the British
Government established a consulate at Honolulu, and from this
time until the annexation, jealousy was manifested between the
settlers of the British and American nations.
Americans began settling in the islands in the~arly part
of the nineteenth century, and as their numbers and interests
increased, the United States Government watched the progress of
l
events there. The attention of the United States Government
was first called to the Hawaiian Islands by the importance into
which the group had grown as a source of supplies for American
whaling vessels and a depot for storing and trans-shipping the
product of the fisheries. Thie interest soon led to actual in
tervention. The United States assumed a protectorate over the
islands in 1851. Webster, who was then ecretary of tate,
· promised that "The Navy Department will receive instruction to
place and keep the naval armament of the United States in the
Pacific Ocean in such a state of strength and preparation as will
be required for the preservation of the honor and dignity of the
United States and the safety of the government of the Hawaiian
Islands." United tates troops were landed several times when
disorder was threatened.
The government of Great Britain and of France, a early as
1853, felt there was an undercurrent of feeling, both in the
United States and in Hawaii, looking toward the annexation of
the Islands.
2
In a confidential correspondence with
l Willou hby, Territories and ependencies, 1~
2 Carpenter, America in H awaii, 107.
----
9.
Honorable John Mason, our minister at Paris, Hon •• L. Macy,
Secretary of tate, instructed him to find indirectly, if possi
ble, the probable course of France, if we were. to add these
Islands to our Territorial possessions by negotiation or other
peaceable means. Both England and France were apprised of our
determination not to allow the Islands under their protection,
or that of any other European nation. It looked as if the
Hawaiian government could not long continue in the hands of the
native rulers.
Americans were rapidly settling in the Islands for trade
purposes, and the interests of the United States became greater.
To prevent European powers from int ermeddling in the Islands, a
strong sentiment for annexation in some form to the United ·
States grew rapidly at Washington. The movement toward annexa
tion, however, first came from the Islands. The strong commer
cial interests favored it. The king had become wearied by the
constant demands and the frequent threats made by the European
powers. The dynasty itself was in danger of failure, which
event actually occurred some years later. The joint protest of
the British and French consuls against the annexation of the
Islands to the United States was effaet by a shower of - petition
to the king, urging the consummQtion of the proJeot.
The feeling of friendliness borne by the Government of the
Islands toward the United States was manifested by a royal in
vitation to a reception, extenied to the officers of the Ameri
can war vessels then in port. The execution of the treaty was
delayed, not ithstanding the urgent advice of the commissioner
of the United tate to the Islands. hile ne otiation ere
still pendin the ing died on December 15, 1854. Prine
10.
Alexander Liholiho, the adopted son of the late king, ascended
the throne, January 11, 1856, under the title of Kamehameha IV.
He later married EmmQ Rooke, the adopted daughter of an English
physician, and a grand-daughter of the early English eailor
eettler, John Young. Owing to the influence of hie wife's
English training, treaty negotiations ceased, and it was a decade
before the subject of annexation was again discussed in either
country. Upon hie death in .1863, he was succeeded by his elder
1
brother, as Kamehameha V.
This dynasty, which had been founded in the early years of
the century, was brought to a close by the death of Kamehameha v.
in 1872. The question of succession became a constantly disturb
ing element, this contributing largely to the increase of the
sentiment in favor of the absorption of the Islands by the United
States.
While the dowager
1
ueen Emma and Kalakaua were clamoring for
the throne, it became necessary to appeal to the commanders of
two United ta_tes warships lying in the harbor that the legisla
ture might elect a sovereign. This was the first time in the
history of the Islands that American troops were landed. Upon
the restoration of order, Kalakaua was elected kin. A recipro
city treaty was at length fully effected and free trade was es-
tablished between the United Stat and Hawaii.
About ten miles orth of Honolulu 1s earl Harbor, hich
although ceded o the United ~tates as long ago as 1876, has
2
from that time until recently been neglected. Various influ-
ences intervened from year to year to prevent actual occupation
Forbee-Lindsa, America's Insular Possessions, 276.
2 Forbee-Lindaa·, merica' Po 2 1 .
•
11.
of it, no steps being taken to utilize its great advantages.
1
It bears a strong re emblance to the harbors in the est Indie.
The cession of this harbor is significant in that it was the
first step which gave the United States any territorial rights
in the Islands.
The Harbor is completely land-locked. and owing to its
extent and depth of water, is capable of affording anchorage to
as large a fleet as ie commonly collected in one place. The
harbor is composed of three distinct portions, divided by
islands, or by tongues of land. The three locks offer a water
frontage of about thirty miles. The approach being by a some
what narrow channel, is capable of impregnable fortifications.
In 1891, Kalakaua died and was succeeded by his sister,
Liliuokalani, who exerted all her influence to prevent the ac
ceptance of her brother's reformed constitution, and to sub
stitute a more autocratic one. In January 1893, the American
population of the Island rose in revolution, proclaimed a re
public, established a provisional government with Sanford B.Dole
as president, and sent a commission to Washington for the pur
pose of negotiating a treaty of annexation. At the outbreak of
the revolution a body of Am rican marines were landed and placed
2
about the legation and consnlete to protect American interests.
The Queen abandoned the executive mansion and retired to her
private residence, after causing a proclamation to be circulated
to inflame the native mind against the white people.
3
There was
1 Carpenter, America in Hawaii, 146
----
Garner and Lodge, History of the United States, IV, 1606.
Forbes-t1ndeay, America •·a Insular Poe ession
2
•
12.
danger lest the unsettled condition of the country might be
made the pretext for interference, to avert which the request
was made to Minister tevene, by the Provisional Government,
that an American protectorate should be declared, subJect to
the final action of the authorities at Washington .
uqh a
protectorate was declared, and the Hawaiian flag was replaced
by that of the United States flag above the government build-
1
ings in Honolulu. The British war vessel Garnet soon entered
the harbor, the officers neglecting to pay the usual courte
sies to the head of the government . It was rumored t hat a
force was to be landed from the Garnet, and the British flag
raised over the palace. The public buildings were placed in
defense, but no violence was committed.
The Provisional Government at once dispatched a commis
sion t · o Washington to arrange with the United States author
ities the terms of the annexation. The proposed treaty was
presented by President Harrison to the enate on Febuary 17,
1893, but Congress adjourned on March 3rd, without action
2
having been taken on it.
One of the first public acts of President Cleveland after
his inauguration was to withdraw the Hawaiian treaty from the
Senate.
3
Honorable J. H. Blount, formerly a member of Con
gress from Georgia and chairman of the House Committee on
Foreign Relations, was appointed a special commissioner to the
Islands to investigate the facts connected with the disposi
tion, the causes of the revolution, and the sentiment of t he
1 Carpenter, America in Hawaii, 190.
2 Forbes-Lindsay, America's Insular Possessions, 284.
Garner and Lode, Histor
of the United
---
tate IV, 1607.
13.
people. Upon his arrival at Honolulu on April 1, 1893, he
directed the naval commander to haul down the American flag
from the government building and to withsraw· the troops to
their ships. Hie appointment, however, was not submitted to
the Senate for its confirmation or reJeotion since he was
President Cleveland's personal representative.
Minister Willis who had arrived as the American inister
to Hawaii demanded of President ole the prompt relinquishment
l
of the government to Liliuokalani. This was respectfully,
but unequivocally, refused.
On July 4. 1894, a republic was proclaimed in Hawaii with
Sanford B. Dole as its first president. A constitution simi
lar to that of the United States was adopted. The members of
both Houses were elective. It was significant that while the
maJority of the members of the legislature were full-blooded
natives. they were elected upon a platform favoring annexation.
President Cleveland referred the entire matter to Congress and
2
the deposed ueen abandoned the struggle for her lost throne.
The years of the Republic were prosperous throughout.
The government enjoyed the loyal support of almost all of the
natives and the white people. Commerce increased, new indus
tries developed, and public works were executed.
3
The revolt of the adherents of the ex-queen, which occurr
ed in 1895. again aroused the interest of the people in the
United States. The force of public opinion caused the naval
guard to be re-established at Honol lu. The attempts of
1 Forbes-Lindsay, America's insular easions, 287.
2 Garner and Lode, History oft e United ~tate, IV, 1608.
Forbes-Lin say, America's Insular
14.
Great Britain to establish a telegraphic cable station on the
Islands added interest to the Hawaiian que tion. The enate
passes a resolution that the interference of a foreign power
with the Hawaiian Islands would be regarded as an act of un
friendliness toward the United tates. The attempt of Japan
to gain political control of the Islands through colonization,
and the refusal of the Hawaiian government to allow a large
number of Japanese immigrants to land, seemed to increase the
sentiment of annexation in both countries.
In 1894, a request. was presented to the government of the
Hawaiian Islands by the Britist minister .asking that the Brit
ish government be allowed to lease either Neokar Islands. ,
French Frigate Shoal, or Bird Islands for the purpo e of es
tablishing a submari•e telegraph cable. While the proposition
was a tempting one to the Hawaiian government, it was debarred
from granting the request of Great Britian by the terms of the
Hawaiian-American treaty.
1
On January 9, 1896, President Cleveland sent a message to
Congress urging consent to the proposed lease. Since no opin
ion was expressed by the Hawaiian government as to the desira
bility of the reque s t being granted
9
and since it was believed
that the intent of Great Britain was to establish the proposed
cable mainly for military purposes, Congress declined to grant
the request.
The question of annexation was again revived during the
first year of resident McKinley's administration. The argu
ments which were urge d pro and con in t he United States were
2
many: ..
1 Carpenter, American in Hawaii, 2 7.
--------
Blackman, aking of Ha aii, 14.
16.
1. The sentimental argument in favor of annexation was
that Hawaii was the "child" of America, her beat people being
bound to those of the United States by the strongest of ties.
2. The historical argument was that it had been the con
stant policy of America for fifty years to prevent the absorp
tion of Hawaii by any other power, and that three distinct
treaties had been partially negotiated in an attempt to bring
her into the Union.
3. The geographical and military argument dwelt upon the
strategic position of the islands, their possession as a
United States coal base, causing any other power to be under
the necessity of steaming several thousand miles, back and
forth, in assaulting her western coast.
4. The commercial argument was that the foreign trade of
Hawaii, being more than 208 per capita and certain of increase,
would mean much to the United States.
6. The political argument embodied the contention that
annexation would remove a vexed and threatening question from
international politics, in that Russia. Great Britain, and
France had at various times raised their flags over the islands,
and that . Japan had attempted colonization.
There were strong arguments against annexation as well:-
1. That such an act would not be in keeping with our
American institutions; that it would mean the first step in a
new and perilous policy of "imperialism"; and that it would be
a serious impairment, if not virtual~ abandonment, of the
Monroe ~octrine.
2. That it ould involve our overnment in international
difficulties, amon hich ould be th impending tru le of
European po er in the ar at.
l •
3. That the civil service was unfit in traditions, train
ing, literature, and personnPl for such an undertaking.
4. That the remoteness of the islands would be a eakness
in time of war.
5. That annexation would call for a great increase in the
army and navy, and expenditures for fortifications and arma
ments.
6. That the population of the islands, b~ing largely of
inferior er Oriental stock, would add further elements of dis
cord to the nation.
7. That annexation would be immoral because Hawaii was a
~epublic in name only, the sovereignty having been wrested
.
from the hands of the natives by aid of American arms.
8. That it woul imperil the American beet-sugar industry.
9. That a leper colony would be incorporated in the body
politic.
10. And, finally, that a protectorate would secure all
the advantages, avoiding aany disadvantages, which might be
gained from annexation.
A treaty was signed by President McKinley in 1897, and
was sent to the Sena~e for ratifioation.i It ceded all rights
of sovereignty in the islands to the United States, and pro
vided for their annexation as the Territory of Hawaii.
2
It
stated that the existing public land laws of the United States
should not extend to the new territory; that the revenues de
rived from these islands should be used exclusively for the
benefit of the island people; that the government of the islands
l Forbes-Lindsay, America's Insular Posse
Blackman, The Makins of Hawaii, 148 .
should be in the hands of the Pr aident, temporarily, the
existing municipal laws remaining in effect for the time being;
that the United States should assume the Hawaiian public debt,
the amount not to exceed $4,000,000; that Chinese immigration
should be checked; and that five commissioners should be ap
pointed for the purpose of recommending to Congress such leg
islation for the territory as they should deem necessary and
proper.
The debate in the Senate on the subject was _ long contin
ued. While a majority of the Senators favored it, two or three
votes were lacking to constitute the two-thirds majority re
quired by the Constitution.
1
Meanwhile the events of the
Spanish-American War brought the immense strategic value of the
Islands so prominently before the eyes of the people, that
popular sentiment became overwhelmingly in favor of the acquisi
tion of Hawaii.
2
This annexation was approved July 7, 1898, by a Joint
Resolution of the Senate and House of Representetivea. On
August 12, 1898, the American flag - the same one which com
missioner Blount had hauled down in 1893 - was raised· again in
Honolulu. When the steamer Coptio arrived at Honolulu with
the information that the islands were indeed part of the United
States, the inhabitants bro~e forth in wild excitement. Men
shouted until they were hoarse; steam whistles were turned on;
bands played, guns boomed, fire-works were set off, and fla s
and gay decorations covered the buildings. A ilver cup was
presented to the captain of the steamer for bringing the ne a.
1 Carpenter, Americ~in Hawaii, 244.
2 Forbes~Lindsay, America's Insular
18.
The United States had no apology to offer the orld for
the act of annexation. It was a connection unsought for, and
not wholly to be desired. Many good men in the United tates
were opposed to stepping out into the ocean for island domains.
It was understood for the moat part in Europe, no less than in
Hawaii, that anneaation to the United States would be a fate
most unfortunate for the islands, and certainly of no disadvan
tage to the American republic. On the other hand, we could not
stand by and see a foreign power take possession _ of the islands.
They came of their own accord and begged us to take them, and
it was not until after due deliberation that we accepted the
gift. A German or a Japanese flag floating over Honolulu might
not imply hostile designs on our coast, but it would be a ser
ious inconvenience. Americans, who opposed the annexation of
the Hawaiian Islands need only shut their eyes, and imagine
how it would be with this outpost of the American coast, and
strategic point in the centre of the Pacific, in the hands of
a hostile power.
By the Act of Congress of April 30, 1900, the islands were
erected into a fully organized Territory of the United States
under the name of "Hawaii", and all of the provisions of the
Constitution and laws of ·the United tates which were then ap
plicable were extended to the new Territory.
1
With exception
of a few differences, Hawaii was given the same form of govern
ment as that granted to other organized Territories. A quali
fication which had hitherto been requisite was that the gover
nor and the secretary, appointed by the President for a term
of four years, must be citizens of the territory.
l Willoughby, Territories and Dependencies,
•
19.
The right of suffrage was more definitely regulated by
Congress than was usual with the territories on the continent.
The ability to read, speak, and write either the English or the
Hawaiian language was among th required qualifications. By
the organic Act of 1900 all persons who on August 12, 1898,
were citizens of the Republic of Hawaii were declared to be
citizens of the United ~tates and of the Territory of Hawaii.
The political history of the Hawaiian Islands since be
coming a Territory of the United States has been strikingly
uneventful, the chief problem being concerned with immigration
and labor. In 1909, the United tates government established
a large military station Hawaii, making it second only to
the Department of the Philippines in importance.
The Legislature consists of ·two Houses, a Senate of 16
members elected for four years, and a House of Representatives
of 30 members elected for two years. The islands have a su
preme court, circuit courts, district courts and a land regis~
tration court. The judges of the supreme and circuit courts
are appointed by the Presi dent, and the district magistrates
are appointed by the chief justice of the supreme court.
There is also a United tates istrict Court, the judges of
which are appointed by the President.
1
1 Statesman's Year Book, 1913, 575.
20.
III.
Porto Rico.
Porto Rico is the amalle t and moat easter~ly island of
the Great Antilles. It is about one-twelfth of t he size of
Cuba, having an area of 3,600 square miles. Adjacent and sub
Ject to the same jurisdiction are the small islands, Viequee,
Culebra, and Mona, and a few other islets. The coast-line is
smooth, generally low, and deficient in good har~ors. More
than one-fifth of the island is under oultivation.
1
Porto Rioo is the moat productive island in the group in
proportion to area, the most densely populated, and the most
firmly established in its customs and institutions. It pro
duces enough food-stuffs to supply its inhabitants and some of
the neighboring islands as well. The preponderance of white
. 2
population is noteworthy.
Aside from the natural wealth of the soil, the island has
an abundant supply of water. There are more than twelve hun
dred streams, some of which are navigable for small vessels
for a distance of several leagues. It is almost entirely free
from stagnant water, which so often vitiates the atmosphere of
tropical countries. The climate is more agreeable than any
other island of the group. It is per petual summer, tempered
by the southwest trade winds sweeping over the island with
great regularity.
It is highly probable that a scientific inve tigation
would reveal mineral res ource s hich are at pre sent unknown ,
since Porto ico has never been subJected to a thorough geo-
1 Forbes - Lindsay, America' ular
2 Hill, Cuba and Porto Rico, 146.
logical inveetigation.
1
Porto Rico was discovered by Christopher Columbus on
November 16, 1493, on his second voyage. He took formal poa
session of the island in the usual manner, but no settlement
was made upon it for several years. He named the island an
Juan Bautista, but the natives called their island Borinquen.
In 1508, Nicholas de Ovando, the Governor of Haiti, allow
ed Ponce de Leon to explore Porto Rico, or San Juan, as it was
then called, in search of gold. The Spaniards were kindly
received and were given guides to assist them in their inves
tigations. Ovando planned to colonize the island. He con
ferred the governorship upon Ponce de Leon.
Diego Columbus arrived at Haiti to supersede Ovando.
With him was Cristobal de Sotomayer, who had commission from
the crown to act as Governor of Porto Rico. Columbus refused
to confirm the appointment of either of the two claimants, but
appointed Juan Ceron, who took possession at once.
When Ovando returned to Spain he urged the cause of
Ponce de Leon so effectively that the King appointe d him t o
the governorship of Porto ioo with strict injunctions that
Columbus was not to interfere. The first act of Ponce de Leon
was to found the town of Caparra, three miles from San Juan
Bay. Thia was the first permanent white settlement on the
island and became its capital. The site of Capar· re. is now oc
cupied by Pueblo Viejo which contains some interesting ruins.
The first and only serious outbreak occurred when the us
ual methods of "pacification", as the Spaniards ter ed the pro
cess, were bein applied to the island. The sup re s1on of the
•
revolt coat the upaniarde many lives.
he aboriginal popula-
tion at that time probably numbered about 16,000 .
Until the beginnin of the nineteenth century, the island
was little more than a military station and penal settlement.
Its agricultural possibilities were not reelized or appreciat
ed, and it is only within the last few year that any conaider-
1
able progress h~s been made.
In 1816 a decree was published in which colonists were
invited to the island on extremely liberal terms, Lands were
given free; the settlers were exempt from direct taxes, as well
as from exportation duties. bile the decree encoura ed free
industries, it unfortunately gave an impetus to the employment
of slave labor, which had not previously been used. rasper-
ity began at this time, and from then until now the advance in
wealth and population has never been equaled even in the
West Indiea.
2
Porto .Rioo became a province of Spain," instead of a colony,
in 1870, and thus acquired the same rights and government exist
ing in the mother-country, with representation in the Cortes,
the deputies being elected by universal suffrage. With the
restoration of monarchy in Spain, in 1874~ the provincial con
stitution of Porto Rico was abrogated and the island went back
to the old form of colonial government. Three years later the
new Spanish constitution and electoral laws of 1876 were given
to the island. The governor-general remained the chief execu-
3
tive under this system.
1 Forbes - Lindsay, America's Insul ar Poaaeaeiona, 5 .
2 Hill, Cuba and Porto Rico, 155 .
Forbes - Lindsay, America's I n ular
•
2 •
In 1897 Porto ico and Cuba ere each ranted an autono
mous form of government. It was never fully established, but
it probably furnished the basis for the later demands of the
Porto Ricans for a ~imilar degree of autonomy under American
rule.
Porto Rico was occupied by the United States forces on
July 25, 1898, under General Miles, but full possession was not
formally taken until October 18 of the same year. The sover
eignty of the island passed to the United States by the terms
of the treaty which closed the Spanish-American war. Although
acquired by force of arms American rule waa received with more
or less enthusiasm. The first government under our authority
was that organized by the War Department acting through the
1
general in command.
On May 1, 1900, an organic act was approved by the Presi
dent, which instituted civil government in the island. This
act did not confer citizenship on the orto Ricans, but assured
them of the protection of the United ~tates.
2
The act provide d
for a governor and six executive secretaries to be appointed by
the President and confirmed by the United tatea enate. In
making these appointments the President may select either Ameri
cana or Porto Ricans. It has been the policy to employ as many
of the Porto Ricans as advisable in the organization of the
r.
several departments. The upper house consists of the s ix sec-
retariea and five other persons selected by the President and
Senate, and a lower house elected by popular vote. The appoint-
1 Willoughby, Territories and Dependencies, 2.
2 Beard, Contemporary History,
3 Wttloughby, Territories and Dependencie ,
24.
mente are so made that the final control of legislative matters
is taken out of the hands of the natives, leaving them only
the power of initiative. The early legislative enactments for
the government of Porto Rico were characterized by a regard for
the welfare of the people.
1
The Foraker Act in 1900 provided for a resident commission
at Washington, but without a seat or vote in Congress, and ex
·tended the United tates laws so far as they were applicable.
Charles H. Allen was appointed the first civil governor
2
of the island in 1900.
Congress gave the greatest autonomy practicable to the
insular government. The entire management of local affairs in
the island was given, subject only to the right of Congress to
disapprove of legislation if it saw fit. Free trade between
Porto Rico and the United States was provided for in 1901. All
reports are now made by the Porto Rica~ government or members
of the Executive Council to the ar Department, in which is
established the Bureau of Insular Affairs.
In 191~ the Secretary of War recommended the granting of
American citizenship to the Porto Ricans and giving to them a
larger part in the government of the island. A bill embodying
these recommendations, was introduced in the House by r. Jones
of Virginia and was favorably reported upon by the House Com
mittee on Insular Affairs. This bill would grant greater auton
omy than is granted to organized territory of the United tates.
3
Great prosperity has been enjoyed by the island, and pro~
grese has been made in almost every direction since Porto Rico
1 Forbes - Lindsay, America's Insular Poasesaiona, I, 159.
2 Garner and Lodge, Hiatorl of the United tates, IV, 167.
American Year Book, 1914, 244.
26.
became an insular possession of the United tates. The com
merce has greatly increased under the improved conditions. In
the fiscal year 1915 the shipments of merchandise from the
United tates to orto Rico amounted to ~0,149,764, an in
crease of 100 per cent since 1905. The imports from foreign
countries were $2,954,000. The shipments of domestic merchan
dis~ from the island to continental United States were valued
at $41,950,419, representing an increase of 275 per cent for
the same period, and the exports to foreign countries were
$7,010,118.
Those who think our insular possessions are backward
would profit by observing the course of legislation in Porto
Rico. In its system of courts for the care of destitute chil
dren, in its government assistance to laborers wishing farms
of their own, in its 4,000,000 irrigation system, managed by
the government, in its protection of its people against usury,
it could offer valuable lessons to many of our States. It
reflects credit upon Governor Yager and other American officers
for the legislation, and evinces a creditable progressiveness
on the part of the native law makers.
1
It is estimated that the
value of sugar cane produced during the present year by the
aid of irrigation over and above the normal production will be
sufficient to repay one-fourth of the debt incurred by the
$4,000,000 irrigation project.
At the beginning of American occupancy over 83 per cent
of the population could neither read nor rite. The school
system was soon reorganized and education was made compulsory,
1 The Nation. Volume CII., 686.
26.
There are now 4,330 common schools with 207,010 pupils enroll
ed; 4 high schools; 25 continuation schools; a university; and
a well distributed system of night schools and kindergartens.
Due to their Spanish traditions, geographical location,
and their political relations with the United States, the peo
ple of Porto Rico have an unusual opportunity to acquire the
two moat important languages spoken in America, to take an
active part in the interchange of ideas and products between
the two American continents, and to profit by the interchange.
The growth of intercourse between the two continents must be
preceded by a greater mutual understanding and appreciation
and no people are in a better position to help to bring this
about than the people of Porto ico.
The American authorities responaibie for the administra
tion of the island have always appreciated this exceptional
opportunity and have spared no effort to improve it for the
benefit of Porto Rico. The linguistic opportunity of both the
teachers and pupils is unusually favorable. It would be a
hindrance and not a help to deprive them of an opportunity to
acquire both languages. Thus, from the earliest days of the
American occupation the purpose of the department of educa
tion has been to establish and to develop a bilingual system
of education which would 1nsure the conservation of Spanish
and the acquisition of English, both to be mastered sufficient-
ly for practical use.
o carry out this policy, different
plans have been tried and changes made in accordance with the
dictates of experience.
he first plan as the teaching of Engli has a special
subject by special teac era. The native teachers ere in
charge of the grade and taught all the ubject of the
27.
curriculum, except English, in Spanish. English was taught
by American teachers, and at least one teacher of English had
to be assigned to each town maintaining a graded school sys
tem. During the English period, the grade teacher remained
in the room to profit by the instruction given.
Gradually it became evident that the teaching of English
as a special subject was not producing the desired results.
To master a language for practical use the learner must re
ceive constant ear and verbal drill. The pupils·were not get J-
ting sufficient practice because they used English only in the
English class and Spanish in school during the rest of the day
as well as in the playground, the street, and the home. A
language is not really mastered until the student is able to
think spontaneously in terms of its vocabulary.
With the development of secondary schools the problem be
came more intricate as the· only available textbooks were print
ed in English and the teachers had to be selected from the
American force. · he only solution was to place the secondary
schools on an English basis and this was done. The immediate
result of this was the necessity of reorganizing the graded
schools in such _a manner that the pupils would receive suffic
ient instruction in the ~nglish language to permit them to en
ter the secondary schools and be able to undertake their ad
vanced studies in English with any hope of aucce • As a re
sult Spanish was used exclusively in the first rade and all
the higher grades were in English, with panish as a special
subject.
eanwhile the orto Hican teachers had prepared themselv
es to give instruction in the En 11 h lan ua e. he c col
board in once pa sed a re olution t o the effect t h tall n
graded teachers appointed mu t be able to do their work in
both languages.
28.
At the present time both English and Spanish are used a
media of instruction in all the grades of the graded system.
The same amount of time is given in all grades for the teach-
•
ing of English as such as is given for Spanish as such. Other
subjects, such as geography and hygiene, are given in either
language and the time is apportioned equitably. The parents
express their earnest desire for cooperation.
There is no race suicide in Porto Rico. The population
at the last census was 1,118,012, or 318 per square mile, and
the estimated population on July 1, 1914 was 1,184,489, or
nearly 340 per square mile. This is a greater density than
that of China or of India and just about equal to that of
Japan. It is ten times greater than that of the United States
proper, and three times as great as that of New England.
About four-fifths of the island being mountainous, much of it
so steep that it can scarcely be cultivated at all, the great
population is so evenly distributed over its whole surface that
the center of population is only about five miles distant in a
straight line from the geographical center of the island. As
a remedy for this crowded condition, Governor Yager suggests
the transfer of a large number of Porto Ricans to Santo Domin
go, which is almost ijdentical in climate, physical character
istics, products, people and langu.a e. Thus the greatest
problems of both islands would be solved through the redistri
bution of population. It is p~able that this ould raise the
standard of livin, a thing greatly to be desired.
29.
IV.
Guam.
Guam, the largest and most important member of the
Marianne Islands, or Ladronee,is the only one of the group be
longing to the United States, the remainder having been sold
by Spain to Germany after the Spanish-Amerioan war. The popu
lation in 1902 was 9,676, and in 1913 it was 12,448. The is
land is irregular in shape and is about twenty-nine miles long.
It is less than four miles across the middle, but near the end
it is from seven to nine miles across. The island lies nearly
twelve hundred miles to the east of the Philippines.
1
The island of Guam was discovered by Magellan, on March 6,
1521, in the course of that memorable voyage that finally gave
the Philippines to the Spanish Crown fifty years later. For
.
nearly a century and a half after the discovery, it was neglect-
ed although Spanish galleons stopped regularly for fresh water
and provisions on their annual trips from ~ew Spain to the
Philippines. It was on one of these occasions that Padre Diego
Luis de Sanvitorea, a Jesuit priest, being moved with pity for
the natives living in spiritual darkness, begged that he might
be sent to them as a missionary. Hie request was fefused, · but
he finally succeeded in getting a direct order from the King,
Philip IV.
Padre Sanvitores landed on the island with a few compan
ions on March 3, 1668. They were welcomed by the inhabitants,
· who showed a willingness to follow their teachinga.
2
After a
1 Annual Report of the mitheonian In titution, 190.
Forbes - Lindsay, America's Inau
o.
time trouble arose between the missionaries and the natives.
The chiefs insisted that baptism should not be extended to the
common people. They objected to the change. of their marriage
customs, the destruction of the sacred bones of their fathers,
and the forcible detention of children whom the missionaries
had taken to educate. Finally, after four years of zealous
labor, Padre Sanvitorea was killed while baptizing a child
l
against its father's will. The Spaniards then sent troops
to the island and waged relentless war against the natives
for twenty-five years.
Dampier visited the island in 1686 and gives an extensive
account of it and its inhabitants. He states that the natives
showed a hearty dislike for the Spaniards and offered to asaist
the English in an attack upon the fort. The enterprise might
not have been difficult, for there were no more than thirty
Spaniards on the island, but the English, hoping to make Guam
a base of supplies, preferred to maintain friendly relations
2
with the garrison.
The Queen of Spain, Maria Anna of Austria, widow of
Philip IV, became interested in the natives and founded a
college for the education of the young people, which she en
dowed with an annual income of 3,000 pesos. This income con
tinued until the seizure of the island by the United States.
It was in honor of the ueen the group was named "Las Islas
Marianas".
In 1710, Woodea Rogers arrived at Guam, accompanied by
Alexander Selkirk, the prototype of our old friend Robinson
1 Annual Report of the mithsonian Institution, 1902.
31.
Crusoe, who had been rescued from the island of San Fernandes.
He was impressed by the abundance of fruit and ild indigo.
After a century of untiring effort the . Jesuits were ex
pelled from the island in 1769, in conformity with the edict of
Carlos III, their place being taken by Recollet friars of the
· order of San Agoetino.
1
Had the work of the Jesuit fathers been permitted to con-
tinue another century the Mariannea must have reached at least
a moderate degree of prosperity and happiness, whereas their
history during the nineteenth century is a recital of misery
and poverty. Du.ring their stay the Jesuits accomplished many
things which were of permanent value to the natives. They in
troduced many useful plants and fruits from Mexico and other
countries, taught the natives many useful arts and habits of
industry, established extensive plantations, and brought to
the island cattle, horses, mules, donkeys, goats, and carabaos,
or water buffalo. hey also maintained a school system in
Guam greatly superior to that which the island enjoys at the
2
present time.
After the departure of the Jesuits the farms were allowed
to lapse into decay, the cattle ran wild, and the natives grad
ually returned to their former mooe of living •
. Dumont D'Urville visited the island in 1828. He said the
only manifestation of prosperity was confined to the governor,
who reserv~d to himself the exclusive privilege of trading with
visiting vessels, as had many of hie predecessors. inoe this
was the sole channel ·tor the extremely limited traffic, the
l Annual Report of the mithsonian Institution, 1902.
2 Forbes - Lindsa, merica' Insul 176.
3 •
wholesale monopoly of trade by the governor had a deadening
effect upon the enterprise and progress of the islanders. Not
all the governors, however, were of this kind. Some gave the
natives free lioenee to trade and encouraged enterprise in every
possible manner. This greatest need wee a ready market, as the
grain was sometimes burned for lack of coneumera.
Guam was under the sovereignty of Spain until June 21, 1898,
when it was seized by the United States navy during the panish
American War.
1
By order of the President, the island is controlled by the
Navy Department. A governor, who is also commandant of the
naval station, is appointed by the President. He is assisted
by American and native Judges. Moat of the judges of the three
grades of courts are natives. The cu~tom rates are distinct
from the general tariff of the United States, and are deter
mined by the Secretary of the Navy under the authority of the
United States.
The population of the island is now 12,617, nine-tenths
of whom can read and write. The sanitary conditions are im
proving. For the first time in many years, the island is free
from leprosy, all lepers having been taken to Culion, the
2
Philippine Leper Colony.
The area of land on whioh crops have been planted has
greatly increased. Roads and bridges have been built, the
harbor dredg&\ and the schools improved. Since the opening of
the Panama Canal the island has become an important coaling
station, and depot of supplies, owing to its situation on the
l illoughby, Territories and
epen noies, 0 •
American Year Book, 1913, 2 6.
33.
main route of several teamship lines. The Guamese should be
given the education and training that will help them to avail
themselves of the opportunities created by this circumstance.
"Our moral obligation to the Chamorroe," says Forbes -
Lindsay, "is heavier than that we owe to the people of the
Philippines or to those of Porto Rico. The needs of the first
are greater and more urgent than those of the others. The
acquisition of the Philippines end Porto Rioo was prompted
in a large measure by humanitarian considerations. For
purely selfish purposes, we went out of our way to secure
Guam, and we have created a condition upon the island which
is, to put it mildly, no improvement upon that in which we
1
found it."
1 Forbes - Lindsay America's Insular Poe easiona, 238-239.
34.
v.
American Samog,.
American Samoa oomprieea the "Island of Tutuila and all
other islands of the Samoan group east of longitude 171° est
l
of Greenwioh." The Islands named in order from east to west
are: Rose Island, Manus, Olosega, Ofu. Tutuila, and Aunuu.
The islands of Manus, Oloaega, and Ofu are uauai1y classed as
"Manue.", while the name "Tutuila" also embraces the island of
Aunuu. Rose Island is a coral atoll, uninhabited and of little
value.
Tutuila, the principal island, is 4,160 miles from San
Francisco; 5,737 from anama; 4,868 from Hongkong; and 2,263
from Honolulu. The Island of Tutuila, irregular in shape,
contains about 40 square miles of land. It is about 18 miles
in length and 5 or 6 iles n width. It poeaesses the mot
valuable island harbor, Pago-Pago, in the outh Pacific, and
perhaps in the entire Pacific Ocean. Pago-Pago Bay has its
entrance to the southward, nearly dividing the island, and is
considered the best and safest harbor in the South Seas. It
is formed in the crater of a large volcano, the side toward
the sea having broken away. The sea can not be seen from the
·ships inside the harbor, the ships lying undisturbed during
the heaviest gales. The harbor is so perfectly arranged that
only two vessels can enter at the same time. The coaling sta
tion, with a capacity of 4,200 tons, is surrounded by high
bluffs and cannot be reached by shell from outside.
Manua is cone-shaped, having a center about 2,000 feet in
height. It is situ ted 60 mi e East of Tut ila and contains
1 Crose, American amoa, 6.
3 •
about 14 square miles.
.
Olosega lies a½- miles west of Manua. Ofu and Olosega
are separated by a narrow passage which is easily forded. The
two islands contain 1.7 square miles - enough land to support
the small population.
Little is known of the early history of the Samoan Islands.
The first mention of them is the ''Three Ship Expedition" by
the Dutch, in 1,22, under Roggewein. Bougainville, a French
explorer, visited the Islands in 1768, and La Perouse in 1787.
A boat's orew and one of the officers of the latter's expedi
tion were massacred at the village of Aeu, in Tutuila.
A British War vessel visited the Islands in 1791. About
forty years later the London Missionary Society established
a mission on one of the islands, and later established schools,
and published textbooks, books on general topics, a monthly re
ligious newspaper, and a translation of the Bible.
In 1850, England, Germany, and the United St~tes had com
mercial agents in Apia, Samoa, but the Americans took very
little interest in Samoa during the next twenty years.
Commander Richard W. Meade, United States Navy, visited
Pago-Pago in 1872, and, on his own responsibility, made a
treaty with the highest chief of Tutuila, in which the chief
expressed his desire for the friendship and protection of the
United States and granted her the privilege of establishing a
naval station in Pago Pago Harbor. The treaty was communicat
ed, in May, 1872, to the Senate by President Grant, who did
not recommend its approval since the protection t o whioh it
seemed to pledge the United States as not in aocord 1th th
foreign policy of our Government. The enate took no action.
Col. A. B. Steinberg r as sent as
C 1 nt to th
36.
Islands by the Department of State in 1873, to report upon
their condition. He was sent a second time, carrying a letter
from the President and some presents to the chiefs of Samoa.
He formed a government for the islands . and became premier,
probably promising the Samoans the protection of the United
States. The State Department repudiated any agreement which
he·may have made with Samoa as without authority. Steinber~
ger's government fell into difficulties with the foreign
Government, and he was deported. The government. then collaps
ed.
In 1877 the chiefs of all Samoa sent an ambassador to the
United States t o conclude a treaty, hoping t o obtain our pro
tection. The effort faile d as the United States as unwilling
to assume such serious obligations. A treaty of friendship
and commerce, however, was concluded at Washington, in 1878,
and was ratified by both Governments. One a~ticle provided
that, should a difference between lamoa and another Govern~
ment at peace with the United States, "the Government of the
latter will employ its good offices for the purpose of adJuet
ing these differences upon a solid and satisfactory foundation."
This was the first departure by the United States from her
policy of avoiding entanglements with foreign governments,
entanglements which soon came. Treaties very similar to the
one made with the United States were concluded betwe n Germany
and Samoa and between England and Samoa, in 1879.
After two or t hree civil wars connected with th success~
ion of the kingship , the three interested powers decided to
send a commission of t hree men, on from each po er, to Samoa
to take charge of the gov rnment temporarily nd restore p ac.
The commission arriv din Apia y 1 , 1899, n oon restor
37.
order. The Samoan armies laid down their arms and the com
mission agreed to purchase all guns turned in. A eucceastul
provisional government was formed, the kingship being done
away with for the time being.
A proposal was made by Germany that the powers abandon
the attempt to look after the government of the islands joint
ly, and make a division of the islands instead so that each
of the three should have the exclusive control over the terri-
1
tory assigned to it. This proposal was satisfactory; a
treaty was signed December 2, 1899, and ratified Febuary 16,
1900. Although Great Britain and Germany renounced all claim
to the island of Tutuila and all other islands of the Samo- an
group east of longitude 171° west of Greenwich, the United
States did not necessarily thereby acquire sovereignty over
those, for the three powers had previously recognized the in
dependence of the entire Samoan group. However, the chiefs of
Tutuila made a formal cession of their island to the United
States, April 17, 1900, and the chiefs of Manua made a cession
of their islands on July 16, 1904.
2
These cessions were not
3
formally accepted for several years.
On Febuary 19, 1900 an Executive order was signed by the
President, placing the control of the islands under the De
partment of the Navy for a naval station. It also provided
that the Secretary of the Navy should take such steps as were
necessary to establish the authority of the United tates and
l Willoughby, Territories and Dependencies, 294.
2 Crose, American Samoa, 10.
3 Willoughby Territories and ~Rendencies. 29.
38.
give necessary protection to the islands. The islands were
first known officially as "Navy tation, Tutuila", but the
Navy Department later adopted the name "American Samoa".
United States citizenship has not been extended to the
Samoans, but the people of the islands owe allegiance to our
flag. Nor have the Constitution and laws of the United States
been extended to the islands. The administrative authority
over them rests with the President as Commander in Chief of
the Army and Navy of the United States.
VI. 39.
The Philippine Islands.
re
co e
r:
'
41
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63.
inhabited by semi-barbarous races, among whom slavery was an
e■tablished institutio~ had transformed our government into an
imperial republic. Concerning the civil status of the insular
possessions, they affirmed that the "Constitution follows t he
flag".
1
They favored promising the Filipinos stable government,
independence, and protection from outside influence. The •
publicans declared the policy of the United States had been one
of ezpansion from the time of Jefferson to CleTeland, and that
~
the Philippines had practically been forced upon us as the
result of a war waged for humanity and liberty, and since the
island inhabitants were incapable of self-government, they
could not be abandoned as prey to other foreign nations. They
favored the United States holding and protecting them until
their inhabitants had attained a condition in which they were
capable of governing themselves, that then they should be given
a degree of self-government, and finally made independent.
Great regret was felt by the Administration at ~ashington
for our part in the precipitation of the insurrection in the
2
Philippines. As the barbarity of the military methods employ-
ed became more and more evident, it was felt that milder plans
must be put into force. The administration was severely criti
cised, ,not only by the opponents of imperialism, but also by
the supporters of the policy. The President resolved t o appoint
the members of a commission and establish a rudimentary civil
government for the islands. Accordingly a commission consist i ng
of President Schurman o· f Cornell University, Almiral Dewey,
1 Garner and Lodge, ~istory of the United States, IV, 1 69 .
Beard, Contemporarz Histo!Y• '
General E. s. Otis, Charles Denby, and D. C. Worcester, as
appointed to investigate conditions in the islands and report
the result of their findings to the President.
1
Upon arriving in the Philippines the commission found
itself confronted with many difficulties. In November, 1899,
the Commission made a preliminary report expressing the opinion
that owing to the racial diversity as well as general ignorance
and lack of political experience of the inhabitants, the islands
were in no condition even for partial establishment of civil
rule. They found races representing almost every stage of de
velopment from abject slavery to comparative civilization, and
considered that a form of government adapted to one would be
2
wholly unsuitable to another. In 1900, the commission made
its final report recommending a form of government for the
Archipelago to consist of a governor-general, a cabinet, a sen
ate and a chamber of deputies, the senate to be half-elective
and the latter wholly so. They also recommended that Congress
give the Filipinos assurance of civil rights, a measure of
local self-government, with a delegate in Congress, a civil
service system by which appointments were to be based on merit,
preference to be given the Filipinos, and the establi hment of
a public school system.
3
The employment of Filipinos in the United States military
service began eptember 16, 1899. The idea was not original
with the Americans, as many natives had regularly been enlisted
l Garner and Lode, History of the United tatea, IV, 1674.
2 Willoughby, Territorie and De endencie, 171.
arner and Lode, Histor~ of the United tates, IV, 167.
65.
in the Spanish army. The use of native troops was at first
limited but was largely extended in a short time. During
period of six months after its organization, the force was
increased to 478 officers and men, and was given the title of
"The Squadron of Philippine Cavalry, United States Volunteers."
.
The constabulary soldiers were given regular instruction
in their military duties, it being our avowed policy to prepare
the Filipinos to establish and maintain a stable government of
their own. They were familiar with the topography of the islands,
spoke the local dialect, understood the characteristics of their
own people, and all things considered were more efficient and
less expensive police officers than the American soldiers.
Their activities were much less likely to arouse animosity, as
well.
1
The results obtained by the Philippine constabulary
have abundantly Justified the policy which led to its organiza
tion. The work of the constublary and of the Philippine scouts
conclusively demonstrated the courage and efficiency of the
Filipinos as soldiers when well disciplined and well led.
During 1899 the native forces in insurrection had been
defeated at every point. The Filipino leaders resolved at a
military council to resort to warfare in small detachments.
The American commanders Judged by the inactivity of the natives
that the insurrection was over, but i n 1900 fighting was re
aumed.2 New methods of campaigning were instituted. A penal
colony was established on the Island of Guam t o which were de
ported many Filipino leaders w ho had been capt ur ed or who had
__ _ _. _
1 orchester, The Philippine~ Past and Present , 26 .
2 Willis, Our Philipin~ Problem• 2 .
66.
surrendered, and many who were suspects in prominent families
which had not committed themselves to the American oauee.
Aguinaldo himself was captured on March 23. 1901 at Palawan by
General Funston. This practically closed the war. The in
surrection had failed because it was poorly led.
1
A general proclamation of amnesty proclaiming, with certain
reservations, a full and complete pardon and amnesty to all
persons in the Philippine Archipelago who had participated in
the insurrection, was issued by the President of the United
States on July 4, 1902.
The second Philippine Commission received instructions on
April 7, 1900. The delicate task of a gradual transfer from
military control to civil authority was undertaken, despite the
fact that extensive regions were still in open rebellion.
2
The
work of organizing and establishing civil governments already
begun by the military authorities was continued. Judge Taft
was inaugurated first Civil Governor of the Philippines on
July 4, 1901. The military governor remained the chief execu-
tive head and exercised the authority possessed by hi■ until
the complete transfer of control was made. A civil service law
was put into operation, through which all but the very highest
appointments were made. A complete central government was es
tablished on September l, 1901, and civil government was grad~
ually extended to the entire Archipelago. Forestry laws were
adopted. Revenues for the support of the government were pro
vided for in duties and taxe ~ the ~mposition of which as not
opposed by the people.
l oroester, The Philippines Paet and Present, 8 .
2
Worcester, he hili
•
67.
The Philippine Commission began early in its career to
organize a system of education for the Archipelago. By Act 74
a basis was laid through the creation of a Department of Public
'
Instruction. A general Superintendent of Public Instruction was
appointed with power to establish schools and appoint teachers.
As there were more than seventy dialects in use on the islands,
it was thoughtbest to establish the English language in all the
schools. Hundreds of teachers were hurried from America. In
1901 a thousand teachers had been sent in small numbers up to
August, when 600 arrived in one transport. In accordance with
our announced policy of gradually replacing Americans with
natives, the American teachers in the islands were reduced to
two-thirds the number there in 1902.
Within two weeks after the capitulation of Manila, General
•
E. s. Otis had personally selected and ordered modern textbooks
as the first step in opening schools in the Islands. In a few
days several schoolJa had been opened under the direction of
one of our army chaplains. he noncommissioned off icers of the
army had been assigned as school teachers. By September, 1901,
General Otis had expended more than twice as much for textbo oks
and supplies as had Spain for all school purposes fr the entire
Islands outside of anila during all her occupancy. The lack
of suitable textbooks was a serious difficulty. The books used
in American schools were unsuited to the purpo e, the subject
matter being unadapte d to the needs of the pupils.
1
What the native most needed was a kind of education that
would operate to improve his m terial condition. He was later
in need of the eduo tion th t would qu lify him for pas ing the
l illis, Our _h_i_l_i ____ i_n_e Prob ms, 2
•
68.
civil service examination.
The primary and secondary schools which were established
throughout the Archipelago were supplemented by trade schools
and a Normal school at Manila.
1
To these, the University of
the Philippines and six colleges have been added, thus giving
the Filipino youth the same opportunities for higher education
as is offered the youth of this land. Every pupil in the pri
mary and intermediate schools has a three-fold task to perform.
In gaining promotion the lesson in the textbook must be master
ed, some industrial task must be satisfactorily accomplished,
and the prescribed work in athletics and physical training
must merit a passing grade. The combination of academic in
struction, industrial and vocational education, and physical
training equips the Filipino to bear an honorable and useful
part in the life of his country.
Since the great majority of pupils quit scho ol at or
before the completion of the first four years of the primary
course, it is necessary to force many things into the lower
grades which would otherwise be deferred until later. The
primary course is followed by an intermediate course of three
years for those who are able to continue. Since, again, t he
majority go no farther, an attempt is made to give them the
training that will be most useful to them in practical life.
Courses in farming, domestic science, commercial subjects, and
trades are offered for the purpose of fit t ing them to follow
these trades when they have left school. Further opportunity
for specialization is offered in the secondary schools. he
exceptional stud nt may enjoy the benefits of hig er education
t and Pr nt , 6 .
69.
in the university. He is not injured by having to take the
special courses prescribed for the great majority, for he will
be possessed of greater understanding of and greater sympathy
.
for the great mass of mankind who must be confined to the hum-
bler walks of life.
In connection with the school system a corn campaign was
inaugurated which now enrolls nearly 50,000 boys, and as a re
sult of this and the efforts of the Bureau of Agriculture, the
production of corn has almost been doubled. he country is
thereby enriched nearly 4,000,000 · a year. The schools have
placed their services at the disposition of the bureaus which
are engaged in welfare work and bear their part in every great
public movement.
It is said tat the Philippine school system is freer from
politics than any other system under the American flag. ew
policies are not adopted in haste, but once a thing is decided
upon it is done. The school system is not forced upon the
Filipinos against their wishes. On the contrary, it receives
the whole-hearted support of the Filipino people and it would
be a very difficult thing indeed to take it away from them.
In one of the provinces the people give half as much in volun
tary contributions for the support of the schools as t hey pay
in taxes, which shows their interest and appreciati on.
At present, every nook and corner is reached, and more
than 600,000 children enroll annually. If funds were available.
at least 200,000 more could be added to the enrollment without
the use of any compulsion.
The adoption of English as t h official langua e and that
of instruction has proved a succes in that no Filipino con-
templates the u
of an other langua e or he purpo e.
It is now used to a far greater extent than Spanish and the
suggestion that it be displaced by some other language gener
ally comes from Americans and is defeated by Filipinos, as was
the case last year.
Serious difficulties have arisen in determining whether
the requirement that "all duties, imports and exoises shall be
uniform throughout the United States", prevents the levying of
duties on goods brought from the island into the ports of the
United States. In the case of De Lima v. Bidwell and the other
insular cases, the Supreme Court has decided, that since t
final acquisition ·of such territorial possessions by treaty,
they are not foreign territory, and that the ordinary tariff
duties on goods brought into the U nite d States from foreign
countries are not applicable. his being so, the question re
solves itself into whether special provisions as to tariff du
ties on goods brought from those islands into the United States
are valid under the uniformity clause just quoted. he gener
ally accepted view is that the uniformity provided for is uni
formity - throughout the territory of the states which originally
constituted the Unit ed States, and those states which have since
been · admitted to the Union; and therefore that the requirement
of uniformity does not apply to duties on goods exported from
the "insular possessions'' into the United tates; and according
ly a tari~l duty on exports from such insular possessions has
been sustained. he term United States territorially, is used
in two senses, first, that territory included ithin the forty
eight States, and secondly, all territory over which the United
~tates Government e ercise juried otion. he po er of Con
gress to levy dutie on i ports and e ports t o and fr om uch
posses ions in order t o mainta n territo i 1 go ernment , d
63.
not to raise revenue for the support of the general government,
is not derived from the taxing clause of the federal Constitu
tion but by implication from t he power to "make all needful
rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property
belonging to the United tatea n, and is not subject to the rule
'
that duties, imports, and excises shall be uniform.
Manufacturing was practically non-existent, the prosperity
of the islands depending chiefly on the capacity of furnishing
1
agricultural products for export. A great boon for the . agri-
culturists was the establishment of the court of land registra
tion. The absence of good real estate titles had always mili
tated against the securing of capital for agricultural loans.
Many reforms and improvements have been made in the is
lands, one of the most important of which was the sanitation of
the Jails and penitentiaries. At the time of the early Ameri
can occupancy there was not a modern operatin room, much less
a hospital in the Philippines. ] ield hospitals were promptly
established where many b'ilipino s were given much need___e d medi-
2
cal and surgical help. Thousands of people had pe i s ed need-
lessly every year for lack of surgical aid.
anila was formerly supplied with impure drinking water
from the ariquina ~iver, and hence in constant danger of in-
fection from cholera and other deadly disea e .
he um of
1,500,00 has been expende d t o giv the cit a odern a e
system, the intake of which is far up the hi ls above the last
village. A modern sew r sy tem haa al o been installed at a
cost of 2,000,000~ An in ane hospital capable o acc o oda i g
---------------- - ----- --·---- - - ------
1 Chamberlin,
Ppilippine robl m, 14.
2
o ceeter,
11
64.
300 inmates has been established.
Among other im rovements were the opening, in July, 1 04,
of the only cable that has ever run from the Islands to America,
and the revision and establishment of the tariff schedules
which were made satisfactory to the business men in the Phil-
ippines.
The United tates spends several millions annually for
,
maint.e...nance of the army officials engaged in civil duty.
1
A large sum was also expended for the purpose of making a ur
vey to ascertain the best route for a railway into the mount
ains of Benquot on the island of Luzon. Captain Charles w.
Meade made the survey. The coat of the road when finally ready
for traffic, March 27, 1905, was 1,961 ,847.05. The necessary
machinery could not haye been brought for the development of
the promising gold mines had it not been for the construction
2
of this road.
On May 14, 1910, in a formal petition for immediate inde
pendence presented to the American Congress, Mr. uezon, acting
under instruction of the Philippine Assembly said:
"As a safeguard to the independence of the Philippines,
the Filipinos ask of the American people their good offices in
favor of the neutralization of the islands. The Filipinos
firmly believe that in order to consummate the great work in
augurated by the U nited States in those islands she will not
refuse to take the necessary steps to bring about the agreement
of the great nations of the world for the neutralization of the
1 Willis, Our Philippine Problems, 439.
oroeater The Phili ines Pat and ent, 481 .
---- ------
r
66.
Arohipelago."
1
Some think by asking the powers which have investments
and citizens there, we should be asking them to exchange the
security of their interests under our flag for the insecurity
of a flag with no history. Others feel that since the traits
of the Filipinos are in the main the same as those of almost
all the Orientals we should not thrust our form of government
and our ideas upon them, but allow them to form a government
on Oriental lines.
On Febuary 4, 1916, the Philippine bill, extending a
greater degree of self-government to the islands, and author
izing the President to grant them absolute independence within
four years, passed the Senate 52 to 24. While the bill went to
the House with t he backing of President W ilson, and was press
ed for early passage, it was finall y defeated. As proposed,
the bill contained a provision authorizing the President when
independence is granted to negotiate treaties adjusting all
property right of citizens of the United States and other
countries in t he islands and to acquire such naval bases and
coaling stations on the islands as he may deem necessary.
The governor-general would have a veto power such as now
rests with the ueoretary of W ar. A two-thirds vote of the leg islature would be required to overrule it, the Pre ident having
the right of absolute veto withins x months .
No restrictions were impose upon the po er of th legis lature to levy e port duties, e cept that they cannot be levied
on exports tote Unit ed tatee.
he public indebtedne a as
limite to 17,000 ,000 hich p rmit the in urance of n
bona
to replac th
7,000 000 friar land bon
'
o b n rt rd.
--------------------------------
l Chamber in he
07.
6 •
The bill would increase the right of suffrage from the
present 260,000 to approximately 700,000 by extending it to
any citizen who is able to read and write a native language.
Liquor traffic, except the native beverages, would be forever
.
prohibited, and no laws could be passed that would permit re-
l
ligious discrimination, slavery, or the creation of a nobility.
The Philippine situation is one of varied and interlock
ing aspects. The questions which present themselves are far
beyond the realm of partisan politics. Their solution calls
for statesmanship of an international grade. Since the Philip
Jpines are to be retained, there is one thing above all others
that we should endeavor to do, and that ie to keep political
graft out of the administration of the Islands. We must take
into account local and racial conditions and adapt our govern
ment to them. We have serious difficulty in adapting our own
laws to fit local conditions and local demands within our own
forty-eight states. To extend and suooessfully administer this
system requires a great deal of modification amid alien races
and conditions across the sea. Efforts to fashion the Filipino
to the white man's standard will prove unprofitable and will re-
.
sult in spoiling what he really is. Perhaps there is a brown
as well as a white man's standard, and this standard when prop
erly ap roximated may serve all pr per purposes of the brown
~an's destiny and ours as far as he is concerned. For our part,
we should decide upon our national policy at home and present
a united front to the orld.
1 Loa Angeles ribune, eb. 5, 1916.
67.
VII.
The Monroe Doctrine.
·When Jamee Monroe assumed his duties as President of the
United States in 1817, he found that Federal power had great
ly strengthened. · Hie administration will be long remembered
for his famous declarations since known as the onroe Doctrine.
The circumstances which brought forth these declarations
are interesting. In the north a dispute was pending over the
north-west boundary between Great Britain, Russia, and the
United States, Russia having undertaken to exclude foreigners
from the disputed territory which extended to the fi{Y-first
parallel of latitude. In the south, Spain was monopolizing
the trade of her American possessions.- much to the loss of the
United tatea and England whose commerce was denied an outlet
into the rich field of outh America. But when the panish
American ooloniee revolted against the authority of Spain in
1808, American and British merchants seized the opportunity
of establishing commercial relations with the new and indepen-
dent states, and a lucrative trade soon grew up. pain was
unable to reduce the colonies to their former state of sub
mission on account of a revolution which had broken out with
in her own borders.
Metternich, the astute Austrian diplomat , at once called
upon Russia, Prussia, France, and Great Britain to unite with
Austria in suppressing the panish re o ution, but Great rit
ain declined to be represen ed at the conference whioh met in
Verona in 1822 for the purpose of devising a plan to aid Spain
in s•ttling her home diffioultiea and reco ering her lost
colonies. The gr th of repu 1 canism in ou h Am rioa cue
68.
alarm to the continental powers. but to Engl nd and the United
States it insured great economic gain; the restoration of the
old order in South America ould hav entailed the loss of a
growing trade to both countries.
When the resolutions of the Congress of Verona became
known, the British Government proposed to Monroe that the
United States unite with Great Britain in a Joint declaration
against the proposed action. ithout waiting, however, for
Monroe's decision Great Britain made her protest to France.
The declaration of the onroe Doctrine which soon follow-
.
ed was partly due to fear in the United States of the near
approach of despotism and the re-establishment of a monarohial
form of government in outh America. It was also prompted
by the insistent and increasing demand for protection to Amer
ican trade an commerce, and a desire to secure for American
merchants a share of the economic advantages which would re
sult from the continued independence of the former paniah
colonies.
The Monroe octrine is worthy of careful study. It clear
ly embraces a doctrine of non-colonization and non-interven
tion. The first passage referred to the dispute in the north
west between Great Britain, Russia, and the United btates.
It is as follows:
"The occasion has been Judged proper for assertin a a
principle in which the rights and interests of the nited
~tatea are involved , that the American continents , by the free
and independent conditions hich the have as ume and main
tained, are henoefo t n t to be cons1dered as u ec for
future coloniza on
n
h oond p of
urope n
e me a
r
Tf
•
re r d o the ope
68.
action of the Holy Alliance and was probably designed to pro
tect American trade rather than outh American republics. It
is:
"We owe it, therefore, to candour and to the amicable re-
lations existing between the United tates and these ewer to
declare that we shoul consider any attempt on their part to
extend their system to any por ion of this hemisphere as dan
gerous to our ea e and safety. W ith the existing colonies
and dependencies of any European Power we have not interfered
and shall not interfere. But with the government s who have
declared their independence and maintained it, and whose inde
pendence we have, on great consideration and just principles,
.
acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the pur-
pose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner
their destiny, by any European Power, in any other light than
as the manifestati on of an unfriendly disposition towards the
United States."
1
The passage respecting future colonization of the Ameri
can continents evidently related to an acquisition of terri
tory by original occupation, and no restriction on the acqui
sition of territory by gift, purchase , or like voluntary trans-
fer was intended. hile it did not commit the United States
to the application of the principle to territory other than
that immediately in dispute in the north-west, in prospective
consideration it involved large areas of unclaimed land on the
continent still unexplored and unoccupied. upon which the es-
tablishment of European colonies 1th their e elusive trale
1 Wise, Empire and Armament, 131.
70.
policies oould not fail to prejudice the trade relations of
the United States. The doctrine embraced the principle of
defensive strategy in time of peace and a threat of offence
in case the trade rights of the United States were encroached
upon. Beyond doubt, it developed a consciousness of national
power among the people in the United 'tatee.
In the course of time the principles announced in the
Monroe Doctrine came to mean, practically, that the United
States, while respecting the existing rights of European na
tions in this hemisphere, would oppose any intervention inter
fering with the freedom of self-government in any territory
whose inhabitants had established independence. When a dis
pute arose between Great Britain and Venezuela over their re
spective boundaries in 1895, Secretary Olney, under President
Cleveland, declared that, while the United States did not in
tend to help relieve any Latin-America state from its obliga
tions under international law, and did not intend to prevent
any Europena government, directly interested, from enforcing
such obligations or inflicting punishment for a breach of them,
it would not allow any European country to interfere with the
right and power of the self-government of an American state
or with the shaping of its political fortunes and destinies.
The British government was surprised at this tartling exten~
eion of the Monroe Doctrine, but consented to arbitration.
Thus the dispute was peaceably settled and war was averted.
But with privileges come responsibilities. If the Monroe
Doctrine is interpreted to limit European power and influence
in the western hemisphere the Unit d tatee mu t accept, to
some degree, responsibility for the conduct of the Latin-Amer
ican countries which are to be efended a ins Europ n
71.
aggrandizement.
ile the United tatee will not permit any
European power to seize new dominions in the western hemisphere,
it will ordinarily allow all powers to protect their property
rights in any Latin-American country.
Prior to the Spanish War, the Monroe Doctrine obtained
its sanction in the doctrine of the political separation of
the two hemispheres, but with the lapse of years it has been
modified to meet the changing conditions and has become more
widely extended in its application than its author contemplat-
1
ed. Both the Constitution and the Monroe Doctrine have been
interpreted from time to time to an extent that would meet
the demands made upon them. Meanings which were at first im~
plied, have become well established by force of practice and
interpretation.
The Monroe Doctrine, if considered in connection with the
responsibilities involved, was always imperial in its propor•
tions. One cannot fail to note the fa.ct that, in its to· ne and
its tendencies, it has undergone a marked transformation.
2
Although Asia wae not mentioned in the Monroe Doctrine,
the question whether the doctrine applied to that continent
did not arise until the annexation of the Philippines. he
American people promptly replied that it did not.
The United States has been bitterly criticised by the
European Powers for holding one-half of the earth in reserve
for her special interests, and at the same time obtaining
territory in the Eastern hemisphere. But the Monroe Doctrine
is based on wider principle of internation 1 policy. It
can only be understood by the general policy of nglo-American
l
2
I
Latane, American ation 'eries, XXV, 69.
Moore, Four of American evelopment, l 7.
---- - ---- ------
oi
he
a C
zati o , a e
•
0 l o f o
o n po t ca i titut on
thre en t o
7 •
n ton t or out
di t rfere h
n comm c . This
attit de of Bri ish pol
n then eteent century ha b
formulated for u y Benjamin Di rae i h
1
memorab e ta e ent befor arliament:-
a e t following
"The eneral princi let a e ht not to int rfere
in the a~~aira of for in nation unle
here cl ar
necessit , and that, e rall
pea n, it ought to b hel
a olitioal o mat at t he eople f other countrie hould
settle t ir own affai e without
infl ence or foreign o er , 1
does not only accept, ut, I
e inter ention of forei n
ne h ch, It ink, t e House
k, will oordia l agree to."
There can be n Monroe Doctrine ithout a nav. ~ ot
only, o e need an adequat navy at h e , but . our insular
ossessions are abso utel e endent upon it . To sustain the
Monr e octrine e must continu our po icy of friendship and
protection to eaker nations.
l Blackwood's agazine, Jul, 1916.
{Reproduced i Littel' Living Age, No . 3759) .
73.
VIII.
The United States as a orld Power.
The position of a world power often implies new respon
sibilities and perhaps the neoesaity for sacrifices. Nations
are sometimes forced to increase their dominions by causes
1
outside their own wishes. They rarely achieve in war pre-
cisely what they have in mind to achieve when the appeal to
arms is made. The issue of battle imposes its burdens upon
the victors as well as the vanquished. Our victory over Spain
forced upon us undreamed-of tasks, and presented a new point
of departure in our national career. no great have been the
changes wrought and so complex the questions that have arisen
that it is difficult to trace the singleness of purpose with
which the war was begun. The sole aim was to put an end to a
condition of affairs in the island of Cuba that had become
2
intolerable, Action was demanded in the name of humanity.
The United States declared t hat"Cuba is, and ought to be
free". The conflict which ensued was ended by the Treaty of
Paris, by the terms of which pain relinquished all claims of
sovereignty over Cuba, and the United tates undertook to
discharge during its occupation of the island the obligations
that might result from such occupation for the protection of
life and property.
The task then presented to the Americans was the creation
of a stable government, republican in form, which would be
capable of discharging the obligations of internati onal rela tionship and be entitled to a place amen the nations.
l Bryce, American Common ealth, II, 626.
2 Latane, American ation
t
•
74.
The constitution agreed upon for the republic of Cuba
l
was adopted Febuary 21, 1901. The conditions set for the
withdrawal of American occupation were incorporated in the
Cuban constitution and in the permanent treaty with the
United ~tatea. It was stipulated that the Cuban government
should make no treaty with a foreign power which would tend
to impair the independence of the republic or permit military
or naval occupation of the island, and that no loan should be
issued beyond that which the public revenue would warrant.
The United States was privileged to intervene for the dis
charge of its obligations under the treaty of Paris. Provis
ion was also included for the lease of coaling and naval sta
tions to the United States.
An inauriectionary movement was begun in August, 1906.
The government endeavored to check it by arresting some of
the liberal leaders but the efforts were unsuccessful. resi-
dent Palma secretly appealed to the United tates for inter
vention. Secretary aft who was ordered to Cuba as mediator,
landed in Havana, eptember 19, and began at once to investi
gate the merits of t he issue by soliciting evidence from both
parties.
The only solution to the problem seemed t o be through de
claring null and void the election of all candidates chosen in
1905, with the exception of resident alma w oae retenti on
was necessary to maintain the continuity of constituti onal
government.
owever , resident alma reigne d , an
r. aft
assumed t he office of r ovi i onal o ernor on ept em ber
O
1906
., , t
----------- ------ ------------·---
l Latane, Amerio n ati on
, 1 7b .
75.
and was succeeded in a few days by C. E. agoon. American
occupation of the island continued for a fe months, but at
last the soldiers were withdrawn and the native government was
again established.
At the beginning of the panish war, all the Continental
.
Powers of Europe were unfriendly to us, not that they loved
Spain more, but because they saw in this attack upon a uropean
Power the justific ion of their fear that we were likely to
un.
disturb the very.stable balance of power which kept peace in
...
Europe; that e hold not a low Europe to monopolize all the
world's markets, or to annex South America t o their empires.
Our attack upon the Philippines introduced a new factor into
the problem of the Far East, and all the Continental ewers
felt that an attack upon pain was also an attack upon the.
Had there been unity among t emselves, they woul probably
have intervened at once, unless England had taken an active
part in our defense; but they were not united, and there was
one thing feared more than they feared us - that was, a gen-
1
eral European war.
Russia was the only one of the ~ewers which could have
brought about a general armed intervention of the Continental
Powers. She controlled the foreign policy of France, and
Germany would have done anything to have gained her alliance.
But the Russian Government was less hostile to the United
States than any of the others, and her hands were full. It
would have been much against her interests to have driven us
into an active and permanent alliance 1th England.
he had
nothing to gain n brin in about any common action of r nee
-----
1 Independen, o um
O, P • 7 7.
and Germany, her policy being opposed to this. The fact that
the Czar waa a weak man would naturally have continued t e
traditional policy of uesia, and that was friendly toward the
United tatee.
Our Gov· ernment and our people realized that the war modi
fied all our relations to the world. Henceforth, in self-de
fense, we must share the burdens of Europe and have a navy and
an army strong enough to defend our liberty and our rights.
But Europe suddenly began to be more friendly with the
United States. The general rule - the desire to be on good
terms with the winning side - was applicable.
In the close competition for the world's trade, and with
the United States a large importer and exporter, rivaling Eu
rope in many of its former exclusive manufactures, the nations
of the Old World did not care to alienate the goodwill of such
a prod.ucer and consumer. It was not in manufactures alone
that an important bond united both aides of the Atlantic. The
agricultural products of our country were so necessary to Eu-
.rope that when the outbreak of the paniah war disturbed the
world' a market a, fa.mine and bread-riots threatened European
centers. Material and selfish interests caused Europe to pre
serve friendly relations with the United States, a good example
of how commerce makes for peace.
In close connection with these condition were the advan
tage of negotiating commercial treaties and the danger of tar
iff wars. It was evident that the United States could put such
a duty on certain imports as practically to exclude them from
our shores.
In our victory Euro
ea that the United States must
be reckoned with in international affairs. Our county
courted by more than one European Power as an ally. Th re was
a widespread conviction that we had entered upon an era of con
quest which would end in the development of militarism.
To see America victorious by sea, i~creasing the regular
forces, sending out transports of men and arms to the four
quarters of the globe, and to see Great Britain, the world
colonizer and conqueror par excellence, applauding and encour~
aging us in our new departure - this puzzled and astounded the
Old World, so long accustomed to see America only an .tion of
money-makers. To a great resistless undercurrent of national
imperialism, the force of which was generated by our early
statesmen, is due the acquisition by the U nited States of Alas
ka, of the Hawaiian Islands, of Porto Rico, of Tutuila in the
Samoan group, of the Philippines, and to this also is due the
building of the Panama Canal.
Imperialism in America is a great popular movement and,
as in all such movements, there is in it a powerful eiement
of passionate, unreasonimg, almoot unconscious national enthu~
siasm which is regarded in rather an unfavorable light by the
people of South America whose interpretation of our history
differs from our own.
The civilized nations of the world were entering upon a
contest for financial and commercial supremacy upon a grander
scale than any in the past, and in a field which was being
rapidly extended over the decadent and undeveloped nations .
1
The United States was gradually attaining the condition
of the industrial nations of Europ. Our turn came t o partic
ipate in the struggle for foreign aark ts. It was by no a rie
1 Forum, v. 27, 427.
•
78.
of accidents, not even by the thirst for military grandeur
apart from its economic results, that the civilized countries
have borne their influence to all quarters of the globe. The
occupation of Cuba and the Philippines only marked the entry
of the United tates into the contest for financial and com
mercial supremacy. The energy with which the settled countries
of Europe sought opportunities for the investment of their cap
ital began recently to attract the attention of the American
people. e were ~bsorbed for many years in the development of
our industries at home, but we finally began to feel the effects
of diminished discount and interest rates and the pressure of
the surplus capital upon the means for its absorption.
While this reaching out for the markets of the world was
going on, the United tatea could not afford to adhere to the
policy of isolation. The domestic market for finished goods
had long since been more than supplied, and American manufac
tured -goods were finding new markets abroad.
Imperialism probably has more advantages than a policy of
isolation. The insular possessions of the United tates and
the British possessions render large standing armies unnecess
ary so long as these two countries are on friendly terms, and
maintain command of the seas.
1
In American politics imperial1am hae come t o mean the
policy, upon which the nited ~tate has entered , of acquirin
territory which is neither a part of the United tates proper,
nor contiguous to it, and which cannot well be incor orated 1th
the Union as constituent states of the nation. It require the
Spanish War and the acquisition of the insular tr itory to
1 Forum, v. 26, 21
bring imperialism into politics as a leading issue and to
bring the realization of the new emphasis on world policy
1
which economic interests demanded.
79.
Though the problems of governing dependencies are import
ant, there is yet a more significant phase of imperialism.
The possession of territories affords a greater control over
the development of their trade and resources; but capital and
enterprise naturally go to the countries where the opportuni
ties are greatest.
The United States has from the beginning been interested ·
.
in the Far East; has negotiated treaties there; and has enact-
ed re~sration f or outrages committei against Americans. In
this sense our country has always been a world power, for it
has undertaken to protect its citizens and further their in
terests in all parts of the world.
In 1898, the situation in China demanded energetic polit
ical action on the part of all powers desiring new openings
for their commerce. ussia, Germany, and France had seized
stations and large tracts of territory in China, hoping to en
force their restrictive policy of shutting up the market to
their own people. To have a rightful share in the new t rade
of Asia, it was necessary for the United States to protest
against this policy of exclusion and seek to limit the area
over which it was applied. Great Britain stood before the
world as a champion of free markets. The United States, if not
to be excluded from Asia, had either t o sustain the policy of
Great Britain or follow the narro er policy of th Cont nental
countries in carving out a market o it on.
ilent indiffer-
istor ,
so.
ence to affair in Asia as not merely a question of political
and naval prestige or of territorial extension. It was a ques
tion whether the new markets in the process of making should
be opened to our commerce in any form under any conditions,
and nothing but vigorous assertion of American interest in the
subject would have prevented the obstructions to the natural
course of trade which would have followed the division of Asia
among the protectionist powers of the European continent.
The United States, on its Pacific shore, fronts Asia, as
on its Atlantic shore it fronts Europe. China is one of the
greatest undeveloped market in the world, and it is to be
supplied chiefly by railroads from uesia and steamships from
this country. It is highly probable that American commerce
will at some time dominate the acific Ocean. Ours are the
American ports, and ours the Hawaiian and Philippine Islands.
Russia by land and the United States by sea are equipped to
supply the commercial needs of China. It was necessary that
the United tates should not be shut out by discriminations
which would have been made if Russia or France had secure
con~rol. To maintain the "open door" in China the integrity
of the Chinese Empire was essential, however its admini tra
tion may have been put in commission by the Power. Secretary
Hats "Open Door ' Circular of 3eptember 6, 1899, was the first
assertion that the United utatee intended, in the future to
occupy a rominent place in the politics of the Orient.
The value of the trade of Great ritain and the United
States with China amounted t o eix times that of the c ombined
trade of erman, Russia, and ranee; t hence, Grea ri a i n
and the United tate had a ri ht to d cl are their i ntere t
in China ere paramount and t o c t o eth in uard n
81.
their interests. China. the Unit d tatee, and the British
poaaeaaions have the largest extent of coast line frontin on
the Pacific, with a growing vommunity of interests. Great
Britain secured the im ortant naval station of Hong Kon and,
for · a time, that of ei-hai-wei for the protection of her in-
terests, and she had a large liar f rce conveniently
near in India.
The acquisition of Hawaii, and the Philippines was of
great odvantag in carrying our power across the Pacific and
putting us face to face with the Orient. Manila furnishes an
immediate and invaluable base of operations for all that
quarter of the globe, and is of great strategic importance.
These possessions give us standing and influence as well as a
valuable trade bQth in exports and imports.
With the Philippine Islands in our possession, the English
speaking peoples and Japan will control all the coal easily
accessible to the Pacific and Indian Oceans. These, with the
coal of New South ales, North Borneo, Alaska, British Colum
bia, Vancouver, Washington and Oregon , will furnish supplies
for ships on the Pacific in times of war; and so long as Great
Britain holds Gibralter, Aden, Cape Town, and the Falkland
Islands, and the United States controls Hawaii, the Philippines,
and the Ps. nama Canal connecting the Atlantic and Pacific , these
two powers can ominate the Pacific and Indian Oceans.
America is needed to advance and defend the principles of
Anglo-Saxon civilization throughout the wor d. Already some
of the effects of the abandonment of our policy 6f isolation
are abroad. It is questionable hether the politic l isolation
of this country and the consequent narrowing of our olitical
•
82.
horizon, may not have been a cause of the unrest and internal
dissension which were so notable at the tie of the aoquisition
of the insular territories.
Our oommerce with the British Empire is bound to enlarge,
as the British colonies are inoreaaing in population more rap
idly than any other parts of the world; and the British are
essentially a trading people. It is obvious that the United
States has important interests at stake in the partition of
commercial facilities in regions which are likely to offer
developing markets for its goods.
Since the eoquiaition of the hilippines by the United
States, the chain of islands extending along the entire east
ern coast line of Asia is owned by Japan, the United ~tatee,
Great Britain and the Netherlands - all seafaring nations and
countries having mutual interests to guard. Since their in
terests are for cooperation, their possessions in the Far East
can be held by a small military force. Had on ya part of the
Philippines been retained by the United States, there would
have been a general scramble among certain European Powers for
the possession of the remainder, which might have resulted
disastrously.
The possessions of the United States, Great Britain, Jap
an, and the Netherlands encircle the Pacific Ocean 1th an un
broken chain from Cape San Lucas, California to ew Zealand,
with this country in possession of Hawaii, the central point
of strategic vantage, and the Panama Canal controlling the en
trance into the Pacific Ocean from the East, as ngland$ con trols the short route from t he est. These countrie could ,
with the aid of the naval station o England in the editerr
anean, control the lack ea and perh p th edi r a ean
8 •
itself. With the western frontier of the United tates rest
ing on the shores of the Pacific and with our Hawaiian and
Philippine naval stations to cooperate with Japan and the
British Islands of Hong-Kong and ingapore, we could cut off
the oommunicatione of Europe with the Far East.
1
The deliberate annexation of Hawaii showed that we were
no longer to be bound by continental limitations. It was not
an unforeseen and unpremeditated act as in the acquisition of
the Philippines, Guam, and Porto Rico. It was a logical cul
mination of a connection and a policy of fifty years' develop
ment. It meant that we could see and accept the necessities
of a growth that overlaps and absorbs outlying territory ·which
2
lies along the pathway of our commercial interests.
In surveying the field for commercial outlets it is found
that Europe ie full to repletion. Australia belongs to Great
Britain. Africa is partitioned among the old Powers. South
ern and Central Asia are already appropr i ated. This leaves
South America the remaining field of promise and importance.
South America has a population of over 70,000,000 and a for~
eign trade of over 500,000,000, which could with cultivation
be doubled. The bulk of it should naturally be ours, and yet
we have but a small part. Ceoil Rhodes wrongly asserted that
the United States would some day possess South America. e do
not want it as a possession, we only want its tra e, and that
should be one of the chief aims of our commercial policy.
Now the central and crucial fact is that our recent acqui
sitions lie in the direct pathway of thee vital commercial
l Forum, V. 26, 39.
Indepen ent, V. 1, 1811.
84.
extensio~ and have a visible and palpable relation to them.
The possession of Porto Rico and the guardianship of Cuba
command the Caribbean Sea and emphasize the importance of the
Panama Canal. They are potent factors in our trade connections
with South America. They not only concentrate the national
attention upon the opportunities thaa opened, but furnish the
immediate stepping atones.
The recent acquisitions are on the direct lines of what
must be the coming development. Commercial expansion being
our greatest need of growth. the insular possessions are as
keys in our hands.
American Year Books
Bibliography.
ource Material.
D. Appleton and Co., • Y. 1910-1915.
Annual Report Smithsonian Institution for 1902
Government Printing Office, Washington, 1903.
Moore, J.B., Digest of International Law. 8 vols.
Government Printing Office, ashington, 1906.
Report of Governor of American Samoa.
Government Printing .Office, 1913.
86.
R port of the Governor of Porto Rico to the Secretary of War.
~overnment Printing Office, Washington, 1914, 1916.
Report of the Philippine Commission to the President. 5 vols.
Government Printing Office, Washington 1900-1914.
Report of the Thirty-third Annual Lake ohonk Conference, Oct. 191
.
Richardson, James D., Message_ and Papers of the Pres dents, 10 vo
Published b Authority of Congress, 1901.
Secondary Material.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe, The ew Pacific.
The Bancroft Co., • Y., 1913.
Barrows, David P., ! Decade of American Government in the
Philippines.
World Book Co., N. Y., 1914.
Barrows, David P., ! History of the Philippines.
World Book Co., N. Y., 1914.
Beard, Charles A., American Government and Politics.
The Macmillan Co., N. Y., 1916.
Beard, Charles A., Contemporary American History.
The Macmillan Co.
9
• Y., 1914.
Blackman, W. F., The Making of Hawaii.
The Macmillan Co.,}. Y., 1899.
Bryce, James, The American Common ealth. 2 vols.
The Macmillan Co., N. Y., 1910.
Carpenter, E. J., America in Hawaii.
--------
Small, Maynard and Co., Boston, 1899.
Chamberlin, F. C., The Philippine Problem.
Little, Brown and Co., 191.
Davis, O. K., Our Conquests in th~ Pacific.
F. A. Stoke Co., • Y., 1898.
8'1.
Forbes - Lindsay, c. H •• America's Insular Possessions. 2 vols.
The John C. Winston Co •• hiladelphia, 1906.
Garner and Lodse, History of the United States. 4 vole.
John D. Morris and Co., Philadelphia, 1906.
Hall, W. E., International Law. 6th ed.
Stevens and Sons, Limited, London, 1909.
Hart, A. B., ed. American ation ueries, 27 vols.
Harper and Brothers, · • Y., 1907.
Hill, Robert T., Cuba and Porto Rico.
The Century Co., N.Y., 189.
Jordan, David Starr, Imperia! Democracl•
. D. Appleton and Co., N. Y., 189.
McLaughlin and Hart, ed., Cyclopedia of American Government.
3 vole. D. Appleton and Co., • Y., 1914.
Moore, J.B., Four Phases of American Developmen~.
The John Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1912.
Peck, H. T., Twenty Years of the Hepub ic.
Dodd, ead and Co., • Y., 1906.
Randolph, c.
•
on •
Longmana, reen and o.
•
. '
901
Robinson. A.G., Cuba and the Intervention.
Longmane, Green and Co.,?. Y., 1905 .
Willis, H.P., Our ~hilippine Problem.
Henry Holt and Co., N. Y., 1905.
Willoughby, W. F., erritories and ependencies of the
United States.
The Century Co., N. Y., 1905.
illoughby, W. w., The American Constitutional System.
The Century co.~ N •• , 1904.
Wise, Jennings c., Empire and Armament.
Woodburn, J. A., American Hepublic.
G. P. Putnam•s 'ons, .Y., 1903.
orcester, Vean c., rhe ihilippines Past and Present . 2 vols.
The Macmillan Co., • Y., 1914 e
M agazines and ewspapers.
880
Atlantic M onthly, Volume 83 .
Blackwood's Magazine, July, 1916 .
Current Events.
Loe Angeles Tribune .
ation, Volume 68.
Forum, Volumes 6 and 27.
Independent. Volu e
Living Age, No . 3769.
0 and 1.
orth American Review ,
Volumes 167 and 16 .
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Significance of the recent acquisition of insular posessions by the United States
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History
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1916-08
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07/01/1916
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