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Becoming college or career ready: preparing for passionate, practical, or precarious futures in a public high school

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Becoming college or career ready: preparing for passionate, practical, or precarious futures in a public high school

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Content Copyright 2023 Mary A. Ippolito

Becoming College or Career Ready:
Preparing for Passionate, Practical, or Precarious Futures in a Public High School

By

Mary A. Ippolito

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(SOCIOLOGY)

August 2023

ii
Epigraph

Why don't you ask the kids at Tiananmen Square?
Was fashion the reason why they were there?
They disguise it, hypnotize it
Television made you buy it

I'm just sitting in my car and
Waiting for my...

She's scared that I will take her away from there
Dreams and her country, left with no one there
Mesmerized the simple minded
Propaganda leaves us blinded

I'm just sitting in my car and waiting for my girl
I'm just sitting in my car and waiting for my girl

I'm just sitting in my car and waiting for my girl
I'm just sitting in my car and waiting for my girl

- Hypnotize
System of a Down

Songwriters: Daron Malakian, Serj Tankian
Hypnotize lyrics © Kobalt Music Publishing Ltd., Sony/ATV Music
Publishing LLC, Warner Chappell Music, Inc.

iii
Dedication

To the Sycamore high school class of 2020.
Let's work to create a more compassionate and just schooling experience for all.

iv
Acknowledgements

In these past eight years of graduate school, I have moved six times around Los Angeles, made
annual trips to see my New York family and friends, had countless coffees, and weathered a
global Covid-19 pandemic. Through numerous transitions and redirections, I have leaned on
many people. Distilling my infinite thanks to you is difficult, but I'll try my damn hardest.

To my beautiful cats and the lovely pets I've met over the years. Sierra, you are not officially my
pet and tend to bite if provoked, but I appreciate it when you feel comfortable enough to sleep by
my feet. Maverick, Binx, and Linx. Maverick, you have been with me for many years. Your love
has supported me through many difficult times, like presenting my work on Zoom and blocking
the camera with your furry orange body. Binx, your life was too short, and we will never forget
your lionlike personality. You helped me a lot throughout the lockdown. To all my friends’ cats
and fur babies: You’re all purrfect.

To my neighbors: Tony, you are an honorary grandfather to me. Thank you for caring for my
family and me when we first moved. To my neighbors at Cedar Street. Thank you for welcoming
me with open arms like I was your family. You made dissertating a less lonely place.

To the cafes I wrote many papers in over the years. Urartu Café thank you for being a cozy and
welcoming place to think, connect, and sip coffee in graduate school.

To the Sycamore High administrators, teachers, and students who worked with me: being
frequently observed in education must be somewhat annoying. Still, you allowed me to add
myself to the list. "Dr. Jones," I appreciate your generosity with your time at the beginning of
this study. Thank you for granting me access; it was not lost that you care about Sycamore High
deeply. To the teachers and counselors at Sycamore who gave me their time that was already so
limited. Thank you for believing in me. "Mrs. Kelly," thank you for trusting and advocating for
me. You are a formidable and reflective teacher.

To the senior class of 2020 and students at Sycamore High who shared their time with me: I
greatly appreciate your honesty and humor. I saw myself and my friends in you. I am so sorry
you had to experience the end of high school in the pandemic. This project and talking with you
all as our lives were upended helped me stay rooted in the present. I hope this dissertation does
the experience justice and that the rest of your transitions are smoother from here on out.

To the sociology office staff, past and present. Melissa Hernandez, thank you for your help and
speedy response times though you had a lot on your plate. I appreciate your friendliness and
cheer and look forward to seeing you in the office. Lisa Losorelli, thank you for always being
down to talk and exchange silly puns. It was nice to begin graduate school with you in the office,
and I appreciated your ability to welcome everyone. Amber Thomas, thank you for helping with
the tricky financial part of graduate school. Valerie Rodriguez, thank you for your friendliness
and help setting up presentations in the colloquium. Stachelle L. Overland, thank you for your
sincere support, grace, and compassion throughout my time here. You are one of the reasons I
have kept moving forward. I know the behind-the-scenes work is usually made invisible. Still, I
remember and appreciate how much you've done and done for all of us.
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To those USC sociology faculty, whom I have received encouragement through events or
colloquium sessions. Thank you, Professors Elaine Bell Kaplan, Tim Biblarz, Deisy Del Real,
Emily Smith-Greenaway, Mike Messner, Leland Saito, Dan Schrage, and Hajar Yazdiha. I
appreciated all of your tips, guidance, and time.

To the faculty who have helped me write and theorize in classes, working groups, or
conversations. Thank you, Professors Ange-Marie Hancock Alfaro, Ben Carrington, Nina
Eliasoph, Jeff Guhin, Meredith Hall, Jen Hook, and Josh Seim. To Professor Nina Eliasoph,
POETs has been a place to develop my writing (near cats!). I appreciate your brainstorming and
note-taking greatly. Professor Jen Hook, I will always remember the writing class as crucial for
understanding how to write sociologically. Thank you for organizing opportunities to help
students transition from graduate school. Professor Josh Seim, I appreciate you helping me with
my empirical research and dissertation chapter. Your advice has helped me navigate gnarly
writing ruts.

USC Writing Center Mentors and Friends. Professor Cory Nelson, thank you for giving me the
motivation to keep going with this dissertation. Your class was a lifesaver and helped me clearly
see what I had lost sight of in the sea of graduate school. You are an excellent writing professor,
mentor, and support. Thanks to your tools, I can now imagine a cheery audience while drafting.
Dr. Tamara Black, I am grateful for your help and kindness in helping me articulate my overall
argument. Roger Anderson, thank you for your support at the writing center. I always looked
forward to my consultant job. Students-you keep me going with your tenacity and inspire me to
face the blank page.

To the faculty I've taught for over the years. Professor Juli McGene, thank you for teaching me
about being a rigorous and principled teacher who can make time for personal well-being and
growth. I learned a lot about boundaries from you too. Professor Lynne Casper and Karen
Sternheimer, thank you for having the TAs’ best interests in mind and for that lovely luncheon.
Professor Richard Kamei at Glendale Community College, thank you for mentoring me in the
FDIP internship. Your devotion to your students and social change is deeply inspiring.

Thank you to my committee. Professor Jody Vallejo, thank you for allowing me to teach for you,
guest lecture, and refine my presentation skills. I enjoyed learning from you and your dedication
to professional development. You were very generous with your advice, and I am very indebted.
I had a lot of formative grad school moments during SOCI 155: Immigrant America. Thank you
for continuously checking in and asking how things are going despite everything you do inside
the classroom, in research, civic volunteering, and beyond.

Professor Paul Lichterman, I am grateful for your qualitative training and deep reading of my
papers early in graduate school. I appreciate the EPL working group helping introduce me to
academia's interactional etiquette. I was thrilled to learn the transformative potential of
participant observation and the responsibility of accurate interpretation and representation of
results. Thank you for guiding me through many an office hour meeting where I was finding my
intellectual footing. I admire your rigor and patience in sociological mentorship.

vi
Professor Julie Posselt, thank you for leading the helm on improving higher education
organizations. You are a spectacular example of how sociology can be applied at the
postsecondary level and beyond for genuine institutional change.

Professor Ann Owens, my dissertation chair, has supported me continuously and believed in me.
I appreciate your care, flexibility, and stability over the past eight years. Thank you for
mentoring me across the methodological divide and giving me enough space and direction to
follow my interests. That perfect blend of structure and choice is invaluable and takes a lot of
intentional forethought and logistical labor. I am forever grateful that you took me on. I don't
know how you do everything that you do, but I feel privileged to have worked with you and
learned from you.

To my funders: I also was privileged to win a John Randolph Haynes and Dora Haynes
Foundation fellowship to support my writing. This opportunity was crucial for me to finish this
dissertation, and for that, I am grateful. I also thank the USC Sociology Department and the USC
Graduate School for internal funding opportunities.

To my graduate school friends and mentors. What powerhouses! Thank you to those who
shepherded me through my first few years and beyond. Professors Megan Carroll, Jennifer
Candipan, Stephanie Canizales, Rachelle Wang Cendejas, Carolyn Choi, Kushan Dasgupta,
April Hovav, Krittiya Kantachote, Chelsea Johnson, Minwoo Jung, May Lin, Michela Musto, Kit
Myers, Matt Ripley, Jeff Sacha, and Lizette Solórzano. You all made graduate school a little less
intimidating and more accessible. You were so generous with your time (even as limited as it
was). Megan, I appreciate your warmness, thoughtfulness, and dedication to your students.
Kushan, your puns and cultural sociological humor almost make time fly in graduate school. Kit,
you were very kind when I worked out big feelings about my future. Michela, you are fun and
rigorous and always helped me with anything I faced. May, I admire your diligence and
advocacy for students and young people. Minwoo, you always shared opportunities with me and
invaluable critical feedback. Thank you all.

Professor LaToya Council and Dr. Alli Coritz. You both are so special to me. I remember I saw
both of you for the fellowship boot camp, and you welcomed me with open arms and jokes. To
LaToya, I am lucky to consider you a sister friend. There are many times this past year that I
have looked up and “seen” you around campus or coming around a corner meaning (1) I need to
finish this dissertation (2) call you on the phone because I miss you. I know you are crushing
your first year as a professor, and I can’t wait to hear about it. Thank you for the countless laughs
and memories in graduate school. Alli, my dear, dear friend. Thanks for being my first office
mate and for keeping me afloat from afar with satirical articles, phone calls, and text threads.
You are part of many core grad school memories, and I would not be here if it weren’t for you.
Thanks for your labor for our department and for helping many of us transition to adulthood.

To my cohort. Coheart. Yael Findler, Shang Liu, Oded Marom, and Dr. Eunjeong Paek. I was a
little over my head my first year, but I fondly remember the Lab hangouts, carpooling, and text
threads that made me feel less alone. Yael, thank you for teaching me that doing graduate school
does not have to come at the cost of connection, deep friendship, or fun. You inspire me with
your ability to live life, take chances, and do rigorous scholarship. I have many beautiful sunny
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memories of our time together in cafes and now with David and Jonathan. I can’t wait to see you
cross that stage. Shang, you are a wonderful person, and I have enjoyed TAing with you and
talking about politics and life. I always feel supported when we talk; I hope you feel the same.
Oded, thank you for your endless supply of Dad jokes and for making the time for us to write
together. I sometimes have difficulty keeping up with your level of corny, but I always enjoy the
challenge. Eunjeong, you are the first of us to graduate, and I hope you have been adjusting well
to post-USC life. I have many incredible LA memories with you, eating, chatting, and discussing
everything from art to sociology to gender. Cheers to my cohort.

To more friends I met in USC Sociology: Valentina Cantori, Brigid Cotter, Tony DiMario,
Briana Jex, Maria Labourt, Jihye Lee, Meiying Li, Ruiyi Li, Demetrius Murphy, Carolina Otero,
Blanca Ramirez, Dawy Rkasnuam, Karina Santellano, Elisa Shimada, Thalia Tom, Dr. Ben
Weiss, Kennedy Wong, Kritika Pandey. Valentina, you are a striking scholar and an inviting
person. Thank you for all the countless dishes you have made and the discussions you enrich.
Brigid, thank you for your enthusiasm and motivation as Teaching Subcommittee Chair; I
learned a lot from you and am excited to cheer you on as you finish. Tony, I have really enjoyed
getting to know you and I deeply admire your commitment to your work. Remember to take
some breaks and not be too hard on yourself (that’s enough unsolicited advice for one
acknowledgement section). Don’t be a stranger! Ruiyi, you have been such a fantastic colleague
and are an excellent and thoughtful friend. You do so much to support those around you even
while dealing with obstacles-you are a hero. I can’t wait to see what you find in your
dissertation. Blanca, we made it!!! I am so fortunate to have experienced graduate school with
you (and all of your chickens). You are so stellar and a profoundly considerate and kind person.
Our meetings over the lockdown kept me going, and I am forever grateful for that. You have left
such a deep impression on this discipline and I am privileged to celebrate with you! Dr. Karina
Santellano, woot woot! Where do I start? My fellow cancer! You are such an inspiration to so
many people around you and are just beginning! I appreciate your sensitivity, compassion,
advocacy, rigor, and care for everyone around you while researching, writing, teaching, plant-
mothering, and more! Elisa, Teaching Subcommittee Chair, you are a flawless teacher and
spread kindness wherever you go. I learn a lot from you about being a more understanding
mentor, and I am grateful for that. I can't wait to hear more stories and brainstorm about teaching
puzzles in the future.

To friends and colleagues in other departments and disciplines I've met along the way. Doctors
Ignacio Cruz, Sara Featheroff, Eriq Felix, Gesshin Greenwood, Theresa Hernandez, Perry
Johnson, Beth Ann Hart, Liane Hypolite, Suneal Kolluri, Neha Miglani, Hadass Moore, Divana
Olivas, Ann Cathrin Corrales-Øverlid, Cynthia Villarreal and more. Dr. Iggy Cruz, you have
given me many laughs in graduate school and joy when we hang out. I hope Chicago is treating
you well. Dr. Neha Miglani- our conversations, catchups, and jokes have given me lots of
intellectual rejuvenation and life force; I hope you are well. Beth Ann Hart, you helped my
Master's thesis find a journal home. Thank you for your advice.

To my therapist, Maria Barelli. Thank you for encouraging me to care for myself these past three
years. I can write mindfully because of you and protect my time. I also learned I could get off the
metaphorical train to stop and smell the roses without (too much) guilt. Thank you forever.

viii
To my childhood friends. Adrian Apana, Ian Anderson, Natalie Briggs, Natalie DiCato,
Catherine Charkhroobian, Sarah King, Anderson Mills, Emil Minas, and Taguhi Tagakchyan.
Natalie, I thought you were so cool ever since you jumped in the pool in 6th grade. Thank you
for making the transition to California less lonely 20 years ago and being there for me all these
years. You are a rockstar. Thanks to your parents, Lee and Dean Briggs, who hosted us a lot in
high school. Sarah, man, have we had an exciting couple of years. I learned a lot about life in my
mid-20s with you by my side. You are a spectacular travel companion and a one-woman show; I
will always cheer you on. Thank you for staying on the phone with me and never knowing when
to say goodbye. I sincerely thank my "second" family, Katy, Patty, and Marcus King. Thank you
for not judging me and having tissues on hand in case of tears. Andy, you are among the few
people I know who shares a holiday tradition with me. I always look forward to laughing with
you when we hang out. Thank you, Fran Mills, for gifting me furniture for my first studio
apartment. You are a riveting storyteller. Emil, you are a core part of my life from childhood to
adulthood. We have seen each other through many ups and downs and weathered the world post
many major transitions together. Precarious futures are less scary by your side, knowing that we
can always talk about it later. In the words of Fatboy Slim, I have to praise you like I should.
Congratulations again on your Master's, and I was so proud of you for doing all you did during
the lockdown. Thank you to your mom, Miganoosh Minassian, for being so generous and
welcoming to me at different times. I love you all.

To my UCLA friends, Maia Ferdman, Hilary Gushwa, Dr. Jessica Kriksciun, Dr. Pavan Mann,
Erica Monsegue, Ashton Rosin, Mahsa Ostowari, and Katie Zalog. Meeting you all was an
invaluable and unquantifiable part of my college education. Maia, we have shared many
sentimental tributes to each other over the years, but thank you for always encouraging me to
feel fully, even when life’s obstacles felt almost too hard to bear. You are a fantastic friend,
facilitator, sister, and more. I brag about you often. We also come up with amazing impromptu
musicals together. Mahsa, our distanced walks in lockdown kept me sane. You have always been
so compassionate, kind, and feeling. Thank you for being my confidante, loving cats, and letting
me share my struggles after college. Hilary, you and I experienced a friendship renaissance in
lockdown over Insta. You are one of the most dedicated friends and educators I have ever met.
Thank you for helping me move and being so communicative, even when I descend into a
writing cave. Dr. Jess, we have seen each other through many transitions and challenging times. I
will never forget your kindness during my first year of graduate school, during rough patches,
and beyond. You are a ray of sunlight to many you meet, and I always feel uplifted after our
hangouts and dish sessions. Erica and Marta Llorente Bravo, thank you for hosting me at your
lovely home for PSA. Erica, I look up to you and want nothing more than for you and your
million pets to be happy. Dr. Pavan, you inspire me greatly with your sincerity and dedication to
those you love. You also do not mince words and deliver punches with your quippy punch lines.
I laugh a lot with you and can't wait to laugh more. Ashton, I have learned much from you and
admire your intelligence, work ethic, and determination. I also have a blast with you dancing to
90s/early 2000s music. Katie, you and I share weird jokes and niche movie taste. I am so glad I
had you close to me in college, and although we're pretty far now, I think of you often and
mention jokes we made to other people, which makes little sense, most likely. I smile and think
of you and Oatmilk often (which hopefully isn’t too creepy).

To my New York neighbors turned friends. Aunty Lily Crangle and Aunty Stephy Sacco. Thank
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you for being stellar neighbors to the Ippolito family. Lily, you are the most devoted ice cream
fan I have ever met. I have appreciated our deep conversations, silly joking sessions, and dishing
about relationships. Thank you for being so supportive and sending me beautiful cards. Stephy,
you are kind, charismatic, and have a lovely singing voice. I always feel at ease around you and
know you will welcome me.

To mentors and friends, I've met along the way. Ja’Nae Davis, Dr. Rocío García, Dr. Crystal
Kiekal, Dr. Melanie McQuitty, Dr. James Mckeever, Dr. Shilo Nelson, Riley Vojdani, Dr. Mia
Wood, and Stephanie Yau. Ja’Nae Davis, you were a wonderful mentor and always supportive
when I returned to visit. Thank you for impressing the importance of compassion and rigor in
higher education student support roles. Dr. Melanie McQuitty, you are a dear friend of my
family, and I appreciate the time we have spent together over the years. Thank you for being so
generous and wanting to have fun! Sprouty, you are an awesome dog. Riley, I have always
enjoyed our philosophical, sociological, and teaching-related conversations. If you choose that
pathway, any student would be lucky to have you as their teacher. Stephanie, thank you for
cheering me on over the years and for your dedication to helping young people, you’re a stellar
counselor and person!

To my new friends and roommates: Dr. Patrick Almhjell, Drew Honson, and Kadina Johnston.
Kadina and Patrick, thank you for welcoming me into your friend circle and inviting me to
experience life milestones with you. It has been a pleasure to get to know you and to roast David
sometimes. Drew, thank you for the three hours to read those Mage Knight instructions; I admire
your persistence, humor, and patience. I’m excited to celebrate and cheer you all on in the future!

To the Goertsen family. Gerald, Janine, Amy, Sophia, Brett, and Chris! You have welcomed me
with open arms and shown nothing but kindness to me. Thank you for your generosity. I have
enjoyed getting to know you and am excited to make more memories with you this summer.

To my cousins. Kristyna and Steven DeMoss, thank you for your care and compassion during the
early stages of this dissertation. Kimmy Doherty, I always admired you and will never forget
when we played Barbies in the basement! Matthew Ippolito, thank you for making time in your
busy pilot schedule to visit me in California. You work hard and are a goof, which is a tricky
feat. I love getting to know your family (Tatjana, Chad, Arjana, Apollo!). Regina Ippolito, you
are my "sister-cousin." You and I spent many summers together while I was toiling away at my
studies, and you always uplift and lighten my mood. The pandemic was really hard, but I'm
grateful we could weather it together from afar. We have survived since that fated Tennessee trip
back to LA and NY. I love you! Thank you for your generosity and time. Cassie and Joe Viola,
you are both stellar people, and I have always appreciated your kindness.

To my uncles and aunts for their support. Uncle Paul Ippolito, you always helped me when I was
growing up. I appreciate your generosity and sharing your comic books with me. Uncle James
Ippolito, thank you for hosting and making time for play when you could those summers long
ago. I hope you have more time to do what you love in this season of your life. Aunt Debbie
Ippolito, I have felt your love from across the country. I always enjoy our visits and impromptu
musicals and bits. Thank you for all you do to support everyone around you; you are indeed a
force to be reckoned with. Aunt Temi Ifafore, I always felt cool by proxy around you because of
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your travels and successes. Aunt Dawn, thank you for making me feel loved and cared for
growing up. Aunt Zuzanna Włodowska, getting to know you more this past summer was lovely.
You are a sensitive soul (we share that) and also master several languages. I am cheering for you
on the other side of the world.

To Mira and Dave Peck. Thank you for hosting my mom when she came to the states and
supporting us from across the country. I admire your adventurous spirits.

To Maxine Ifafore, thank you for your support and love and indulging my reality tv affinity
throughout the years. You are an inspiration in how you worked multiple jobs while supporting
your children in a new country while dealing with systemic barriers. I hope you travel the world.

To the memory of my grandmothers: Nana Ippolito and Babcia Włodowska. Nana, Joan Ippolito,
thank you for teaching me to read, letting me cheat in cards, and accompanying me to "wait by
the window" for Dad when I was a little girl. Patience has been a virtue in this Ph.D. process so
far. Babcia, Zosia Włodowska, I tried to channel your genuine positivity, kindness, intellect, and
persistence. Before you got sick, Mom told me about what an extraordinary woman you were:
carrying the firewood up the stairs by yourself and making a home while pursuing your degree.
You both left our lives way too soon. It is a gift that I got to know you in my childhood, and I
think of you often. I hope this dissertation honors you.

To my grandfathers and great-uncle, Pop-pop, Dziadek, and Uncle Tony. Uncle Tony Ippolito,
thank you for your kindness even when I moved away. Pop-pop, Emiddio Ippolito; I know it was
hard those summers after Nana passed. Still, you always did your best, and it was great to share
those ice cream drumsticks, though you were "trying to watch your sugar." Dziadek, Stanisław
Włodowski, I want to be as active and intellectually curious as you at your age but maybe half as
stubborn. Thank you for fixing my old apartment's rickety doors; it meant a lot to me. Dzięki!

To my wonderful “little" siblings, Gianna Ippolito, Nicolas Bruzzese, and Eliyah Ippolito. You
have kept me pushing forward more than you know and inspired me daily. I literally "look up" to
all of you now. Gianna, my dear sister! (Go Tigers!) You are so fiercely a force in all areas. Your
intelligence, diligence, generosity, caring soul, and silliness inspire me. You are going to
(continue) rocking college! Nicolas! Nic, I hope this next step is as smooth as possible (Go
Bears!), and remember, you got this! Your love for cats and finger guns keeps me going. I can't
wait to see where your life takes you and don't lose your sense of humor and kind heart. Eliyah! I
have loved our silly puns, BTS listening festivals, yoga stretches sessions, paint-by-numbers,
teasing Papa, and nail painting sessions when we visit together. Thank you for affirming my
night owl tendencies and fighting the good fight of protesting slowly against restrictive notions
of time. Your art is beautiful. I’m here for you all, always.

To all my parents and their support in this process, I can't thank you enough. To my Stepmom,
Del Ippolito, you are a shining inspiration to me. I appreciate you including me from across the
country with photo updates, contagious laughter, and making me feel at home when I visit. I am
so happy to see you achieve your dreams and root for you in your new career as a Physician's
Assistant! Dad, Mark Ippolito, thanks for reminding me of the world outside academia. It has
been challenging to be so far away, but I know you are cheering me on from a distance. Thanks
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(?) for sending us Mage Knight. I also think of your jokes and puns, especially if I'm in the
Trader Joe's checkout line. Thanks for always caring for me when I visit but making time for
silliness. I appreciate your unending support. Dr. Chris Nicholas, thank you for being an example
of what it takes to "do the work." You inspire me with your dedication to improving yourself and
your career as a teacher. I am so grateful you introduced us to Binx and Linx. Thank you for
caring for Mom and watching 90-day Fiancé with us.

Mom, Dr. Ania Nicholas, you have always been there for me, even if we both struggled. You
sometimes say we grew up together. I am a grateful (albeit sometimes bewildered) observer of
what it takes to earn a Ph.D. while forging a life in a new country. Most of all, thank you for
letting me complain and giving me pep talks. Seeing you have many reasons to smile these past
few years has been great. I'll always strive to follow your high expectations, wisdom, resistance,
and example. You have taught me so much, and I love you so much. We will always be
supergirls in my eyes. We can finally say: “no one can ever take it away from me.” And no one
can ever take it away from me, you, and Babcia. Thank you for your unconditional love.

To my partner and lily rib, Dr. David Goertsen. Buckle up; this may get sappy. David, getting to
know you has been indescribably magical, goofy, and full of love. I ran a lot of this grad school
marathon before meeting you, but you helped me to the finish line with stability and affection.
Thank you for making a space I felt comfortable in and caring for me. I admire your patience,
calm, strength, intellectual rigor, and completionist orientation to time. I have loved getting to
know your friends and family. You teach me every day how to build a healthy relationship and
home. I appreciate you cooking me breakfast and not judging how I chop things. Oh yeah,
sometimes you can be funny (but not funnier than me, sorry). I am excited to celebrate this
summer and finally drive to the Grand Canyon (!!!) I feel less trepidation about the future by
your side. I love you, David.

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Table of Contents
Epigraph .............................................................................................................................. ii
Dedication .......................................................................................................................... iii
Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ iv
List of Tables ................................................................................................................... xiii
List of Figures .................................................................................................................. xiv
Curriculum Vitae .............................................................................................................. xv
Abstract ............................................................................................................................. xx
Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1
Chapter 1: Literature Review ............................................................................................ 11
Chapter 2: Methodology ................................................................................................... 41
Chapter 3: High School Authorities’ Narrative Futures to Students ................................ 74
Chapter 4: Articulating Aspirations and Performing Readiness ..................................... 104
Chapter 5: Successful Students, Future Failures, and Those Biding Their Time ........... 129
Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 163
References ....................................................................................................................... 179
Appendices ...................................................................................................................... 194

xiii
List of Tables

Table 1. Total Depth Interviews from 2020-2021 ........................................................................ 50
Table 2. Sycamore's CAASPP Scores for Class of 2020 .............................................................. 62
Table 3. Sycamore Full-Time Teachers' Schedules ...................................................................... 72
Table 4. Observational Trends Across Class Type ....................................................................... 87
Table 5. Students' Desired Occupation and Parents' Educational/Occupational Characteristics 114

xiv

List of Figures

Figure 1. California State Dashboard Logo .................................................................................. 61
Figure 2. Sycamore's Regular Bell Schedule ................................................................................ 67
Figure 3. Sycamore's Mission, Vision, Values, and Goals from School Website ...................... 150

xv
Curriculum Vitae
MARY A. IPPOLITO
Department of Sociology, University of Southern California
851 Downey Way, Hazel Stanley Hall 314
Los Angeles, CA 90089-1059
Email: maippoli@usc.edu

EDUCATION

Ph.D. 2023 University of Southern California, Sociology
Dissertation: Becoming College or Career Ready: Preparing for Passionate,
Practical, or Precarious Futures in a Public High School
Committee: Dr. Ann Owens (Chair), Dr. Jody Vallejo, Dr. Paul Lichterman, Dr.
Julie Posselt

M.A. 2018 University of Southern California, Sociology
Thesis: A Place to Leave or a Place to Be Present: Lived Pathways of Transfer-
Bound Community College Students
Committee: Dr. Ann Owens (Co-chair), Dr. Paul Lichterman (Co-chair)

B.A. 2014 University of California Los Angeles, Sociology with honors, English
minor; Magna Cum Laude

PUBLICATIONS

2021 Ippolito, Mary. “Stone steppers” and “place makers”: community college
students’ transfer aspirations and perceptions of time. Teachers College Record.
123 (2) 1-30.

2020 Plasman, Jay. S., Gottfried, Michael, Williams, Darryl, Ippolito, Mary, & Ann
Owens. 2020. “Parents’ employment and students’ persistence in STEM fields: A
narrative synthesis.” Adolescent Research Review.

MANUSCRIPT IN PREPARATION

2022 Ippolito, Mary. “Postsecondary possibilities or personal
problems? School authorities’ stories of the transition out of high school.”
In preparation.

RESEARCH EXPERIENCE

2022 Research Assistant, P.I. Ann Owens
• Developed coding scheme for LIHTC applications
• Coded developer interviews and collaborated for inter-coder reliability

2020 Research Assistant; P.I. Ann Owens
xvi
• Built database of affordable housing developers and nonprofit organizations

2018-2019 Research Assistant, “Accessing Opportunity at Pine Point: housing vouchers for
low-income families to move to higher-opportunity schools in the U.S.”; P.I. Ann
Owens
• Transcribed interviews with study participants

2015-2019 Research Assistant, “Understanding the Role of Contextual Effects in STEM
Pursuit and Persistence”; P.I. Ann Owens
• Conducted literature review and edited manuscript for publication

RESEARCH FELLOWSHIPS & GRANTS

External

2022-2023 Haynes Lindley Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship ($26,000); Haynes Foundation

Internal

2022 Graduate School Writing and Research Summer Fellowship ($2,000); USC
2021 Gold Family Fellowship ($5,000); USC
2017-2018 Bessie McClenahan Research Collaboration Grant ($2,000); USC Sociology Dept
2016-2022 Emory Bogardus Research Enhancement Grant ($1,500); USC Sociology Dept
2015 Graduate School External Fellowship Boot Camp Award ($1,000); USC

CONFERENCE PRESENTATIONS

2022 “Postsecondary possibilities or problems: Public high school authorities’ college
and career-technical messages to students,” Roundtable on Getting into College
American Sociological Association, Los Angeles, CA

2022 “Preparing for Precarity? Discussing the Future with High Schoolers” Session on
Studying Teachers Pacific Sociological Association, Sacramento, CA

2021 “Futures in Flux: Imagining College and Careers after High School” Session on
Work and Education, Pacific Sociological Association, Online

2021 “Making the Most of your Time: Prepping Strategically as a Graduate Student”
Elisa Shimada and Mary Ippolito. Session on Balancing Teaching and Graduate
Study: Lessons by and for Graduate Students, Alpha Kappa Delta (AKD) Pacific
Sociological Association, Online

2019 “Lived Pathways: Students’ Daily Approaches to Transfer Aspirations in
Community Colleges” Session on The Economics of Aspirations and Expectations
American Sociological Association, New York, NY

xvii
2018 “A Place for You to Leave or a Place to Be Present: Lived Pathways of
Transfer-Bound Community College Students” Session on Student Support
Services UCLA Community College Studies Conference Community College to
PhD Association, Los Angeles, CA

2017 “Lived Pathways: An Exploration of Students’ Organization of Experience in
Community College.” Session on Higher Education: Student Engagement &
Community in Community Colleges. Pacific Sociological Association, Portland,
OR

TEACHING EXPERIENCE

Teaching Assistant

Spring 2022 SOCI 200: Introduction to Sociology, University of Southern California
Fall 2020 [Undergraduate General Elective]
• Planned 2 weekly discussion sections with 25 students each
• Wrote detailed individualized feedback on students’ essay assignments
• Proctored midterm and final exam with 200 students

Fall 2021 SOCI 169: Changing Family Forms, USC
Sum. 2018 [Undergraduate General Elective]
Fall 2016
• Planned 2 weekly discussion sections with 25 students each
• Incorporated quick-writes, group work, pair and share activities, mock
quizzes, and discussions into classroom
• Wrote detailed individualized feedback on students’ essay assignments

Spring 2021 SOCI 155G: Immigrant America, USC
Spring 2019 [Undergraduate General Elective]
2017- 2018
• Planned 2 weekly discussion sections with 25 students each
• Hosted midterm review with 100 students
• Conducted in-class interview workshop for students with qualitative
methodological best practices

Sum. 2019 SOCI 242: Sociology, Human Behavior, and Health, USC
Fall 2018 [Undergraduate General Elective for Pre-Med Students]
• Planned 2 weekly discussion sections with 25 students each
• Modeled demographic equations through interactive examples and friendly
group competitions
• Provided personalized weekly feedback on country demographic profiles

Writing Consultant

2021-2023 Writing Center, University of Southern California
xviii

Diversity Faculty Intern Participant

2022 Glendale Community College

TEACHING AWARDS

2021 University Outstanding Teaching Assistant Award ($1,000)
USC & Center for Excellence in Teaching

INVITED PRESENTATIONS & PANELS

2022 Teachers College Record Interview on "The Voice"
• https://vimeo.com/786017182

2021 “Becoming Flexible: Adjusting Pedagogical and Student Engagement
Practices in a Pandemic”
Alpha Kappa Delta (AKD)
International Honor Society of Sociology

2021 “Teaching: Tips and Techniques to Triumph in the Classroom” Panel
PhD Academy Program for Second Year PhDs
University of Southern California, Office of Graduate and Professional Education

TEACHING TRAINING/ PROFESSIONALIZATION

2019 Future Faculty Institute Participant Certificate
USC Center for Excellence in Teaching
• Planned learning objectives and activities
• Crafted syllabus for Sociology of Education course

GUEST LECTURES

Spring 2023 “An Introduction to Studying American Schooling”
SOCI 155: Immigrant America
USC, Department of Sociology
Fall 2022
“An Introduction to Studying American Schooling”
Courses: SOCI 355M: Immigrants in America
& SOCI 155: Immigrant America
USC, Department of Sociology

“Intro to Culture”
“Global Inequality”
“Sociology of Education”
Course: SOCI 101: Introduction to Sociology
xix
Glendale Community College, Department of Sociology

Fall 2021 “Inequality & Schooling in U.S. Society”
Course: SOCI 155: Immigrant America
USC, Department of Sociology

Spring 2021 “Preparing for Precarity: Unequal Schooling in the U.S.”
Course: SOCI 155: Immigrant America
USC, Department of Sociology

PROFESSIONAL SERVICE & DEVELOPMENT

Service to the Department
2022-2023 Teaching Subcommittee Member, Graduate Student Association, USC Sociology
2020-2022 Teaching Subcommittee Chair, Graduate Student Association, USC Sociology
2019-2022 Graduate Student Mentor, USC Sociology
2018-2020 Graduate Student Social Chair, USC Sociology
2017-2018 Graduate Colloquium Committee Member, USC Sociology
2016-2017 Graduate Cohort Representative, USC Sociology

Service to the Profession
2022 Presider, Roundtable Session on Sociology of Education: “Getting into College,”
American Sociological Association, Los Angeles
2021 Presider, Panel Session on Work and Education, Pacific Sociological Association,
Online

PROFESSIONAL MEMBERSHIPS

American Education Research Association (AERA)
American Sociological Association (ASA)
Pacific Sociological Association (PSA)
Sociology of Education Association (SEA)

xx
Abstract

Transitioning from high school into college or a career brings questions about the future to
students, families, and educators alike. While research on college admission reveals stratification
in outcomes, more about how college is anticipated relationally in everyday life is needed. This
dissertation thus examines how administrators, teachers, and counselors represent what awaits
students after high school graduation and how students articulate their aspirations. My research
questions include (1) How do institutional authorities at a public high school represent futures
and frame the transition out of high school? (2) How do students describe their futures? (3) How
do these school-level constructions of the future serve to uphold cultural and educational myths
under capitalism? This multi-method qualitative study uses in-person observations at a Southern
California public high school with Title I status for seven months from 2019 to 2020 and online
observations until early 2021. I conducted 37 in-depth interviews with students and personnel to
analyze their private interpretations of students' futures. I introduce a concept of "narrative
futures," that builds on critical studies of education, cultural sociology, and imagined futures to
describe the cultural stories we tell one another about an impending transition. Combined with
the school's hidden curriculum of time and limited mentorship, students get the message that they
must be individually responsible for their futures. Deconstructing narrative futures have
repercussions for reproducing the myth of meritocracy in schools and other settings in an era of
neoliberal policies.

1
Introduction

Though bittersweet, the end of high school in America is often described as rife with
possibilities for graduates through the pursuit of happiness and a better life with the eventual
obtainment of a college degree. As high school students approach this educational milestone,
choruses of college and career readiness echo on campuses across the U.S. Celebratory
acceptances, reticent waitlist announcements, or stinging rejections ring out in students’ emails
and phone notifications in the spring. Countless films, shows, and stories in the coming-of-age
genre depict American young adults as they finally embark on that next chapter of adulthood,
usually through attending college, as empowered individuals exploring questions of identity.
Aside from its popularity in coming-of-age films, college is described as the meritocratic
pathway to achieve upward social mobility or avoid downward mobility for those students and
families in middle-, lower-middle, working, working-poor, and low-income backgrounds (Zhou
2019). From the mid-1940s to the 1990s, a boom in U.S. higher education infrastructure meant
the desired route for graduating high schoolers included admission to a “real college,” or a
selective four-year school (Stevens and Kirst 2015). The concurrent rise of the “college-for-all”
ideal, or that every American high school student should have the opportunity to attend higher
education, is well documented (Ahearn, Rosenbaum, and Rosenbaum 2016; Domina, Conley,
and Farkas 2011; Grubb and Lazerson 2004; Holland 2015a). Despite the education system’s
rapid expansion of postsecondary options in the last century, socioeconomic inequalities in
educational attainment remain stable (Breen and Jonsson 2005; Voss, Hout, and George 2022).
However, in the 21
st
century, sociological research reveals how structural inequalities
produce decentralized, segregated, and even defunded high school systems. Cuts in education
budgets and public academic services plague schools and colleges today (Stevens and Kirst
2
2015). Rising college prices disproportionately impact disadvantaged students of color,
especially Black students (Wright, Roscigno, and Quadlin 2021). There is intersectional evidence
that the racial wealth gap and income inequality translates to further stratification by gender,
with less college funding for highly qualified Black girls (Quadlin and Conwell 2021). Overall,
the disparities in completion rates by socioeconomic status endure among those earning a
bachelor's degree by their mid-20s, with only 25% of students from the bottom income quartile
achieving this compared to 60% percent of those from the top income quartile (Voss et al. 2022).
Although the disparities perpetuated by unequal educational attainment are well-
documented, less is understood about this process of transition that high school students pursue
at the end of high school. Students heavily rely on their families and schools in their senior year
of high school to manage this transition. Though an American core value of independence
pervades this shift, students are in a paradoxical state of “enmeshed autonomy,” about to turn
eighteen and supposed to embark alone on a postsecondary journey, yet they are still financially
dependent on their parents, especially if they want to attend college (Goldrick-Rab 2016; Zaloom
2019). The process of applying for college thus involves facing a formidable “college
applications industrial complex” where upper-class and upper-middle-class families can use
financial resources such as parental savings, strategies, and networks to gain a competitive edge
in the admissions race (Alon and Tienda 2011; McDonough 1997; Silva, Snellman, and
Frederick 2014; Stevens 2007). Students from more economically advantaged families receive
extra support and buffers at home, school, and in their neighborhoods. Some of these advantaged
adaptive practices and performances of “savviness” include early preparation activities,
supplemental education, and coaching on how to “market” oneself convincingly as an interesting
college applicant (Silva et al. 2014; Takacs 2020). Additionally, higher-income families can use
3
their “power of privilege” to influence schools’ enforcement of rules (Calarco 2020). Though
gains have been made in access and enrollment, parental income is crucial in who fares well in
the college application process and at college (Voss et al. 2022; Zhou 2019).
The current postsecondary reality is that high school seniors graduate into an
environment of rising college prices, illegible financial aid decisions, incurred debts, and less
federal aid for low-income students adjusted for the cost of living. Top-down national
educational rhetoric of the past several decades has pushed a rising tide of “college-for-all,”
though the College For All Act is politically stalled. Student loan debt has ballooned to $1.757
trillion (Basaldua 2023; Mehta 2022). The Pell Grant Program
1
, intended to help offset the price
of college for financially constrained students, has not kept up with stagnant wages, the soaring
cost of living, and rising administrative costs in colleges. The net price of college across four-
year public schools has more than doubled since the early 2000s, and even in community
colleges, there has been a 52 percent increase in price from the 90s until today (Goldrick-Rab
2016). This price jump is not only tuition and fees but also primarily driven by an escalating cost
of attendance, meaning the cost of living
2
, transportation, books, school supplies, and personal
expenses (Goldrick-Rab 2016). Today, middle-class families pay a higher net price for college
(Goldrick-Rab 2016; Zaloom 2019). Unfortunately, college’s “sticker” prices often understate
the actual costs involved, even with loans, work-study, and tax credits, becoming unaffordable
for more and more families.

1
Though the Covid-19 pandemic temporarily halted student loan payments, the Supreme Court is still deciding on
an executive order to cancel student debt for Pell Grant recipients.
2
Though European countries provide students with “maintenance grants,” to live, and the past U.S. GI Bill in the
1940s provided some veterans with “subsistence grants,” this is not a current benefit offered in the U.S. (Goldrick-
Rab 2016).
4
At the same time, the divestment and defunding of public high schools create obstacles
for disadvantaged youth transitioning out of high school. Students who are racially or ethnically
marginalized in high-poverty schools, economically disadvantaged, have immigrant parents, are
immigrants themselves, or are the first in their families to attend college, encounter several
structural obstacles. Students who are least likely to attend college would benefit the most from it
(Brand and Xie 2010; Hout 2012) but do not receive the extensive financial resources and
college role models’ familiarity with the process at home that advantaged students do in the
process (Zhou 2019). Poverty and economic vulnerability disrupt families' access to stability in
many forms: including quality housing and healthcare, as well as parents' stress levels and time
with their young adult children (Mehta and Davies 2018). Immigrant-origin parents do not have
insight into the U.S.-based college knowledge in the college application process (Mwangi 2018).
These social forces overlap to create severe opportunity and achievement gaps in education that
higher-income students can avoid at home, school, and in their neighborhoods.
Researchers have studied high-achieving marginalized youth's decision-making to reveal
these inequalities in the college admissions process, usually deriving from a specific "college
choice" model (Hossler and Gallagher 1987; Perna et al. 2008; Torche 2011). The "college
choice" literature relies on timelines that assume simplicity in students' decision-making at
specific juncture points that are clear, timely, and uninterrupted (Grodsky and Jackson 2009;
Morgan 2005; Perna 2006). There is evidence of “undermatching” in that qualified students from
high-achieving, low-income backgrounds choose less selective colleges (Grodsky and Jackson
2009). Additionally, college choice models often focus on high-achieving students’ chances at
gaining admission into elite selective colleges in the hopes of attaining socioeconomic mobility
(Hoxby and Turner 2015; Jack 2016; Khan 2011), instead of middle- or low-achieving students’
5
decision-making and simplify the lived experience of how sociocultural and institutional
processes at school inform aspirations (Cox 2016; Deitrickson 2018; Hout 2012; Ippolito 2021;
Nielsen 2015). However, these models treat decisions to attend community college or trade
school as deviations from the four-year college implicit “norm” (Holland 2015a; Newman and
Winston 2016; Rosenbaum, Ahearn, and Rosenbaum 2017).
The college choice literature can inadvertently “choice wash” the structure, temporal
interruptions, and conditions of the transition out of high school for students (Cech 2021; Cox
2016). In addition to families, in high school, students come into contact with peers, teachers,
counselors, administrators, and more (Schmalzbauer and Rodriguez 2022). There are classic
studies of institutional authorities’ dissuasion of students’ college hopes (Clark 1960; Macleod
1987; Willis 1977) and internal tracking of students (Oakes 1985), and in a neoliberal 21
st
-
century context wherein faculty themselves face precarity and unpopularity, and schools face
declining enrollment, questions remain about the future or futures described in public education.
Though the family of origin is pivotal in the reproduction of inequality in the college admissions
competition and eventual completion, high schools matter especially for those without college
role models as a place to socialize and imagine the experience of college and even the labor
market (Cech 2021).
Emphasis on high levels of academic attainment, personal success, and fear of failure is
deeply embedded within schools, revealing collective concerns regarding the educational
milestone of high school graduation, college choice, and beyond (Demerath 2009; Nunn 2014).
Researchers note increasing anxiety as an emotional component of the transition out of high
school that pervades the educational experience for teenagers and parents in an era of precarity
(Carfagna 2017; Hart 2019; Ray 2018). Fear, as implicated within American schooling, is less
6
prominent but noted in English education research (Cox 2009; Jackson 2010). Less tended to are
the messages, evaluations, and feelings of faculty in the school context alongside students during
this transition out of high school.
Thus, this dissertation asks how, on the ground, public school students’ and personnel’s
visions of the future meet top-down dreams of the college-for-all ideal. Notions of college-for-all
and college-choice, though well-intended, can often simplify complex barriers and obstacles
public schools in the U.S. face. Focusing singularly on the individual’s choice diverts attention
from structural problems, interpersonal dynamics, and information gaps in the schools: high
personnel caseloads, occupational strain, and unintended exclusions of students who do not
resonate with dominant discourses and are labeled as lost or undecided. Instead of pointing to
indecisiveness in the transition as a personal failure, high schools are where the cultural
construction and social coordination of futures shape students’ articulations and imaginations of
their futures. At the institutional level, school actors’ presentations of the American opportunity
structure are made and remade continuously and are of note in assessing how local stories about
college link to broader beliefs about meritocracy and social mobility (Frye 2019; Tavory and
Eliasoph 2013). The content of these messages reveals broader fractures in the high school to
postsecondary pipeline and labor market.

Research Questions and Methodology
Focusing on a public high school case study, I ask how dominant cultural college-for-all
3

messages are translated into the local conditions and everyday life of those preparing for

3
This dissertation does not focus on college-for-all as a proposed legislative act, which does warrant continued
sociological and academic investigation, but rather the on-the-ground interpretation of this sentiment that college is
the goal for all in high school. I refer to the ideal or ethos as “college-for-all” and the proposed legislation as the
“College for All Act.”
7
postsecondary life. This multi-method, qualitative study analyzes how school actors represent
and interpret the possibilities of college, career-technical, and other future pathways in a
Southern California public high school. I asked the following research questions:
1. How do institutional authorities at a public high school represent aspirations and frame the
high school to college/career transition? What are the personnel’s reflections on the college-
for-all ideal?
2. How do students describe their career or college futures in their own words? How do their
narratives reflect institutional personnel’s or other’s messages?
3. What are the school-level classifications of students’ futures? Overall, what purpose do these
narratives serve in upholding myths of meritocracy, achievement ideology, and a capitalist
ethos?
To answer these questions, this dissertation draws on seven months of in-person participant
observation from Fall 2019- 20, several months of online observations from 2020-21, and 51
online interviews with students, teachers, counselors, administrators, and college & career
counselors. By combining qualitative methods and data sources, I can capture different
dimensions of how actors on the ground reproduce, contest, and construct the college-for-all
ethos, detailing broader cultural narratives in the school itself.
My research intervenes in the literature by applying sociological theories of critical
educational history, critical studies, time, and cultural sociological tools to study the
sociocultural and institutional dynamics of aspiration formation. I argue that outdated formal
curricula, hidden curricula around futures, and the college application process without
supplemental support in the form of human connection undermine the potential of public high
schools as bridges to students’ futures.
8
Dissertation Overview
The rest of the dissertation is as follows. In Chapter 1, or the literature review, I provide
an overview of the history of comprehensive public high schools' institutional features up to the
current day, highlighting how high schools are only recently defined as ideal symbols of social
mobility through all students' four-year college acceptance and enrollment. Then I uncover the
hidden curriculum of schools, discussing how processes within schools recreate societal
inequalities and culturally dominant myths such as true meritocracy and open futures through
schooling. I present my conceptual framework of “narrative futures” and the context of
aspirations at the end of the literature review.
In Chapter 2, I discuss the dissertation's methodology. I present an overview of the case
study at Sycamore High School and rationale for the epistemological approach I employed. I
discuss positionality and ethical considerations by dialoguing with similar qualitative studies. At
the end of Chapter 2, I provide an overview of the state, local, and neighborhood conditions of
Sycamore High. I also discuss the demographic information of students and personnel.
In Chapter 3, I show how Sycamore High’s personnel project an array of messages about
the future, which I term “narrative futures.” "Narrative futures" are culturally relevant stories to
make sense of precarious futures, but they can also reveal how to improve sociocultural
processes in schools. I contrast the more public enthusiastic presentations of the future in public
college & career events and classrooms with the personnel’s private reflections, noting a tension
in the overly optimistic “follow your passion” and “match career to job market” messages with
the more reserved “have multiple backup plans,” and fearful “preparation with future
gatekeepers.” Alongside these messages, the personnel respond to different occupational
timelines and constraints, considering graduation and enrollment as immediate goals rather than
9
imagining or rehearsing long-term futures. I present examples of classroom interactions and
informal interviews to show the hidden curriculum of time that creates an atmosphere of
confusion, puncturing perfect college-going futures.
In Chapter 4, I illustrate Sycamore High students’ articulations of aspiration and how
they intersect and diverge from personnel’s messages. Those students whose identities and
articulations of aspiration complement “find your passion” have an easier time making meaning
in the transition out of high school, though they still feel stressed by the pressure of high
academic achievement. I note how “undeclared” students receive a message that there is an
evaluative component to confidence in one’s future. I also reveal students’ recapitalizations of
their parents’ “narrative futures," which are combinations of the school's messages and their
advice, potentially confusing students more.
In Chapter 5, I elaborate on the school-level sorting of students by aspiration, finding
distinctions between high-achieving, middle-achieving, and low-achieving groups. I discuss how
supplementary attempts to reach students outside of the “high-achieving” circle fall short and
punitive measures to punish "low-achieving" or "misbehaving" students backfire and create an
uncertain environment for all students. Finally, I reveal specific unsupported student subgroups
left out of the school's remaking of the college-for-all discourse.
In Chapter 6, the concluding chapter, I show how the school’s everyday reinforcement of
the myth of meritocracy and open futures can reproduce overly simplistic and individualistic
aspiration that fits a middle-class frame and justifies a lack of institutional and interpersonal
support, recreating inequality on a cultural level in addition to the structural opportunity gaps
that undergird schools. Based on these findings, I present my empirical and theoretical
10
contributions to the sociology of education. I also discuss implications for research, policy, and
public schooling in the U.S.

11
Chapter 1: Literature Review

This literature review will introduce the substantive themes that informed my
methodological approach, data analysis, and conceptual framework. The research I selected is
classic and recent peer-reviewed journal articles or books that relate to the history of American
public schooling, sociology of time, stratification, cultural sociological concepts, and imagined
futures. First, I will trace the relevant history of public high school forms and reforms until the
present day and the specific cultural discourses and critical policies that informed them, affecting
American public high schools' current basis for curricula. Then I will discuss how the college-
for-all ideal is institutionalized in high schools, connecting to the thread of schools as symbols of
progress and social mobility. Lastly, I will trace sociological theories of student aspiration and
argue for a cultural examination and reflexiveness about normative evaluations of the
representation of students’ futures. Uncovering the specific narrative futures at play in high
schools can identify the cultural mechanisms that reproduce inequalities in the transition out of
high school and reflect how those on the ground negotiate the structural schisms and interstitial
gaps in postsecondary pathways.

Creating the Comprehensive Public High School
Despite sizable regional, district, and local differences across the U.S.'s secondary
education system, public high schools maintain persistent institutional forms at their core. These
often taken-for-granted features can be traced to significant reform efforts and landmark legal
cases over the last century, influencing the development of curricula and cultural beliefs around
schooling and affecting how time is defined and controlled in high schools. Scholars Tyack and
Cuban refer to schools' established features as "grammars of schooling,” which include grouping
12
students into age-specific grades, cordoning learning into subject disciplines like “English” or
“Mathematics,” and assigning teachers 25 students at a time in a class period (1995). This
“invisible architecture” has yet to be connected to sociological studies of schooling or time and
has consequences for the cultural reproduction of inequality.
The historical shift from one-room rural schools to urban schools at the turn of the
twentieth century meant significant institutional changes were in order. Historians and
sociologists of education highlight the rise of administrative progressives’ efforts (1890-1920) to
account for outdated elements of the common school system and prepare students for the new
corporate industrial economy (Labaree 2012; Mehta 2015). The formation of organizations like
the National Education Association in the mid-1850s and the Carnegie Foundation for the
Advancement of Teaching in 1906 brought players such as education science experts and
industrialists like Andrew Carnegie lobbying at the local, state, and federal levels of education
(Labaree 2012; Tyack and Cuban 1995). School boards, state bodies, and accredited agencies
began to enshrine faith in educational science and universities' operations through administrative
progressives’ plans in U.S. high schools (Tyack and Cuban 1995).
The Carnegie system sorted students into age-specific grades, intending to make urban
schools dependable, replicable, and standardized under an industrialized model (Tyack and
Cuban 1995). The Carnegie unit system is based on the time students spend with teachers during
instruction, with students having to complete a certain number of hours to qualify for college.
Administrative progressives separated students by ability and future job potential, leading to
within-school segregation by social class, immigrant status, and eventually by race (Labaree
2012). A primary social motivation for the development of public schools was a strategy to
culturally absorb “others”- “lower-class and immigrant youth” into the implicit White,
13
Protestant, and middle-class moral mainstream (Kupchick 2010). State laws absorbed the
Carnegie unit into the standard high school template, favoring White male college presidents’
and administrators’ top-down reform ideas. The adoption of this system also affected students in
non-college-bound or vocational tracks. Critics of this model felt that it created "frozen" factory-
like schedules, separated knowledge into discrete boxes, and forced schooling into a mold better
suited for banks (Tyack and Cuban 1995). The Carnegie unit system remains in the U.S.
secondary system today
4
.
In the late 19
th
and early 20
th
century, the Education Coalition’s vocational education
reform movement created vocational tracks in schools that were distinct from academic or pre-
college pathways (Grubb and Lazerson 2004). Businesses, unions, social reformers, educators,
policymakers, and philanthropists (Grubb and Lazerson 2004). The arrival of many immigrants
at the turn of the century and the growing school population posed problems for processing,
accommodating, and monitoring students (Mehta 2015). The Education Coalition had different
motivations under economic and moral anxieties for managing immigrant students and poor
youth and preventing male student dropout. With federal funding, vocationalism became part of
American high schools.
The vocational curriculum was varied and diverged from the more homogenous
instructional style of the same core lesson for all students that defined earlier high schools.
Reformers felt that children of immigrants, poor and working-class, and marginalized parents
should receive special vocational classes as they were “unfit” for professional careers (Grubb
and Lazerson 2004). Harvard President Charles Eliot described which internal tracks were for
which students: college and managerial work for middle-class boys (and some girls), industrial

4
https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d06/tables/dt06_154.asp?referrer=list
14
education for working-class boys, and commercial or home economic courses for working-class
girls. Although divisive and almost asinine to the contemporary reader, these vocational reforms
were seen as an improvement in making public schools more "accessible" to all types of
students. W.E.B. Du Bois and John Dewey objected to this shift for fear of stifling Black youth
and sowing seeds of class division within schools, respectively (Grubb and Lazerson 2004).
These reforms paved the way for curriculum differentiation and student “choice” (Grubb and
Lazerson 2004).
Curricular differentiation and student sorting thus became part of the inherent structure
and fabric of U.S. secondary schools. In the early twentieth century, psychologists, curricular
reformers, and others in the "I.Q. movement" developed intelligence tests for superintendents
and principals to administer in schools and track low-performing or high-performing students to
their appropriate curricula (Mehta 2015). Curricular differentiation spread twofold:
“horizontally” in allowing for a wide selection of electives, and “vertically” in the offerings of
different levels of a subject in the same discipline for various abilities (Mehta 2015). School
efficiency was not without its critics, like those pedagogical progressives who believed education
should build on students’ interests and focus on social potential instead of predetermining them
for occupational positions (Mehta 2015; Tyack and Cuban 1995).
In the 1940s and 1950s, the two-track high school received a third pathway for “general
life skills” for the remaining students whom neither fit into a vocational nor college preparatory
track (Mehta 2015). Educational experts needed to deal with the "bottom 60 percent" of students
who would be headed towards unskilled labor after graduation and created a third pathway that
consisted of Carnegie subject units of English, mathematics, and science for "everyday" living
(Mehta 2015). These curricula, proposed by the Life Adjustment Movement, gave the remaining
15
students the right to an education until administrators and vocational education leaders prepared
a formalized program. There were many critiques of this track, such as that it provided low-
quality electives (Mehta 2015). Historically, high schools have combined contradictory social
goals in their “grammars of schooling” and curricular pathways, balancing many reformers’
wishes (Labaree 2012:100).
In the early to mid-twentieth century (1910-1950s), comprehensive high schools were
popular in some of the public imagination for, at least in name, increasing widespread access to
education and a chance at the "American dream" through varied curricula. After WWII, federal
and state legislation and programs offered more educational and social services to children from
low-income families, racially and ethnically minoritized families, immigrant families, those with
disabilities, and girls (Kober 2020). The democratic appeal of a diversified curriculum and
stimulating extracurricular activities were attempts to obscure the inequality of tracks (Oakes
1985). However, a lack of curricular coherence and preparation still felt fragmented to critics
(Mehta 2015). Except for those high-achieving students in college tracks, vocational and general
tracks students questioned the purpose and function of the school.
In the 1960s, 70s, and 80s, any confidence measures in public high schools' curricula
floundered, and vocational education support wilted. Critiques of vocational classes as
discriminatory affected enrollment in vocational programs, as it was seen as a "terminal
program" leading to employment rather than college
5
(Grubb and Lazerson 2004). States
reformed academic classes like English and math, leading to an uneven investment of time and

5
The National Commission on Secondary Vocational Education's 1985 report "The Unfinished Agenda: The Role
of Vocational Education in High School" documented perceptions of vocational education and highlighted the U.S.
education system's affliction of "educational myopia," in that the most common understanding of vocational
education is that it prepares youth--specifically minoritized populations and women--for low-status jobs (Cantor
1989).
16
energy into vocational curricula across the U.S., with many of the more serious vocational
curricula offered in the South (Grubb and Lazerson 2004). Additionally, the “general track” was
skewered for its “shopping mall curriculum” and diluting students’ aspirations (Grubb and
Lazerson 2004).
The National Commission for Excellence in Education’s 1983 A Nation at Risk Report
and resultant standards movement scrutinized public schools (Labaree 2012; Mehta 2015). The
report cast the nation’s youth as caught on a "rising tide of mediocrity." It coincided with
economic recession, state budget deficits, financialization, and Reagan’s wish to minimize the
role of government in education policy and abolish the Department of Education (Anyon 2011;
Mehta 2015). The report’s language justified support of the standards movement, which focused
on scientifically measuring schools’ efficiency, and introduced more than 70 state laws about
school accountability (Mehta 2015). Forty-five states added and fortified academic graduation
requirements. To be eligible, students must spend more time on the Five New Basics: three to
four years in English, math, science, and social studies, and some work in computer science
(Labaree 2012). Students were also held to higher expectations regarding academic performance,
as measured through standardized tests of achievement that would be administered at major
transition points, most relevantly from high school to college or work (Labaree 2012).
In the early 21
st
century, The No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB) marked the
federal government’s attempt to create uniformity through school reforms. NCLB aimed to boost
national academic performance in standardized testing by 2014. Although touted as a bipartisan
solution to reduce gaps of achievement by class and race, its unintended consequences may be
worse than the original Elementary and Secondary School Act of 1965’s Title I
6
provision to

6
Title I was introduced to provide more money to higher percentages of low-income students or children of color in
segregated schools
17
reform “children of the poor”(Kantor and Lowe 2006). NCLB inadvertently reinforced stigmas
for many low-income students and students of color. Urban schools are more likely to be labeled
"failing" than districts with wealthier White students (Kantor and Lowe 2006). NCLB’s policy
effects are also felt through high-poverty districts’ curricula, mainly focused on reading and math
and void of history, music, and art classes. Congress's goal of 100 percent student proficiency by
2014 was unmet, resulting in many schools shut down and privatization (Ravitch 2016). “Failing
schools” that are closed, rebranded, or reconverted to charter schools, private management, or
the state do not guarantee low-performing students’ success (Ravitch 2016). Despite being
offered opportunities to move from failing schools, students did not receive notice in time, did
not want to leave their neighborhoods, or did not have problems (Ravitch 2016).
NCLB’s language and policy further shifted notions of public responsibility for schooling
to market alternatives as an attractive solution to divestment in public schools (Kantor and Lowe
2006). By countering the complex interactions between race, class, and schooling to focus
primarily on teachers’ low expectations in disadvantaged schools, wide-ranging societal and
institutional inequities of racial discrimination and segregation, income segregation by
neighborhood, access to housing, health care, quality educational resources, labor markets, and
networks are ignored (Kantor and Lowe 2006; Karen 2005; Owens 2018). Though NCLB aimed
to rectify the toxic culture of poverty theses about poor students and students of color, the
separation of schooling from the spatial, social, and economic context in which schools exist can
create unrealistic expectations of schools as the primary solution to inequality without attention
to the inequitable K-20 infrastructure across and within U.S. cities, suburbs, and rural areas.
More recently, the Every Student Succeeds Act of 2015 (ESSA), officially authorized in
the 2017-2018 schoolyear, moved control away from the federal government to states’ local
18
control and discretion. Under ESSA, states and districts can define context-specific indicators to
measure student outcomes (Darling-Hammond et al. 2016). High-stakes testing was, in name,
removed as a primary goal to evaluate schools, and factors like attendance, school climate, and
improved advanced placement coursework are emphasized instead (Adler-Greene 2019). States
must now have goals for subgroups of students: economically disadvantaged, students from
major racial-ethnic groups, children with disabilities, and English language learners. This change
was a win for advocacy groups troubled by combining subgroups into "supersubgroups" for
reporting purposes in schools under NCLB. ESSA kept the NCLB requirement of testing all
students in reading and math once in high school (Adler-Greene 2019; Darling-Hammond et al.
2016). ESSA removed the federal role in teacher evaluations, does not require states to disclose
teacher quality to parents, nor how Title I funds are used (Adler-Greene 2019). States are
responsible for identifying those high schools in the bottom 5 percent where the graduation rate
is below 67%. If schools do not demonstrate improvement in four years, interventions are
implemented, and students are removed (Adler-Greene 2019). Though ESSA is touted as a
flexible upgrade from NCLB, specialized accountability systems could misrepresent school data,
downplay socioeconomic and racial-ethnic systemic issues affecting schools and students (such
as criminalizing Black girls), and inadequately serve students with disabilities (Adler-Greene
2019; Evans-Winters et al. 2018). State funding for education is highly variable as well
7
.
The legacy of these educational policy decisions lingers in public high schools, affecting
school schedules and how classroom time is allocated (Labaree 2012). The "grammar of
instruction," based on the "grammar of schooling,” still informs public high schools' pedagogy,
with the assumption that once in class, there is a predetermined body of knowledge to examine,

7
Adler-Greene (2019) points to how this shift to state control indicates a deep trust that the state would abide by
ESSA reforms.
19
students spend time learning the main points of this body of knowledge, and then there is an
exam (Mehta and Fine 2019). This classroom organization can be constructive or create an
environment of "cover-remember-test-forget-repeat" (Mehta and Fine 2019:199). Tracing these
historical events identifies the social and cultural underpinnings of efficiency, orientation to the
future, emphasis on academic achievement, and student success today that underpins the
organization of high schools and arguably expectations about students’ place in the world after
graduation.

High School as Individualized Preparation for All College-Going Futures

In establishing the national and historical precedence for secondary schools’ official
curricula in a twenty-first century age of NCLB and ESSA politics, we can turn to the current
mainstream moment in high schools: four-year college preparation. Aspiring to college, precisely
the pursuit of a Bachelor of Arts (B.A.) degree, is highly valued and often prescribed as the
safest avenue for social mobility and entry to an American middle-class lifestyle and earnings in
a burgeoning knowledge-based global society (Grubb and Lazerson 2004; Monaghan 2020;
Rosenbaum et al. 2017). Since the 1940s, school reforms encouraged more students to enroll, as
only about 45 percent of students entered college after graduation (Schneider and Stevenson
1999; Stevens and Kirst 2015). Since the early 2000s, the dawn of the standards and
accountability movement, presidents, politicians, and education reformers have touted that
college can solve student poverty through a middle-class future (Carr 2013; Jarrett 2013). Today,
two-thirds of high school graduates enroll in college after graduation, but fewer than half
complete their degrees (Rosenbaum et al. 2017; Voss et al. 2022).
Most students today want a college degree and internalize the message that college is
necessary. This goal of college includes even those unsure about their aspirations, who express
20
hating high school, are low-achieving academically, or who served time in juvenile detention
(Rosenbaum et al. 2017). Raising most students’ aspirations has been achieved, but systemic
disparities persist in unequal high school contexts and a stratified college system (Cottom 2017;
Hamilton and Nielsen 2021; Voss et al. 2022). High college aspirations and open-access
admissions have not fixed low college completion percentages among nontraditional students
(Rosenbaum et al. 2017). Additionally, severe socioeconomic disparities persist in who earns a
bachelor’s degree, and for the graduating high school class of 2004, only 25% of students from
the bottom income quartile had done so by age 24 compared to three in five from the top income
quartile (Voss et al. 2022).
Still, sociological research shows college degrees are a lucrative pathway to social
mobility, and those who complete one enjoy a host of other benefits like improved health, stable
family lives, longevity, and increased societal benefits (Hout 2012), especially for low-income
students or those students least likely to attend college (Bloome, Dyer, and Zhou 2018; Brand
and Xie 2010). However, disentangling the political marketability and cache of the college-for-
all ideal from a clear look at the current on-the-ground conditions can provide insight into how
the top-down promise and prescription of college work for all high school students practically.
Unequal high school contexts affect how students develop aspirations or the ability to aspire
(Nelson 2016). School personnel's occupational constraints and lack of resources in a public high
school affect how the experience of obtaining a college degree is communicated to students,
limiting their ability to imagine possibilities.
The college-for-all ideal's cultural dominance, especially as a one-size-fits-all route to
future middle-class success, can conceal realities in the current economy and labor market
(Carfagna 2017) and the remaining curricular specters of schools’ institutional infrastructure that
21
promised college for the elite academic few (Labaree 2012). Rosenbaum, Ahearn, and
Rosenbaum coin a term for this phenomenon of singularly focusing on obtaining a bachelor’s
degree: "B.A. Blinders" (2017). This is not to say this is an unworthy goal worth pursuing but to
point out that unilaterally pushing a bachelor's degree without providing the secondary-to-
postsecondary infrastructure once nontraditional students are there may have unintended
consequences, such as ignoring sub-BA alternatives and careers and the college's institutional
hospitableness (2017). Those with B.A. blinders include stakeholders in college education, like
policymakers, educators, and researchers with B.A. degrees who assume it is the only option for
social mobility (Rosenbaum et al. 2017). Emphasis on a bachelor’s degree signals the U.S.
education system’s inability to keep up with rapid changes in the labor market, opaque
arrangement of “choices” and pathways to occupations, and stereotypes about sub-BA pathways
(Deitrickson 2018; Newman and Winston 2016; Rosenbaum et al. 2017).
More generally, B.A. blinders may contain overly optimistic messages of educating one's
way out of poverty but do not address the realities of students at both the aggregate and micro-
sociological levels. Nontraditional and underrepresented students face “abysmal degree
completion rates, often less than 20 percent” make it (Rosenbaum et al. 2017:3). Low-income
students shoulder significant risks in pursuit of a bachelor's degree, including hunger, lack of
sleep, and stress. Declaring bankruptcy does not protect any incurred debt (Rosenbaum et al.
2017). Additionally, slippery notions of students being "college-ready" prevents capable students
from succeeding in sub-BA and certificate programs by being tracked into costly remedial
courses (Rosenbaum et al. 2017). By their mid-twenties, only 8% of students from the lowest
income quintile received their bachelor's degree, as opposed to 80% of students from the top
income quintile (Carr 2013). B.A. Blinders fit into an educational version of the "American
22
Dream" through college, which may contribute to the reproduction of inequality through choice-
washing the college admissions opportunity structure, alienating those who might have different
realities and justification narratives for their educational pursuits (Cech 2021; McDonough 1997;
Rosenbaum et al. 2017; Zaloom 2019).
Though less popular in public discussions, sub-BA credentials through career technical
education pathways in high school exist amidst the college-for-all ideal. There remain real
concerns about career-technical education's role in the reproduction of inequality based on its
history of tracking low-income, racially/ethnically minoritized, and female students into lower-
paid occupations and out-of-date curricula for a rapidly changing economy (Carr 2013; Lewis
and Cheng 2006; Newman and Winston 2016; Sutton, Bosky, and Muller 2016). Though
research widely acknowledges that obtaining a bachelor’s degree is necessary for most “good
jobs” today (Hout 2012; Kalleberg 2011), some argue that middle-skill occupations, which
require a certificate or applied associate’s degree like electrical work or construction, can provide
lifetime earnings equal to or greater than those earned by four-year college graduates (Ahearn et
al. 2016; Hill 2008; Newman and Winston 2016; Roderick, Coca, and Nagaoka 2011;
Rosenbaum et al. 2017; Symonds, Schwartz, and Ferguson 2011). How school authorities and
students weigh particular educational trajectories (two-year, four-year, or trade certificates) in
practice provides a fuller cultural and institutional context for studying student aspirations and
their transition out of high school.
Sociological studies focus on whether U.S. high schools can achieve a “college-going”
culture by measuring school resources, counselors' relationships with students, and the presence
of students' four-year college aspirations. Nevertheless, these studies might assume what college
means or that it is imagined the same across study participants (Hill 2008; Holland 2015a;
23
Roderick et al. 2011). Additionally, researchers often buy into the competition of college-for-all
versus career-technical routes as separate when there is a much more complex reality closer to
the ground (Carr 2013). There needs to be more sociological attention to how the process of
applying to college can be evaluated differently across actors in the same role of student and
between roles, like counselor and student. Moreover, how school actors discuss paths that do not
require a bachelor’s degree, such as trades and certificates, in a system that favors college needs
more investigation (Ahearn et al. 2016; Deitrickson 2018; Holland 2015a).
This dissertation does not argue that a college degree itself is not essential nor not to
support students pursuing it, but rather questions how the college-for-all ideal and associated
middle-class visions of success are being described and interpreted given structural,
interactional, and institutional infrastructures of public high schools. It also points to the
transition out of high school as a process in which some students and families incrementally
accrue vital advantages over others (Voss et al. 2022). This increase in optimistic college
aspirations comes without consequent preparation for acclimating to college or the college
experience itself (Holland 2019). There are cultural and evaluative frames based on familiarity
with the college application process that resonates differently with the college-for-all ideal
(Evans 2020; Holland 2020). I ask how college-for-all might be articulated, described, and
perceived pragmatically as those on the ground make evaluations and judgments about their
futures. Additionally, high schoolers are taught more about which colleges are associated with
which types of success, mediocrity, or failure in the competitive college application process
rather than about gauging what they could do in the future.

24
High Schools’ Hidden Curriculum of Time

The social forces that shaped public high schools’ official curricula also have affected the
hidden curriculum. The hidden curriculum is a core concept in studying the cultural and social
reproduction of inequality in schools. As opposed to the official curriculum of course subjects,
content, homework, and more, the hidden curriculum describes the unspoken and implicit rules
of how students should behave and what or who is valued, how they should expect to be treated,
and whose ideas are essential (Johansen and Solli 2022). Many of the classical critical studies of
high schools’ hidden curricula took place under an industrial mode of production (Bowles and
Gintis 1976; Macleod 1987; Willis 1977). However, in a post-industrial, globalized, neoliberal
era of accountability in schools, revealing public high schools’ hidden curriculum is warranted
and should continue to be developed critically (Anyon 2011; Dolby and Dimitriadis 2013).
Studies focusing on the hidden curriculum highlight how tacit messaging validates the
dominant and elite class’s cultural and social meanings in schools, importing a cultural
component of stratification -whether it be along the lines of social class (Anyon 1981; Apple
2013;), racialization and marginalization of underrepresented ethnic identities (Carter 2012; Cui
2017; Lewis and Diamond 2015; Valenzula 2010), gender (Arnot 1982), standardized testing
(Booher-Jennings 2008), disability (Sulaimani and Gut 2019), and more. Studies of the hidden
curriculum have also questioned how schools reproduce broader cultural and moral ideals about
academic performance, success, schooling, and chances for mobility in capitalist America,
intersecting with the exclusion of social groups. These messages include advertising open
opportunity structures and open futures for those who work hard (Macleod 1987; Zaloom 2019)
and notions of success that emphasize individualized academic achievement and meritocracy
(Demerath 2009; Nunn 2014). This attention to the hidden curriculum also extends outside of
25
school walls to other cultural sites where processes of schooling or education take place
8
.
Students learn to interpret how they are placed within a hierarchy and situate others in a stratified
system, despite not being discussed overtly by institutional authorities.
Sociologists argue that these covert social processes within schools can contribute to the
reproduction of inequality writ large. The hidden curriculum is contained in rules about how to
act in class, desk arrangement and decoration, who gets praised, ignored, or punished, how
institutional authorities treat students in class, hallways, and at events, and the subtle hints these
interactions provide, usually about who is in control and who is valued. A classic sociological
example is Jean Anyon’s comparison of working-class and upper-class elementary schools,
wherein she found differences in teachers' classroom management and activities (1981). The
hidden curriculum in the working-class schools' classrooms was stricter, more obedient, and
monotonous, as students were taught not to question teachers' authority, whereas, for the upper-
class elementary schools, classroom organization and teachers' rules were lenient and involved
flexible rules for students, rewarding independent and creative answers (Anyon 1981). Anyon
asserts that these differential hidden curricula socialize students for differential outcomes in the
labor market, with working-class students headed to blue-collar jobs and upper-class students
headed to leadership positions in white-collar occupations (1981).
Similarly, for the reproduction of racial hierarchies, schools can be places where students
are implicitly taught about the societal stratification of different racial or ethnic groups,
specifically through school punishment and disciplinary measures. White students do not receive
the same punishment as students of color for the same offenses. John Diamond and Amanda

8
For example, Cucchiara, Cassar, and Clark examined how parenting classes transmitted subtle messages that
focused on individualistic solutions and deflected away from structural constraints mothers faced while caring for
their children (2019).
26
Lewis (2015) find how, even in a well-resourced suburban school with well-meaning liberal
parents, racial inequalities persist in the form of punitive school rules and Black and Latino
students increased surveillance and punishment as opposed to White students. Furthermore, as
institutional authorities and parents believed the school to be race-neutral, this was a cultural
reinforcement of differential treatment, meaning that these practices seem justified even if not
publicly sanctioned or recognized as problematic (Lewis and Diamond 2015). There is a long
history of Whites' opportunity hoarding in school systems, and noting the subtle ways this occurs
is pivotal. Those seemingly diverse schools with more resources can still have hidden curricula
reinforcing a racial hierarchy.
Schools' hidden curricula are also sites for reproducing and constructing another
understudied element of inequity: time. Cultural logics about time and schooling are tangled
throughout public high schools' development and history. Schools push onward for societal
"progress" and improvement in a linear fashion integrating students into American society
(Lingard and Thompson 2017; Mehta 2022). García and De Lissovoy's notion of "school time"
helps examine how time has many meanings and dimensions relevant to sociological inquiry in
education (2013). Due to accountability-era politics, district and administrative supervision, and
standardized testing, teachers speed up pedagogical activities in their classrooms to fit the
efficiency ideal imposed top-down by states and districts. Under this perspective, educational
discourses around “best practices,” “staying on task,” and “maximizing learning” reveal the
quickening pace of teaching and learning in the classroom, affecting interactions between
teachers and students and acting as a form of control of the “moment-to-moment” experience of
pedagogy (García and De Lissovoy 2013:56). Quite paradoxically, under the guise of high
expectations and the hope of successful futures, students in disadvantaged schools are subject to
27
behavioral and time control in the present. For example, in "No-Excuses" charter schools,
emphasis on academic achievement and college readiness transmutes into class-based behavioral
control that encourages deference to authority rather than bolstering disadvantaged students’
interactional skills (Golann 2015).
In the 21
st
century, public high schools’ hidden curriculum of time contains messages of
precariousness and alienation for school actors. Instead of preparing racially minoritized
working-class and poor students for manufacturing jobs, the post-industrial economy involves
significant uncertainty, a weaker social safety net, and the gig economy (Anyon 2011).
Micromanagement in the classroom, punitive measures, and busy work define students’ time as
less valuable, socializing them to the experience of precariousness in a neoliberal era: “in which
we are alternately incorporated and expelled, exploited and abandoned, depending on the
rhythms and requirements of capital” (García and De Lissovoy 2013:55). Segregated schools
control how racialized and ethnically marginalized members spend their time, as individuals'
social positions dictate their schedules, access to non-work time, and long-term plans (Ray
2019). This temporal power restricts non-White members’ agency in forcing staff or students to
have less control over their schedule during school hours (Ray 2019). For instance, those
receiving welfare must wait long hours for service, implicitly symbolizing how their time has
little value (Lipsky 2010). In public schools, limited resources and high student class sizes can
lead to increased wait times with counselors and less face-to-face time with personnel. “School
time,” like “prison time,” is an essential part of how participants experience public high school
education (García and De Lissovoy 2013; Seim 2016). In addition to a greater physical security
presence, the teachers and students who attend “failing” public schools can be reprimanded and
28
disciplined by the state through routine, mundane social and institutional processes (García and
De Lissovoy 2013; Kupchick 2010; Mehta 2015).
Time is also embedded in research about education itself, with normative evaluations of
educational actors, students, and schools that are consequential (Johansen and Solli 2022).
Focusing on students' aspirations as deviant can have an unintended bourgeois (upper-middle
and middle-class) epistemological gaze that affects the operationalization and embeddedness of a
“neutral” unmarked White American “norm” (Lund 2018; Mills 2014). Lund (2018) investigates
sociology’s tendency to study outcomes and improvement, revealing the belief that upward
mobility is the most rational choice for all, crystallizing this pursuit as stagnant, unchanging, and
not dynamic as social and cultural processes are in the social world (Abbott 2016). Collapsing
time and social class also assume homogeneity of social class categorizations instead of
heterogeneity (Jack 2016). Those without cultural capital are seen as having a “short temporal
horizon,” while those with more cultural capital have a “longer temporal horizon”(Lund
2018:549). The danger of this is to reproduce class privilege through research results, blaming
those “lacking” cultural capital. Additionally, the model of upward mobility through obtaining
credentials as an individual-level solution to inequality has taken on a partially sacred meaning
within the discipline. Sociological findings are tangled with funding, politics, and deliverables.
They can inadvertently reify a meritocratic ideology that considers schools the main solution for
ensuring "equal opportunity" rather than looking to systemic inequities and radical efforts for
change (Guhin and Klett 2022; Tompkins-Stance 2020).
This dissertation examines school time in classrooms, messages, and imagined futures
and situates them in a neoliberal era of precarity. I contend that there are multiple dimensions to
the experience of school time for authorities and that the immediate pressures of standardized
29
testing, grading, Advanced Placement exams, and guiding students to graduation dominate the
transition out of high school rather than students’ exploration of passion or exposure to specific
tangible information regarding possible futures. In addition, students have varied relations to
their aspirations and spheres of influence in their lives and receive subtle cues from the school
based on how they are perceived as relating to their future. Narrative futures reveal implicit
evaluative messages around what aspirations are worthwhile; students' current academic
worthiness as viewed through is seen as their proximity to appropriate four-year college-going
behavior and a successful pathway. Overall, schools’ presentation of futures contains dominant
national and cultural narratives that emphasize individual agency and implicate students’ failures
as their own in a neoliberal age (Frye 2019).
Hidden Curriculum in Interaction: H.S. Personnel's Roles in College and Career Preparation

In contemporary research on high school personnel within schools, teachers, counselors,
and other personnel are evaluated as either facilitating or stifling students' academic potential and
four-year college-going potential rather than broader attention to school time or their views on
students' futures. Counselors are seen as crucial gatekeepers in the sociology of education
research, while teachers and principals are examined based on their role conflicts and
organizational constraints. These school actors are situated within a stratified system themselves.
Their position in an educational organization and hierarchy dominated by national, state, and
district accountability and rationalization processes should be considered.
9

9
This is not to absolve actors of responsibility but to uncover the broader out-of-school, institutional and top-down
processes of inequality based on economic inequity, cultural structures, tight administrative control, policy, and
more that manifest in school and school actors’ advice. This dissertation assumes that personnel and students are not
separate but in conversation. It does not assume that personnel’s occupational constraints are siloed but affect
themselves, one another, and interactions with students.
30
Counselors are seen as crucial public school actors in facilitating or inhibiting students'
transition out of high school, though their occupation has changed considerably in light of the
college-for-all ethos (Grubb and Lazerson 2004; Rosenbaum 2016). Earlier sociological studies
found that middle-class counselors "cooled out" working-class students' academic aspirations for
more vocational tracks (Clark 1960). Studies later found that counselors do not want to be the
ones to discourage students' college aspirations due to pressure from their parents, even if they
felt students would fail (Rosenbaum 2016). Today, counselors serving low-socioeconomic and
high-socioeconomic student caseloads have seen their responsibilities shift and caseloads grow
(Belasco 2013; Kirst and Venezia 2004; Rosenbaum et al. 2017). Although the American School
Counselors Association (ASCA) recommends that schools keep counselors' caseloads at 250
students per counselor, the national average from 2015-2016 was almost double the
recommended ratio of 470 students per counselor. School conflict within the organizational
context causes counselors' role ambiguity and renders their training in mitigating students' social
and academic problems ineffective, with students reporting a lack of support (Blake 2020;
Johnson and Duffett 2005). Counselors are still beholden to diverse stakeholders, including
parents and administrators (Blake 2020), providing an opportunity to study how the meaning of
preparing students for the future exists relationally.
Teachers are the institutional actors public school students have the most time with,
warranting questions about evaluating and representing students' futures. Public school teachers
and personnel have less guidance and structure in their professional training and control over
their classrooms than in charter schools (Golann 2018). Partially due to weak professionalization
in their history as an occupation, teachers have low “moral power” culturally and are “street-
level bureaucrats,” or service workers who have compulsory clients, work under lots of pressure,
31
and organizational pressures are ambiguous and contradictory, where performance and
improvement are hard to quantify and measure (Labaree 2012; Lipsky 2010; Mehta 2015). There
are just over 3 million full-time-equivalent public school teachers in the U.S., with the average
base salary for teachers at $61,600 (Taie and Lewis 2022). Teachers working in underperforming
schools often feel overwhelmed by frequent top-down reforms and report distrust toward other
personnel members (Payne 2008). The teacher-student relationship is unique in the high school
classroom because students must be involuntarily involved in compulsory education (Labaree
2012). The inherent tension in the teacher's traditional authoritative role in getting students to
learn in the formal curriculum can clash with students' interests. Teachers also talk with students
about timelines and deadlines leading up to graduation.
Principals' roles within a given school district and the school are also studied. Principals
display individualized responses to accountability trends across and within districts (Jennings
2010). This research suggests principals might respond to college-for-all and career-technical
discourses from the district and state. Therefore, this dissertation analyzes the administration's
and broader school's presentation of viable futures for students and their social mobility chances.
High school personnel members are often studied separately according to their occupational
expectations, but sociologists have noted how organizational processes shape actors’ subjective
sense of the future possibility (Ray 2019; Tavory and Eliasoph 2013). High school personnel's
presentations and interactions related to different viable futures on the ground remain
unexamined in the literature.

32
Unequal Contexts of Aspiration Formation
Several theoretical approaches in sociology implicitly conceptualize high school students'
aspirations concerning the future by modeling students' outcomes in the transition out of high
school. I will first discuss the structural inequities stratifying the college application process.
Aspirations, expectations, and college plans have been studied from rational choice, social and
cultural reproduction, and new-institutional perspectives to address unequal outcomes. This
dissertation combines elements from the cultural and social reproduction model with elements
from cultural sociology and imagined futures to remove a normative focus on individual
aspirations and linear timelines. Instead, I signal how “collective imaginaries of the future” (Frye
2019) might mutually reinforce contexts of aspiration through narrative futures or the patterned
messages aggregately available to students at the school and district level through interactional
and institutional means.
Sociologists note the social expectation that families will launch young adults into their
futures rather than the community and the state (Silva et al. 2014). Transitioning out of high
school relies on a high level of savviness regarding the “college application industrial complex”
from the socially constructed ideal “college applicant” and their family (McDonough 1994;
Schneider and Stevenson 1999; Silva et al. 2014). For advantaged families, anticipating college
begins long before students reach adolescence, including strategically selecting neighborhoods
before children's birth in preferred school districts (Stevens 2007). Later, students from more
economically advantaged families receive extra support and buffers, recruiting help from private
college counselors (McDonough 1997). Middle and high-income youth participate in adaptive
practices that include supplemental education, early college preparation activities, time allotted
for building an impressive extracurricular track sheet, and extensive coaching through self-
33
marketing techniques (Alon 2009; Silva et al. 2014; Stevens 2007). Parents who have attended
college also have insight and knowledge about the financial aid process.
For many first-generation, racial/ethnic minority, and low-income students in public
schools, this process is rife with opportunity gaps, overwhelming and vague options around the
college application process and more. Low-income students without private counselors rely
heavily on counselors at their schools (Holland 2020), and their relationship can be tenuous, with
large caseloads and a lack of trust (Holland 2015b). Although counselors might employ a
middle-class evaluative schema to present students with a wide swath of college options, this
presentation of information can be overwhelming for students who do not share this schema of
“personal fit” and imagine college differently (Holland 2020). Second-generation immigrant
students miss out on specific "U.S.-based college knowledge" during the college application
process; despite having a parent who attended university in another country (Mwangi 2018).
Some approaches have also revealed a deficit approach, blaming low-income and first-generation
students for not being motivated by education, having a good enough work ethic, or as
linguistically deficient, exposing a culture of classism and racism that bleeds into classrooms and
our educational parameters of evaluation (Gorski 2008). Rather than not “being supportive,”
low-income, immigrant, or first-generation students’ parents’ experience of arduous job hours
and language barriers, in combination with the system’s opaqueness, can result in less visible
contributions to children's education.
The study of student aspiration in sociology from a status attainment tradition emphasizes
aspiration concerning educational and occupational attainment and outcomes. These models
focus on decision-making at critical points like the completion of secondary education or entry
into college (Breen and Jonsson 2005; Mare 1980). While Stephen Morgan’s (2005) model
34
combines rational choice theory and status socialization theory to create a more sociologically
sensitive decision-making model, questions remain about defining student choice and behavior.
Morgan asserts that present beliefs about the future are geared toward maximizing utility (2005).
Instead of measuring only whether students' aspirations fit the most rational or income-
maximizing potential, work in cultural sociology finds a plethora of motivations that range from
philosophical, quasi-religious, moral, identity-related, and redemptive (Cech 2021; Frye 2012;
Nielsen 2015; Silva and Snellman 2018; Smith 2017). Research assumes the meaning of college
for students is in their benefit for maximizing their future earning potential.
In the classical Bourdieusian theoretical perspective, aspirations are formed in the past
from one’s family of origin and inform an individual continuum for students to draw on in the
present as they come into contact with the school’s dominant cultural standards and organization
(Reay 2004). The practice-theoretical approach links student aspirations to internalizing class-
based probabilities for success (Bourdieu and Passeron 1977). The transmission of class status
begins at home, wherein parents endow children with distinct amounts of cultural capital and a
particular way of relating to the world through their practices or habitus (Bourdieu 1984). Once
in school, gatekeepers evaluate students’ performance based on their ability to match the
dominant cultural standard with cultural capital and their habitus, allowing for middle and upper-
class students to be sorted into prestigious academic tracks, while the working-class and poor
students are sorted into vocational tracks (Bourdieu 1996; Bourdieu and Passeron 1977; Lareau
2012; Macleod 1987; Willis 1977). Time is implicated in this theoretical framework- with the
past forming students’ potential trajectories and present conditions of the field. Students aspire to
an occupational path they have been previously conditioned to pursue that is within “reach” and
is confirmed by gatekeepers’ evaluations (Bourdieu 1996).
35
Although Bourdieu noted that there is a range of stakeholders' processes that enable
aspirations to develop or not and that there is room for students' aspirations through
"transformation" or “choice,” the precise operationalization of these conditions that engender
change and agency remain cryptic (Baillergeau and Duyvendak 2022). With a Bourdieusian view
of the social world and students’ aspirations, there is less attention to the capacity of students to
aspire in the first place in relation to meanings of other social positions outside of class. If family
experiences heavily shape aspirations or students' future trajectories, agents with less cultural
capital have no power to change the standards and cannot transform their habitus (Eliasoph
1998). It also cannot explain class heterogeneity in varying aspirational repertoires among
students from similar circumstances (Baillergeau and Duyvendak 2022; Jack 2016). For those
students who want something different from what their family of origin prescribes or their class
background predicts, there is the question of how this happens.
New institutionalist theories view a school's organizational context as powerfully shaping
and transforming students' identities throughout school (Armstrong and Hamilton 2013; Binder,
Davis, and Bloom 2016; Binder and Wood 2012; Meyer 1977). This approach allows more
insight into how organizational processes outside of the reproduction of inequality can influence
actors’ meanings and interactions. Like Bourdieu’s theory, students’ movement in school
depends on how smoothly their habitus allows them to navigate the particular organizational
features of that school. However, new institutionalism is critiqued for treating cultural logics as
taken-for-granted and broadly structuring actions rather than interrogating how actors might
interpret multiple institutional logics (Hallett and Ventresca 2006). It does not also incorporate
time as part and parcel of institutional logics.
36
These theoretical approaches focus on the individual aspiration, assuming an ability or
capacity to aspire as a normative, given, and natural state. Additionally, in rational choice models
and social and cultural reproduction models, the presence of aspiration is automatically linked to
the competitive acquisition of human and economic capital or credentials in the education system
rather than a focus on how schools shape notions of a "good life,” citizenship, or cultural self-
formation (Baillergeau and Duyvendak 2022; Guhin and Klett 2022). This study views
aspirations as socially and culturally constructed, analyzing how students (and faculty) differ in
their relations to their educational trajectories and time (Ippolito 2021) against a backdrop of the
college-for-all ideal. Connecting current aspirations to imagined futures situates students’ plans
as mired in a sociocultural context (Frye 2012; Hitlin and Vaisey 2013; Nielsen 2015; Silva
2012). In doing so, researchers can ascertain how social actors’ future projections reflect
contexts surrounding them and how they incorporate external elements into narratives that mirror
their social identities. Deconstructing the array of culturally acceptable aspirations connects to
how myths of achievement and merit are reconstructed on the micro-level and re-create
educational discourses on the representation of possibilities for high school graduates.
As aspirations are arguably a part of students’ selves, studies aiming to understand the
progression of students’ goals need to consider how students’ perceptions and interactions are
implicated in goal formation, even if they do not have a pre-set “goal” or are unsure. The social
construction of the "college applicant" and then "college student" says something more generally
about how college should work, how students should behave to prepare themselves for this
transition, and if they are "college-ready" (Polletta et al. 2011). Researchers find that students
have distinct ideas about how college or high school should be, which arguably informs their
approach to everyday life (Cox 2009; Kaufman and Feldman 2004). Additionally, and
37
unfortunately, fear is part of students' experiences in school and might be involved in storytelling
about education, but it is often not considered theoretically in sociology. Together, these studies
of storytelling and narratives in institutions counter the notion that students are free to fashion
their futures despite structural constraints, though a culturally powerful notion.

Presenting the High School Transition Through Narrative Futures:
A Conceptual Framework

This dissertation analyzes personnel's representation of what awaits students after
graduation and what students imagine and associate with their aspirations. Combining concepts
in the history of education, critical studies of schooling, sociology of time, and cultural
sociology, I focus on implicit messaging in schools' hidden curricula about time, imagined
futures, and aspirations. I argue for a thorough evaluation of what it means for students to aspire
and how the school context and local social forces affect how the future is presented. The
collective cultural commitment to college-for-all as a solution for poverty and class inequality
conceals structural realities and recreates myths of meritocracy and achievement.
Though the literature has discussed the broad college-for-all ideal and policy debates
permeating educational institutions, with evidence of differing "college-going" cultures, there is
less attention to what informs this ideal and what messages actors take away from it practically.
The achievement ideology, for instance, is a well-established cultural discourse that emphasizes
individuals' academic control over personal advancement and success (Demerath 2009; Macleod
1987). Additionally, there are shared capitalist cultural myths about time with the "American
dream," "open futures," and an accessible opportunity structure for all youth, more discretely, the
idea that no matter what socioeconomic background someone is from, they can fashion
themselves into an upwardly mobile future (Beckert 2016; Beckert and Suckert 2020; Frye 2019;
38
Zaloom 2019). Additionally, public high schools’ symbolic, structural, and institutional
arrangements are left over from the Carnegie unit system, formed under an industrial economy-
remain in place, affecting participants’ daily lives.
Instead of pre-defining aspirations, this dissertation’s conceptual framework considers
how authorities draw on broader cultural schemas and represent college and career options to
students as an audience (Cech 2021). Cultural schemas include shared models social actors use
to make sense of the world (Blair-Loy 2003; Nunn 2014). “Passion-seeking,” a schema often
present in job applicants' discourse and many other settings, emphasizes choosing a job based on
a close fit to a pre-existing desire. Passion-seeking schema is useful to identify as a cultural
mechanism in discourse in transitions in and out of education or occupational sectors, as students
must pitch themselves palatably in a culturally relevant way to gatekeepers depending on the
setting (Cech 2021; Rivera 2015; Takacs 2020). Still, there is a lack of clarity around where this
"passion schema" is produced in institutional settings. Cech hypothesizes that “notions of
passion-seeking likely arise in primary and secondary school classroom discussions about
occupations and in high school counselors’ advice about what paths are available and desirable
after high school” (2021:15). This dissertation argues for a more micro-sociological framework
to study this type of schema across several actors to get a fuller picture of the context of
aspiration and cultural mechanisms accompanying it, specifying how collective myths might be
actively recreated and interpreted on the ground level (Frye 2019).
To do so, I studied the institutional personnel, who represent the college-for-all ideal
practically in everyday settings and articulate new meanings, and students in relation to each
other. Institutional personnel tells stories to students, implicitly denoting “good” or “bad” futures
(Polletta et al. 2011). These stories hold meaning in pitching to students what colleges and lives
39
are valuable, how to apply for college, and what type of applicant colleges want. Storytelling is
central to this presentation of college and career futures, so I focused on how teachers and other
actors represented what was on the other side of the high school divide to students in different
classes. The role of the school as an institution in narrative construction provides a link between
institutions and identities. As institutions shape narratives, narratives provide meaning for
individuals’ identity formation and reformation (Hall and Lamont 2013).
I find patterns in the personnel’s discussion of future trajectories for students, which I call
“narrative futures.” This concept explains the dominant cultural stories we tell one another about
the future in different institutional settings to make sense of the unknown. I use a basis of this
concept from "public narratives," a critical tool for assessing how social actors situate themselves
and others (Harding et al. 2017). The narrative futures found at my site told students to “follow
their passion,” “match career to job market demands,” “have backup plans,” and “prepare for
gatekeeper interactions.” Underlying these messages was the concern about the costs of failing
academically or economically. Narrative futures set up particular goals as primary, like
maximizing one’s income potential, given the options of the capitalist social structure.
Student aspirations are informed by their contexts and shaped by moral systems and
social institutions, including families and schools. This dissertation focused on a Title I school,
where most students are classified as socioeconomically disadvantaged and rely on the school for
help during the college application process (Solórzano et al. 2013). Aspirations thus reflect larger
notions of the nation's opportunity structure and potential options (Baillergeau and Duyvendak
2022; Beckert and Suckert 2020; Frye 2012, 2019). Instead of focusing on individual plans as
deficits, I call for a more context-dependent idea of students' aspirations that is not as static to
students' socioeconomic background but highlights the potentialities and possibilities
40
communicated and recommunicated in the school. I illustrate how public schools’ presentation of
available options through "narrative futures" do not always match students’ preferences in their
lived pathways (Ippolito 2021). Therefore, I shift the focus onto the supply of cultural material to
choose from, pointing to contexts of aspirations, wherein students learn to desire and name their
own aspirational interests through interaction with other people, social media, and more.
This literature review has presented several substantive areas for the proceeding
empirical chapters to contribute to historical, sociological, and anthropological approaches to
researching schooling and aspirations. Connecting the themes of this review to the following
chapters, I will address the following points. In the following chapter, I will discuss the
qualitative methodology this dissertation draws on in its argumentation. In Chapter 3, I will
analyze how high school personnel represents the students' futures through narrative futures. I
will show how personnel's reflections on the college-for-all ideal and promise remain pragmatic
and are risk-averse for students' socioeconomic futures. This illustrates how the college-for-all
ideal and optimistic futures intersect with local and micro-sociological interpretations of school
time and current conditions. In Chapter 4, I will show how students describe their own college or
career futures in their own words and how this reflects personnel's messages, family narrative
futures, and mainstream educational perspectives. In Chapter 5, I will discuss how, at the school
level, the construction of futures for some groups over others creates a new exclusionary
distinction for subgroups not bound for four-year colleges. In Chapter 6, I will discuss how these
narrative futures reveal local fissures in broader narratives about meritocracy, achievement
ideology, and the college-for-all ideal.

41
Chapter 2: Methodology

This multi-method qualitative study analyzes patterns in how students and teachers,
counselors, administrators, and others depicted college and career futures in daily life at a
Southern California public high school. In order to assess (1) how students’ futures are imagined
and assigned meanings in the school across personnel members and (2) how seniors perceive and
experience their transition out of high school, I combined several methods of in-person
participant observation from October 2019 to March 2020, select virtual observations in Spring
2020 and Spring 2021, 37 in-depth interviews, and demographic survey responses.

Site Selection and Access

Sycamore High
10
, located in a midsized Southern California city, offers advanced
placement, college preparatory, dual enrollment, and career technical classes. This variation in
course type allowed me to note differing descriptions of the future and compare if some
postsecondary paths are emphasized over others. In addition, Sycamore High is also a Title 1
11

school, meaning high percentages of students come from low-income families
12
. As students
from low-income families rely on schools for information about their college search, a school
composed of students from middle-class, lower-middle-class, and working-class backgrounds
helps theorize about inequality in the college application process (Solórzano et al. 2013).
Constructs of class are always relational, so a school with heterogenous class origins was also
purposeful in seeing how college-for-all could be interpreted, recreated, and contested (Reay
2017).

10
I will refer to the school as Sycamore High or SHS.
11
Title 1 Status is granted as part of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act to schools with high percentages of students
from low-income families.
12
As social class or socioeconomic status is one key axis of stratification in the college application process, I selected this
intentionally (Soares 2007).
42
In terms of other facts that aided my access, I used my alumna status and other social
statuses to gain access to meeting with Sycamore principal Dr. Jones. My project received
Institutional Review Board (IRB) approval in the Spring of 2019 and the school's permission in
September 2019. Gaining entrée to the site took several months as the administration was quite
busy-as I learned through emailing the principal's assistant back and forth over several months. I
finally arranged a meeting after texting Dr. Jones' cell. Dressed sharply in school colors and
business casual with a slicked-backed bun, Dr. Jones walked with an air of authority and
seriousness punctuated by a big smile when greeting a familiar student or faculty member. She
was very concerned with showing me how the school had improved in the last decade under her
watch. Dr. Jones stopped briefly to point out student artwork and achievements adorning the
walls and gave me a quick tour of a new state-funded Arts building that was part of promoting
career-technical pathways. As I had attended Sycamore as she was taking over from the retiring
former principal at that time, there was perhaps a desire to instill confidence in her ability to lead
the school
13
.
During our initial meeting, Principal Dr. Jones tuned into what I was saying while
keeping tabs on time, and I felt wordy in my justification. My social status as a White woman
graduate student studying education may have helped hasten access to the site and gain
permission. Dr. Jones had a Doctorate in Education and pointed to the binder where her
dissertation was on a shelf in her office. She shared how it was on classroom management and
was curious about what I hoped to glean through my research questions. After the meeting, Dr.
Jones had me send her and her assistant all of the IRB forms via email and told me to ask for
permission from Sycamore teachers for classroom access, handing me a list of all of the teachers

13
The school has had several high-profile incidents and has a bit of a negative reputation locally
43
and the classes they taught. I emailed several teachers, one of whom, Mrs. Kelly, I had had when
I was a student agreed and another, Captain Davis, who was intrigued by the project. Mrs. Kelly
recommended other English teachers and from those who responded, I arranged brief meetings to
explain my project, that I was concerned about how the future was described to students and how
they interpreted this in turn. I kept this elevator pitch open and broad as possible to glean
additional data. Teachers could also vouch for me to one when I started to visit and explain my
research. I use pseudonyms to protect all participants' identities in the study.
I selected Advanced Placement English, College Preparatory English, Automotive
Technology, Public Safety, and Design classes to see variation in advanced, regular, and career-
technical classes over the course of the 2019-2020 academic school year. I observed advanced
versus regular English classes in order to compare how teachers interacted with students.
Teachers had overlap in their schedules, sometimes teaching both regular and advanced courses,
or advanced and career-technical courses. Additionally, students had overlap in their schedules,
sometimes in both an advanced placement track and career-technical course.
When I first introduced myself and my study to teachers, they often told me which
classes had more "college-bound" students, providing essential data before my in-class
observations began. For example, in my first visit with English Teacher Ms. Reina in the Fall of
2019, she brought up how her Period 3 had a lot of "college-bound students." While her "Period
5... was a mixed bag," and some students had a "criminal record." I decided to observe her fifth
period, "English 12,"- which she clarified was "for all the students who had not done well
before," and I would not be a disturbance to them as they were "used to people coming in and
out." I noted this academic priming and labeling of the students as tightly coupled with their
futures. In addition, I noted the ephemeral yet bureaucratic presence of many anonymous
44
observers in the room
14
. Captain Davis, a CTE teacher said that if I was looking for “college-
bound” students who are going “straight to a four-year school,” to talk to two students in the
back of the classroom who I informally interviewed later. When I first met with Mr. Whitman,
he explained that in his Advanced Placement class, “some are not college-bound” and remarked
that my study would be interesting with a “diverse population” as some kids want to do “art after
high school” or “join their parents’ businesses.”

Observations
With permission from the principal and personnel, starting in the Fall of 2019, I
conducted fieldwork at Sycamore three days a week by observing Public Safety, AP English,
College Preparatory English, Digital Arts, and Automotive Technology classes. I spent time
observing personnel and eleventh and twelfth-grade students in these academic, regular, and
career-technical classes to compare the presentation of college and career options in the school
context. I selected juniors and seniors for my study design because of their proximity to
graduation and the likelihood that there would be interactional, conversational, organizational,
and institutional deadlines that focus on students' immediate futures at least. There are other
salient juncture points in students' pathways. These high moments in students' transitions include
right before middle school, choosing classes for ninth grade, taking high school entrance exams
in states like New York, or graduating college (Binder et al. 2016), but I was most interested in
how time features into college and career narratives at the end of students' compulsory education
in the U.S.

14
During class observations of Ms. Reina’s 5
th
period class, there was also the Baseball coach who would come to
check on students for 20 or 30 minutes, though it was not clear who he was monitoring exactly.
45
In addition to classroom observations, I attended the district’s college and career fair,
college information sessions on campus, Financial Aid Night for families, Advanced Placement
night, the city employment fair during lunchtime, Open House, a school play, and the class of
2020’s virtual graduation. When school shifted online due to the Covid-19 pandemic, I observed
online events related to the future from 2020 until Spring 2021, including the Class of 2020’s
graduation, district events, and a Sycamore alumni panel featuring members from the class of
2020. I also observed online Parent Teacher Association meetings in Spring 2021, as Principal
Dr. Jones would attend those also to provide updates on Covid-19. This was helpful to collect
more data from the PTA parents’ perspectives and corroborate what I had observed during the
schoolyear.

Curricular and Extracurricular Settings
Within Sycamore as a site, certain curricular and extracurricular offerings allowed me to
see state and school-defined groupings of students and their meanings of time and the future.
Advanced Placement classes, “Successful Students Club” (pseudonym) and “Career Technical
Education” (CTE) pathways provided insight into organizational-level narratives around college
and career futures. Sycamore had other programs like a language academy and a college
preparatory academy, as well as dual enrollment
15
. Although I was not able to attend every
program Sycamore offered, I did interact with students who were involved in a breadth of
programs through my repeated classroom observations.

15
Dual Enrollment allows for students to take classes that count for community college credit in high school. I was
unable to observe these courses directly but spoke to a couple of students enrolled. There is ample opportunity for
researchers to consider dual enrollment in how it relates to the construction of college and career futures.

46
Sycamore High offers several Career-Technical Education pathways (CTE). In our first
meeting, Dr. Jones pointed out how “career and technical education didn’t exist ten years ago.”
What she meant by this, is that these courses were not grouped together in this way a decade
ago- as career education has existed in different forms such as vocational education, throughout
U.S. education history. In 2005, The California State Board of Education adopted the California
Career Technical Education Model Curriculum Standards (Reed et al. 2018). Career-technical
education is also a component of the California School Dashboard, which was developed as a
result of the federal Every Student Succeeds Act and California’s new Local Control Funding
Formula (Reed et al. 2018). California has invested a considerable amount of money into CTE
over the past couple of years, with a recent California Career Pathways Trust (CCPT) program
promising $500 million in competitive state grants that can be accessed by districts, county
superintendents, charter schools, and community colleges (Reed et al. 2018). Teachers would
sometimes refer to the state and administrators involved in CTE implementation to me in
informal interviews.
During my observations, I encountered glossy CTE
16
promotional materials in the district
college and career fair, school’s counseling office, and on back-to-school and open house nights.
The message on such printouts includes “CTE”: Connecting Students to College and Career.”
Oftentimes the flyers would include pictures of students working and smiling affably, arranged
next to the information about certificates and average incomes. Sycamore High had four CTE
clusters, including Arts, Media, and Entertainment; Hospitality, Tourism, and Recreation; Public
Services; and Transportation. They were thinking about adding a Child Development course of
study during my observations.

16
Career-technical education pathways at Sycamore promote a “marriage” between career interest and
postsecondary school, certificates, and industry placement.
47
To graduate, Sycamore students and others in the district must complete at least one CTE
course. Through this completion, students can technically complete professional certifications
(FEMA ICS 100, 200, NIMS 700,800, CPR First Aid, EKG Technician, EMT or Adobe
InDesign, Photoshop, and Illustrator). The classes I observed varied in the daily tasks they had to
complete. The ethnic and racial makeup and gender of each CTE class differed as well, with the
Public Safety Class mostly having Armenian American, Latinx, Black, and Filipino/a/x students
with no non-Armenian or non-Latinx White students (slightly more male students). The Auto
class had mostly Armenian and Latinx male students (save for three female students). The digital
arts class had Armenian, White, Asian, and Black students (with a mix of genders). While the
majority of students appeared to be in these classes for a graduation requirement, a small number
wanted to pursue this path after graduation.
I also observed Advanced Placement (AP) classes. Since the 1950s, the Advanced
Placement Program has grown in public schools across America (Abrams 2023). In Advanced
Placement classes, students are able to take courses in a variety of topics (i.e., English Literature,
Photography, Statistics) that are supposed to prepare them for college-level work, and if they
score well on exams, they can potentially gain college credits (Malkus 2016). Though there has
been a considerable expansion of this program, participation gaps by students’ race and
socioeconomic status persist (Malkus 2016). Additionally, there are concerns about the quality of
the program according to public school teachers (Duffett and Farkas 2009). Current versions of
the exam curtails teachers’ autonomy and reinforces distinction between high school teachers
and college professors (2023).
Dr. Jones also informed me that she created an academic recognition program called
“Successful Students Club” (SSC) to “take care” of advanced placement students, who “do so
48
much for the school,” allowing for increased attention from counselors, help with FAFSA, visits
from the local community college, specialized programming, and opportunities to get involved
planning events. I observed several lunchtime meetings and grew to know a couple of students
who had prominent roles in Successful Students Club. In addition to classes and the Successful
Students Club lunchtime observations, I made sure to be at college and career fairs that were
publicized by the district or Sycamore itself.

Interviews
Throughout my fieldwork, I conducted frequent informal interviews based on hypotheses
I developed with front-desk personnel, school security guards, or students in the classes I
observed. While participant observation and informal interviews got at the collective
construction of the future at Sycamore, I also conducted semi-structured, in-depth interviews for
the more affective and emotional reflections of participants at my site (Pugh 2013). I familiarized
myself with the high school’s particular language norms and topics of conversation before
finalizing my interview questions (Briggs 1986). Based on the emergent codes in field notes, I
constructed interview dockets with a list of semi-structured questions addressing participants’
perceptions of Sycamore and any critical issues and meanings of high school, college, career,
and the future. These interview guides can be found in the Appendices. I transcribed several
interviews myself and also used a paid transcription service with internal fellowship funding
from my department.
I was preparing for the interview portion of my study when the COVID-19 pandemic
started in March 2020. In late February, I presented during each of the courses about what
interviews entailed and distributed the necessary IRB forms. However, once the in-person school
49
instruction was canceled until further notice, I emailed each teacher I had observed individually
for a remote interview. All of the teachers agreed, and I conducted interviews over Zoom,
recording audio with their permission. I also spoke to two counselors whom I had built a rapport
with prior, and was able to interview another counselor as well through snowball sampling
method. I was also interested in administrators or district presenters at the school, so recruited
those via email.
Interviews with personnel members lasted anywhere from thirty minutes to an hour and
forty-five minutes. I asked about issues at the school, hypothetical scenarios with students,
meanings of CTE, and college-for-all. There were some unforeseen benefits to the online
collection of interview data, as participants were able to discuss topics freely in the privacy of
their own homes instead of on campus (Jenner and Myers 2019). A full list of teacher, counselor,
and administrator interview questions can be found in Appendices C, D, and E, respectively. At
the end of these teacher interviews, I asked if they would be willing to distribute a demographic
survey to students online. I did not have access to the district email or course websites, so I relied
on teachers to share it with their classes.

Student Survey
The reasons for constructing a survey were twofold (1) to collect demographic
information on a larger sample of Sycamore students to situate my findings and (2) to understand
information not always covered in informal interviews or casual in-person conversations before
the lockdown. I asked students a range of questions that covered topics from racial identification
to parents’ occupations to post-graduation plans. At the end of the survey, students could enter
their personal email if they wanted to have a follow-up interview with me. I then reached out to
50
students with an email if they had provided contact information. If they responded to my
interview request and self-reported to be under eighteen, I would ask them to get their parents to
sign the form and then send a picture of the signature to me via email or text.

Student Interviews
For the student interviews, those with whom I had built a rapport with in the field tended
to volunteer, and sometimes I would ask students if they could reach out to friends about me,
although this would not always lead to an interview. I was unable to reach some of the students
from the Automotive technology or Mr. Whitman’s English class I wanted to speak with, as I
had not obtained contact information before Covid-19 interrupted the school year. I can still
draw some inferences from my classroom observations in this case. I tried to snowball sample
and reach students on a participatory basis- with some students volunteering their friends to talk
to me.
At the end of the first depth interview, I asked students if they were interested in a
follow-up after sixth months. If they were, I asked what the best way to contact them would be,
and sometimes exchanged phone numbers with them. Then I waited six months after graduation
to contact them during the early Winter of 2020. This was strategic so that those who were in
college would have a winter break, and, therefore, more availability and time to talk.
Table 1. Total Depth Interviews from 2020-2021
Students 20 (wave 1) +14 (wave 2)
Teachers 10
Counselors 3
Administrators 2
District Workers 2
Total: 51

51
Longitudinal Interview Component
Inspired by longitudinal studies of aspirations, I re-interviewed some Sycamore students
again about six to nine months after graduation in Fall 2020 to Spring 2021 (Nielsen 2015;
Solórzano et al. 2013). This component illustrates how the transition out of a Los Angeles high
school is lived in real-time through 14 students from the class of 2020’s experiences. At the time
of the follow-up interviews, students were enrolled in local community colleges, Cal-States,
UCs, private out-of-state universities and taking a gap year while providing elder care to a
grandparent at home. A majority of students in the in-depth interview sample were headed to a
four-year college or two-year college after graduation, revealing attrition in students after Covid-
19 shifted school online. This data was useful for a holistic view of the transition out of high
school, and I was able to conduct follow-up interviews with 14 of the original 20 “first wave”
students I interviewed. The majority of student interview data featured in this dissertation are
from Wave 1 of the interview study in Spring 2020, right as students approach graduation. There
are also students from my in-person participant observation I spoke with longitudinally in the
field. The full student interview guide can be found in Appendix B.

Data Analysis
During in-person visits to the field, I took jottings in a small notebook in class. When
handwritten notes were not possible, I made mental notes and wrote them as soon as possible
after the field visit ended. I typed field notes within 24 hours (Bogdan and Taylor 1978). I
collected documents related to college and career, taking free handouts or photographs of
promotional materials adorning the school walls. During class, I wrote down the schedule for the
day and noted when plans after graduation were mentioned or signaled in particular.
52
My fieldwork collection was concept-driven in that I referred to hypotheses informed by
the sociology of education, cultural sociology, imagined futures, and stratification literature
(Nippert-Eng 2015). In my dissertation proposal, I delineated several kinds of literatures I may
have found fruitful, including social and cultural reproduction theories, organizational theories,
boundaries, and cultural sociological work on aspirations as part of imagined futures. When I
first entered the site, I had hypotheses from these works, and after a month in I started to refer
back to theories and branch out into new ones. Through conducting my fieldwork, writing
memos, and paper workshopping I read in other areas of sociology of education, mobility
studies, critical studies, and theory to address what I was seeing. Later on in the writing process I
also diverged into racialization studies and history of public schooling to address other patterns I
had seen.
As mentioned before, I selected a comprehensive high school for the heterogeneity of
experience within curriculum tracks, groups, and across social actors (Small and Calarco 2022). I
used a primarily inductive analytic and abductive approach in the field and additional interviews
(Carter 2012; Tavory and Timmermans 2014). I looked for consistency and contradictions,
keeping different theories in mind in the field while observing and interviewing but still allowing
for themes I had not accounted for to emerge in the data (Glaser and Strauss 1967). I compared
instances of classroom management between personnel and students and variation over time. I
used concepts of “time,” “college,” and “career” to guide fieldwork in uncovering how
Sycamore participants shape understandings of the future as an ongoing process (Nippert-Eng
2015).
I found that instead of focusing on the future in the way I hypothesized based on reading
about the U.S.’s orientation to the future (Beckert 2016), there were several textures to time in
53
high school (Tavory and Eliasoph 2013). I wanted to depict the heterogeneity of motivations
among participants in Sycamore-and even the organizational and implicit institutional rhythms
that intersected with what I saw in the classroom. There was the institutional past and present of
the school that faculty and students would bring up, the bell schedule and organizational clock,
and social actors’ own subjective conceptions of time. Additionally, there were concerns of
students that had to do with the present lack of “school spirit” in addition to their futures. I
reflected a lot on the way to conceptualize time in the high school setting and layered several
conceptual frameworks in other areas of the sociology of education (including the history of
sociology and discipline) to best address what I saw. Additionally, although there were some
stark differences between AP and CTE tracks, there was a similarity in the way in which teachers
across classes described short-term deadlines and particularly highlighting the risk or potential of
not graduating, or failure. There was likeness in the one-on-one style of consulting students
about the future. Immediate predictions of the future of graduation usually dwelled on negative
dimensions for those failing while being contrasted with vague, long-term optimistic social
mobility stories of triumphant college trajectories.
After typing up my observational notes, I conducted several rounds of coding, moving
from open coding to more selective coding processes. I used a line-by-line approach. I
constructed categories that grouped codes and concepts I had found in the data and printed these
sheets. I reviewed these categories to inform the interview packets I prepared for students,
teachers, counselors, principals, and finally, district workers. After I received interview
transcripts, I conducted microanalysis of those to analyze how participants made sense of their
perspective. I also grouped those codes into separate categories and compared them to field
notes.
54
My research design was in-depth in order to focus on the social and cultural processes
underlying the transition out of high school. Because of this, I am not aiming to numerically
generalize to all faculty, personnel, to students at Sycamore, nor to all public high school
students in general. The decentralized nature of American K-20 education makes this hard due to
local dynamics and idiosyncrasies. However, based on careful literature review and research, I
was able to observe institutional effects on interpersonal interactions and narratives, as well as
broader cultural structures containing dominant meanings of “college-for-all” that might be
found in other sites of schooling. I purposefully did not collect academic data, test scores,
dropout rates, graduation rates, or college-going rates, as there is a rich literature on schools
organizations and outcomes, but focused specifically on how schooling is organized in regards to
ideas of time and categories of difference (Carter 2012). Therefore, this dissertation’s
methodological contribution is the in-depth focus on how actors relate to one another in the
school for a fuller picture of the sociology of school life and the cultural structures that affect
academic incorporation.

Positionality

As with any social science research question, and particularly those research questions
involving observations and interviews and getting to know other people; multiple intersecting
social statuses of participant and observer, shifting contexts and perceptions, and feelings imbue
the data collection process. While collecting several types of participant observation and
interview data for this study, I wanted to ensure that I was self-aware in regard to access,
disclosure, and interpretation (Small and Calarco 2022).
Having studied other examples of authors who went back to their high school to conduct
ethnographic research (Khan 2011), I acknowledge how my alumna status may have shaped my
55
perspective. Memories surfaced while observing and a handful of times I mistook some students
for old friends or acquaintances, it felt strange to be back after eight years. I remembered
unpleasant feelings or memories from that time period as well regarding stressful home and
academic situations. At the end of in-depth interviews, I let students know they could ask me
anything. Students were very curious if a lot had changed if they learned I had gone to Sycamore
and what type of high schooler I was. I told them how some of the buildings were new, teachers
had retired, but some things felt very much the same in the classroom and quad. One of the
teachers whom I had had in high school (Mrs. Kelly) helped me gain access to the other teachers
in the study. I leveraged “insider knowledge” for access as well as disclosure. I circulated memos
and workshopped key papers from the dissertation to make sure the meanings are grounded and
have interpretive validity. I wanted to be careful to identify social problems while showing the
kaleidoscope of human motivations and contradictions, and I tried to avoid extreme or simplistic
depictions of the school and agents’ behaviors and authentically capture what I saw. This is to
present myself as a sociologist transparently, and a previous member of the Sycamore student
body.
During my fieldwork, I tried to use a “least-adult” identity to minimize my perceived
authority with students with variable success (Pascoe 2011). I often wore dark clothes (many
students wore Black or grey athleisurewear, with many girls wearing long salon press-on nails)
and a backpack and walked to class observations in the morning alongside students either
through the front gates or office. My petite stature and age (27 years old at the time of the in-
person observational study) may have helped me “blend in” in specific settings. Having read
other ethnographic appendices before starting a study including teenagers (Pascoe 2011), I was a
bit nervous about there being inappropriate advancements or comments. However, besides an
56
instance of a male freshman student in an Auto Tech class throwing a binder at me (playfully?)
which I caught in one hand (it pays off having a younger brother also in high school), students
did not give me any trouble to my face
17
.
Over time, I was able to build a rapport with several students in each class. Some students
would joke with me, ask me for advice, want me to read their college essay, and talk to me
frankly about how they had cheated, not done the homework, or were unhappy with school
authorities’ management of specific issues. I told students I had gone to Sycamore as a teenager,
which usually intrigued them. I was sometimes aware of perceived educational distance I had
during first introductions from teachers, as I was introduced as an alumna of Sycamore and a
“success story.” Whether or not I had felt like a success at the time personally is beside the point,
but I realized quickly that I was being cast as a college-type authority or representative in that I
could aid interested students’ college application process and help refine their “narrative capital”
(Takacs 2020). Whenever I saw fit or could lend advice I did, as I wanted to pay it forward to
participants and have helped advise on college application materials in part-time work capacities
as a tutor and mentor in graduate school. Here is when my work experience in student services
and higher education would overlap and collide with my sociologist self, as I was committed to
studying the failure of meritocratic language as a justification for educational inequality, but as
someone who sought mobility through education understood the realities, anxieties, and very real
concerns students confronted pre-high school graduation.

17
There was a particular older White private security guard who made comments regarding a nude photograph of a
celebrity when I would visit the school, told me that my research question had "already been answered," and wanted
to meet me at a café to "talk about my research." I think I dodged these comments with a bit of conversational acuity
but would feel a bit of dread if he was working in the morning. I was considering telling a Sycamore personnel
member when I learned that this security guard had quit. All of this is to say that students did not make me feel
uncomfortable or unsafe, but the older security guard did.

57
The more extroverted students and ones who were interested in my presence got time,
though I made an effort to sit in the back of the classroom with more quiet students and walk
around to spend time at each desk with different combinations of students at desks as well. My
limited language skills (monolingual in English) constrained my ability to speak to students who
wanted to communicate in Armenian or Spanish and shaped my limited understanding of other
interactions in the classroom or hallways
18
. In interviews, I would sometimes reveal my 2.5
generation status as the daughter of an immigrant and an American to build rapport with those
who were second-generation and spoke of their parents’ sacrifices. In in-depth interviews or if
the situation called for it, I would also tell students about my younger siblings (one of whom
attended a rival school in the area) who were high school age at the time.
I shifted gears situationally to let teachers and counselors feel comfortable around me and
gain trust. Teachers would sometimes ask me to be a type of college coach based on my status as
a Sycamore alumna and a White woman education graduate student/researcher. Some teachers
would refer to me as an education-type authority in the classroom, and as a result of this, I
adopted a “hybrid” approach based on what the situation required (Seim 2021). When
embodying the role of researcher sitting in classes with students, I took on a participant-observer
type role; while when enacting teacher-like tasks, I approximated the teacher role as an observer-
participant (Seim 2021). The AP English teachers would ask me to help students with their group
work or listen to their college essay ideas. Based on this strategy I was invited to grade student
AP research projects with a handful of Sycamore teachers and two other local high school
teachers. I tried to balance what teachers asked with students not feeling too guarded around me,
as I did not want them to associate me with working for the school in an official capacity. When

18
Having come of age around this area, I was familiar with some idioms in other languages and a couple of
colloquialisms still operating at the site.
58
class was over, some teachers would remark about students or be visibly dreading faculty
meetings, confiding in me like a colleague.
I was, for the most part, highly privy to teachers and students in class, and at school
events, followed by observing counselors, assistant principals, and guest speakers (city workers,
admissions representatives from four-year and two-year colleges, car company representatives,
and trade school representatives) running future-related meanings. As my research questions
focused on actors’ social construction of the future at school focusing on internal variation, I did
not expand my sites outside of Sycamore. I was unable to get an interview with the career-
technical district representative despite several rounds of attempts, and spoke to her assistant
instead. I was also unable to contact participants from the Auto Tech career-technical class after
Covid-19 lockdown, as there was attrition in the student sample, and I did not have their contact
information. My gender may have affected the student interview sample gender composition, as
14 out of 20 in my sample identified as girls, with only 6 out of 20 as boys (Holland 2014).
This methodological and empirical analysis of my interactions with anonymized
participants is not to shame, catch, or “find them out,” as many people shared very vulnerable
moments with me. As I highlight some climactic moments in the classroom, I would like to point
out the unequal power of my observer’s perspective. Many teachers and students were reflexive
about others in school, in what obstacles they might face. As I was trying to trace the “grammars
of schooling” (Mehta 2022; Tyack and Cuban 1995) and the power implicit in the structure of
schooling that influences meanings and narratives, I am not putting the blame on individual
actors depicted here for their behaviors. Through this multi-method dissertation, I highlight the
ways in which social actors wedged in the institutional and cultural configuration of public high
59
school, despite good intentions, recreate myths about the future in America, reproducing
meritocracy and inequitable power structures (Frye 2019).

Introduction to Case Study: Sycamore High

Funding in Flux: California’s Fiscal Context

Sycamore High is located in California, where increasing income inequality, volatile
education spending, high cost of living, large student-to-personnel caseloads, and inadequate
resources are present. ESSA marked a shift in K-12 funding as to individual states, with a further
breakdown between state and local funding (Baker, Sciarra, and Farrie 2018). Funding sources
for public secondary schools include 9% from the federal level, 46% from the state, and 45%
from the local level (Baker et al. 2018).
Though a colossus as a state economy, at a state level, California consistently
underspends and underinvests on public education. California ranks 30
th
among U.S. states per
pupil spending (Farrie and Sciarra 2021). Although it is a high-tax state, less of the total
economy is invested in education than in other states (Hahnel 2020). Additionally, California
public schools are more dependent on state funds than other states, and school spending has
lagged behind police/corrections, health/hospitals, and public welfare. Notably, California’s
revenues rely on income tax-which is volatile, especially in times of recession.
California’s fluctuating state funding is problematic for education personnel as well as
serving students. Because of California’s high cost of living, schools and districts can afford
fewer pupil support personnel, such as teachers, counselors, and services (Hahnel 2020).
According to the National Education Association, the average estimated teacher salary in
California on average is $87, 275, but this is not adjusted for cost of living.
60
California has one of the highest student-to-counselor ratios, with most districts placing
in the 500 or greater students range per 1 counselor (Patel and Clinedust 2021). The American
School Counselors Association recommends 250 students per counselor. It also has a high
student-to-teacher ratio, with 22 students per 1 teacher and 32,216 students to 1 librarian (Hahnel
2020). The national average for teachers is 15 students per teacher (Hahnel 2020). At Sycamore
High, the student-counselor ratio was 420 to 1, the student-teacher ratio was 23 to 1, and the
student-administrator ratio was 488 to 1. Less state funding for personnel also means less
funding for books and classroom supplies in public high schools.
There are several ways these broader fiscal and economic contexts affect students. The
state does spend more in districts serving higher percentages of low-income and English
language learners but would need to spend 46% more to address students’ needs
comprehensively (Hahnel 2020). High-poverty schools in segregated neighborhoods are
underserved and isolate Black and Latinx students by race and income (Hahnel 2020).
At a local level, since 2014, California funds its public K-12 schools through the Local
Control Funding Formula, allocating more money to those districts with a greater concentration
of high-needs students (Hong 2023). However, the ACLU and California Department of
Education find evidence that California districts fail to spend money generated by at-risk student
subgroups and misuse funds (Hong 2023).

State Accountability Measures: California Dashboard and CAASPP

Under ESSA, California’s current accountability system for schools is called the
“Dashboard,” with color-coded performance categories ranging from the lowest performance
category, “red,” to the highest performance level: “blue” (Gee and Kim 2019).

61

Figure 1. California State Dashboard Logo

Officially implemented in the 2017-2018 school year, there are eight major metrics that the
California Dashboard considers as indicative of school accountability and performance,
including: “Student Achievement,” “Student Engagement,” “Other Student Outcomes,” School
Climate,” “Parental Involvement,” “Basic Services,” Implementation of Common Core State
Standards,” and “Course Access” (Darling-Hammond et al. 2016). Schools like Sycamore have
an annual report that assigns a red, orange, yellow, green, or blue color to the suspension rate,
English Learner Progress, Graduation Rate, College/Career, English Language Arts testing
performance, and Mathematics performance. The annual reports also measure how schools
improved (or not).
The California Dashboard system is different from the previous accountability system by
using multiple accountability indicators instead of a single (API) measure. It also has a smaller
minimum number for student “subgroup sizes”: from 100 to 30 (Polikoff, Korn, and Mcfall
2018). Emergent research on this system finds that users like how it presents a more holistic
view of school quality and uses a smaller student subgroup size. At the same time, critics point to
how it should tailor to more diverse schools, and the student subgroup sizes are still large
compared to other states (Polikoff et al. 2018). Additionally, stakeholders who use it like the
interface, but few people report using it regularly (Polikoff et al. 2018).
Although Dashboard data were not available for the year 2020, for the preceding year,
2019 (when the students in my study were juniors), the scores were as follows: Suspension Rate
(Orange), Graduation Rate (Orange), College & Career Readiness (Green), English Language
Arts (Yellow), and Mathematics (Yellow). Notably, Sycamore’s highest performance score was
62
for “College & Career Readiness,” followed by middle-performance English Language Arts and
Mathematics scores, and the lowest were Suspension and Graduation.
The standardized tests required in California high schools include the California
Assessment of Student Performance and Progress (CAASPP) Assessments. CAASSP was
established in 2014 and these tests’ stated purpose include promoting “high-quality teaching and
learning.” Students take English Language Arts and Math tests in their junior year, while they
can choose when to take the science test in high school. Sycamore Seniors would have taken the
English and Math tests in 2018-2019. Looking at the 2018-2019 Achievement Levels in English
Language Arts and Math in Sycamore compared to the district, some interesting trends exist.
Table 2. Sycamore's CAASPP Scores for Class of 2020
Mathematics
Achievement Level

Sycamore High

District

California
Standard Exceeded 13.16 % 31.17 % 19.69 %
Standard Met 19.75 % 23.42 % 20.04 %
Standard Nearly Met 27.85 % 22.31 % 25.41 %
Standard Not Met: 39.24 % 23.09 % 34.86 %

English Language
Achievement Level

Sycamore High

District

California
Standard Exceeded 19.23 % 33.01 % 22.48 %
Standard Met 32.56 % 31.29 % 28.62 %
Standard Nearly Met 25.13 % 18.18 % 22.28 %
Standard Not Met: 23.08 % 17.51 % 26.63 %

In Mathematics, Sycamore High’s achievement level lags in the “Standard Exceeded” and
“Standard Met” categories compared to the District and State. 40% of eleventh-grade Sycamore
students do not meet mathematics standards, while almost 28% nearly meet them. For English
Language, Sycamore lags behind the District and State for those who exceed the standards.
However, Sycamore students lead the categories for “Standard Met” and “Standard Nearly Met”
63
at 32.56% and 25.13%, respectively. Notably, all students’ standardized test scores dropped
slightly during the pandemic (Hong 2023).

School Location: Sycamore City and Its People

Sycamore High, located in a suburban neighborhood of mid-sized “Sycamore City,” is
flanked by an imposing mountain range and gangly palm trees, overlooking a glittery downtown
at dusk. This city has a bloody, brooding, and contested past, emblematic of bitter battles over
California. Once under Spanish rule in the 18
th
century, then under Mexican rule until the mid to
late- 19
th
century after Americans seized control, Sycamore’s architecture has architectural nods
to its past alongside Anglo colonial styles. Sycamore City was a sundown town until the late
1960s where non-Whites were intimidated and threatened to be off the street when the sun set
19
.
With the installment of two significant freeways nearby in the 1970s and development of
downtown Sycamore, several large corporations settled in the 1980s and 1990s. These
companies included those in the entertainment and automotive industries.
In the late twentieth and early 21st century, Sycamore City became an attractive yet
contentious Southern California locale for immigrants and internal migrants to settle. Starting
from the 1920s, several overlapping waves of immigration due to war and ethnic persecution in
home countries, religious restrictions, family networks, and enticing economic opportunities
made Sycamore City a destination. Many immigrants live in Sycamore City, with about 52% of
the population identifying as foreign-born and 67% of households speaking languages other than
English at home. Armenia and Iran are the two most common countries of origin in Sycamore
city.

19
Sycamore City was also a headquarters for the Nazi party
64
Though racialized as White due to a long history of racial politics, immigration, religion,
and culture, Armenians and Armenian Americans, like other U.S. imposed ethnic categorizations
and racial formations is a broad label to capture several types of diasporic communities and life
experiences (Maghbouleh 2017). As a diasporic group, Armenians retain an established ethnic
identification and solidarity in defiance of some countries’ continued denial of the 1915
Armenian Genocide by the Turkish state (Khachikian 2020). The Armenian diaspora gave rise to
several ethnic, cultural, and national origin groups, including “Hayastanci” (Armenians from
Armenia), Parskahay (Armenians from Iran), and “Beirutsi Hay” (Armenians from Lebanon),
among other communities around the world (McCormick 2016). More recent waves of
immigration include those who came from the Soviet Union. Contemporary research finds
evidence that the benefit of cross-class participation in ethnic extracurricular youth organization
through protective ethnicity, can extend to working-class youth (Khachikian 2019).
Iranian Immigrants and Iranian Americans are also present in Sycamore City and have a
specific racialized past and present
20
. After the Iranian Revolution of 1979, Iranians/ Persians
migrated to major American cities. Though not given their census designation, Iranians sit
categorically at the outer limits of Whiteness and possess social experiences that reflect the
limitations of what “official Whiteness” can achieve (Maghbouleh 2017). Second-generation
Iranian American youth become aware in childhood of their uncertain position in an American
racial structure through interactions and treatment by others (Maghbouleh 2017).

20
Early legal cases in the 20
th
century juxtaposed Iranians or Persians as “non-White” in comparison to “White”
Syrians and Armenians, sometimes using religion as the wedge to distinguish good “Christian” (and European
adjacent) Armenians from “Persian fire worshippers” of “blasphemous” Muslim and Zoroastrian Iranians. At the
same time, Iranians used evidence of “Indo-European” language and the “Aryan” heritage as claims to Whiteness
(Maghbouleh 2017)
65
Sycamore city is home to Cuban, Filipino, Korean, Mexican, and White ethnic
collectives, among others with their histories. Regarding the overall racial demographics
21
of
Sycamore City, the pan-ethnic categorizations are: White alone, not Hispanic or Latino is 61.8%,
Hispanic or Latino is 18.7%. Asian alone is 13.7%, Two or more races is 5.9%, Black or African
American alone is 1.8%, and American Indian or Alaska Native alone is 0.4%. In the “White
alone” category, estimates are that 40% of the population is Armenian. Sycamore City boasts
population growth and continued projections into the next decade.
The contemporary cost of living in Sycamore City is as follows. Compared to the average
California home value of $718,687, the average home value in Sycamore city has increased to
just over 1 million dollars. In 2021 dollars, the median household income was about $74,488,
while the per capita income was $41,080. The median gross rent in the city is about $1,835. 14%
of Sycamore city residents live in poverty. For those residents over 25 years old, 43% of the
population has a bachelor’s degree or higher, while 88.5% have a high school diploma or higher.

Sycamore High

Sycamore High stands on about 17 acres of land across from middle and elementary
schools. The primary school road is populated with parents dropping off students in the morning
along with students. Down the road, less than a mile away, is a strip mall complete with a liquor
store, Starbucks, Armenian market, and a nail salon, among other rotating shops. Students living
in houses, apartment complexes, or condominiums could be spotted walking nearby in the early
morning or on sunny afternoons.
Blooming jacarandas shade a "Sycamore High School" sign on the school's front lawn in
the spring. The exposed hallways' railings support banners that display the school's values: "We

21
Percentages are according to Census Bureau Website Data
66
are respectful,"; "We are responsible,"; "We are engaged,"; and finally, "We are Sycamore." An
outdoor campus with concrete hallways, brick, and large gates protects its main campus and the
inner sanctum. Although the campus is modern in design, there are some relics from the school's
century-long history, including an old auditorium. There are noticeably barred gates that close
during the school day. At lunchtime, one could see students' outstretched arms grabbing brown
bag Door dash orders and delivery drivers balancing Starbucks coffee cups delicately through the
bars.
At the school's main entrance is a desk with a receptionist, officially titled an
“Attendance Clerk,” to the left who is smiley and alert to visitors. To the right was an entrance to
more administrators' offices, where the assistant principals and principal worked behind closed
doors. Before moving any further, straight ahead was a podium with a security guard to the left
of double doors, who saw lots of traffic during rush hours during the day. There were often new
security guards and many turnovers in this position. Several school officers were assigned to
patrol the school, especially the side street where several students parked. In order to gain access
to the campus, one needed a guest pass sticker stamped with the time of entry.
Through another hallway was the counseling office, which to the left had many students
overbrimming at lunchtime, waiting to talk to one of the course counselors. The hallway had
clear cases of student achievements and accolades, art projects, and cultural club
accomplishments. After exiting the hallway, one was on the main campus.
Concentric circles can be found at the heart of the school, with amphitheater stairs and
ramps leading up the main quad where students congregated at lunchtime, staking out their
respective spaces and social territories. Some students sat alone at break times. There were
basketball courts, a gym, a football field, an art building, a swimming pool, a faculty parking lot,
67
and other facilities on campus. There were no lockers at the school, as the students had informed
me they had been removed the year before I started my fieldwork.
The school-day can begin as early as “Zero Period” for some Sycamore students and
personnel at Sycamore. The average class period is close to an hour at fifty-six minutes. Snack, a
break between second period and third period was eleven minutes allowed Sycamore members
respite for third and fourth period. Sycamore students and personnel had thirty minutes for lunch.
Sycamore’s schedule was similar to other schools in the district, and reflect the enduring
Carnegie unit system’s effects as well as grammars of schooling in regards to time, with hours of
class counting toward credits toward graduation
22
.
Figure 2. Sycamore's Regular Bell Schedule
Period 0: 6:58-7:54 AM 56 Minutes
Period 1: 8:00-8:56 AM 56 Minutes
Period 2: 9:02-10:06 AM 1 Hour and
4 Minutes
Snack 10:06-10:17 AM 11 Minutes
Period 3: 10:23 AM-11:19 PM 56 Minutes
Period 4: 11:25-12:21 PM 56 Minutes
Lunch 12:21-12:51 PM 30 Minutes
Period 5: 12:57-1:53 PM 56 Minutes
Period 6: 1:59-2:55 PM 56 Minutes
Period 7: 3:01-3:57 PM 56 Minutes

22
The list of graduation credit requirements can be found in the supplementary appendix
68

In terms of education funding, according to an accountability report from 2016-2017, the
total expenditures per pupil were $7,232 at Sycamore High, with restricted usage at $1,055 and
unrestricted as $6,177. The state’s unrestricted expenditures per pupil in the 2016-2017 fiscal
year was slightly higher than Sycamore’s at $6,574. Sycamore High’s unrestricted expenditures
was 14.3% lower
23
.

Sycamore Students

During the year of my in-person observations (2019-2020), approximately 1,594 students
were enrolled at Sycamore, with 392 seniors. Students’ racial composition was 60.9% White
(including Middle Eastern and Armenian students), 23.4% Hispanic or Latino, 6.7% Filipino,
6.2% Asian, 1.5% Black or African American, and 1.6% Two or more races.
According to state Dashboard data, 14.6% of students are English learners and speak the
following languages: 11.9% Armenian, 2.8% Spanish, 1% Russian, 0.3% Farsi, 0.3% Arabic,
and 0.6% Other. 10.6% of students had disabilities. 68% of all students qualify as
“socioeconomically disadvantaged,” defined as “students who are eligible for free or reduced
priced meals, or have parents/guardians who did not receive a high school diploma.” 5% of
students were homeless. 15% of all students were categorized as English Language Learners.
According to an internal survey, most graduating seniors planned to attend community college
after graduation (74%), followed by a four-year college or university (21%). Less popular plans
after graduation included “vocational/trade” school (0.02%) and attending the military (0.01%).
5% reported “not having definite plans.”

23
State data on total expenditures per pupil (restricted) in the 2016-2017 fiscal year was listed as “N/A”
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Student Interview Sample
Over the course of my observations, I spoke with several students through informal
interviewing, and formally interviewed 20 students. I will discuss the demographic details of this
interview sample, which I collected through an online survey. A detailed list of these questions
can be found in Appendix A.
The racial identification in my sample is as follows: White (n=9), Hispanic or Latino
(n=4) Middle Eastern or North African (n=3), Asian (n=2), Black or African American (n=1),
and Two or more races (n=1). The most common ethnic identification for the White category
included Armenian (n=8), followed by one student identifying as American. For those three
students who identified as Middle Eastern or North African, ethnic identifications included
Greek Lebanese Armenian, Armenian and Russian, and Persian. For those four students who
identified as Hispanic or Latino, their ethnic identifications include Mexican, Colombian and
Mexican, and Guatemalan and Salvadoran. For the two students in my sample who identified as
Asian, their ethnic identifications included Filipino and Korean. The student who I classified as
“Two or More Races,” put Filipino, White for racial identification, and Filipino and European
for ethnic identification. The student who identified as Black or African American put African
and French for ethnic identification. I did not compare students based on racial/ethnic
identification as this sample was not intended to capture those differences, though I include
themes that emerge when students referred to their home life or cultural expectations as salient to
them.
70
The majority of my interview sample included students who were second-generation
24

immigrant youth (n=16). The majority of the students in my interview sample were second-
generation. Jessica was a 2.5 generation student, with an immigrant mother and American father.
There was one student, Rose, who identified as third-generation, as her grandparents had
immigrated (n=1). Two students identified as native-born. The most common country of origin
was Iran (n=6), followed by Armenia (n=3). Next was the Philippines (n=2) and Mexico (n=2).
Students’ parents also came from Canada, Columbia, Korea, Nigeria, and Guatemala.
I also collected data on age and family structure. Half of the students were 17 years old at
the time of the study, followed by five students at 18 years old. One of the students was 15. The
family structure of students is noted in studies of college-going (Toutkoushian, Stollberg, and
Slaton 2018), so I noted this in my demographic survey. The majority of students’ parents were
“Married (n=12),” followed by “Divorced” (n=3) and “Remarried” (n=2). As for the remaining
students: one student selected “Other,” while another selected “Never Married.”
In my interview sample, there were several students who qualify as prospective first-
generation college students. It is important to note that there are several operationalizations of
this term, which matter for research findings on the intergenerational transmission of status
(Toutkoushian et al. 2018). Research on first-generation college students often differs based on
whether this includes students with a parent with no college degree, or “some college.” I use a
broader categorization to capture students in my interview sample with parents with “high
school” education and “some college,” excluding those as with at least one college-educated
parent with a bachelor’s degree. Those first-generation students in my student include Ani, Lori,

24
Sociologists who study immigration define second-generation as the U.S. born youth of immigrants. 2.5
generation are those who have one U.S. born parent and one immigrant parent. 1.5 generation are those students
who immigrated as children or adolescents.
71
Krystal, Nara, Cat, Rose, Tigran, Daniel, and Aurora (n=9). I collected data on students’ parents’
educational and occupational levels as seen in Table 5 in Chapter 4.
At the time of the study, I also asked students about what they wanted to do. Answers
included desired industries like Arts, Media, and Entertainment (n=4), Public Services (n=4),
Public Services (n=4), Health Science and Medical Technology (n=3), Engineering and
Architecture (n=1), Education, Child Development, and Family Services (n=1), Business and
Finance (n=1), and Undecided or Still Deciding (n=6)
25
.

Sycamore Personnel

In order to get at the relational dimension of aspirations, I informally and formally
interviewed several institutional personnel, including counselors, teachers, and administrators
(n=17). According to a public report from the 2016-2017 year, the starting Sycamore salary for
teachers was $47,289, while the average principal salary at the high school was $144,445. These
numbers are pretty close to the state averages. Superintendents in this district make $255,000.
One counselor was assigned per grade (N=4) when I was observing at Sycamore High. I
could talk to three of the four counselors, one of whom left the position by Spring 2021. The
counselors' grade assignments are as follows: Ms. Garcia for 12th graders, Mr. Xavier for 11th
graders (and left Sycamore by 2021), and Ms. Rebecca for 10th graders. Ms. Maral and Ms.
Suzy worked for the district and were counselors-in-training, who I classify as “district workers.”
I often saw long lines of students waiting outside the counseling office and noted how they were
on the move, either giving presentations or out of sight.
At the time of the study, there were 68 teachers. The racial demographics of the teachers
are as follows: 1.3% African-American, 8% Asian, 1.35% Filipino, 12% Hispanic/Latino, and

25
A table summarizing students desired occupation by sector is in the appendix
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75% White (Including Armenian and Middle Eastern). The primary teachers in this study
included in the interviews are those whose classes I observed including Career-Technical
Teachers: Captain Davis, Mr. Ivan, and Mr. Torres. The English teachers I spent the most time
with include Ms. Reina, Mrs. Kelly, and Mr. Whitman, and then a Teaching Assistant, Ms. L, for
Ms. Reina's class. The English teachers, save for Mr. Whitman, are White (80%) and female
(77%) like the majority of teachers in the U.S. Male teachers compose 23.2% of the teaching
profession (Taie and Lewis 2022). Through snowball sampling, I included interviews with Chef
Kowalski (who retired in 2020) and her replacement, Chef Marcus.

Table 3. Sycamore Full-Time Teachers' Schedules
Teacher
Pseudonym
Discipline Courses
Captain
Davis
Public
Safety
Introduction
to Public
Safety (x3)
Public
Safety 3
Public Safety
Capstone
AP Capstone
Research
Mr. Torres Automotive
Technology
Auto Elective/
Diagnostic
Intro Auto
Light
Introduction
to Auto
Services
(x3)
Middle
School Class
[Taught
Auto]
Planning
Period
Mr. Ivan Visual and
Performing
Arts
Tech
Coordinator
Applied
Tech 1/3
Digital Arts
1
Applied Tech
1/3
Digital Arts
3/5
Applied Tech 1
Digital Arts 1
Chef
Kowalski

Culinary
Arts
Culinary
1(x3)
Culinary
3/5

Chef Marcus Culinary
Arts
N/A N/A N/A N/A
Mr. Jacobs Social
Sciences
AP
Economics
(Macro) (x2)
Planning
Period
AP
Psychology
(x3)

Ms. Reina English AP English
Literature
(x2)
English 12
(x2)
English
Language
Development
(ELD)
Planning
Period
Mrs. Kelly English English
Language
AP
Capstone
Seminar 1
AP English
Language
(x2)
Planning
Period
73
Development
11 (x2)
Mr. Whitman English English 10
(x3)
AP English
Literature
(x 2)
Planning
Period

At the time of the study, there was one principal and a team of assistant principals at
Sycamore High. I informally interviewed the principal and formally interviewed two assistant
principals at Sycamore: Principal Dr. Jones, Assistant Principal Mr. Mark, and Assistant
Principal Dr. Ohanian. Principal Dr. Jones was known for her emphasis on Sapling Solidarity,
referring to the school as a "happy family." Having obtained a doctorate in Education, Dr. Jones
was very intentional in her time as principal at Sycamore.

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Chapter 3: High School Authorities’ Narrative Futures to Students

At Open House, after a rousing jazzy interlude from the school band, Principal Dr. Jones
addressed prospective high school students: “We're here to help you achieve your dream, even if
you’ve never tried your dream before.”

This chapter details how different institutional authorities at Sycamore, mainly
administrators, teachers, counselors, and some outside visitors- depict students' postsecondary
futures at Sycamore High and the patterns therein as "narrative futures." The question of how
faculty, college and trade school representatives, and personnel at high school communicate
future paths- in how they tell stories to students of what they might aspire to and how they feel
about these directives-is less attended to in scholarship (Ewick and Silbey 2017). Additionally, it
provides more clarity into what narratives exist concerning enduring institutional features of
schools alongside formal curricula (Mehta and Fine 2019; Tyack and Cuban 1995).
I find four narrative futures at Sycamore, in telling students to “find your passion,”
“match career to job market demands,” “have a backup plan,” and prepare for interactions with
“future gatekeepers.” There were differences in which personnel emphasized which messages,
but I mostly find that teachers and counselors try to balance the top-down optimism of college-
for-all with a pragmatism that emphasizes managing risks for individual students. The tone and
process of preparing students can reveal cultural messages in schools that act as mechanisms of
power and inequality- and provide students with a way to weigh future options.

Find Your Passion!

At Sycamore events, speakers framed students' passions as integral to their individual
futures. Administrators and college/trade school representatives foretold fortuitous futures of
possibility in events like an "Open House" assembly. During these events, administrators
repeated words like "rigor," “passion," and "opportunity" frequently. Sycamore's Open House
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Event featured student representatives from career-technical, advanced placement, language
programs, and the community college dual enrollment program, to list a few. Principal Dr. Jones
addressed an auditorium populated with prospective 9th graders' parents, family members,
students, and siblings: "Something you're going to hear from me, your counselor, and hopefully,
the personnel, is that we want you to find your passion here at Sycamore. We're gonna be
throwing opportunities at you. Find your pathways, find your passion." Passion will propel
students forward onto their career or college pathway while also being something that the
students must exude in their academic journeys.
This sentiment echoed in other social settings at Sycamore, including at an Honors club
meeting, a career-tech institute visit, and an Advanced Placement (AP) informational session. At
a counselor-led event during lunchtime, the local community college representative explained
how if students exhibited "passion and dedication," this would help their chances of getting into
the Honors club at the local community college, which can quicken the pace of the transfer
process. In a presentation for an automotive trade school a couple of cities over from Sycamore,
the guest speaker explained it is important that students "had a passion for it [automotive
industry]" as "it's a culture out there." Students were expected to project passion in their pursuits.
At AP Night in February 2020, Assistant Principal Mr. Sam stood in front of a crowded room of
parents, family members, students, siblings, and counselors. He explained: "AP reflects the
college experience. The pace, rigor, and expectations are aligned with college-level classes." Mr.
Sam also emphasized that students in advanced placement classes are likelier to "finish on time"
[high school]. He elaborated: "their drive. They wanna succeed. They wanna do well." Passion,
drive, rigor, and dedication were patterned individualistic traits that the faculty and visitors to the
school brought up in their narratives of the future to students.
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This narrative did not go without critique or remark from teachers and students. Before
AP English class, I spoke with Teacher Mrs. Kelly about an AP training that teachers had to
participate in and said that they wanted them to repeat another round just this week. I then asked
her about “AP Night” that was aimed at prospective students. She had not attended but asked her
student Sean (a junior) about it who had gotten to class early. While Sean unpacked his backpack
for the day he explained: “It was four years ago, but they talk about how rigorous AP is.
Rigorous, rigorous, rigorous.” Sean remarks how although it was many years ago, the word
“rigor” remains as important quality that demonstrates what it takes to be college-ready.
Administrators and college and career representatives emphasized a passionate approach
as integral to the college application process in this narrative future. These findings confirm how
principals must convince stakeholders their respective schools are high-performing and effective
(Blake 2020; Mehta 2015). At school events, Sycamore students were told that the future is
bright if willing to work hard. This also echoes work on the passion principle among college
graduates, who, across many demographic categories and social identities, express how fulfilling
one's interests is a primary concern in career motivations (Cech 2021). This narrative echoes a
hyper-individualized approach to aspirations propelling one forward on a chosen pathway,
showing how repeated narratives from higher education and high school authorities are present
in school programming.

Match Career to Job Market Demands

Aligning one's aspiration with job market demands was another narrative future at
Sycamore. After a presentation on the career-technical pathways at Open House, principal Dr.
Jones interjected: "some people ask me...do you have a medical or engineering pathway here? It's
up to you [families] to talk to students about this. Some of these classes will lead to this down the
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line." Dr. Jones emphasized the importance of choosing the right class combination to lead to
these STEM professions while underscoring the role of parents in steering students towards the
actualization of future aspirations of "medical" and "engineering" pathways. Dr. Jones also
invited two students from the Public Safety class onstage in their firefighting gear to describe "all
types of [career-technical] pathways here." Principal Jones paraphrased a concern: "Sometimes I
get asked, don't you want your students to go to college...yeah...you can go to college and do
EMT at the same time." As with the first message of "following your passion," there was an
implicit evaluation and ranking of which passions are worth pursuing—particularly in the
medical or engineering fields over pursuing firefighting as a means to an end. Other career-
technical options in Art, Public Safety, or Auto pathways with less schooling were not featured
as prominently in presentations at these public promotions. They were not described as
conflicting with pursuing a college degree but mentioned as a simultaneous gig on a more
extended educational pathway of working and studying through college.
At a college financial aid night, a guest speaker from the student bursar office at a local
private liberal arts college espoused a similar hierarchy in describing lucrative aspirations from
less practical ones. Mr. Andy urged parents to think about "law school, medical school, dental
school...not if you're getting a "Master's in basket weaving." Mr. Andy explained: "You need to
compare. If you want to get a degree in basket weaving, you don't want to go to [Private Liberal
Arts School nearby]. Look at the Occupational Outlook handbook. It has types of careers and
jobs. And the average salaries. If careers are going up or down. Sit down with your child. Look
into basket weaving- "say, that doesn't make money." Here, Mr. Sam recruits parents to steer
students towards particular aspirations based on the college sticker price, potential of
occupational earnings, and the labor market demand.
78
At AP Night, Assistant Principal Mr. Sam highlighted a new Computer Science class at
Sycamore: "The new language is digital. It's not Armenian, Spanish, not Mandarin, not French..."
He explained: "These jobs are abundant in the future right now. Understanding that a class can
connect to a job...I wish I had that when I was in high school." Mr. Sam elevated this new course
as taking precedence over traditional spoken languages, revealing a narrative connecting classes
to growth in the technology sector and more job opportunities to control one's future.
In presentations from local trade schools or industry, speakers also appealed to job
growth and urgency for students to decide on their aspirations sooner rather than later, involving
strategic matching goals to professional pursuits. During one visit from two prominent car
dealership representatives, one of the speakers, clad in professional business attire, slacks, and a
light blue button-up, told the students declaratively: "We're here to promote that there is a future
in the car industry. Techs, cashiers, finance managers." Another regional auto trade school
representative, Mr. Martin, came to the auto class to speak with students. After tossing a lanyard
to students who guessed the correct answers in his PowerPoint, he explained: "75% of the
projected fastest-growing occupational field is in STEM and 80% is in auto. Think about the
workforce, and job demand guys. It's really important." He switched to the next slide, which
read, "It is your time. Juniors or seniors, a lot of students procrastinate on what they want to do."
Mr. Martin cited job growth statistics, and the two car dealership representatives emphasized the
allure of the future to appeal to students.
The ideal pathway in this narrative future was for students to match their career
aspirations to a particular path due to job market demand. Advice like this emphasizes an
economic rationale that involves reasoning backward from the future and planning in the present
moment (Beckert 2016; Beckert and Suckert 2020). It also captures the essence of “mobility
79
projects” more so than the passion principle schema, in the economic rationale and concerns
about job security (Cech 2021).
Personnel advised that students could achieve upward social mobility and job security
through obtaining a STEM job, although simultaneously using language inferring students were
incapable of selecting rational pathways themselves. Like finding your passion, this narrative
also emphasized individualism rather than pointing at organizational or structural constraints
underlying the process of job-seeking. There was less mention of using a community college to
attain one's goals, though the majority of Sycamore students enrolled in one after graduation.

Have Multiple Backup Plans

In addition to following one’s passion and strategic alignment of aspirations with job
market demands, a third narrative future of having multiple backup plans existed at Sycamore,
lest students not gain acceptance to their first choice of a selective four-year college. This advice
from mainly counselors and community college representatives included accounting for delays
or detours in one's educational and occupational trajectory. Counselor-run events and teachers'
comments during teaching demonstrated this message of concurrent contingency plans.
Sycamore counselors stressed having multiple backup plans during the college
application process should students not receive their first choice at lunchtime and after school
events. During a Successful Students Club (SSC) lunchtime meeting, twelfth-grade counselor
Ms. Garcia introduced a presentation from the local community college. Ms. Garcia stated: "I
know that Plan A is to get into a top school, but you need to have a Plan B and a Plan C in case
that doesn't pan out. That's why I want you to hear them out." Ms. Garcia's quote implies that
"Plan A" equals an elite four-year college. One representative in a shirt with the local community
college's name echoed this possibility later in the presentation: "We really hope you get your
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Plan A, but just in case." She continued: "I was in your spot. Everyone told me I would get into a
four-year college straight. I had a 4.6 GPA weighted, 3.9 unweighted. I was in Key Club. I had
300 community service hours. Got rejected from every UC. I thought I was too good to go to
community college." A UC Admissions officer captured this sentiment by urging students: "you
never know what life will have in store for you" and for them to have an "ABCDEF option." The
community college representative's feeling of "being too good" for a two-year college
demonstrates a strategy of stigma management in having to settle (Holland 2015a). In this
example, Ms. Garcia and the college representatives acknowledge the ideal Plan A is a
"Bachelor's." However, they also urge students to think about multiple college plans
strategically. Counselors did not mention specific career trades publicly, but students should
have a comprehensive plan for backup schools regarding college application season.
Both academic and career-tech teachers echoed students' flexibility and willingness to
compromise on their educational journeys. Selena, the UC admissions office representative, said
she often liked to share her personal story of transferring out of a four-year college. She attended
community college and reapplied to a four-year college again: "There are many pathways to get
to what you want to do." While impressing upon students they needed to "self-advocate" on the
application, she also expressed: "You never know what's going to happen, what path you need to
take." Another time in Public Safety class, Captain Davis talked to two students about potential
career options, sharing: "I did every certification I could do in high school!" While personnel
advised students to plan carefully and strategically, personnel implied there were many ways to
get to their destination. Captain Davis explained how in her Public Safety class, they review "soft
skills that will help them in any career." Similarly, in an AP English class, Mrs. Kelly explained
in an informal interview part of her approach to teaching: "I only teach English in the sense that
81
they'll need it for their future career." The personnel and guest speakers espoused this narrative
that if they hit snags in the proverbial future, they would be alright with forethought and
preparation on a backup route.
High school authorities sometimes drew on personal stories about their educational
journey to emphasize second chances and the diversity of pathways to occupational destinations.
However, some students were hesitant as they were undecided. Although this tone was
reassuring in the sense of having many choices, students expressed some concern regarding
conflicting messages of uncertainty and the college application process itself. A student at
Selena’s UC session knew she wanted to major in Biology but was unsure about which emphasis
to select on her application: "but there are so many types I don't know which one." The student
expressed concern about wanting to change her mind, and Selena advised her to look at course
catalogs to read the description. As students were urged to "have multiple backup plans," there
existed tension in this narrative of having to decide before applying to certain schools while
acknowledging a specific pathway may fail. This advice that there will be more second chances
contrasts with the finding your passion narrative, in which students are told to decide their
aspirations before college enrollment or acceptance.
Counselors' and college representatives' message of having backup plans involved
multiple college applications and community college enrollment to intercept precariousness. This
advice implies that community college could serve as a low-cost postsecondary option for
students to explore and narrow down their interests without incurring large amounts of student
debt. Guest speakers' and teachers' narratives emphasized the applicability of the curricula to
future careers, and implicitly underlying this was the notion of students having to be flexible.

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Prepare for Future Gatekeepers and the Real World

In a fourth narrative future, Teachers repeatedly emphasized gatekeepers or the “real
world” rather than specific postsecondary destinations. Academic subject and CTE teachers
brought up scenarios that students would find themselves in if they took a certain pathway, and
how to behave on-the-job. The English teachers in particular most often referred to college as a
behaviorally and academically more punitive environment. They foreshadowed how future
stakeholders, such as college professors, AP exam graders, or potential employers/customers,
would impact students' progress or success post-graduation. These narratives were frequently
coupled with students’ behavior in the present classroom and concerns about not graduating.

English Teachers and College Professors as Gatekeepers

Subject teachers in AP English and English Preparatory classes commented on AP
graders' and college professors' high and rigid expectations-ratcheting up the urgency of acting
how a college student might. During an eleventh-grade advanced placement class, Mrs. Kelly
explained how students should justify their arguments on the AP Exam: "It's important to do
college-level reading because you have to come up with an argument. If it's only from a small,
typical teenage world, you're not going to have anything profound to say, at least not in the
minds of college professors." College professors are the arbiters of what is interesting and non-
typical for teenagers in the realm of the AP Exam.
In other instances, teachers coupled advice about how to act in college with disciplinary
actions in the present classroom environment, to enforce grammars of instruction, or the rhythm
of curriculum (Mehta and Fine 2019). During a school visit in fall of 2019, I arrived to Ms.
Reina’s English Preparatory class to observe a class in which the stakes of college equivocate
83
with some students’ body language and disinterest in the lecture. The class was right after lunch.
Two boys sauntered in a couple of minutes after the bell rang. Ms. Reina was dressed as a
cowgirl as it was Halloween. She started addressing the class with an exaggerated slight
Southern twang- sharing how this class was focused on the topic of Socratic Seminar. I noted
how the baseball coach was also here to monitor and check on which students were present-we
both sat to the side of the classroom. She asked a question to get warmed up, and not very long
after in the midst of the explanation she said to a student briskly: “Phone on my desk.” The
student did not listen. She continued on, explaining that she was going to check annotations
tomorrow and it was very important students have it done. Ms. Reina said this activity was like
"college on training wheels" because, “when in college, you read something on your own and
come back to class. Your teachers will not check any of your annotations. You’re expected to
show up and have a conversation.” Students were not stirring, and a couple were still on their
phones.
All of a sudden Ms. Reina yelled loudly: “JESUS CHRIST!!! Put away the phones! 65%
of you are failing. Do you want to pass this class? Put your phones away. It is ridiculous. I am up
here busting my ass.” The class was silent enough to hear a pin drop. I looked down at the floor.
The baseball coach next to me stayed silent. “Half of you want to learn, while the other half are
ruining it for you.” She took a pause. She sighed and then continued at her normal volume. She
explained that a Socratic seminar was a dialogue and not a debate. She told them to take out their
books and turn to a page on the right topic. She explained the roles of leader and facilitator, and
that she would not be leading but observing from the sidelines and asked for volunteers. She then
reiterated how no one raises their hand in college except for freshman. She gave an example of
how not to justify a point, that they should not say: “well…my cousin’s brother had a dress
84
code”- a student in the front row laughed. She wanted to make the point that anecdotal evidence
is not useful in thinking about the text in an academic way. After a little while she apologized to
the class: “I apologize that I yelled and cursed at you. It’s out of character
26
.” The class remained
quiet, and some of the boy students had their heads down on the desk. She further implored
them: “I don’t know what y’all are waiting for. There’s less than 5 weeks left after this week.
Less than 20 weeks this semester.” Some students seemed alarmed. One student said softly, “Oh,
yeah next semester is longer.” Some students were not paying attention, with their heads down.
Two girls were texting.
Ms. Reina then announced how they would be watching a video, to which someone said:
“Ms. Reina, didn’t you show us this last year?” She confirmed this, but said it was a good video.
The video started, and was a recording of a Socratic seminar with middle school-aged children.
Ms. Reina remarked “they’re so little. They need a little push.” Ms. Reina then commented to the
class: “You’re not little, you have one foot out the door.” She sometimes spoke over the video,
remarking, “It’s ok to have an opinion, but you need an informed one.” The baseball coach next
to me nodded silently in agreement. She explained, “Educated people say, I’ve got all these
experts to back me up.” Once the video was over, she asked the students, “What makes you
nervous about this?” A student in the back responded: “Doing the work.” Some students laughed
at this. Class had about twelve minutes to go and some students started packing up. She said
sternly, “it is not time for us to go yet.” The last few minutes involved her negotiating with a
student who had come in late, who said they really needed to go to the restroom. In this
condensed class period, a lot was happening. Ms. Reina’s frequent appeals to college and getting

26
Ms. Reina also apologized to me after class. She hid her head behind her hands. I remarked to her: “It seems that
some of the students see others not on task.” She replied, “On the DL we call it critical idiot mass.” She told me felt
frustrated and unsure about what to do- that she “tried to call home, everything.”
85
in the practice of forming an expert opinion coincided with her angrily chastising students for not
paying attention. She calls out a percentage of how many students were failing, that is met with
the class’s silence. Additionally, she pools together those students who are misbehaving with the
ones who are behaving.
During an AP English class, Mr. Whitman similarly admonished seniors to "operate as
mature college students might" regarding a journal assignment some students had copied from
one another. He continued: "I see some sly smirks around the room.... if you're planning on going
to college, going to university...you know you'll get kicked out if this happens." AP and college
prep English teachers emphasize the punitive element of college and how professors or
administrators will not tolerate certain students' behaviors. College references in these classes is
coupled with future gatekeepers' strictness. The type of postsecondary institution is not specified,
but the notion of less leeway with future actors is present in these forewarnings.

CTE Teachers and “Real World” Interactions

CTE teachers primarily focused on preparing students for the "real world" and specific
on-the-job interactions in their corresponding sector. After a hands-on demonstration in the auto
shop about how to use a combustion tester, teacher Mr. Torres explained a future scenario
involving an imagined interaction with a prospective customer: "If you don't have time, and a
customer wants help immediately, you are the technician, you know the rules." A student asked:
"But what if they pay more?" Mr. Torres responded: "If you get burned, is it worth it?..You
always follow the safety rules. Never open any cooling system when the engine is hot.....you can
get hurt." Mr. Torres emphasized protecting oneself and trusting one's expertise, in this case,
with a future customer. Captain Davis referred to snap decisions students must make in their job
86
as first responders after a tragedy occurs: "Remember, we go for saving the most people and we
avoid emotionalizing" victims. Mr. Torres coaches students about how to deal with protecting
one's self in potential client interactions and emphasizes personal safety over economic gain. At
the same time, Captain Davis explains how to triage accidents in a disaster scenario and assess
damage effectively. CTE teachers wanted to reiterate the professional etiquette in running one's
auto shop or during a disaster scenario as a first responder in students' futures. In these excerpts
in career-technical courses, the locus of control was more internal to students' behaviors in these
future scenarios. Of course, there were moments where CTE teachers disciplined and quieted
students, and this was comparable to English teachers’ focus on those who are failing. However,
the CTE teachers differed in that they did not share English teachers' foreshadowing of harsh
external evaluation with professors in college classes.
Teachers used these hypothetical scenarios to present lessons on trade-specific
knowledge in the “real world.” or invoke discipline in subject-specific classes. Here, students’
successful “control” of interactions with gatekeepers are portrayed as paramount to students'
future pathways rather than passion propelling them, pragmatic planning, or multiple fallback
options. For teachers, I document a use of negative emotion of “fear” in trying to exert social
control that affects narratives of their college futures (Jackson 2010).

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Table 4. Observational Trends Across Class Type

Career Technical Classes Advanced Placement-
English
English 12

Coursework
and the future

Split-second scenarios on
the job pay/benefits

Connect material to AP
Exam Graders and college,
BA
Connect material to
expectations of
community college or
BA broadly

Everyday
Activities
“Hands-on” work
Supervision varies, a lot of
autonomy to complete
tasks
Moderate to heavy
Supervision
Big Questions
Warnings about college

Heavy supervision
Warnings about college

Imagined
Audiences
Customers/ consumers in
the real world and
protecting oneself
Professors in four-year
colleges less tolerant
Professors in
community college less
tolerant

Classroom Clocks, Counting Down to Graduation, and Individual College and Career
Planning

Teachers hold competing expectations on their time in the day-to-day rhythms of
classroom work. During class downtime, teachers exhibited conflicted assessments of how
students would fare in society post-graduation while trying to take care of those who were highly
motivated and reprimand those who were failing. They oscillated from advising specific students
on postsecondary interests to stern lectures about how others will not be able to get away with
certain behaviors. Teachers acknowledged financial or familial obstacles students faced that
affected their schoolwork. In this section, I will show how the urgent and short-term demands of
planned curricula, classroom management, and counseling led to ambivalence about students’
futures.
During an English class in February 2020, Teacher Ms. Reina walked around with
Valentine’s Day chocolates for students. Ms. Reina came around to my desk, and asked: “want
some?” and I replied “Sure.” It was quiet for a moment, and then she remarked to me:
There are so many interesting stories in here. Take Grigor, he’s interesting [student was
sitting in the back out of ear shot]. He failed last semester and needs to go to Pine High
[night school] to make up the credits. His family owns a bunch of Baskin Robbins. But
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his Dad got sick so he works nights and can’t go to school. I told him to meet with his
counselor to figure it out. There’s so much pressure on this generation to have it all
figured out. It was different for you or me. Right? I always tell them, it took me 13 years
to graduate from college. The expectations of this generation are so different. It feels so
much more dire. I don’t know why. And they’re much more willing to give up. What’s
the point of high school? High school graduation is the first time they run into a brick
wall. They should do it earlier in my opinion. Because they think, “oh, she won’t fail
me.”

After our conversation ended, a student needed help, so I got up and walked to the other side of
the room. After a couple of minutes, I then overheard Ms. Reina chastising a student about their
work: ‘there’s no extra credit in life, can’t do a bad job, and expect to get a raise.” Here, Ms.
Reina is acutely aware of at least some of her student’s personal lives and family situations. She
brought up a student, Grigor, whom I observed to be jokey in class, speaking about his adult
responsibilities and working in his family business while juggling Sycamore and night classes.
She explains that there is a lot of generational pressure specific to Generation Z and even used an
anecdote of her own more extended educational pathway to reassure students if they are not sure
what they want to do. However, this is bookended by her saying that although there is more
pressure on this generation, they are also more willing to “give up”-and are ill-prepared for
failure. This monologue vacillates from attributing students’ success (or lack thereof) to their
attitudes and behaviors to family situations and contemporary “expectations.” This comment
from Ms. Reina explains an ambivalence I encountered with the teachers and counselors in my
study. They exhibited care and concern but, at the same time, were punitive in the way they
spoke about “problem” students’ present behaviors concerning their futures.
When observing the Public Safety class, the interactions between teacher and students are
still stern but sometimes more laidback, even with topics of high school dropouts, college
fellowship applications, and everyday school routines flowing into one another. Captain Davis is
a retired Firefighter-turned Public Safety teacher-many of her senior students had an affinity for
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her teaching presence. It is early March 2020, and there are fewer students than usual
twentysomething- about thirteen. When I entered the classroom, students talked or were
engrossed in their phones. Student Michelle smiled at me, and I smiled back, and I sat in front of
Krystal near the door. Captain Davis sat upright at her desk, looking at her laptop, but with one
eye on the door behind me. Addressing someone standing behind me, she says, “Honey, who do
you have?” A voice said, “Mr. Minassian.” Captain Davis replies- “Why aren’t you there? Do
you know how immature you’re being? [Making a serious face], don’t look at her for
affirmation.” He left. Captain Davis addressed the class, saying this week would be a “normal
week.”
She reminded the class that they would be working on a self-directed activity: a forensic
scenario today to determine if the case study was a suicide or murder. She said she would have to
print the materials, returning to her chair. Nara cut the class silence with a question about her
college applications: “Captain Davis, I have a question! I have to submit my thing.” Captain
Davis asked: ‘Did you finish your FAFSA?” Nara said: “Not yet. Will this computer save my
information?” (It was a loaner laptop they used in class every day). Captain Davis responded:
“No. But why don’t you save it on a thumb drive?” Nara brought the computer up and Captain
Davis showed her what to do. She then ran through the week with the class: What else is coming
up? AP Parent night is this Thursday. Wednesday is NOT a late start day. You’re also going to
be taking a survey. There’s a double assembly class.” Some students murmured in response to
this.
Captain Davis took attendance, calling names out loud one-by-one, finally reaching the
name of a student who was not there. She repeated the name again and then said: “I’ve heard of
people leaving college with one semester left, but it’s a new phenomena of people leaving high
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school with one semester left. I can’t imagine. High school, it’s your only job right now. Well,
for most people.” She then brought up the story of a student who used to go to Sycamore and
now works full-time at a local grocery store. Cat remarked: “That’s so sad.” Captain Davis said:
“But, if you drop out of junior college, you can always go back. I have two friends who dropped
out of high school. One got her GED. The other can’t even read...They sent her to Oakdale
[alternate public high school]. Back when they had a lot of drugs.” The students were quiet.
Captain Davis explained how this friend had a kid in her early 20s, and “she couldn’t even read
to her own child.” Friends Tomik, Cat, and Nara talked to each other about how much the
grocery store pays hourly. Captain Davis said enthusiastically that they have great benefits
because they are “part of a strong union.” After a little while, she then said to Cat: “Did you find
a new path with theater?” Cat said: “I don’t know if I’ll be successful in it..I really like it
though.” Captain Davis commented: “there are a lot of jobs in entertainment. Or you can do it as
a hobby too.” Captain Davis would fit in advice alongside her lesson plans for the day.
I heard Krystal and Michelle behind me studying for a nursing exam. Michelle said
abruptly: “where’s Arthur? Captain Davis? Can you check how many days he’s been absent?”
Captain Davis said: “I think he’s been “STARKED” already... We need to call his mom. Because
she’ll the one will be fined.” There was laughing in the back from a couple of students who were
talking with one another. Nara called out: “Captain Davis! Does it make sense to say, your time
was greatly appreciated?” She thought for a second: “Is this for the fellowship?” Nara said: “no,
it’s for the senior interview.” Captain Davis told her to say: “I appreciate your time and effort.”
Nara stood up, carried her laptop to Captain Davis after complaining something was not working
on her computer and explained the scholarship: “it’s for students who want to pursue a path in
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medical school.” On her way back to her desk, Nara exclaimed: “Tomik, you’re being sooo
annoying, I want to strangle you.” Cat was also teasing him.
This example shows the everyday reality of attending to some of the more routine tasks
while advising students' individually, talking about life, and managing the class. Though Captain
Davis urges students to behave, she has a different presence than Ms. Reina, which involves a
"tough love" approach. She asks the student who came to visit class at the beginning to leave and
also makes sure to point out audibly the mistake the chronically absent student is making by not
showing up to class to the students. While she laments the state of seeing more high school
dropouts very audibly, she also contrasts the grocery store student's pay and potential union
membership to the student who got pregnant, assigning more risk to the latter case. At the same
time, Captain Davis tends to Nara's college fellowship application while asking Cat about her
interest in theatre. Here there is the mention of a lack of future, juxtaposed with Nara's earnest
requests for help about her four-year college future and Cat's exploration of her interest in
theatre. Captain Davis' comments about the students who did not complete high school or were
chronically absent indicate her seriousness about students' finishing high school, while her
helping Nara and coaching other students about good job benefits through unions or college
paths are also present.
In this final example, Design teacher Mr. Ivan firmly reminds students of tomorrow's
grade deadline -while individually speaking to students if concerned about them not graduating,
showing a different approach to classroom management than Ms. Reina and Captain Davis.
When I arrived at class in the fall of 2019, students were chatting with one another before the
bell rang. After the bell sounded, Mr. Ivan decreed to students: "Ok, grades are due tomorrow.
Go to the computer lab." The new arts building at Sycamore hosted many classes with large,
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spacious facilities: a computer lab with macs for design arts students, a kiln for pottery students,
and a dark room for photography students. Students milled about and joked, standing around
their desks. Some who were sitting got up and migrated to the computer lab at the back of the
classroom. Mr. Ivan asked a lingering student: "Are you all done? Or just snowing me your
snacks?" She explained that she had not been able to finish her snack during snack time. Mr.
Ivan nodded and looked at the students chattering and laughing in the computer lab.
Mr. Ivan projected his voice and said: "I want the level of lights parallel to the volume
back there" (the lights were dim). One of the students, Aiyden, urged his friends: "He wants us to
shut up!" Mr. Ivan returned to taking attendance, naming students who were absent as tardy. Mr.
Ivan addressed a student who had not gone to the computer lab, "Hey-you trying to graduate, or
what?" He asked him what had been going on, so he could not get things in on time. The student
went up to his desk, and they talked. After this, he went to the lab to answer questions. I went
over to Aiyden, who was sitting by Hera, Spencer, and Aurora. I complimented Hera on her art,
as she was using a tablet to color in a part of an illustration. Aiyden said, "painting sucks!" To
which she replied, "no it doesn't." Aiyden continued to joke and said, "This is the battle we have
everyday!" I replied, "Ah, because you have so many friends in this class?" And he said,
"Exactly! I feel bad for Mr. Ivan. Luckily, there's an after-school program so I can work some
more," referring to his class project. I said I was probably contributing to the distractedness and
that I should leave him alone for a bit.
As I walked around the class, most students focused on their assignments, except for a
few on their phones or whispering to friends. Student Mahsa was strumming on an unplugged
electric guitar, practicing for tomorrow's show. When a friend approached Aiyden to joke, he
insisted: "I need to work right now, can't talk," and put on his headphones. Mr. Ivan walked
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around to help students. Like Ms. Reina and Captain Davis, Mr. Ivan manages the classroom and
students' behaviors. He uses the impending deadline of grades at the beginning of class and asks
a student pointedly about his grade privately, but does not do this to the whole class or link this
to threats of college professors in the same way as Ms. Reina. He also does not invoke a story of
dropouts.
During this downtime, I asked Mr. Ivan whether he had a sense of how many students
here would go to college. Mr. Ivan pointedly exclaimed: “Unfortunately, college is not attainable
for families here. There’s not a culture of taking out debt.” As for when I asked if he had a sense
of whether seniors would be applying to the art colleges or four-year schools, he had said, “You
know, the majority of the students will be going to community college, to maintain a sense of
social structure and be with their friends.” He did say that out of this class period I observed:
“Half will be applying to community college and half applying to the CalStates or UCs.” Mr.
Ivan attributes community college attendance to family’s finances and students’ social networks,
indicating he thinks “peer pressure” is a force operating here. His ambivalence about students’
futures can be felt in the tension between making sure that they are on track to graduate while
also acknowledging that many want to go to the local community college or realistically will not
go to a four-year college because of concerns about money and friends’ influence.

Personnel’s Private Reflections on College and Career Futures

Personnel's reflections on the college-for-all ideal and CTE system in interviews confirm
even more caution and ambivalence than their classroom interactions or in their narrative futures.
While the rhythm of instruction and rigidity of classroom management presents its own
constraints on teachers and students, the reality of individually advising and tailoring relevant
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information to each student, financial risk of the wrong advice, outdated curricula, and undecided
students emerged as real concerns for personnel.
When asked in interviews if all students should go to college, Sycamore administrators
tended to say yes publicly, with some exceptions. The principal expressed a resounding yes: "I'm
of the belief that everyone should go to college. A four-year college and far, far away. Far from
family." For Dr. Jones, college meant a Bachelor's degree. To prove her point, she quoted
frequent disagreements between herself and her assistant principal: "Me and Mr. V are like
brother and sister. We fought like cats and dogs over this." Most of the administrators I
interviewed expressed that all students should attend college (n=3), but assistant principals were
more likely to recommend community college as a good compromise. Although most of the
students' community college attendance is well-known among personnel and students, it was
rendered mainly invisible at significant events or during class time except for occasional
informational sessions at lunch. Dr. Jones framed community college statistics as an issue. In
contrast, assistant principal Dr. Ohanian privately emphasized the value of the local community
college in an interview: “The people in the community they really really value what the [local]
community college offers, for example, they have wonderful programs, a lot of students, and
they transfer and you know they're very successful at that." Dr. Ohanian shares her opinion on
community college after graduation, explaining that this is an acceptable pathway for students.
What remained unacknowledged in these excerpts is a discussion of price or variation in
students' and their families' ability to navigate the college application process.
In contrast, teachers were on the whole more cautious than administrators, as were
counselors and district workers. A majority of the class counselors (2/3), teachers (9/10), and
college & career counselors from Sycamore's district (1/2), I interviewed revealed that they did
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not think all students should go to college or expressed a "maybe" as an answer. Teachers and
counselors were less likely to say everyone should go to college unequivocally, not because they
thought students were ill-prepared academically, but because of a tangle of other concerns
regarding challenges to their ability to help all students with the transition out of high school,
uncertainty in matching students to the wrong postsecondary track, and risk of student loan debt.
Teachers acknowledged the more pragmatic difficulties in steering students toward future
goals with the time it took to personalize materials. Having been teaching at Sycamore for almost
20 years, in an interview, Mrs. Kelly noted a shift in her advisement strategy: "I would say that
I'm more likely to speak to students on an individual level about their paths whereas in the past I
might have presented to the whole class about going to college in general." She also noted a shift
in the bureaucratic nature of the college application process:
I think about how much time I’ve spent talking to and individually guiding particular
students over the last few years. One in particular I must’ve written 10 or 15 letters or
modified the letter to go to different colleges… internships he wanted to
get....scholarships he wanted. At one point, a letter to the court because he was involved
in a family domestic incident....and I don’t even know if it was used, but he was dealing
with some family court stuff and he wanted a letter. He wanted his teachers that he felt
really knew him. I’m really part sociologist, part social worker, part teacher... As I go on
in my career I really want to cut out the whole prison warden part that has always also
been a part of it....

Mrs. Kelly describes the different types of work involved in helping one student apply, which
extends from writing letters of recommendation to a law-related document on his behalf. She
summarizes the role strain of being a teacher as “part sociologist, part social worker, part
teacher” and more regrettably, “part prison warden.” She also reflected on how chance and luck
factor in when teachers advise students on a pathway that might be out of their occupational
depth:
I think that the mistake that I've made and the mistake that a lot of teachers make is that
we give students these lectures about like, "when you're in college….this is what it's
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gonna be like..." [judgmental tone] and "you're gonna have to know this..." and I'm
thinking about...how....do you know? A student was in one of my presentations when I
was pitching my seminar class, and I mentioned that I went to UC []. She said, "I wanna
be a veterinarian! Like, what advice do you have for me?" And I was like... in the
hallway... I said, if you're planning to go to Community College, I really recommend that
you go to [further CC] college instead of [nearby] CC... Because they have a pre-vet
program, and then they have a pipeline to transfer to UC[]. And then once you're at UC []
in your undergrad...you can network with the veterinary school and...meet those students
and find out what the best way to get in there was. And she just got lucky asking me that.

Because she was familiar with the particular pathway leading to veterinary school in this
instance, she provided crucial information about where to apply. However, she also
acknowledged she could have just as quickly not known this information. Mrs. Kelly identified
her and other teachers' tendency to lecture students on an "imagined audience" of college
professors' harsh expectations (Litt and Hargittai 2016). Upon reflection, Mrs. Kelly realizes that
warning students about difficult authorities in college might not be able to address every
student's varied experiences after high school. Classroom management with its punitive
measures, grades and graduation credits, AP exam preparation, and helping students with the
complex college application process contributed to their hesitancy.
Concerns about personal time lost and misguiding students-whether students pursue or
four-year degree or a career-technical path informed teachers’ and counselors’ perspectives. Chef
Marcus, a Culinary Arts teacher at Sycamore, spoke about ensuring it fits students' goals: "I don't
want to deter nobody out of college, I think...only if it fits your goal. If it doesn't...I say no." Chef
Marcus’ self-aware correction of “deterring nobody of college” also reveals a tension in
contributing to broader college-for-all culture (without the infrastructure and support to execute
this). Similarly, Lusine, a college & career advisor, explained, "It's more like, we are trying to
figure out each student's end goal. What do you want to do? What is your plan?" Teachers’
refrain of “only if it fits your goal” contrasts with the larger one-size-fits all advice presented.
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Additionally, a sense of individual agency reappears here and open possibility, all while making
sure to value students’ unique identities. Retired Culinary Arts teacher, Chef Kowalski
explained:
This is something you would need to ask the students as there is no one way career path
for culinary arts. Each of my students chose their own direction. Some chose to work their
way up from entry level employment. Some chose to attend a community college. Some
chose a certificated program (no degree). Some chose a four-year college bachelor’s
degree. The options are endless. I do not tell them what to do because each student's needs
and desires vary. I strongly encourage college but understand that not everyone is cut out
for that path.

Chef Kowalski states that it is the "students' choice" and acknowledges that not every student is
cut out for a four-year bachelor's degree, although she strongly encourages it. Chef Kowalski’s
response of encouraging college strongly while acknowledging “not everyone is cut out for that
path” encapsulates the tension Sycamore faculty face, and arguably many other high schools.
The emphasis on students' "choice" reveals another implicit assumption about timing, where
although students were not expected to have it all figured it out, a successful student is decided
on their path. Teachers and counselors must uphold ideals about possibility and open-endedness
of the school while explaining that the student is responsible for their destiny.
In addition to time lost, teachers and counselors also brought up debt as a significant
concern. When asked if all students should attend college, counselor Mr. Derek explained:
No. Not at all. That's *sigh*.... it's almost a personal journey. If they're just going just
because... they're not going to do well. Once you fail your classes at the college level, that
transfer follows you...and if they happen to find something later, this hurts them because
they have to redo their classes. That's money. It's not like high school.

Mr. Derek insists that choosing a college is a "personal journey" and that just going for the sake
of going can be risky financially for students. Captain Davis was very concerned about the
financial burden college presents and students' high school preparation: “we know that, college
loans have now surpassed credit card debt.” Ms. Garcia noted a similar cost of time lost for
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students: "I think they go to college; they realize that maybe it wasn't for them because the
completion of a BA, it's not good, it's not good. And so we have to do something different, we
have to pay attention to what kids need." Mr. Derek, Captain Davis, and Ms. Garcia note that for
students with unrealized or undecided plans, the wrong choice can be pricey if attrition occurs.
There was also ambivalence about the career-technical pathways system. In an informal
interview, Mr. Ivan explained: “The pathways system comes from career enthusiasts. While the
whole thing is nice, I don’t think it works. Policymakers and district officials - most students
don’t know what they want.” He said that he did not know what he wanted until college and that
his “wife switched majors like six times.” He also said that before the CTE pathways, he had to
teach four different subjects, but got to consolidate them into a Digital Arts three-year pathway.
Mr. Ivan was at least grateful he had control over the curriculum design. He then critiqued what
he felt were some of the oversights of the career-technical program: that the “career enthusiasts”
wanted a “funnel,” gesturing with his hands in the shape of one for emphasis:
But maybe this doesn’t serve the kids. Between the state and the district there’s always a
new thing, a lot of moving parts. I try to stay consistent for the students. I think it’s good
thing that they try out a bunch of things. We’re not France and Germany, we don’t
identify kids really early. We’re too entitled here.

Mr. Ivan said that school administrators think “students are going to spend three years doing
film/photoshop” and “they’ll be ready to enter the workforce.” He felt that this was a stretch. He
also evaluated the U.S. education system in this excerpt, arguing that it is a good thing that
students “try out a bunch of things.” This comment reflects on the U.S. educational system’s
structure, which pushes students to delay specializing in their field of interest to keep
occupational options open, emphasizing general education over deep learning (Labaree 2012)
and that the linkage between high school and full-time employment is tenuous.
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Additionally, Mr. Ivan and Mr. Torres explained the likelihood students who follow
through on the entire career-technical pathway. After a class, I asked Mr. Torres about the
automotive CTE track and the trade school representative
27
. He said that: “If they complete the
one-year class, they can apply the credit to any Cal State as an elective class. They need to do the
101, 103, and 106. But, many of them don’t want to do that.” Mr. Ivan similarly remarked that
the administrators citing which kid went to the design colleges were “always overblown.” He
mentioned the example of those Arts college graduates with “industry grade” portfolios who still
struggle to find work. Another risk of attending the local art school that he was frank about was,
“it’s a private college, you’re not paying for a well-rounded arts education
28
.” He did not believe
that teachers should be the liaison to find students careers. He cited himself as an example. “I got
my bachelor’s and then went on to get my credential. That was about pedagogy.” Mr. Ivan felt
the CTE pathways system could have its downside in mismarketing the probability of specific
career outcomes for students, especially if they spent a lot of money on college and could not
find a job afterward.
Captain Davis had also been candid about how high school curriculum might not match
with what awaits students after high school in our conversations. She explained that although this
is something that the CTE pathways address well, it can be tricky for students who are unsure
about their aspirations. She elaborated: “They’re supposed to have elective classes that are about
career exploration, that’s embedded into the curriculum, but I think that it’s also hard because
teachers don’t know what the real world is like out there at all.” Captain Davis explained: “You
know how separated they are from the real world? And jobs and how change,

27
The representative was from a technical institute. The average cost of one year of tuition after students receive
federal aid was $20,990.
28
Even after student aid, one year of the Arts college tuition was about $45,000 in 2021.
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technology...education changes much slower than the rest of the world. What we teach is the
same textbook they’ve had for 10 years, in some cases.” Captain Davis expresses her dismay
about outdated curriculum and students’ preparation. Additionally, there is an implicit critique
about top-down reforms that do not consider how teachers and curricular materials lag behind the
rest of social, economic, and technological development in the U.S. She gives California some
credit:
So I think that the state was smart in lining up with what technology and what industry
now requires of our world and that is getting certificates in that field, like um...if you’re
gonna go into an IT job, making sure you have you know, your Adobe certifications and
like if you’re for me, if you’re going into....Public Safety, you have your First Aid, your
FEMA...your EMT.. your CPR...all that stuff that you need so the kids have it already, in
whatever they want to go into and that means that they’re getting hired at a younger age
and more successful at the jobs they want to go into or the careers they want to go into.

Here Captain Davis explains what she sees as the program's strengths and credits the state for
allowing students to gain certificates early so they can apply earlier. However, she also explains
this benefit to be a downside for students who do not know what they want to do: “The downfall
is though, let’s say you don’t know what you want to do obviously...at the age of...at 14...um and
I think...well that even if you teach them any type of skill, that’s something they’ll have for the
rest of their lives.” This nods to an underlying national philosophy of the “contest mobility
system,” wherein students can be competitive, self-directed, and entrepreneurial regardless of
what the future brings (Labaree 2012; Turner 1960).

Students’ Perceptions

Sycamore students recognized that administrators, counselors, and teachers had different
perspectives on their futures. Narek, a Sycamore senior in 2020, explained in an interview:
Usually, it's our assistant principal who would come by and talk to the classes,
especially during when we had to do those CAASPP (California Assessment of Student
Performance and Progress) testing and all that, try to convince us to try hard and actually
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put in an effort so the school's name looks nice and all of that. They would occasionally
talk about the [local] CC. Definitely counselors as well. They've always pushed for going
straight to a good four-year college instead of the [local] CC for the most part. I feel like
other admins have occasionally done it, but it's been less of a focus.

Here Narek notes that the principal, vice-principal, and counselors focus on pushing four-year
college pathways while also sometimes mentioning the local community college. Another senior
student, Sue, shared: "But there always seemed to be not enough communication going on
between the teachers and the admin and the staff." Katie felt that the division affected school life
acutely: "I think that's kind of important because the teachers are the ones interacting with the
students every day. Sometimes I could see teachers that were so exhausted and I completely
understand." In disagreements or miscommunications over the best course for students' futures,
teachers, counselors, administrators, and other stakeholders off campus create a context of
ambiguity that is confusing and arguably disheartening.

Discussion

This chapter examined the narratives and reflections of educational authorities at a public
high school. Publicly, administrators tell students to follow their passion, and career-tech
teachers and guest speakers at the school advise students to match aspiration to career. In
addition, counselors urge students to have backup plans, and teachers underscore being prepared
for gatekeeping or real-world interactions. These narrative futures, I argue, constitute the on-the-
ground construction of the college-for-all ethos, revealing a public promotion of passion that
emphasizes individual agency, self-discipline, and time management as preferable.
The presentation of four-year college futures as accessible and equally available to all
through hard work and determination from public-facing events contradicts counselors' and
teachers' private reflections on the feasibility of the goal for students. Behind the scenes, teachers
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struggled with occupational role strain, little formalized classroom management training
(Kupchick 2010) and a need for more information about post-graduation pipelines outside their
field. With large class sizes and caseloads (~400 to 1 for counselors in the school; and in the
range of 500 or greater for districtwide) and a trend in individualized coaching, students are
competing for teachers’ and counselors’ scarce attention. Privately, high school personnel
grapple with contradictions between their stories of the future and what they have encountered in
their teaching career and perceive due to genuine uncertainty and economic precarity (Beckert
2016; Beckert and Suckert 2020).
In regards to school time and imagined futures, shorter-term goals of ensuring students
graduate and attend class take precedence over long-term goals. I detail key school authorities'
public prescriptions, interactional behavior, and private reflections on college futures, finding
that different directions create an ambiguous context during the transition out of high school but
one that prizes individual willpower, passion, and academic meritocracy as the way to social
mobility. However, counselors' and teachers' ambivalent feelings about the realities of the
education system and labor market and students' obstacles reveal how institutional,
organizational, occupational, and systemic forms of public school can contradict messages of a
college-for-all ideal and smooth entry into career from high school.
Though students must construct themselves as college applicants (McDonough 1994),
teachers and counselors did not wholeheartedly buy into the college-for-all ideal as it diverged
from what they saw with students in their experience in facing financial barriers or shifting their
goals over time. Additionally, overwhelmingly, the public narratives around the complexity of
transitioning into postsecondary options are not shouldered by school authorities or the colleges
but frequently attributed to students' individualized academic abilities and behaviors or their
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maturity level (Harding et al. 2017). This "choice washing" explanation focuses on individual
aspirants' willpower instead of the barriers they may encounter in college application (Cech
2021). While some administrators touted individual drive and agency to follow through on
educational aspirations, many invisible, undecided, or underfunded students are left invisible.
This dissertation argues that these individualistic narratives and private pragmatic responses to
the college-for-all ideal can create a surface-level high college expectation message with an
underlying ambiguous environment that conceals organizational habitus and broader structural
deficits.

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Chapter 4: Articulating Aspirations and Performing Readiness

In October 2019, I sit outside on concrete benches with Sycamore seniors and best
friends Cat and Nara. We are seated in one of the school’s quad areas. There is an open sky
above us but framed squarely by boxy floors, hallways, and railings revealing classroom doors
and windows that seal us into the interior. Nara breathlessly updated me on how her semester
was going: “I have been so stressed.” She elaborates on how she had been emailing her
counselor specific questions about the UC college applications but could not get a specific
answer. She was frustrated she could not just “walk in” because of a receptionist who served on
the front lines of the counseling office, who, according to Nara, “does nothing and is just there.”
Cat laughed at this, and Nara added how she “just yells” at people. Although previously Nara
had shared with me that “AP people” get preference, this time, it seemed “it’s impossible to
schedule an appointment.” Cat nodded sympathetically while filling out a homework assignment.
Nara continued to describe how she was applying for UCs, but concerned about applying
to the “right major.” She had mentioned Biology and Business, but her siblings who had gone to
University of California colleges “straight” out of Sycamore in 2013 said that was “too much.”
When I brought up “undeclared,” she explained: “I want them to think that I have my head on
straight. Declared majors look better.” Nara had just taken the SAT again, which would be her
third attempt. Nara repeated how she felt “a lot of pressure” because her siblings had gone to
four-year colleges after high school graduation. I asked Cat, who had been generally quiet up to
this point how she felt. “Oh, no. I’m an only child. I can’t imagine that. I’m going to community
college and then transferring. Not much else to say, I looked at a few universities to see where I
would go.” Cat continued: “I don’t think I’m indecisive. But I want to see what I’m interested in
first… This way I get to save money.” I learned later that both Cat and Nara are prospective first-
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generation college students, with their mothers having an associate’s degree and father’s having
a high school degree/GED.
Two students at Sycamore with different articulations of their aspirations illustrate how
boundaries around self and college “readiness” are established in the college application process
and transition out of high school despite similar uncertainty. Nara was still unsure, but would
declare a major based on what she gleaned from the college application process as favorable to
admissions officers, while Cat though uncertain felt this was the pragmatic step to save money.
While Sycamore personnel espoused narrative futures of “finding your passion,” “matching
aspiration to a future career,” “having backup plans” and “interacting with future
gatekeepers,” students discussed their own plan and timing in different ways. An analysis of
their justifications demonstrates how the transition out of high school is experienced as a
process.
This chapter identifies how the school personnel’s narrative futures from the first chapter
are at play in students’ articulations of aspiration, while noting the ways in which their own self-
reflection, emergent narratives, and family structure inform their sense-making of the transition
out of high school. To account for students’ perspectives while identifying sociocultural,
institutional, and contextual influences, I asked the following questions: (1) How do students
describe their career or college futures in their own words? (2) How do their narratives
reflect personnel’s or other’s messages?
The ways in which students discussed their passion for a field ranged from
excitement to uncertainty if they did not have a singular aspiration, picking up on this as a
way to express “readiness” for the transition out of college. Students who did not have a
passion still knew this was something they were supposed to have; indicating they felt an
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institutional and cultural pressure to have one. Additionally, as many of the students
paraphrased their parents’ wishes for particular “stable” and “high-paying” occupations, this
narrative was blended with matching aspiration to a “future career” and “having backup plans,”
indicating how students’ families’ financial situation figured in and estimation of college costs
and incurred debts.
Students had to do a lot of qualification if wanting to pursue arts, especially from
immigrant families where they mentioned “lawyer, doctor, and sometimes engineer” as socially
salient and sanctioned aspirations. They spoke about acceptable alternatives to being a lawyer or
doctor if they could make their educational pathway in tandem with business or technology. I
will argue however, that the passion narrative might be harmful for those who are unsure and
without specific mentorship and support, mainly first-generation or from lower-income
backgrounds, in the sense that they were feeling pressured to have a passion before enrolling in
college and feel like they are behind.
This chapter confirms how the transition out of high school for those who are uncertain
about their aspirations can be intimidating as there is discourse around knowing one’s passion
through “find your passion” and the passion principle outside of school. Additionally, it shows
how the passion narrative intersects with mobility narratives in second-generation immigrant
students’ (and some first-generation college students) construction of their educational identities.
It also highlights a paradox in education planning- students feel that they must pitch a version of
themselves before they might know what they want to do, and that they perceive it is hard and
prohibitively expensive in college to change directions.

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Passionate Since I Was Young
As in administrators’ emphatic speeches to students in narrative futures urging
students to find their passion, passion emerged in students’ sense-making of their own
aspirations. Students who expressed certainty about their aspirations often traced the origin
of this interest back to childhood or a memory with a family member. Spencer
29
explained
how since childhood, he knew he wanted to be an animator: “Well, I’ve always wanted to
do something creative. I always knew that was something that I’d feel comfortable doing.”
He referred to himself as making comic flip-books with Post-it Notes and being known as
“that kid.” Additionally, he noted the time frame of when he started thinking about it- “No
one thinks about what they’re going to do in the future in elementary school, so when
middle school came around, I’m like, Shoot, what am I going to do with my life? What do I
like doing? I’m like, I want to be an animator.” He explained how he started taking
animation classes to work towards this and took Mr. Ivan’s class for the first time. Aurora
traced her passion back for animation back to the sixth or seventh grade: “Like, I started
committing myself to an artistic track in those years because there was a lot of stuff going on in
that time and that was the only place I could kind of like, release some type of emotion, uh that I
didn't feel comfortable releasing around people.” Aurora cited her emotional experience as a core
factor in the pursuit of animation.
Some students traced their passion for their aspiration to a moment in childhood or
younger adolescence. Lori, a twelfth grader, explained how she always knew she wanted to
be a doctor: “I've always... I know there's so many different types of jobs and I just can't
picture myself in anything else, because, as I said, I don't like English, I don't like history

29
All student names are Pseudonyms
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that much. I'm not... I'm good at it, I just don't like it. I've always been kind of math and
science and that's like the only classes that really challenge me. In an interview, she
expanded: “I've always had a passion for medicine, always.” Later, she identified how she
centered her high school experience around this passion: “And everything I did in high school
has been centered around medicine…And I started liking the field of medicine around fourth,
fifth grade, and that's because when my grandpa was in the hospital for cancer, that was my first
time really visiting a hospital.” Nara, another twelfth-grader, similarly shared a story about her
father who had been misdiagnosed with cancer a couple of years back. She said when he was
sick, “I spent nights at the hospital, next to bed, studying for finals. That’s what I want to write
my statement on.” Nara added that during that time period, she would often “burst into tears.”
Nara traces her desire to become an oncologist back to this time period in which her father had a
medical emergency.
Like Nara and Lori, another twelfth grader, Joshua, traced his interest in family law to his
childhood: “So, um I want to go to law school. And then...um I definitely want to be like a child
defense attorney for a while. Like a child defense attorney...Just because like I had a ... like when
I was going through stuff with my family, I had a child defense attorney. And she was really
inspiring. Just did a really good job. And that's sort of what inspired me to want to do that.”
There were also moments where students sensed how important exhibiting passion was, for
instance Joshua explained: “Whatever I’m going to do, I’m going to be passionate about it.”
Passion was a way to maintain motivation despite uncertainty or even changing one’s mind
further on. When I asked about the future, Joshua qualified his passion:
Joshua: Um, I'm pretty confident about it. I know that like, chances are I'm probably
going into law or becoming a defense attorney. I know that... Whatever I do, like, I'm
going to put 110% into it and be passionate about it and I'll love it.”

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Mary: Why do you say chances are that you won't be a child defense attorney?

Joshua: Oh because, like in general, from what I heard from like every college student
I've spoken to, like they change their major, or they find something else that they wanna
do... like, maybe I won't want to do law.....

Here Joshua expressed a strong desire to be a lawyer, but also signaled he had heard from college
students that they had changed their minds. He still cites the passion principle (Cech 2021) in
that whatever he does, he will be passionate. I assert that in addition to his aptitude and ability to
succeed in future endeavors, some students pick up on the cultural currency or narrative capital
of performing passion in K-12 education as a way to mitigate anxiety about the future (Takacs
2020). Even if Joshua changes his mind, he indicates that he will put all of his energy into
another pursuit and “love” it. This relates to reflexive projects of the self and attempts to control
the future (Giddens 1991).

Passionate but Undecided: “I’m passionate about a lot of things”
Some students were less sure about what they wanted to pursue after graduation, but
knew they were supposed to have a passion. Not feeling passion was a source of stress for these
students, as they felt they would have to have a stronger direction before committing to a major
and choosing a college. These feelings surfaced in different ways, as fear for students could
manifest as being academically uninteresting, out of reach, or a waste of time if they choose the
wrong thing. Cat, a student who was friends with Nara who was sure about oncology and her top
choice of a UC school, expressed how it was better for people in her “financial situation” to “go
to a two-year school…I am not sure yet about my major.” At the beginning of her senior year,
Cat told me about how she was interested in Poli Sci, but had not taken classes in the subject. In
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an interview approaching graduation in Spring 2020, she elaborated on her plans to attend the
local community college:
Um, well I'm...... really try to get my general education out of the way as soon as
possible, and then I'm just gonna..I'm gonna do more research on everything I want to do.
The thing I'm interested in... I might have told you I wanted to do political science, major
in Political Science. But.... I really don't know. I don't know what I want to do. I...that's
why I'm going to Community College to try to figure it out, because I know changing
majors in four years is really hard, so I just wanted to figure out, like everything, and then
do it. Because I'm passionate about many things, like I'm interested in a lot of things.
When I took a photography class, I started researching more about um, Photojournalism,
which was really interesting to me. And...English is my favorite subject, so that was one
of the most interesting things that came up when I took the class. And then…then
political science... I love law. I'm really passionate about it, but I know it's really hard.
Like it's really hard. Like, I'm sure I can do it if I try hard enough, but I just need to figure
out...like....what I'm going to wake up every morning wanting to do. So, yeah. After
Community College, hopefully UC-Berkeley, and hopefully I figure out like, everything.

Cat was not short of plans and strategies to try and figure out what it was she was interested in-
ranging from Political Science, English, Photojournalism, and Law. She described feeling unsure
about what exactly it was she wanted to do, and that the one thing she had narrowed down was
“really hard.” She expresses she needs to figure out what she is going to “wake up every morning
wanting to do.” Cat wanted to feel this sense of drive that was described at school event and also
addressed the cost in terms of time and money if she were to attend a four-year school first.
Another student, Ani, echoed this sentiment of trying out different options. She
explained that by the end of junior year she did not know what she wanted, so she decided to go
to community college. She explained: “And then I was just like, all these clubs are useless. I’m
not passionate about any of them.” Again, exhibiting passion surfaces here as an indicator to Ani
that she was not doing something worthwhile:
So basically, after talking to the counselor, she said by fall, I need to have my major
decided. Because I finish all my general ed by fall basically. I only have two or three left,
so I really... Basically, anything after that, if I don't take classes regarding my major,
obviously, I'm wasting my time. So I don't know. I'm taking that career-planning class,
where it's once a week and I guess it helps guide you to the career you want. But if I stick
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to the law track, I'm still unsure about what I want to do. I'm thinking of doing English
major, just because every lawyer I talk to says, "If I could go back, I'd do English major."
But the thing is, I'm not passionate about doing English. I don't care about Shakespeare. I
don't care about anything. So it's like I'm still figuring that part out, like what do I want to
do. Also, I want to do a major where it's like if I don't go to law school, God forbid, it's
still something I can use to do something else with. Because I want to have backups
ready, in case.

Ani explained the deadlines relayed to her by her counselor and explained how she needed to
decide soon what major she should commit to, in order to not “waste time.” She says that even if
she pursued a law profession, she did not know what major to have during her undergraduate
education as the recommended major English was too “risky” if she did not end up pursuing that.
Just as the counselors from Sycamore urged students to “have a backup plan,” Ani articulated
this narrative, not wanting to commit to something that could backfire. She also highlights her
lack of passion in these pathways as problematic.
Daniel was a very involved student in class and outside of school. He sat on a panel of
students who participated in a “Student Voices” district-wide panel. He did not know what he
wanted to do in the long run, but expressed wanting to help others more broadly. Daniel applied
to four-year universities and had gotten into some as a Biology major, but still was deliberating
about what he wanted to do: “Maybe not a medical field, but environmental science field maybe
or like something like that.” He continued:
I don't know, that's like one thing...but like um, I hear like a lot of college students even
like in like their second year don't know what their career is going to be, so.....that made
me like a little bit less scared when I heard that, um... well one thing I do know is that I
want to be not necessarily a public service worker, but someone who helps others. So,
like a volunteer organizer. Um, some...I don't know, some good company like that
maybe. And I know like um, *clears throat* there are a lot of jobs like that, especially
like with the programs that I've been to... That help students, that help people in low-
income communities, people that don't know English, a lot of things that I've been into.
There's a lot of opportunity for that to help other people develop and like succeed in this
world. And it's like... whatever the career that may be, I got into a biology field, if that's...
going to be a medical field or someone that works in environmental science because
climate change is like, you know happening. There's like a lot of need for that too. Um, or
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maybe a political job. I don't know. Something...something to serve others-to help people
that need it.

Daniel had heard that students in their sophomore year were not decided yet, which took a bit of
pressure off of him to find his passion. Though he did not know what he wanted to do, he would
like to do something that serves others. He mentioned business, nonprofit organization work,
medicine, environmental science, or politics as options. His articulation of aspiration was still
hedged by “I don’t know” but it felt a bit less dire in the sense that he knew he could take his
time to figure it out.
The college application process has intensified over time, with students feeling as if they
need to figure it all out ahead of time (Silva et al. 2014). Cat, Ani, and Daniel did not know
exactly what they wanted to do in college. Daniel was a bit more self-assured in his ability to
figure out his aspiration over time as were students who had heard about the potential or
possibility of changing one’s mind. All three of these students’ parents are first-generation
prospective college students. This marketable notion of a passion (Cech 2021) to tailor to
applications is not aligned with students who need more time and support to decide, and not
afforded the same safety nets or springboards that middle or upper-class students might if they
are undecided.

Family Knows Best? “Lawyer, doctor…. or engineer”
Aspirational advice to become a “lawyer, doctor, or engineer” emerged in students’
interviews and as common advice of their immigrant parents; particularly those from
Armenian, Persian or Iranian backgrounds. For these first and second-generation students,
pursuing an occupation purely in the Arts was something to avoid (i.e., painting), with some
students reporting having to convince their parents to pursue this route. Students
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acknowledged that there could be exceptions, however, if the alternatives were perceived as
economically stable- in graphic design as opposed to painting, for example. They addressed
this with anecdotes from their own lives, or family or friends who pursued artistic tracks
where they balanced their passion with economic possibilities.
In the student survey, I asked students about their parents educational and occupational
background, as well as their desired occupation. In Table 5 below, one can see how desired
occupations usually diverged from parents, sometimes aligning by sector, but rarely exact job
title. Although there is much focus on the intergenerational transmission of status in sociology,
one can also ask about how students who desire different occupations procure this information
given their exposure to narratives, networks, and neighborhood. Students’ explanation of
parents’ advice for the future took on some patterns, specifically for those second-generation
students around particular high-prestige white-collar occupations in medicine, law, or science.
“Mobility projects,” or the idea that instead of passion, one might pursue careers that are
financially lucrative have been described as clashing with the notion of pursuing one’s
passion (Cech 2021). Some students’ immigrant parents most overlapped with Sycamore’s
advice to “match aspiration to career,” which is similar to a mobility project in the sense of
urging students to select an occupation based on demand and high earnings. Students
perceived this advice as “traditional” and “practical.” If students wanted to do something
that did not fit into lawyer, doctor, or engineer, they had to appeal to business or
technology, or areas that were seen as secure or ripe for growth. However, parents’ advice
fell on a scale of severity, with some students blending the pursuit of passion with a
pragmatic career.
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Table 5. Students' Desired Occupation and Parents'
Educational/Occupational Characteristics

Student
Pseudonym
Mother’s
Education
Father’s
Education
Mother’s
Occupation
Father’s
Occupation
Students’
Desired
Occupation
Arthur Graduate
Degree
High school
degree/GED
School District
Administrator
Self-Employed Electrical
Engineering
Nara Some college
(Associate's
Degree)
High school
degree/GED
Legal Assistant Delivery-man
Retired
Oncologist
Cat Some college
(Associate’s
Degree)
High school
degree/GED
Teacher to
young kids
Solar system
business
Interested in the
arts. Interested in
law. Interested in
multiple things.
Joshua College
degree
(Bachelor’s
Degree)
College
degree
(Bachelor’s
Degree)
Assistant in a
jewelry store
downtown
[Unknown]
Father lives in
Philippines
Law, financial
consulting, legal
consulting, public
policy.
Rose High school
degree/GED
High school
degree/GED
Nurse/personal
trainer
Diamond
jeweler
Fine arts/print
making/
photography
Tigran Some college
(Associate’s
Degree)
Some
college
(Associate’s
Degree)
House wife Cameraman/
Editor
Im thinking of
genetical
engineering or
forensic science
Daniel Some high
school
High school
degree/GED
Retail worker Tow truck
driver
Something in
biology or
political science.
Aurora High school
degree/GED
High school
degree/GED
Project
manager
Unemployed Graphic designer/
storyboard artist
Hera Graduate
degree
Graduate
degree
Musician,
music
composer,
sound engineer
and vacation
rentals
Musician,
music
composer,
sound engineer
and vacation
rentals
Painting (gallery
work), Character
Design, Concept
Artist.
Spencer College
degree
(Bachelor’s
Degree)
Graduate
degree
Stay at Home
Mom
Superintendent Character Artist at
an Animation
Studio
Alexander High school
degree/GED
College
degree
(Bachelor’s
Degree)
Unspecified Supervisor at a
Pharmaceutical
company
Financial Advisor
Lucia College
degree
(Bachelor’s
Degree)
College
degree
(Bachelor’s
Degree)
Work from
home
Head electrical
engineer at
Walt Disney
Psychiatrist
license then move
into the criminal
analysis unit
Remy College
degree
Graduate
degree
Teacher I.T. Therapy,
something with
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Persian-Armenian and Armenian American students recited their family’s wish for
them to be a doctor or lawyer and perhaps an engineer, sometimes jokingly relaying this
expectation. When asked how his family viewed his plans, Alexander, a Persian Armenian
second-generation student shared: “I got pretty good parents, you have..doctor, lawyer, engineer,
social disgrace- But I found a middle ground
30
.” “Social disgrace” was a joke of how if one
pivoted from these options, they might be ostracized for this choice. Similarly, Nara explained
to me how, coming from an Armenian family it is expected: “Armenian parents...are just
so....ok, Doctor or Lawyer, Doctor or Lawyer, Doctor or Lawyer, you have to do it, like..... and a
lot of, I'm sure a lot of parents are like that too.” Nara acknowledges other families might also

30
He wants to pursue a career in Finances/ Accounting
(Bachelor’s
Degree)
marine bio, bio in
general
Narineh Graduate
degree
High school
degree/GED
Accounting
Manager
Businessman Economics or
Law
Ani Some college
(Associate’s
Degree)
Some high
school
Does not work Owns carpentry
business
I am interested
and considering
pursuing a career
as a lawyer
Lia College
degree
High school
degree/GED
Social worker
(Processor
manager)
Taxi driver Music industry,
CEO of my own
record company
Lori High school
degree/GED
Some high
school
Unspecified Owns fire
sprinkler
company
Medicine
Michelle College
degree
(Bachelor’s
Degree)
College
degree
(Bachelor’s
Degree)
Vice President
of a
management
property
company
Stepdad is a
supervisor at a
station for
DHL
At first be a
paramedic then
move up to nurse
practitioner
Krystal Some high
school
High school
degree/GED
Cake decorator Iron worker Firefighting
Sue High school
degree/GED
College
degree
(Bachelor’s
Degree)
Homemaker
(Previous
cashier)
Self-employed
tourist item
distributor and
Uber driver
Higher education/
academia
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have this advice for children- but also how this is a distinct narrative she’s heard in her family
and others in her ethnic community.
The way in which students interpreted their families’ advice varied if they expressed
pursuing occupational sectors outside of this field. Some were able to find a middle-ground like
Alexander by pursuing other occupations in business or technology sectors. Both Alexander and
Nara explained that their older siblings had forged a path not necessarily on the “doctor or
lawyer” route. Although it was a common refrain to hear about being a “doctor” or “lawyer,”
Nara explained: “But, um....like with my parents, especially with my brother and my sister,
they're...in two completely different fields that have nothing to do with uh-being a lawyer or a
doctor so they're very open to as long as like, they know that, you know, I'm passionate about it
and happy, it makes decent money.” Her brother was an Apple Quality Assurance Manager and
sister worked as Director of Communications for Nike. Business was seen as a valid alternative
pathway in this situation. Nara still was pursuing a degree in oncology due to her experience
with her father. For Alexander, who had been able to convince his parents that he would do
finance, expressed a similar rhetoric involving happiness. He explained his Dad’s advice:
Make sure at least you're one of the best at doing it in life. Especially for my dad, he
doesn't necessarily care what I do as long as he knows I'm happy while doing it and that I
can be the best at it. And my mom is similar, I mean, she wanted for me to be an
engineer, maybe, she has mentioned it here and there. But no, they do approve and they
do know that I'm seeking the resources that I believe are necessary to succeed, and yeah.

Alexander’s sister, who was interested in art, could convince her parents this was a viable
pathway if her father suggested it. This was not without doubts, however: “The whole notion of
art being a struggling man's profession, I think that also caused him [Alexander’s Dad] to be like,
"Oh, no, no, no, you won't have money. You won't find a husband or a wife. You need a good
job to have a good family." I think it's more of the traditional type belief.” Alexander explained
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his parents worry that him and his sister might pursue a struggling man’s profession. In these
cases, students described their parents as still supportive if they felt it was still an occupation that
could provide social mobility or secure a middle-class life style. Interestingly there is the notion
of the passion principle for these families that is connected to a mobility project (Cech 2021).
I asked Alexander why he thought this was a common view in his parents’ and others’
opinion. To which he explained:
I think it's just because they're the most commercially ... they're the ones with the most
positive viewpoint and through the media, throughout time basically, or as things have
gone on. Because a doctor, you could save a person's life, you make a lot of money.
You're smart clearly because you have to be in school for 12 years after you've graduated
high school minimum. A lawyer, you're involved in civil cases. You keep people safe in
all your ... you also have to be in school for a long time. Basically anything that you have
to be in school for a long time, they believe that the profession is great. And I mean, this
is really, it is just like a traditional belief, if you're a doctor then, oh, wow, prestigious,
you have MD after your name, whoa. As a lawyer, similar things. An engineer I think
that's the new one because it's really like a post 1950 type of a certain resurgent type of
profession. And because there's like a wide variety of types of engineers, they become
more open to that. Because in the medical field there is in the law field as well. There's a
lot of different ones, but you know that if you go up and like, yeah, I'm a nurse, not a
doctor, they're going to be like, okay, acceptable. But for engineering, if you can be
like ... there's a multitude of different variants of engineers who do different necessary
jobs anywhere.

Here, Alexander shares his opinion about the construction of some occupations as more valuable
over others. There is the moral dimension of “saving one’s life” and “keeping people safe” as a
doctor or lawyer. But quickly after this he adds the dimension of staying in school for a long
time. Alexander connects prestige to gaining more and more credentials, and makes a case for
engineering to be included in this grouping as there is a variety of them and also in high demand.
Historically “lawyer” and “doctor” are seen as safe white-collar mobility pathways. In describing
his parents, Alexander also echoes the notion of “matching one’s aspiration to career” as
espoused by career-technical teachers and some of the guest speakers who come to the school.
These “traditional beliefs,” or narratives about what jobs to pursue are available to students in
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their aspiration formation and have to do with what families perceive as a safe and prestigious
bet for their children.

“There’s no future in the Arts”: 1.5 Generation and Second-Generation Students’
Experience of Pursuing an Art Pathway

Though in the previous example there was a notion of support from family, in the
following cases there were instances where students’ aspirations may privately mismatch their
parents’ well wishes. Not pursuing the pathways of “doctor or lawyer” may present some
discrepancy between personal interests, family options, and opportunity for aspiration
development. This was even more complicated when parents were used to a certain college
system or were divorced and students perceived them to have different preferences for what they
should do. Ani, a second-generation Persian Armenian student explained her friend’s situation:
My friend… you can tell that guy loves computers and technology. But he's too afraid to
admit that he likes that, because his parents... In Armenian culture, they pressure you;
doctor, lawyer, engineer, even though... I don't know. His parents didn't say engineer in
this case. So he's either a doctor or lawyer. But I'm like, "Dude, you're interested in
engineering. And it's a very good career..."

Ani explained how she feels her friend [Henrik] wants to pursue a career in computers or
technology, but his parents did not mention that specifically. She also discussed how her friend
Henrik “put this little stereotype where computer tech isn’t good enough.” As Ani assured me
later on in the interview, his parents were not this strict but he had effectively convinced himself
that computer technology was not a good occupational pathway to pursue, in that it is not
prestigious enough. Ani points out that Henrik’s passion is not realized in this scenario and he
did not feel comfortable finding out more information at school.
For students who negotiated their interests with their parents outside of the choices
of “lawyer, doctor, engineer,” it was a lengthy process that required flexibility. Having
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recently immigrated from Iran three years ago, Mahsa, explained how she was a “super
senior,” meaning she had to stay at Sycamore for an extra year to finish her A-G
requirements. When asked about her plans after graduation, she explained to me: “I think
I’ll go to CC and then Gnoman [design school in LA].” She was also considering a local
film school, and still deciding if she should: “go to community college first and try things
out.” Mahsa’s Mom wanted her to “study math, and I hate math. It took three years to
convince my Mom that there is a future in art. Maybe not just making paintings. There’s no
future there.” She qualified her aspiration by saying knowing coding would help convince
her mom that it is “easy to find jobs in Hollywood.” Mahsa and her mom made a deal that
she would go to CC for two years, and that would let her “get used to the culture of
university.” When I asked what she meant by college culture, she explained: “When you
come from a different country, college is like a different world than H.S., especially in the
U.S.” Although her mother had a white-collar job in Iran, she noted how college was
intensive and confusing. This alludes to the concept of “college knowledge” of the highly
differentiated U.S. postsecondary system and its opaqueness for students with immigrant
parents (even those that have received a bachelor’s in another country) (Mwangi 2018).
Mahsa had to negotiate her aspiration to do art and her and her mom agreed she would go to
community college first. My data show that in addition to the capital necessary to pursue
certain pathways, there is the interpersonal negotiation in the family sphere, as students are
still dependent on parents at this stage (Zaloom 2019).
Another strategy to negotiate aspirations with parents was to play up the economic
dimension or to say that they were pursuing something else. Miriam, another student
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explained that she liked to keep her aspiration to do music secret by saying she is pursuing
business:
I try to keep it on the down low with them. I don't think they know that what I want to
do has to do with music and stuff like that. Because they've always told me that going
after a career in any kind of art isn't going to be stable enough. Like the typical, "Oh,
you're not going to make any money as an artist," thing, shebang, whatever. So I'm just
keeping it on the down low and saying, "Oh, I'm studying business.”

Miriam did not feel she could share with her family what type of aspiration she was
planning to pursue. She explained her parents’ concern in her ability to make money if she
pursued art.
When I observed in Mr. Whitman’s class, Sycamore senior Rose, would often be seen
painting a mural on an empty board in the back right corner of the classroom. She was often
decked out in all Black, paired with colorful eyeshadow reminiscent of the design on the wall.
The mural was abstract and striking, including an open eye surrounded by lashes. In an
interview, Rose explained how her father did not want her to go to college for art, and that
she should become a “doctor.” She responded: “And I was like, “I don’t like needles.” I’m
not comfortable putting them in other people. Yeah. So, he [Rose’s father] was like, “Why
don’t you do something that makes money?”
I was like, “This makes money. This makes a lot of money.” I might switch
professions from painting, fine arts, to digital or something. Designer. I mean, it makes
more money, but I also enjoy it because my one thing is, don't do something you don't
like.

Like Mahsa and Miriam, Rose explained how she positioned her aspiration as a good bet
financially. Although she had told me she sold some of her paintings online, she also
acknowledged her fathers’ doubt but balanced it with her own interests. She explained that
she wanted to do something she liked, referring to the passion principle (Cech 2021).

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Timing Aspirations Just Right

I find that these narrative futures in school contrast with students’ family’s
narratives, and with students’ own sensemaking. The timeline for deciding one’s aspiration
is part of the hidden or implicit curriculum of the school-and also the resources that middle -
class students have access to outside of school, or that organizations like “QuestBridge” to
help low-income or first-generation college students. Without clarity, there can be confusion
and miscommunication regarding the appropriate or normative timeline of aspiration
formation.
Mwangi (2018) finds that even those with parents who had been to college in a
different country might have trouble with navigating the application process including
college testing, academic tracking, and the associated costs. This study also asserts that the
dimension of timing one’s aspiration works differently in the U.S. education system than
other countries’ systems, leading to confusion when one has to decide.
Hera, a tenth grader at the time of my interview, explained a rare disagreement
between her and her parents regarding her art aspirations. Though her parents were both
musicians, sound engineers, and ran vacation rentals on the side, they were concerned about
Hera’s indecision based on their own schooling experiences.
I think the only disagreement is they both were raised... their high school was like a
college. So they knew exactly what they were going to be doing since like ninth grade,
eighth grade, which is the one disagreement we have a lot where they're like, "What are
you focused on film more? Are you focused on animation or painting? What are you
exactly going to be doing?" To which I keep having to tell them there's a difference now
because it is SO expensive here. And if I'm given an opportunity to be able to study like
film for better price and I do enjoy it a lot, then I will pursue that. If I'm given an
opportunity for it, I will pursue that because I'm also a very like....."It will happen when it
happens because it will happen," because I've found a lot of the times that it is how it is.
And um, yeah, that's about the disagreement I have with my parents....yeah....

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Hera shared her parents’ experience in Armenian secondary school, in that “their high
school was like a college.” In the Armenian schooling system, the high school equivalent
was two years as opposed to American system of four years
31
. Hera points out a noteworthy
difference as a result of the schooling structure and perceived cost. As her parents want to
ensure that she can follow an educational pathway that fits her aspiration, and had to decide
most likely before upper-level secondary school, they feel she needs to hone in on a goal
first. Hera was considering animation, painting, but also mentions film if offered a “better
price.” For Hera it is not just what she is interested in, but what she can get the best price on
for studying, which requires time to figure out or “it will happen when it happens because it
will happen.” The unpredictability of funding adds another layer of precarity to the college
application process and identity formation among second-generation students. Hera
acknowledged money as a factor in her decision: “I also have to think about the finance because
money goes into that because there are a lot of schools I want to go to, but not a lot of them that I
can like theoretically and legitimately afford when it comes to like my future.” Hera identifies
cost as a barrier.
For students from other ethnic backgrounds at Sycamore there was the baseline
expectation of four-year university. Jeff, a Korean-American student explained that he
really wanted to be a Math teacher and would go to community college first. Jeff elaborated
during downtime in Design Arts class: “I want to transfer to a four-year university right
away. Mostly expectations put on me by my family. You know, coming from a household of
Asian descent, they have high expectations.” He said that he always compared himself to his

31
After Soviet rule, Armenian schools have extended secondary education with the creation of separate high
schools. However, there are opportunity gaps depending on rural or urban neighborhood context.
(https://www.osf.am/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/SocJustice_en.pdf)
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cousin who is “really, really smart.” After I asked when he knew he wanted to pursue this,
he explained that he had a kind elementary school teacher who took extra time to help him.
He also referred to his parents “always lecturing him” about “What are you going to do in
the future?” He had mixed feelings about his education: “I’ve always loved learning, just
hated school.” Here, Jeff compared himself to his family member and heard the message
that he was supposed to go to a four-year university and quickly if he went to the local CC
first. He draws on his parents’ racial identification in his justification of his plans.
Remy, a student who was a senior at the start of my study, was unsure exactly what
he wanted to do after high school graduation in terms of major. However, he knew he was
going to a local community college. His parents migrated from Cameroon and France, and
had gone to college in Africa. He explained that they wanted him to go to Africa too, but
they had settled on the community college choice. He explained: “I don’t like change.” In
the informal interview when I mentioned cost of college, he said “I don’t even want to talk
about debt right now.” These findings suggest that attending community college is a
strategy for second-generation students in Sycamore High from lower-middle class
backgrounds whose parents want them to figure out their interests and are not pursuing
lawyer, doctor, engineer careers out of college.

Juggling Divorced Parents’ Wishes

I also find evidence of family structure that might affect aspiration formation during the
transition out of high school. Another student, Michelle, was also undecided and felt the strain of
balancing her divorced parents’ advice. In Public Safety Classes, she would cheerfully greet
Captain Davis and sit next her friend Krystal. If there was time in class, she would sit outside in
the quad to study from an Emergency Medical Technician (EMT) book. Captain Davis would
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often tell them about the EMT process, assuring them that studying in breaks between class was
expected. Michelle expanded in a later interview trying to balance her mother’s and father’s
wishes for her:
So I'm still on the paramedic part first. But it's like my dad's trying to convince me to be,
what is it? Physicians’ assistant. But so yeah, I'm still thinking about that for sure. I think
I am going to go on either that route or being a nurse. For sure my first step is still to
work as a paramedic. I'm still on to that. So that's where this whole college problem
comes with my mom because she wants me to do community college first. And I'm like,
"Okay. But I'd rather go to an actual paramedic school." And then she's like, "No,
because you might want to change your mind later. So do community college first." But
she's not letting me leave. The furthest she's letting me go is [neighboring city].

Here, Michelle had to weigh both her father’s and her mother’s preferences in addition to her
own. She also mentions distance as a factor she has to consider. Although wanting to go to
paramedic school first for a certificate or associate’s degree, her mother wanted her to try
community college first.
Another student, Aurora explained that her parents had different approaches to her
college application process, saying her Dad thinks she could “take care of herself for the most
part” whereas “My Mom is more pushing me to taking a four year right out of high school
and…Yeah.” She elaborated that her mom was not supportive of some of the places she applied
to, especially an art college. Aurora was disappointed by this: “Which I guess it hurt a little bit.”
She attributed this difference of opinion to her mother’s personality:
Because it was an art college specifically and I think.... to get into... because my mom is a
fairly opportunistic person and her position, she's a project manager, she kind of has to
be, to get ahead and help her company succeed. Um, so like I understand where she's
coming from in that aspect because she's always been kind of an opportunistic person.
So, uh...I-I think she wants the best for me in career.... and uh she knows how to navigate
that kind of thing... So she thinks if you do.... you can major in graphic design, but you
should also minor in some type of science or like math in those cases people will... like,
like the fact that you took both and you're both types of people.

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Here Aurora sympathizes with her mom as an “opportunistic” person in her career in that she
understands she wants the best for her to take a science or math in addition to graphic design. In
addition to having to negotiate for the graphic design major, she also identifies the difference in
her father’s and mother’s wishes. These differences inside of family systems can intersect
with the complexity and cost of the college application process.

Looking Back in Time: Declaring Undeclared?

In Spring of 2021, the college advisor and counseling personnel organized a virtual Zoom
panel answering students’ questions about college with recent alumni. I recognized several of the
students on this panel, having observed them in their everyday life at Sycamore High from
before the pandemic stopped classes.
As the counselors began asking questions rapidly, Sycamore alumni students advised
their peers to not worry as much as they did before, like when they were in HS. The college and
career counselor had posed a question to the panel, asking them: “What do you wish you had
known before college?” Nathan went first, assuring students that the biggest thing he wished he
had known is that he could be undeclared. He said his liberal arts college “tell you don’t have to
declare before beginning of sophomore year…you can balance between what you’re going to
major in and what you’re not going to major in.” One by one, after him on the panel students
echoed this sentiment.
Sue, a second-generation Korean-American student explained that she was “intimidated”
by the fact she needed to pick a major she needed to stick to when she first got to the private
liberal arts school out-of-state. She explained:
Most schools don’t force you to stick...my school doesn’t let us declare majors, they want
us to spend the first 2 years exploring our interests, I think a good way, if you want to
start thinking about majors, want to go to major in school you like...over 50% of college
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students change their major over the four years, the major is not the most important thing,
a lot more to college education than just your major, chose the college and classes I’m
taking, something I enjoy, but not forcing myself to do..

Another student, Talia, confirmed this but added that if one wanted to pursue Nursing at a Cal
state, they would have to be more strategic.
I agree with Sue – you don’t have to definitely have a major you have to pursue, you’re
still growing, everything is a learning experience, might meet a club and talk to different
people, true passion major, minor want to learn more about it. Look into going into Cal
state LA-only major is pre-nursing, so you kind of need to know that you want to pursue
nursing, cuz they don’t quite accept people who are already in the school, and want to
switch to nursing. Whenever you apply to programs, pre-nursing major...different
majors…like pre criminal justice get certain grades and test scores to even be
qualified....if you are 100% sure you want if you want to transfer for community college,
percentage for accepting students....don’t be overwhelmed, whenever you go to college,
you have time..

Sue also added one detail about the exploratory nature of high school: “We’re talking a lot about
exploring interests, exploring fields, this also kind of applies to high school, something that
interests you bio, physics...doesn’t just start when you get into college.” Sue urges fellow
students to explore now while in high school, kind of complimenting the narrative future of
finding your passion. However, the narrative of “finding your passion” before graduation
includes the implicit deadline of the college application process.

Discussion

Students picked up on narrative futures about finding their passion and having backup
plans as important for positioning themselves for the college application process. I show how
those students who performed more certainty in their pathways had narrative capital and a more
confident academic self in pitching their desire for pursuing a pathway from early on in
childhood or because of a relative/loved ones’ experience (Cech 2021; Takacs 2020). Those who
were unable to narrow down an interest expressed a discomfort with this, wanting to make sure
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they felt ready. This demarcation of knowing and not knowing one’s aspirations is not an
inherent individual characteristic, but rather an ongoing iterative and social process-and whether
their interests are validated by those around them or not (Cech 2021; Silvia 2006). This chapter
also finds that different lived orientations and temporal sense-making of educational aspirations
are present as early as high school, and possibly emerge earlier (Ippolito 2021).
Interview data show how students’ families’ messages surface in their discussion of their
futures. First generation immigrant parents wanted students to match aspirations to a career as
part of mobility projects, and for many students of Armenian and Persian identification in my
interview sample, this meant “lawyer, doctor” and sometimes “engineer.” For students with
artistic aspirations, this meant appealing to the potential income they could earn by combining
occupational strategies, or pursuing an “applied” type of art in technology or business. An
exception was Spencer, a White student who wanted to pursue an Arts pathway and that his
parents (who had not immigrated and were college-educated) were ok with this.
Although immigrant parents of students wanted them to really consider the benefits of
“stable” professions like doctor, lawyer, engineer, as they were a chance at securing class status
or promoting mobility-there is evidence that some parents also balanced this prescription with
trying to honor their passions. Students themselves picked up on the imperative to have a
passion, but also to make sure they could balance this with a high-paying job and also the notion
that college costs could be prohibitive surfaced in some of the first-generation students’
concerns.
Students’ articulations of narratives do not always match the school’s promotion of
passion. If the principal and public event messaging is pushing passion, while teachers and
counselors have a more qualified approach to advising students, their parents’ advice can also
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add to an ambiguous environment. In this way, I argue that the passion narrative amidst other
messages can reinforce inequality as an unintended consequence, in promoting a normativity to
knowing what one must do, and a moral sense of failing or being seen as flighty or young if not.
The institutional infrastructure of Sycamore high allowed lots of pointed discussion for students
who knew what school or major they wanted to choose. However, the undeclared students in the
sample who were first-generation college students had trepidation when describing that they had
not settled on an aspiration yet. If students have not found a “passion,” this may Students who
are undeclared and still exploring face obstacles in accessing a wide range of occupational
pursuits outside of what is presented by their family, the school, or district. Next, I show how
Sycamore’s school time and grammars of schooling can get in the way of encouraging the
development student aspirations.

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Chapter 5: Successful Students, Future Failures, and Those Biding Their Time

On the way to observe at Sycamore High one day, I hurried across a walkway near the
baseball field. The last few beeps of the loud school bell sounded; most students had already
filed into classrooms. It was a piercingly sunny day. I peered across the baseball field to see two
senior boys from English 12 class hanging around near the dugout, not rushing but talking to one
another. One raised a vape to his mouth and leaned back on the bench. I was already late, so I
kept moving to fourth period.
The previous two chapters discussed institutional authorities' narrative futures and
Sycamore students' articulations of aspiration. In this chapter, I combine personnel's and
students' accounts to detail how school-level categorizations of which students match
postsecondary futures (or lack thereof) produce unequal contexts of aspiration. By "context of
aspiration," I mean how dominant cultural, educational notions of the future, as the college-for-
all ideal intersects with school time, formal and hidden curricula, and narrative futures to create
multiple classifications of students: academically high-achieving, low-achieving students, and
those who are unmentioned and "middle" (not high-or low- achieving) achievers.
Sycamore's high school context allows for a well-defined projection of admission success
for most academically high-achieving college-bound students versus a sharp threat of failure that
stops at graduation or starts sluggishly for low-achieving students. Those students who are
neither exceptionally high-achieving nor low-achieving have a murkier middle path. Both
personnel and students are aware of the salient groupings, creating disparate conditions for
attention, resources, and validation in planning for college or career. These conversational and
interactional patterns also conceal how several student groups face unique challenges in planning
their futures: English Language Learners, students with disabilities, and those students struggling
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with mental health problems. I find that overall, Sycamore's context of aspiration in planning for
the future with the college-for-all ideal and in the ESSA era involves a general desire to go to a
recognizable four-year college, but how students might experience or adjust to the transition to
college, and eventually select what they want to do is less defined except through specific
instances of a sustained interpersonal, mentor, or nonprofit support.

High-Achieving and Middle-Achieving Students
Students, parents, and counselors at Sycamore High perceive scarce attention and concerted
guidance through the college application process and competition between those with different
aspirations. In the pandemic, boundaries around specific groupings of student populations at the
school remained salient, providing evidence of who procures counselors' precious time. School
counselors describe different types of students, distinguishing between "top-tier" and "middle-of-
the-road." They notice a difference in the types of students who ask them for assistance, and
though subtle, this is another stratifying dimension of time, aspiration, and narrative futures. This
indicates the personnel's evaluative component of those who know they want to attend a four-
year school versus those who do not.
In the fall of 2020, Counselors reflected on the transition online and how this reinforced
students' tendencies to be in communication or not. When asked about whom she connects with
mostly during the college application process in 2020, Ms. Maral explained: "Yeah, I have talked
to a couple of my students. The higher achieving ones that are striving to go to USC or another
private institution. They have taken APs almost all throughout high school." Being in AP and
academically high-achieving distinguishes those not in this category, having been visible to
counselors remotely as they often communicated with each other. Here counselors connect
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Sycamore students' academic performance and certainty to clear futures. Mr. Xavier, another
counselor at the school, reiterated this:
For the college-bound students, for them it’s no big deal...I had this group I supervised,
the SSC, Successful Students Club, with really high-achieving students, some of them
“loved”-they used this word, “loved being remote, because it allowed them to work on
their college applications.”

Counselors, teachers, and students construct the high-achieving, college-bound student identity.
The construction of a behavioral and emotional component to college-going and
academic achievement in the school--those who do care and those who do not care--emerged as a
pattern across types of roles: student, college and career counselor, and parents. In addition to
trust, salient boundaries between themselves and others contribute to tensions between students
and do not engender a sense of support or belonging (Holland 2015b). An AP English student
named Lucine explained how she was stressed to me in Mr. Whitman's class. She sat at a desk
facing three other desks in a grid, where students looked at one another. Anais, a student to her
left, clarified how it was only stressful for some students: "Those who don't have APs. They're
not trying." Stress became a noble pursuit for college-bound students with busy schedules. The
other girls at the table nodded in agreement.
Here, students have learned to normatively evaluate each other's internal state by which
type of college they plan (or do not) plan to attend. Ms. Maral explained a distinction between
students who know what they want to do versus other students:
Top-tier students automatically just come for help. Naturally that’s just who they are.
Then there are the students that don’t really know what they want to do next year. For
them, I feel like it’s harder to take that first step. That's the hard part for me, where I try
to reach out to them, but I feel like they're still discouraged about what they're going to
do post-graduation that they don't really have anything to talk about or don't want to talk
about. They don't want to explore those options. That's the tough part.

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Ms. Maral attributes a behavioral dimension to these students, explaining how "naturally that's
just who they are" and those who are less sure, in contrast, seemingly lack the will to do so, as
"they're discouraged" and "don't want to" explore their options. Those who know they will go to
college and those who will not are juxtaposed against one another. Knowing one will attend a
four-year college, coupled with AP or SSC, is enough to differentiate students' value of their
time and garner more attention.
There was a broad segment of Sycamore students across the classes that were not high-
achieving, including those undecided or selecting less visible pathways, including the arts,
certificates, or other pathways. In-person, I observed large counselor caseloads in late 2019-2020
and triangulated this with students in interviews. Lack of face-time with counselors was a pre-
existing problem for students, in that non-AP students (and even AP students at times) could not
receive personalized help. In 2020, Counselor Mr. Xavier explained the difficulties in reaching
the “middle-of-the-road” types.
Then for the middle of the road type students, who are struggling with format. They want
to drop out to do 100% online school...struggling with having to log on Monday through
Friday...they’re just over all of that. They think if it’s going to be online, let me go online.
Those students are really struggling to get most of the attention...

Attention is scarce due to high caseloads, the transition to online learning, and feeling present
remotely.
Parents also noted a struggle for quality contact with counselors, heightened by the
lockdown. In a virtual Parent Teacher Association (PTA) Meeting in 2021, a private college
admissions consultant, Eric, was invited to give a Zoom presentation. Eric confidently delivered,
explaining that students should talk to their counselor about the letter of recommendation during
the college application process. After the presentation, a mother, looking concerned, expressed:
“Hmmm… not too pleased with that, I don't feel like my counselor knows my son at all...I guess
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she can write something generic. What do you do in those cases, when you feel like your
counselor doesn't know your kid?" Eric responded: "Provide the counselor with a brag sheet."
She continued: "Some of the counselors follow the kids that are highly academic, but those that
are artistic, talented, it's time for them to follow up and to get themselves known." A parent
noted that their student was not getting the time with counselors necessary to distinguish
themselves, especially during the pandemic. Additionally, if they were not an academic standout,
they feared the counselor would be unable to write a good letter for them.
Parents were concerned that counselors would not know their child or their aspirations.
This PTA meeting reveals how perceptions of institutional authorities' attention help extend past
school settings. As the PTA meetings had a small number of attendees, there are likely more
invisible issues from underrepresented students and families that need to be paid or marked in
this type of setting.
The need for more attention from counselors and parents for less salient groups of
students is startling because it links to the institutional design of public high schools from the last
century. This institutional configuration dissuades students from researching their futures. Hout
(2012) finds that those who benefit the most from a college degree, when separated into three
groups of "most talented," "middle of the range," and "least talented," are those students who are
in the "middle of the range." So, in addition to symbolic divisions among students, problems
with counselors' high caseloads, and parents' concern, there is the question of how those who are
middle achieving are being guided, in addition to those who are low-achieving and "at risk."

“It takes a village" vs. "Best future fit for me?" College Exploration Software

In addition to their official class counselors, Sycamore High had additional counseling
professionals and software to aid in college and career aspiration readiness and development. As
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discussed in the example above, the PTA had the guest speaker, a private college counselor, Eric,
come to talk to the zoom attendees. Before the Covid-19 lockdown, this occurrence was rare, and
I only heard of and observed the assigned class counselor talking to students. Though helpful in
providing concrete factors to students, these online resources were still rehashing the fragmented
and individualistic narratives to students and were not used widely.
There was a district "Career-Technical Advisor," Ms. Suzy, and a "College Advisor," Ms.
Maral, employed by Sycamore and a College Advising Corps team.
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In October 2020, Ms. Suzy
and Ms. Maral hosted an event on Zoom entitled "Best Fit for Me College Workshop: Which
CSUs, UCs, or private schools will be the best fit for you?.” Observing this event provided
insight into how the school tried to supplement the class counselors at Sycamore. They started
the presentation with a question: Words that come to mind when you hear "college." They then
refreshed the page with a generated word map with varying sizes. "Expensive" was the first
word, followed by: "student loans," "passion," "needs," "fun," "majors," "challenging," "the best
route," "timely," "future," "friends," "mixed feelings," and "new." They then launched into this
presentation.
Ms. Suzy told students (whose cameras were essentially off) that when you are going to
college out of high school, "it's an adjustment process, and you want to make sure your academic
success is a happy one...experiences you have are gonna be happy experiences…wanna make
sure the college fits you well." There is a noted shift from the English teachers' narrative futures
of more fearful language about the college experience; instead of fearing the future gatekeepers,

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This program was launched in 2013 by a university research policy center and the "College Advising Corps,"
which seeks to "improve college outcomes for low-income, first-generation, and underrepresented students. The
program's goal is to raise the number of California students who attend and complete college by encouraging and
assisting high school students with this college searches, college applications, financial aid, and making the
transition to postsecondary education." They expanded from 1 district at inception to ten school districts serving 45
schools with over 10,000 students each year.
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they should consider happiness and fit. While Ms. Suzy reiterated: "The entire idea is to go to the
college that's the best for you," the slide changed to another question, "What factors are
important?" Career-technical advisor Ms. Suzy listed several factors to consider about college,
providing a combination of narrative futures but also relying on a notion of "fit" and addressing
an emotional component: happiness. Ms. Suzy described how location and school population
might be critical factors in this decision.
The next was college majors: "for example, if you want to go into a business major, you
want to go to [specific] UC," campus life, housing, and resources, mentioned, "some of you
might be interested in undocumented resources…also another big one." She continued that the
next is athletics, research opportunities, and "I believe the last major one to consider is financial
aid." Ms. Maral summarized the factors for college, specifying commute, location, financial aid,
sports, the feel of the campus, and major. They also spoke about "making sure that you know
how to afford college" by directing students to "go over all the financial aid opportunities on the
website." Although delivered with good intentions, this might obscure the difficulty of
distinguishing the school's "sticker price" from the actual costs. She explained that because there
are "no guarantees," it is good to have multiple colleges in mind: "a dream school," "target
school," and "safety school." After discussing factors they should consider, Ms. Suzy went over,
similar to school counselors’ advice to “have a backup plan,” echoing those course counselors
like Mr. Xavier and Ms. Garcia.
In addition to coaching on evaluating colleges based on one's fit with these factors, Ms.
Suzy and Ms. Maral encouraged students who were unsure to "do your research" online through
college websites or "college & career readiness" software. They advised students to look at
admission rates, SAT/ACT requirements, checking out the average GPA, and graduation rates.
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They also mention Google: "If you wanna do more research, go to the next slide…we say that
Google is your friend…because you can find anything on Google, you can find anything about
any school…*Laughs*" They continue to talk about a college & career readiness software called
"Xello":
But two really great platforms you can use are Xello and Cappex. I'm sure a lot of you
guys have heard of these; I'm sure a lot of you guys have been on Xello...I hope you have
been on Xello...they will help you guys...they're very helpful platforms on what type of
schooling you should be doing...what kind of research you need to be doing...

Xello is a “College & Career Readiness Software” that students spent some time on in their
homerooms. Xello
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Created in 2008, Xello’s mission is to: "help anyone, anywhere in the world
create a successful future through self-knowledge, exploration, and planning." Their website
boasts that it is the "only K-12 online program that fully engages every student in building the
skills, knowledge, and plans for future success-regardless of background, ability, or pathway."
The software has multiple quizzes and interactive features on "personality," "learning styles,"
and data on average occupational earnings. Sycamore's district had paid for a license to Xello
specifically and not Cappex, though it is another software earned on college exploration. Though
I had only heard class counselor and district counselors mention this tool, it is cited as a place to
do research independently.
In urging students to use the Xello software, there needs to be more attention to the social
component of figuring out the transition out of high school, requiring time and quality
interactions with school personnel as mentors. Sycamore counselor Ms. Garcia herself notes that
although the district had obtained the license and she had done workshops, but attendance was
minimal:

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Xello is a Canadian software “currently used by over 20,000 institutions across North America, including schools,
employment agencies, libraries, colleges, and universities.”
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We have a program called Xello and it's a career readiness, it used to be career cruising,
but it's an amazing tool for students to do career exploration, take assessments and all of
that. And the district purchased the license, right? You know, but.. and like I said, if I've
done workshops where five kids, 10 kids came...you know?

Ms. Garcia spoke about the difficulties in getting students exposure to it in classrooms due to
demands on teachers' time.
They have so many demands on getting the kids ready, meeting the standards, you know,
the pace, you know, covering the curriculum. So, you know.. I get it. Some districts have
a homeroom period. I know [neighboring district] has like a 30 minute homeroom period,
I think my friend was telling me, and they use that time sometimes to do advisory and
things like that, or they will go into the classrooms. If it was built into the day, that would
be great. But like I said, there's nothing more powerful too, where the teacher is there and
saying to the kids, "Like, this is so important for you to plan on your future and be
involved and ask questions."

Ms. Garcia emphasizes that in addition to the software, having time to use it was key. As it was
not required in the Sycamore District schools, the exposure to Xello and its features seems
uneven. In addition, teachers' enthusiasm would matter in using it, as she points out how teachers
there to guide students is integral for their exposure. However, the occupational and curricular
demands make it hard to achieve that. Ms. Garcia acknowledged how "It takes a village to get
the students ready for after high school and future planning. And there are already teachers doing
that, you know? The senior teachers do an amaaazing job at that.” An analysis evaluation of the
website reveals similar language around passion and exploration, revealing a specific frame in
the supplementary technology that might mismatch with students’ sense-making of the aspiration
process (Cech 2021; Holland 2020). Throughout my data collection, I had not heard any student
mention Xello as helpful to the aspiration process nor seen teachers discuss it with students.
Ms. Suzy ended the formal zoom presentation on college and career planning in October
2020 with an invitation for students: "If you guys need help when you're researching, please just
contact your counselor. Contact me or Ms. M, and we will help you guys research and find a
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great college fit for you." Given what I found about the ability to access counselors individually,
the demands on their time, and willingness to reach out, I doubted students might take them up
on this offer if not already in communication with them.
This patchwork of services helped but also reflected the structural and cultural
opportunity gaps in school time, rehashed some of the "find your passion" narrative and "have a
backup plan," as well as revealed a "fit" college evaluation frame that may be unfamiliar and
overwhelming to first-generation college students (Holland 2020). Holland (2020) finds that
counselors' messages are interpreted differently based on students' evaluative frames. Even when
counselors use college software tools to expose students to hundreds of colleges to increase
students' horizons, this information overload can be overwhelming for students who do not
identify with this approach (Holland 2020). Middle-class counselors focused more on exposure
to options rather than the process of evaluation because their habitus emphasized feeling
intuitively a "personal fit" with a college rather than deconstructing how they arrived at this
conclusion (Holland 2020). As I found that even between counselors and teachers, frames might
differ, this complicates the college search process even more. In addition to resources, students
who are less sure about aspirations might not know who they are, adding complication to the
middle-class “best fit” strategy. Institutional tools that are thought to enhance students'
aspirations and postsecondary planning only target those who are academically high-achieving or
familiar with the narrative capital of college applications and do not reach those who do not fit
this approach.

Social Support for High Achievers’ Aspirations

Though the college-for-all ideal and narrative futures often tout individualistic
behaviors like motivation or drive as responsible for students' successful transition out of
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high school, students noted interpersonal support as helpful. Specifically, students in my
interview sample mentioned mentors who spoke with them, like teachers and older siblings.
The nonprofit organization Questbridge also emerged as instrumental in helping two low-
income first-generation college students in my sample.
For those Sycamore students who had a close bond and established trust with a
teacher, this relationship included benefits like brainstorming about their interests, tips on
the college application process and letter writing, and discussing potential occupations.
Social science teacher Mr. Jacobs and Public Safety teacher Captain Davis from my
interview sample were favorites. Several other teachers were also mentioned from
disciplines like Biology and Art. Another student, Tigan, expressed how Biology teacher
Mr. Olsen made an impression on him in aspiring to go to college: “He's also one of the main
reasons I'm going to college now as a bio major.” Hera, from the class of 2022, explained how
one of her Arts teachers helped her visualize what a career as an artist would be like:
She'll show us people that are working that are ceramicist or artist or mixed media
people. She'll show us little snippets from their website or shows they've been in, so it
really motivates me: I can do this. You know what? It's going to be very stressful and
very hard, but it's also going to be so fulfilling, because the idea of working a nine to five
in a topic that I really don't care about…Oh boy. Horrifying. Just horrifying.

Hera cites working in a nine-to-five job as a dismal outcome, expressing her gratitude for her
teachers' sharing of the process and illuminating what it might be like to pursue art. Teachers'
one-on-one interactions with students about their futures took place on light curriculum days and
after school amidst the hectic rhythm of the school day. Though teachers could propagate
worrisome messages about the future through classroom instruction and harsh disciplinary
tactics, those select students who spoke with them one-on-one or about their interests could
develop their notions.
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Several students noted how older siblings who had attended college helped them
imagine life after graduation. Lucia shared how she understood college would be different
from high school:
I think that you're just taken out of a fish bowl and put into the ocean…I just think that
people that live in the bubble that high school is the end of the world, it's not. I have older
siblings. They all tell me you're going to keep in contact with one, two, maybe three
people from high school, but you're going to make the connections. You're going to just
flourish into a completely different person. To a certain extent, it's going to be harder
100% in workload. You're going to have many sleepless nights depending on what you're
studying. I just think it's going to be amazing.

Lucia imagines that exiting high school will be a jolt in which she will be out of a "fishbowl" or
"bubble" of high school and placed into an "ocean." She acknowledges the fear of those who
think it is the "end of the world." However, she counters this with the fact that her older siblings
assured her that college would be a place to make new connections and "flourish." This language
of self-transformation, personal growth, and discovery emphasizes how though not in college,
she relies on both personal connections (her siblings) and broader narratives to make sense of the
adjustment between high school in college and her identity. This sentiment could be found in
other students' accounts. Tigran, another senior, explained that: "I have an older sister to talk to
about the college experience. I get to cheat. I get to cheat. …It's definitely going to be a lot
bigger of an adjustment and a pretty big change compared to going to Sycamore. When asked
about how high school is different from college, Tigran referred to getting to "cheat" through
knowing his college graduate sister. These students took comfort in the information they
procured. Jack, another student, also explained in detail:
Well, so I have an older sister who went to PCC for two years and I do talk to a lot of my
friends who are older, who have had at least a year under their experience is definitely
more, you do have to be a bit more independent with college just because, depending on
where you go, first year, for example, UC is they generally want you to dorm, so they
live on campus. So then you would kind of be like taking care of yourself.
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Jack mentioned both siblings and older friends in investigating this process. Lucia, Jack,
and Tigran's examples confirm how older siblings benefit students' college search,
especially for first-generation students. In addition to siblings providing the information
(Ceja 2006; Kim and Gasman 2006), students value the ability to approximate their
experience more concretely and emotive components of how it might feel to embark after
high school graduation.
Joshua and Sue, seniors from the Sycamore class of 2020, cited Questbridge, a nonprofit
organization, helping them throughout the college application process. In an interview, Joshua
explained how he learned about it at the end of his junior year and that it was for: "Low-income
high achieving students." He explained more: “It was sort of a universal application where you
just had to do a couple of supplements. So that's why I applied to such a huge amount of schools.
And, yeah. You miss 100% of the shots you don't take. That was the mentality I had. [laughs]"
He applied to 33 schools through Questbridge. He then decided he was going to attend a private
liberal arts school, "Catalina Cherry University (CCU)" in California. Joshua explained that he
read that CCU is number two in the country for "social mobility," citing to me how "students
who enter CMC who were in the bottom 5% are 68% likely to move into the top 5% of the
economy.... I mean, from a financial standing. So statistically, I'm more likely to be better off."
Joshua alluded to how his acceptance at CCU would provide an avenue for social mobility and
ensure an upwardly bound future. Joshua's experience with Questbridge allowed him to research
and compare several schools, applying to UCs, Cal States, elite private schools, and liberal arts
schools.
Similarly, Sue explained how the Questbridge program helped her determine what type
of school was right for her. Although she was a part of the Successful Students Club and got to
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visit "a lot of the public UC campuses" with Questbridge's "fly-in" program, she visited a private
liberal arts school, "Sassafras College" in Maine. She could compare what she had seen at other
colleges: "I went and I kind of had that cliche, "Oh my gosh, I love this school." As a first-
generation student, Sue felt very overwhelmed and isolated in the college application process.
She described how it was “over-complicated, from “all the vocabulary,” and she still felt
“blindfolded while researching all these things.” Though there was the expectation for her to go
from her counselor and teachers,
It felt like, I know my counselor and my teachers, they pretty much expected me to go to
a four year because academics and all of that. But it felt very unattainable. I mean, that's
not an uncommon thought, but at least most people, they find college unattainable
because they're not sure if they can get in or how they do. For me, that was also a
concern, but I could never envision myself at a college. I could never envision myself at a
college. It's expected of me, but there's been such few college experienced people around
me that it just kind of felt unordinary. My dad went to college, but he went to college in
Argentina. So it's a little different there. So it's the expectation of, "Oh, you'll just go to
college." But there was no information or even imaginations of how to get there, what I
like, what I don't like about it.

Sue’s narration of this process reveals a lot about the social construction of the college
application process for first-generation students in the context of Sycamore amidst the college-
for-all ideal. Though she was exposed to the idea that she should apply to college as a high
achiever, the how and why where she should apply eluded her, and it took a combination of
Googling, conversations with her counselor, Questbridge resources, and more to arrive at a
conclusion. These excerpts illustrate how Questbridge organization's personalized approach and
interpersonal support helped supplement Sycamore's presentation of the future.

Low-Achieving Students and Ticking Clocks: Making an Example Out of At-Risk Students
on School Time

Chronically absent students and those who failed were one group that visibly faced public
scrutiny and shaming (Pyne 2019). This reveals a central tension in the school's stated goals and
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the school's implicit messaging about students who are at risk of failing and not graduating. This
treatment and punishment of "troublemakers" made high-achieving or mid-achieving students
feel their time was wasted. Other students who observed these instances felt sad or indignant but
also had their critiques of the administration's efforts.
In early March 2020, I sat in the English 12 class and noted how students responded to a
warning about upcoming graduation from the senior counselor. A few moments after the bell
rang, Ms. Garcia walked into the class briskly, holding papers. She went to the front of the class
and said sternly: “Can I please have your undivided attention? Put your phones away and your
screens down. I’m here today to make sure you sign a very important letter.” She passed out a
sign-in sheet. I overheard a students say in a strained whisper: “Ara
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! We have to finish by May
15.” Ms. Garcia heard this and said: “I asked for your undivided attention.” She then told
students they could write down their names how they would want them pronounced at
graduation. She explained that they would need to talk [to her] if they had a D or an F in a
required class. She said: “This is based on your progress report.” She explained that if students
who had a 4-period day who had a D or an F may lose that from their schedules. She said: “This
is kind of a wake-up call. This is what you need for graduation [the requirements that were
summarized on the form she passed out]. I can’t tell you, we had over 100 (N=392 or 25%)
seniors getting a D or an F [she was referring to the previous year]. This was heartbreaking.”
This statement lingered in the air seriously for a moment.
Ms. Garcia reiterated the looming graduation deadline for those who were failing but also
included those who may have applied to a four-year school. She added: "If you have applied to a
four-year college or university, please remember, your acceptance is conditional. If that's the

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Ara is Armenian slang that can mean “hey,” “dude,” or “man”
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case, you need to call the admissions office and work something out. Maybe you don't need that
class." Ms. Garcia continued: "If you're going to community college, it pays to get Cs or better,
because that's what they're going to use for a placement in Math and English. You can be there at
a shorter time, transfer more easily, or finish a program." In a begging tone, she urged students:
"Please do not let me tell your parents or grandparents that you may not be graduating. There's a
lot of tears and anger….It’s almost over. There’s 14 weeks or less. And you can do this!” She
then gave an example of a student who had complained, using the second person: “But Ms.
Garcia, a D’s passing. I don’t know the percentage you have. I just know the letter grade. I’ll be
available from 1:30 to 4:30 today to help fix errors. Please do not make me hound you for a
letter. You’re old enough. Thank you.” She left the class.
The substitute teacher in Ms. Reina's class returned to taking attendance, and students
started talking to one another. The student to whom I had lent a pen looked perturbed. His friend
talked to him about Pine High [night school] to make up credits. He asked Raffi, a Teaching
Assistant for Design Arts student, how much time it would take him to finish. His answer was
not encouraging and the students stirred a bit. Raffi exclaimed: “I hate her. She doesn't have to
treat us like we're animals because we're not in AP!" He looked at me, made eye contact and
shook his head. I said, "you feel that way?" He said, "yeah." Raffi took a photo of something the
female student wrote down and said to me: "We're gonna stop cheating in college. We won't
survive." A male student said to his friend: "Vartan, you going to [local CC]? The other said:
"Same. See you there." I noticed the student I lent my pen to had his head down. His friend was
comforting him: "Bro, get your shit together. Graduate. You only have 25 units." Counselor
Garcia's stern lecture had caused many reactions. Raffi expressed feeling dehumanized and
demoralized based on Counselor Garcia's speech, especially on his classmates' behalf.
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Students' perceptions of the administration reflected a sense of distrust and lack of
transparency. Even those "high-achieving" and college-bound students critiqued how the school
administration treated students. Narineh, a Sycamore Senior, felt that the administration gave
more attention (although arguably negative) to those at risk of not graduating. She explained that
she was trying to develop a charity organization, but contacting officials and the administration
took much work. Narineh explained why she felt slighted:
They give more attention to the students who are not doing what they're supposed to be
doing, that are causing trouble. They get attention automatically, which makes sense
because you have to go after those kids and make sure they're in check so there are no
disruptions…So I understand that the administration has to go after those kids so they
make sure big things like that don't happen again, but it's really hard for the kids who are
trying to do something good and are doing what they're supposed to be doing all of the
time. I think it's not fair that it takes us so long to get an answer from those people.

Spencer, a senior, spoke about issues with Principal Dr. Jones’ administrative decisions to
combat vaping at the school with restorative justice circles:
I think her intended audience, which is the slacker, flunky, and vaping group, it's like she
tries to appeal to responsibility and respect, when they have no regard for that. Not
everyone thinks or feels or acts the same way, so you kind of have to speak someone's
language to get through to them. Like yeah, if you go to an AP US history class, all the
super, either goody two shoes, or responsible, or go-get-them type people are going to be
there, and they're probably going to respond well to a message that appeals to
responsibility, accountability, being an adult, that sort of thing. But the people who have
no regard for that, don't care that they're failing, don't care if they ditch class, they exist.

Spencer explained that the principal's reiteration of stated school values, "being respectful,
responsible, and engaged," falls short of the "slacker," "flunky," and "vaping" group. He
distinguishes this group from the "goody two shoes," responsible" Sycamore student citizens.
There was a sense that although Dr. Jones and administrators tried different punitive measures, it
needed to be improved on struggling students or help the overall environment at Sycamore.
Students who are low-achieving and failing receive feedback that their futures are in peril and
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need immediate intervention, but reserved for the space before graduation and the beginning of
college.

“Treat us like we’re children”: Surveillance, Institutional Surveys, and Senior Research Projects

Sycamore students felt skeptical of administrators, institutional requirements, and
curricula. This was the case across different classes, from Advanced Placement to general and
career-technical classes. With this differential messaging, many students did not trust
institutional efforts in the form of surveys or research projects to gauge their perceptions or
feelings.
An example of this included frequent surveys. In downtime during a Design Arts class, I
spoke with a tight-knit group of friends; one sophomore student and two seniors. Hera, Jack, and
Aurora shared their perceptions of what administrators and older teachers thought of them. Jack
remarked that he preferred their younger teachers to their older ones because they "treat us as
adults and are real with us." Aurora cited a gap between "administration and students." Aurora
started telling me about a schoolwide survey that asked questions like: "How easy is it for you to
access drugs? Or "do you bring a weapon to campus?" There was a sarcastic tone as she retold
this. Jack jumped in and said: "So… my Spanish teacher was telling us what happened in the
meeting where they went over the results...and apparently they were not really bad.” He stood up
in a hurry, becoming more alert. Aurora said: “Wow, that was really aggressive.” Jack continued.
His Spanish teacher said another teacher thought that the school got those results because
students did not understand the phrasing of the questions. Jack said in a mocking tone: “Aww,
they didn’t understand the questions.” Aurora and Jack got agitated about the teacher who
thought the results were because they were naïve. Hera, who was standing near Aurora
exclaimed: “Yeah! They treat us like we don’t understand that bad things happen in the world.
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Like we’re children.” Aurora said pointedly: “There's no point where you become an adult. It's
not like June 1st of whatever year." Students point out tension in the school's messaging about
the future, that although there is much pressure on them to figure out their future, they are still
very limited in how their voice is valued.
Another example was Sycamore’s Senior Research Project, which was assigned to 12
th

graders each year as a requirement for graduation. Students had to complete a research project
and present its topic in their English classes. The first assigned Senior Research Project had the
prompt: "Tell us what it means to be a Sapling.
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" English teacher Ms. Reina sarcastically
described this project as "basically, kiss my butt about Sycamore. They [students] didn't like it;
they complained to us." The second Senior Research Project prompt was on “Finding one's
passion: Find Something you want to do, then do the thing…They needed an adult mentor. We
found that many adults are willing to lie [about what they do]." English teacher Ms. Reina
describes this as a chore for the students and that adults put their names down for occupations
they did not do or about the job itself. Passion re-emerges as an individualistic, propelling force
for students to write about in detail through this formal school requirement. The project prompt
revealed a gap between the school's curricula and prescriptions for students' ideal behavior
versus students' feelings of agency, as described below.
Some students took the Senior Research project to heart, and others I spoke with felt
disempowered by not feeling the agency to achieve the results. While I was conducting
observations, the 2020 Senior research project was: “Research a problem you want to solve in
the world.” A student in Mr. Whitman’s class, Norvan, shared he had worked part-time as a

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Sapling Trees are the Sycamore School mascot

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tutor, which inspired his research project about students struggling with the mathematics
common core curriculum. Norvan explained to me how he was enrolled in a dual enrollment
class in sociology in the local community college. When I told him I was a sociology graduate
student, he asked me what theoretical perspective I used: "structural-functionalist or conflict
perspective?" I smiled and explained it was more of a conflict perspective. Mr. Whitman was
listening in and said that Norvan "belongs in a philosophical college environment, like Berkeley
or something." Norvan said this college was not first on his list and that he was bored by high
school sometimes. He said matter-of-factly: "I'm in 12th grade but I feel like I'm in 8th grade. If I
could go straight to college I would." Norvan acknowledged the gap between his aptitude and his
position as a high school student.
Others were explicitly critical of the efficacy of the Senior Research project and felt a gap
between the feasibility of its real-world implications. Aurora from the Design Arts class had felt
that there was not a proper outlet for serious issues affecting the campus. Her senior research
project was on campus sexual assault. She said that the administrators would ultimately look the
other way, and there was no place to talk about it. When I asked Aurora if she felt she could go
to her counselor, she told me she would not want to go to the same counselor she went to about
the issue of assault as she went to for her GPA. Again, there was a space between the assignment
and the students’ perceived and felt power in the school setting. In another instance in Mr.
Whitman's AP English class, I always sat next to two senior girls in the back of the classroom:
Tatiana and Leila. Leila would often ask me questions and slouch, sometimes cracking jokes to
Tatiana, who often sported a Sycamore basketball team hoodie. They spoke to each other about
the senior research project they had to complete. Leila said to me, matter-of-factly: "The project
is for us to help around the community." Tatiana added: "But, it's kind of dumb." Leila added:
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Yeah, it's like we're little children running around. We're not gonna change anything."
Backstage, students felt disillusioned by the Senior Research assignment. The school's written
assignments confirm the notion of possibility. However, students' responses and dejectedness
reveal the hidden curriculum of "school time" that sends the message that sure students would
have bright futures.
During an AP Scoring Session with Captain Davis and two teachers from other schools,
Mrs. Kelly told me, "At this school, we're always talking about successful students succeeding.
We're always talking about social emotional well-being, but throwing them into testing with
teachers they don't know." Here Mrs. Kelly uses sarcasm to illustrate the school's (and
potentially the administration's) emphasis on success without interpersonal support. Notably, this
language is also found in national and state legislation and the school's Successful Students Club.
"Success" and "passion" are part of educational discourse and speech norms in this public high
school, but they are often limited in their impact and opportunities for students to feel supported.

The Kids are Not Alright: More Hidden Futures

Officially, on the school website, Sycamore High was committed to preparing all students
at high levels to “succeed beyond high school.” The school’s manifest “Mission, Vision, Values,
and Goals” were prominently listed in the figure below:

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Figure 3. Sycamore's Mission, Vision, Values, and Goals from School Website
Mission
We commit to sustaining a positive environment where all students learn at high-levels and are
prepared to succeed beyond high school.
Vision
The Sycamore community commits to a safe and clean campus, organized support systems for
students and staff and rigorous instruction rooted in perpetual curricular collaboration.
Values
We, as professionals, aspire to be flexible, engaged, accountable and positive.
We believe we should be collaborative, supportive and strive for consensus.
We plan to connect with students, be caring and to develop engaging lessons.
Goals
Become a Professional Learning Community
Raise CAASPP Scores in Math and English
Achieve Blue Status on CA Dashboard for College & Career Readiness
Improve Supports for Social, Emotional & Physical needs of all students

In addition to achieving state indicators, through CAASPP scores and moving the
dashboard dial to blue for College & Career Readiness, the school looked to be “collaborative,”
“positive,” “supportive,” “professional,” and “accountable,” among other adjectives that use
some education lingo. Though the administration and the district wanted to actualize this type of
academic atmosphere, the school’s hidden curriculum of time thwarted this goal.
Though there were emphases on students' college & career futures through passion,
pragmatic planning, or personal preparation for gatekeeper interactions, problems emerged based
on students' present circumstances in the school context that had to do with moment-to-moment
experiences of high school time and life. It became clear that the school faced several challenges
while tending to college and career futures, particularly for some high-achieving and most
middle-achieving and low-achieving students. Another layer of stratification included less visible
students who faced complex barriers in the formal and hidden curriculum, which connects to less
public acknowledgment of these students' pathways, in favor of focusing on academically high-
achieving students. I argue that underrepresented students, specifically English Language
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Learners, and more among these school-level constructions of student types are less visible in the
college-for-all ideal and narrative futures.

English Language Learners, College Requirements, and Delayed Futures

For students who are English language learners (ELL) or those who recently immigrated,
the potholed pathway of their educational incorporation and implicit messages about their
cultural and linguistic differences affects their context of aspirations and, in turn, educational
trajectories to community college or four-year college. Learning the English language in large
classrooms, negative attention from teachers, and colleges' strict or not firm enforcement of A-G
course requirements prohibit some from planning for their futures and leave them out from the
conversation of narrative futures to follow one's passion without any strings attached.
Three Sycamore counselors and an English language teacher's assistant commented on
how this affects students who speak other languages and arrive at Sycamore after the first year.
Counselor Mr. Xavier expressed how he had to "keep up with the new laws and requirements of
graduation that are different." When I asked him what he meant by this, he expanded: "If I have a
student who comes here their junior year," their graduation requirements are different. He added
that it was difficult because the secondary school requirements might differ in their home
country: "They mentally check out, like what's the point. If it's gonna take me an extra year. So I
try to help." When I asked about "super seniors" (students who had to stay an extra year until
they have the credits necessary to graduate), Counselor Mr. Xavier explained that in this case of
a student who started high school in eleventh grade in the US, "They wouldn't be A-G
compliant…for the UCs. I think the law is AB 2021…no…AB 2121. If they get out in time. For
the most part, they go to community college, since Community College is so prevalent here."
Though he tried to help students, Mr. Xavier acknowledged how there could be things that throw
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"a curveball in to the situation, like threat assessment." Maral, a college advisor employed by
Sycamore and studying at a nearby university for counseling credentials, also explained how
"ELD students are just barely skimming the surface of what the minimum requirements are to
graduate." Students who arrive at Sycamore later are thus on a different timeline than others.
In the classroom, English language learners are placed with students who are English
speakers, and they face several obstacles in receiving teacher attention as well as communicating
with others. Suzy, a Career-Technical Education Advisor, explained how those who recently
immigrated have a hard time keeping pace with other students. She explained:
They're having a hard time with keeping up. Here's the thing with high school students at
(district). The ELD students who are English learners or here from a different country or
wherever they came from, they're here and then they got thrown into regular English so
they don't speak English. Do you know what I mean? They don't know the language.
They know maybe a few words. So being in a classroom with English-speakers, for them,
is like they're lost.

Being placed in a classroom with a majority of English speakers is jarring for English language
learners. Ms. L, the assistant teacher to Ms. Reina, spoke to me about how she was an "Ed
Assistant" and went to different classrooms to help kids in ELD. She would translate for students
in Armenian and English. She said, "I would see a lot of stuff go down in different classrooms.
And how different teachers dealt with it. I've had teachers...kind of pretend like they didn't hear
something or pretend like they didn't see something." This implies that even with a behavioral
issue, teachers might turn the other cheek to not entirely pay attention.
Additionally, she explained how this language teacher would have a visceral response to
questions: "Whenever the students would ask questions, she would be like, “what don’t you
get?” Kinda like that. She was always annoyed.” Ms. L found this a bit strict as students might
be discouraged by this way of asking questions. She felt that the English language learners from
a different country were "more advanced in math, they never had issues with math. Just give 'em
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a problem and they'll figure it out." Teaching Assistant Ms. L explained that she poured her
energy into helping the students: "To teach myself what they're learning….so I can help like
some of the other kids, cuz they wouldn't ask questions." These students were subtly discouraged
from asking questions, and based on my observations, English 12 has fewer opportunities for
engagement.
In addition to the disorientation of being placed in English classes, the cost of college,
financial aid confusion, and credit requirements were structural obstacles for students. However,
explanations focused on the four-year capacity to have English language learners also overlapped
with explanations about a strong co-ethnic culture or access to information. College Advisor
Maral explained why she thought recent Armenian immigrant students, and immigrant students
in particular, head to community college:
A lot of them are immigrants of Armenia coming in, barely know any English, so they
kind of have their own community where they just know that, or they feel that GCC is the
way to go and then transfer out. I feel like that's happened for so many years that
breaking that norm is going to be difficult, but not impossible, because you come to a
foreign country and you're just like, "I don't know what to do." You find others that are
like you and you're like, "Okay, well I'm going to do what they're doing." If everyone's
doing that, then it's going to continue being 70% going to community college. Which is
sad, because a lot of those students are really, really smart and have a 3.0 but the only
thing keeping them behind are those ELD classes.

Maral makes a unique point about how on top of the transition to a new country, and learning the
language, some students' aspirations are in flux as it is hard to grasp the postsecondary system in
the US and they can rely on co-ethnic connections (Khachikian 2020; Mwangi 2018). Notably,
she mentions how smart they are, but the curricular obstacles of English Language Learning
curricula impeding them. Maral continued later on in our interview citing other obstacles of four-
year schools:
Honestly, I think it's because they don't have that information all there. They have the
misconception that college is not affordable to everyone and we're part of that group that
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can't afford college so we're going to go to CC and maybe by that time I'll have some
money saved up and I can transfer out, or I'll find a job with an AA. Which is fine, but at
the end of the day, I feel like they need to know that they can afford college, especially if
they're eligible to go. I think that's why a lot of them attend CC. I would say also a
portion of them are ELD students who are still catching up on some English classes, so
CC is probably the best bet for them, only because I don't want them wasting time or
money at a university if they're prepared for that. CC would be able to better prepare
them before that transfer happens. So, the four years don't have those classes to help, to
kind of serve those ELD students or it's not... because I'm not, yeah, I don't know. Either
that or the students just don't have the requirements to apply to UC's or Cal States. They
have altered the requirements a lot, especially due to COVID, but I feel like the ELD
students just are barely skimming the surface of what the minimum requirements are to
graduate. A lot of them aren't even thinking about four-year universities. They know that
CC is the route for them for the first two years. Then they have more options at that point
when they've completed the minimum requirements for transferring out.

This explanation focused on many reasons English Language Learners might experience time
barriers, from access to information, affordability, and undermatching. There is a situation in
which students who are eligible to attend need to know their options, but Maral also points to
problems with a number of course credits, particularly English credits or not meeting UC or
CalState requirements. Maral wanted to avoid them wasting "time and money," and
acknowledged that the community college might be better as the four-year colleges are less
forgiving. She acknowledged later that Cal-states "come in really handy, because they bend those
rules a lot." In this situation, immigrant students' timelines are complicated, as scoring proficient
in the English Language takes time depending on the student (Nguyen 2021). These conditions
affect students' sense of the future as they are acclimating to a new country and school.
Additionally, this reveals a population minoritized through institutional policy and the
high school-to-college transition that might assume language proficiency. The transition to
college and preparations assume English language and US-based cultural experiences (Ester et
al. 2005). Cultural diversity and multicultural education, though fraught with political and
partisan debates on a national scale, receive visible attention as opposed to linguistic diversity as
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an area to consider in schools (Ester et al. 2005). This study finds how this lack of attention can
obscure inequality among students transitioning out of high school.

Students with Disabilities and Mental Health Disorders

In addition to English language learners being “mainstreamed” into classes and the
struggle for specific attention in a large public school, students with disabilities
36
in the
Sycamore District were placed in classes alongside students
37
. Teachers brought this up
independently in interviews as a challenge to manage the high number of students in the class as
well as provide tailored attention and time to students with disabilities simultaneously. Public
Safety Teacher Captain Davis narrated this shift:
Captain Davis: I think it’s hard right now though, because the new system with special
education and with ELD is that, uh...it’s all mainstream. So like let’s say you have a kid
that just does not do well in a large setting with 40 kids, 38 kids...and needs extra one on
one help...It used to be that even no matter what level that kid is at, whether they’re a
GATE student or whether they...uh...have special needs...um that kid is mainstreamed
into the same classes as everybody else now.

Mary: Ok

Captain Davis: So it used to be that that they had more one-on-one care and now they
don’t. So I think that lags.

Captain Davis cites this shift where special education students are mainstreamed, although that
student will not do well in large settings. Teachers reiterated the difficulty in bridging the class

36
The majority of students who receive special education (33%) have a specific learning disability, followed by
speech or language impairments (19%), other health impairments (like a heart condition) (15%), and autism.
Between 5 and 12% of students with disabilities include those with developmental delays, intellectual disabilities,
and emotional disturbances. 2% of students have multiple disabilities and hearing impairments
(https://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=64)
37
The district website read: “- makes programs available to meet the needs of all disabled children. In determining the
appropriate program placement for each individual, staff is committed to the belief that disabled students should be
educated to the maximum extent appropriate with their non-disabled peers. The regular class teacher may accommodate
and/or modify the educational program to meet the student’s needs. These modifications are usually the results of
consultations with parents, school psychologist, a special education teacher, and/or members of the Individualized
Education Program (IEP) team.”
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size and the needs of students with disabilities. Mr. Jacobs, an AP government teacher, explained
that "having say 12 kids in a 36-kid class and those 12 all have say some sort of different
learning disability…Well as a teacher, what do you do?” He explained:
It’s really hard. It’s really hard, so you have to have a really good relationship with their
case carrier…and..most of ours on our campus are great. Like when I have SPED kids in
my classes, like I work really closely with with their case carrier and things always work
out. Um...but there are some. that probably aren't getting...if you know if they have like a
severe disability...may not be getting as much out...of...you know...sitting in a regular US
History class then they would maybe in a smaller environment.

Mr. Jacobs echoes Captain Davis' concern about large settings, and less one-on-one time and
specifies those students with severe disabilities. At multiple points, he asks the rhetorical
question: "what do you do?", as although teachers work with case carriers and "you do the best
you can to give these kids what they need…it's draining...it's hard." The differences in learning
style can create a classroom where the teacher is uncertain how to respond. Teachers in my
sample feel the current curricula, professional training opportunities, and classroom is not
addressing this population. English Teacher Ms. Reina explained:
I think our special education departments do an incredible job...I think that they do the
very best that they can. With the limited resources that they have.....but something that
they definitely um, excel at are those smaller classes, is that individualized instruction.
Um... And so how do we do that for a kid that maybe is in special ed? That maybe
is....you know...just...school didn’t work for ‘em. It’s not how they learn (concerted).

Some were more confident than others but still described their goal of having a "quiet
environment." Design Arts Teacher Mr. Ivan also shared:
Um...*tsks* I can really only speak for electives. Um, *tsks* as an elective teacher, you
know, I get, every single grade level, and I get every single ability level, so I have
students that are, you know, who are “wannabe artists” and are taking my class and I
have students that despise art. And you know, who wanted to be in auto shop, and they
got stuck here. You know, we get the uh...SDC (Special Day Class) kids which are, you
know, are the severe special ed kids. And, uh, you know they’re of varying levels, so
sometimes, they’re really just there essentially to have a quiet place and sometimes, you
know I can give them work and they’ll respond to it.

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Mr. Ivan describes the range of students in his elective classes and for those who are severe
special education students, providing them with work. Mainstreaming students with disabilities
without additional shifts for teachers had created tension in how they saw their own time and
attention, especially with big class sizes. Although a sensitive subject not often discussed
publicly, this represents another collective of students who face unique needs and challenges,
trying to be "incorporated" but left out of dominant narratives of the future. They receive less
attention in public discussions and constructions at Sycamore.
An increase in mental health needs for students with mental disorders, as well as more
generally, was noted in private. Though I had not intended to study well-being or mental health
of students specifically, a consequence of the mismatch in dominant narratives as an unequal
context of students' aspirations and distrust relates to worries about the future and comparisons.
Counselor Garcia and Captain Davis privately commented on the uptick in suicidal ideations
resulting in institutionalization, referred to as "51/50s
38
” colloquially. 51/50s are detentions of
“mentally disordered persons,” if they pose a threat, and can be placed in a facility for a 72-hour
holding period.
Captain Davis: I don’t think the school does really well at helping kids,
like...accommodating kids in this generation. Because like, again, we just don’t have
enough training or ability to really help them socioemotionally. And so, what we see is...a
dramatic increase, like literally, three 51-50s a week. We call ‘em intakes. You know,
three 51-50s a week. Um..

Mary: Intakes for... sorry...I didn’t...

Captain Davis: yeah, yeah, yeah...they have to go to a facility like, and be locked up for
three days. Cuz they’re a threat to themself. And it’s SO high that I don’t think we’re
good at that and I think that the way that education is, too, we don’t hold teachers
accountable. I could be a loser teacher and just not do anything and get away with it, and
and....not really teach my kids anything.

38
https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=WIC§ionNum=5150

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Captain Davis shared how teachers lack the training to help students "socioemotionally" and that
it is on teachers to help students. She critiques others who are "loser" teachers who can get away
with mistreating students. An essential element here is the frequency at which students were
"locked up." Ms. Garcia also noted this:
Mary: Has anything changed since you started working as a counselor, like noticeably, in
terms of your responsibilities or expectations of you?
Ms. Garcia: Um...most definitely, I think, both in the demand of you know, the
administration, the district. Just like teachers, they have... you know, their demands have
increased, and you know, the accountability, which is okay. But also, just the trends, you
know, like right now, I feel... not even-even before COVID, um...I felt that many of my
students were struggling emotionally more than ever. Like, we were doing suicide-threat
assessments more, and more, and more, each month than ever before. So...and this was
happening district-wide. So the need for mental health, it was-it-it it just seemed like...
when I started counseling, you know, I-I was the personal social counselor at Sycamore,
and so, I was, you know, I was basically, you know 9-12, anybody who had a personal
problem, I would be the lead counselor on that and so. You know, got them connected to
resources, or had an SST or a 504, or anything like that. The threat assessments, all of
that was like... I was the lead counselor on any personal social area. So, I remember
having like..I don't know...maybe five suicide threat assessments, like a year, you know?
and now it's... Granted, it was 16 years ago, but now it's like, whoah, like, you know, five
a week! It has just... Increased so much, and this is pre-COVID, like this is not because of
COVID.

Ms. Garcia explains the increasing ambiguity and accountability expectations of her role (Blake
2020) while balancing personal social responsibilities. She describes the sharp uptick in suicide-
threat assessments from five a year fifteen years ago to five a week now. She insists that this
trend was steady before Covid-19.
Though this study cannot comment on the causation of this impact, it can present how
teachers feel ill-equipped to deal with this increase in socio-emotional struggling and that some
think this is due to social media and technology. Counselor Garcia continued:
I'm sure there's a lot of factors, you know, as to why. It's not just one reason, but um, we
didn't have things like, you know, somebody just feeling hopeless, wanting to die,
because you know, they made a mistake of taking a picture online and that's being posted
by everyone and feeling like, you know, the repercussions of the trolling... you know, so?
159
Just... a lot of...you know... a lot of things are connected with the social media when it
comes to that. You know or having friends that maybe don't like your post, and you
would think that, that's not a big thing, right? For an adult, but for these kids, for some of
them it's... obviously, it's not that. Obviously, there's a root to everything, and I try, you
know, we try to get to the root of it, and then we discover, you know, there's no sense of
belonging, or there's something deeper, of course, but that's really important to them and
it can, you know, cause a breakdown. You know, so it's just...that's...I've seen that, that,
that, that is the biggest change that I think I've seen in the social-emotional area. Uh, just
more an increase in mental health needs, and an increase in suicidal ideations among the
students.

Similarly,

Captain Davis: Um. I wish we could learn a better way, or a...an effective way, to teach
them to be a kid in the year 2020s...and that these years where technology is so prevalent
and it’s like their socio-emotional health has just decreased so horribly.

AP English Teacher Mrs. Kelly describes this tension in a one-on-one interview:
Mrs. Kelly: [Another Sycamore Teacher] and I strongly disagree about this, but.... I don’t
think that we should teach our high school classes, or plan our high school curriculum or
even create our high school culture, with the idea that everybody should go to college. I
used to believe that. But then I started to see how that left out people who were in this
country illegally, for example. And no matter how smart they were, they wouldn’t be able
to risk getting caught and deported. And....the kinds of opportunities that are open to
everybody, um.... people of learning disabilities, or visible disability...it....it seemed cruel
to me for example, that they got rid of, um...that that special education students who
have...profound visible and mental disabilities.... the kind of pressure that they put on
them to pass standardized tests, to me seems cruel.

Mary: Yeah

Mrs. Kelly: It seems like a weird extension of something that was intended to be good....
Um, but I do believe that, in the philosophy that we have to prepare students for college
and careers, but obviously...how that is defined is going to vary. So we gotta be really
clear what we mean by that. Because...I can say....our philosophy at Sycamore is to
prepare students for college and careers and another teacher says, well I have to prepare
you for a career, so you have to learn how to like...be treated like, like crap by me.
Because someday you might have a boss who treats you like crap. And so you have
to...you really have to like....with everything when you’re moving forward with any kind
of a mission....you always have to start out with language...and what do we mean when
we say?

Mrs. Kelly, having taught at Sycamore for 16 years, critiques this idea that everyone necessarily
should go to college, not to be the primary purpose of high school, although she used to believe
160
this. She provides a perspective of those "left out people," which included undocumented
students, people with learning disabilities, and those with severe disabilities. Holding all students
to the same standards without the same treatment or opportunities of the condition is described as
"cruel."
The unintended consequence of the college-for-all ideal can be both a blessing and a
curse in that teachers at the same school can interpret this quite differently as what is most
important for students to know. Teachers, counselors, and other personnel have different advice
constrained by the school, and culturally dominant platitudes of focusing on the future and
misdirecting attention away from the present crises. Additionally, this chapter identifies how the
dominant narratives of futures are only sometimes tailored to the present realities of the school,
creating boundaries by aspirational futures and leaving some students behind.

Discussion

This chapter reviewed the school-level constructions of students as high-achieving,
middle-achieving, and low-achieving, intertwining their present academic performance with their
futures, creating a context of aspiration that encourages sorting and distinctions between
students. The optimism of college-for-all and student success in “find your passion” is tempered
by the classroom, curricular, and hidden curricular responses and reactions to those who do not
or cannot envision themselves on this pathway. The more punitive messages to low-achieving
students create a less trusting atmosphere for all. Attention and interpersonal connection in the
transition out of high school are perceived as scarce in this public high school with large student-
counselor and student-teacher classrooms.
For high-achievers, the school’s cultural emphasis on student success and academic
attainment works for those who can fashion themselves into this pathway with their
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achievements and narrative capital (Takacs 2020) and have interpersonal support in the form of
teachers, older siblings, and nonprofit organizational guidance. Arguably, however, on a more
micro-level, the high-achieving students who are first-generation college, low-income, or
second-generation immigrant students or have other intersecting identities that still serve to
complicate the transition out of high school and actualization of aspiration. Those who are
unsure about their aspirations are directed to use an online system to explore. However, students
rarely mentioned this system as beneficial.
Middle achievers have a more challenging time accessing attention. Students receive the
message that planning in the educational context is tedious rather than involving creativity or
tailored to their needs due to resource limits (Devine-Eller 2012; Rosenbaum et al. 2015).
Several institutional features contribute to this: a confusing representation of choices, a
patchwork of counseling services and supplementary aspiration exploration technology,
curricular tracks, and content that could be more challenging (Labaree 2012). The frequent
visibility of successful students at events and public surveillance of failing students in
classrooms alienates this middle-achieving segment. Middle achievers defer institutional support
in exploring aspiration to the next stage in their educational or career pathways.
This leaves behind key groups of low-achieving and more cases of underrepresented
students. Students who do not resonate with these narrative futures are castigated or balance
other obstacles in the school environment. Making an example out of failing students alienated
those students and made other students ambivalent. Though in private, personnel often
understood the difficulties of finding what one wants to do, as well as societal forgiveness in
second chances, public conversations in the school context uphold those who are "sure" or
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appear confident in their pursuit of socially recognized futures, usually through bachelor's degree
straight out of high school.
The hidden curriculum in Sycamore connects to underlying messages about time,
aspiration, and students’ futures. Taking from Frye’s (2019)’s approach that focuses on
collective narratives of the future and increasing social recognition of extra-individual
constraints, I focus on several ways that Sycamore’s school-level construction of futures
reinforce the educational, cultural myth of meritocracy and individual ability against all odds
(Guhin and Klett 2022; Macleod 1987; McDonough 1997; Zaloom 2019). I find evidence of the
collective belief in individual control over one's destiny through personal advancement and a
legitimated achievement ideology (Demerath 2009). However, in private, personnel grappled
with the reality of students, and local realities of unequal school contexts introduce new
variations of the ideal that everyone should attend college. In this way, I have shown how
inequality can be compounded through a cultural mechanism in the transition out of high school,
ignoring very real structural, institutional, and systemic gaps in favor of "individual college or
career readiness" for successful students.

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Conclusion

Students, school personnel, families, and more coordinate the end of high school as a
meaningful transition. With the rise of support for the college-for-all ideal, education
stakeholders must ask what this means and whether it means the same thing for all. Previous
scholarship has established that college completion means salvation for working-class students
or a pathway to avoid downward mobility for middle-class students (Silva and Snellman 2018).
Students invoke educational aspirations as part of identity work around ethnicity, in second-
generation Nigerian second-generation youth saying it is "un-Nigerian" not to go to college
(Imoagene 2017). Latina women in the U.S. see college as a chance for freedom (Parra and
Garcia 2023). Adult undergraduates, defined as those over 25, interpret college morally because
it changes the self and accesses universal truths (Monaghan 2020). Prospective students evaluate
and assign diverse meanings to college and career futures.
These students' micro-level aspirations are assertions of identity. The transition out of
high school can represent chances to embark on an educational pathway where new social
connections and exposure to occupational pathways are possible. However, when stakeholders
do not contextualize individual aspirations, they may misattribute a student's lack of direction to
individual failure (Frye 2019; Schneider and Stevenson 1999). Uncertainty is not an individual
failure (if indeed it is a failure). Instead, this calls attention to the structural and institutional
contexts in which students form their aspirations and whether they have access to the tools to
explore them or actualize them pre-college (Manzoni, Streib, and Manzoni 2023). This
dissertation's findings are especially relevant for those needing more contact with college role
models or for teachers, counselors, and administrators who want to do their best to help with the
transition.
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Previous research highlights what college degrees mean for those pursuing them and the
value of elite college degrees. However, I stress studying the collective anticipation of college
and career futures. Schools as a social context inform symbolic meanings, contributing to the
reproduction of broader cultural ideas about adulthood, education, ability, socioeconomic status,
and social mobility (Demerath 2009; Monaghan 2020; Nunn 2014). Sycamore High School's
structural limitations, institutional arrangements, and unclear environment of conflicting cultural
messaging and viewpoints can stifle the dreams of those they wish to serve, pointing to limits of
American collective imaginaries of futures for students (Frye 2019). In contrast to a hopeful top-
down vision of college-for-all, the hidden curriculum of school time creates a short-sighted,
confusing atmosphere of fear that does not transfer to imagining everyone’s futures. The process
of aspiring to college takes coordination of actors (Beckert and Suckert 2020; Tavory and
Eliasoph 2013) and involves narrative futures to make sense of the unknown in an age of
neoliberalism.
In Chapter 3, I analyze Sycamore institutional authorities’ representation of possible
futures to students. These patterns inform the concept of narrative futures or stories that try to
make cultural sense or order of precarity of life after graduation. Administrators at public-facing
events were more likely to pitch the future as one where students could individually "find their
passions." Visitors to the school from two-year and four-year colleges and counselors told
students to "have a backup plan." Visitors from trade schools told students to "match career to
the job market." Teachers were concerned with preparing students for "gatekeeper interactions."
These interactional stories about the unpredictable future were often interrupted by the daily
demands of school time, and there are multiple settings where this message is reinforced. The
private reflections of all personnel were more pragmatic and often cited the structural obstacles
165
students faced. The stories told at public events and in classrooms can feel short-sighted and
individualistic, affirming those who might know their passion without addressing why someone
might not.
In Chapter 4, I illustrate how students respond to narrative futures and articulate
additional and alternate meanings. Through a micro-level analysis, I identify how messages
outside of schooling, such as from parents, can interact with messages from Sycamore personnel
and other cultural sources. I find that students pick up on the "find your passion" narrative to
justify their aspiration as starting earlier on or through an experience with a loved one. Those
with a passion that was not STEM and arts-related did much impression management (Goffman
1959) around this potential pathway. Students who identify with Iranian and Armenian family
backgrounds explained that occupational advice from families included "lawyer, doctor," and
sometimes "engineer."
Additionally, those who cannot identify a passion are less assured, although they receive
some proof from alums or others that this is a natural part of their educational pathway. During
the transition out of Sycamore High, there is cultural heterogeneity in what students are exposed
to at events and classroom lectures. However, sustained contacts and interpersonal discussions
are rare for those uncertain students due to insufficient mentors' attention, resources, and time.
In Chapter 5, I reveal the hidden curriculum of time's characterization of students' hidden
futures. I detail three categories found at my site in interactions and conversations concerning
achievement level and timing of students' futures. Those "high-achieving" students have a future
socially sanctioned by Sycamore High in that they are pictured as bound for a four-year college.
Those "low-achieving" students are admonished for not being in control of their futures through
threats of not graduating. The "middle-of-the-road," or "middle-achieving" students have
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ambiguous futures. Within the same school, I saw that different constructions of students' futures
and access to personnel's time could exist. Overall, Sycamore's school time and enduring
grammar made for a narrow projection of idealized student success, leaving out several types of
students in its wake.
Narrative futures are part of the transition to adulthood and the life course more
generally, indicating that this concept can be employed in other subfields of sociology or fields
like emerging adulthood, education, and cultural anthropology. Narrative futures help actors
make sense of the unknown through story-telling to mitigate uncertainty in times of great
precarity and fewer social safety net protections. In addition to detailing the narrative futures of
institutional authorities versus those of students in different types of K-20 schools, one can think
of other applications in other settings or throughout the life course. There are several situations in
which narrative futures could apply, specifically when someone might experience a significant
shift or transition, including being laid off or demoted, having to move far away, converting or
losing a religion, dismissal from school, medical or psychiatric diagnosis, breakup, experiencing
an environmental catastrophe, and more. Narrative futures could be developed as an element of
stigma but an emphasis on the temporal dimensions in the transition (Goffman 1963).

Cultural Implications: Unintended Consequences of Promoting Individual Success through
the College-For-All Ideal

Encouraging college aspirations in the hopes of promoting college-going outcomes is a
core area of political discussion, social scientific research, and a strategy for education
stakeholders. As a rhetorical device in political debates and discussions, the college-for-all ideal
is partly based on the advantages of college degrees for individual marketability, social mobility,
and international competitiveness at the aggregate level (Grubb and Lazerson 2004; Hout 2012).
167
In deconstructing how college-for-all is translated on the ground in schools, one finds that an
unintended consequence can be the reinforcement of individualistic educational myths like
meritocracy and open futures. The problem with this idea is not necessarily the hope of college
and its transformative properties but the lack of attention to educational infrastructure and
preexisting pathways, the college affordability crisis, access to discernable occupational advice,
and the embeddedness of the power of privilege in schools (Calarco 2020; Mehta 2022).
Politically, there is an incentive for the governmental focus on individual entry into
college as a broad-scale solution to poverty, as it resonates with a capitalist ethos and the current
promotion of neoliberal politics and choice. A parallel example could include the 1990s
conservative push for marriage as a panacea for poverty. Political campaigns urged marriage for
low-income couples’ speedy ascendance into upward social mobility (Coltrane 2001; Lichter,
Graefe, and Brian Brown 2003). This advice ignored the deeply embedded structural, racist,
classist, and institutional power differential between high-income and low-income families and
the sociological fact of marital homogamy and selection in preexisting marital couples.
Similarly, if stakeholders focus on the outcome of individual college-going in place of
reforming the present structural conditions, there are several unintended consequences. At a
discursive level in the public imagination, promoting college as a solution to poverty means
schools and colleges are singlehandedly responsible for solving entrenched societal problems
like income inequality (Carr 2013). However, in focusing on the outcomes, we might miss the
other processes that inadvertently lead to unaddressed inequity by encouragement alone,
including historic racial wealth gaps, economic shifts, and more, and the implications of looking
outside the school walls.
168
In tracing back from the outcome instead of focusing on bolstering the transition, this
abandons students who experience attrition and does not question the way futures are
communicated practically and in real life. For those high-achieving, low-income students who
can beat the odds and land at elite universities, college can be a step in a successful educational
pathway, and upward social mobility, but still plagued by institutional dynamics in the college
context- or the hidden curriculum that does not serve these students (Jack 2016; Schmalzbauer
and Rodriguez 2022). However, there are many problems with educational pipelines and
pathways, and once admitted to college, there are alarming completion rates (Voss et al. 2022).
College as a true equalizer has yet to be confirmed, and the returns to education are debated
(Horowitz 2018; Zhou 2019).
The bright promise of college-for-all without stakeholders' investment and profound
institutional reorganization diverts attention away from fixing low completion rates for
disadvantaged students in a time where divestment threatens support for public schooling even
more. Those students who do not make it, then, might misattribute their actions to personal
failure or shortcomings, as the language around aspiration and futures in school is individualistic.
Overzealous promotion of passion and fit have a normative moral and temporal undertone of
middle and upper-class White American values around time, that conceal invisible extensive
class-specific safety nets and parachutes for strident youth. Another cultural stake is an emphasis
on only certain professions as the only ways to make a living, but the road to get it is unclear and
without support in a large school like Sycamore. Aspirations do not occur in a vacuum but
involve social, financial, cultural, and consistent support.

169
Money Matters: Policy and K-20 Implications
There is often a debate in research on education about whether to reform high schools or
the social and economic conditions that pervade them. Building on previous critical theorists'
perspectives, this requires a "both-and" strategy rather than an "either-or" strategy (Bowles and
Gintis 2002; Grubb and Lazerson 2004). At the core of my suggestions, I argue for moving
beyond the tendency to want to fix individual personnel, parents, or schools, and focusing on the
structural and institutional implications.
Put straightforwardly, funding for schools matters. Increased funding for secondary
schools means more fairly distributed resources (Baker et al. 2018). More money in a state like
California means higher staff levels, smaller class sizes and caseloads for counselors, quality
training, and competitive teacher wages. Low pupil-to-teacher ratios and higher wages in high-
poverty school districts can mean improved academic outcomes such as higher graduation rates,
higher teacher earnings, and lower rates of poverty (Baker et al. 2018). There might also be
checks and balances to ensure the money is used appropriately within California districts (Hong
2023).
Better treatment and robust societal support for teachers and counselors are vital for
schools. Stronger societal and fiscal support for teaching and counseling as a profession could
assuage occupational constraints and leave more time for meaningful guidance and interactions
(Mehta 2015). Unlike professions like medicine and law, teaching, like the professions of
nursing and social work do not contain strong professional boundaries, meaning (1) well-
developed knowledge base practitioners share, (2) effective social closure, and (3) common
norms and standards of practice (Mehta 2015). This chronic undervaluing of helping professions
is not the fault of individual actors but the result of the profession being considered "highly
170
feminized," an extension of their natural aptitude for care work, and developing in a bureaucratic
hierarchy (Mehta 2015; Tronto 1993).
Boosting support for the professionalization, prestige, and economic incentive of
educational careers (perhaps in a well-thought-out campaign like efforts to reveal the leaky
STEM pipeline) could help current personnel stay in the profession rather than burning out and
potentially promote diversification in the field. Additionally, the field's professionalization could
include ramifications for personnel who misstep or mistreat students. In addition, incentives for
administrators to not focus solely on attendance or graduation outcomes but on what is going on
in terms of interpersonal dynamics and support in the school. Though not a focal point of my
study, this would include paying attention to the needs of school personnel like receptionists,
janitors, school psychologists, and more. There might be a shift in the overtly hierarchical nature
of the organization of this profession within education. However, it might be difficult without
widespread and top-down governmental and private support for retooling the pay structure.
In addition to the promotion and fiscal support of K-12 workers and occupational
development, the funding and development of high-quality educational personnel training could
encourage more consensus in narrative futures among teachers, counselors, and administrators.
Based on my research, I envision a training called “Freer Futures,” that could provide a more
robust strategy than the current translation of top-down “college or career” pathways. Freer
Futures would show how some routes include a combination of two-year or four-year college
credentials or certificates and encourage the idea that all pathways include specialization,
support, and a sense of purpose. As this dissertation and other research have shown, the
presentation of the college search as a question of “fit” can be overwhelming or unintentionally
misguided- so the goal would be to strengthen the ties and transparency between high schools
171
and postsecondary options through both information and guided support (Holland 2020).
Collapsing or assuming the worth of specific college or career pathways risks obscuring what
students could encounter, thereby dissuading or not providing accurate ways to access labor
market areas. Providing follow-up training to all school staff and sessions with students could
provide the sustained interpersonal support that public schools cannot access as quickly as more
advantaged schools can.
The Freer Futures training would include a pragmatic discussion, supported by data, of
the opportunity structure, including interaction with experts or mentors to elucidate well-trodden
paths to achieve more obscure or recently developed positions. That way, instead of siloed
academic subjects or outdated curricula, experts could provide teachers and counselors with the
tools to help students on the job and during special information sessions. Committees of teachers
and counselors might vote on the representation of professions and votes from a certain threshold
of parent groups in the community, making sure to integrate input from all respective families.
Hiring a diversity, inclusion, and equity expert or facilitator ensures that all families are
represented, preventing the reproduction of inequality. Freer Futures training could address
implicit bias in tracking students towards specific jobs by race, class background, or gender,
bringing to light how social forces might influence what is referred to as an “individualistic”
choice. Freer Future Participants could also explain how notions of “skilled” versus “unskilled”
or class and racial associations with “blue,” white,” and “pink” collar professions are structurally
situated in a history where certain jobs were only open to certain social positions. These
facilitated sessions incentivize a deep discussion of civic and political participation and types of
careers that could influence the opportunity structure, providing students more transparency.
172
Additionally, when teachers or counselors attempt to discipline students by using the
“fear” of professors through the narrative future of “interacting with future gatekeepers,”
teachers might unintentionally dissuade students from extended educational pathways. Freer
Futures training involving professors or higher education experts might break down this
hyperbole by showing favorable interactions while students are still in high school. Additionally,
having students share with others in the classroom about their dual enrollment experiences could
also help promote less fear around the anticipation of the transition out of high school. In this
way, Freer Futures training can help demystify pathways to personnel and pathways.
Being intentional about how that money is allocated to schools includes centering
students. One benefit of this micro-level approach is getting granular about labels, such as "super
subgroups.” As California’s Dashboard System has a minimum level of 30 to compose a super
subgroup, my study finds it might be prudent to even lower its minimum number as there might
be underrepresented identities or categories that can go unsupported, including second-
generation students or those who are part of racial/ethnic minorities that are not captured by
broader pan-ethnic Census categories. Additionally, assistance programs and school funding
should also broaden their definitions and be specific about what they mean by "college-educated
parent" with a "larger number of alternatives for students and parents” (Toutkoushian, Stollberg,
and Slaton 2018:30). By paying attention to underrepresented groups and broadening student
categories to receive more targeted assistance and attention, this can improve student-centered
efforts.
Another way that money matters is the college affordability crisis intertwined with other
social problems like privilege, power, and the wealth gap in high school. Because investing in
students' postsecondary pathways is necessary for a postindustrial economy, there should be
173
attention on “helicopter parents” and opportunity-hoarding behaviors. Higher-SES and White
higher-SES parents who can command the most time, resources, and help from schools also
command power from policymakers and politicians (Calarco 2020; Lewis and Diamond 2015).
Separating school funding from local wealth may be a solution, though this may be a hard sell to
those who can shape and influence power (Calarco 2020).
Reinvesting in higher education, and smoothing education transitions, is pivotal. As
discussed earlier, college prices have outpaced stagnant wages (Goldrick-Rab 2016; Perry and
Romer 2021). Disinvestment in public higher education started with the passage of two Reagan-
era policies in 1981: the Gramm-Latta Budget and the Kemp-Roth Tax Cut, which translated into
a 25% reduction in higher education and federal student aid (Basaldua 2023). In addition to
funding for higher education, funding in secondary public schools should be tended to, along
with fiscal support for the transitions in and out of school, especially for those disadvantaged and
in poverty that face interruptions on their pathways (Solórzano et al. 2013).
On a national policy level, moving towards debt forgiveness and free college-for-all
would help move towards equity. Debt forgiveness debates include concerns about higher
incomes after degree obtainment and the boost it might give those affluent degree holders an
extra boost while punishing the typical taxpayer (Perry and Romer 2021). Political discussions of
student debt conceal realities about who holds student debt and the institutional roots of racism
in wealth accumulation (Oliver and Shapiro 1997). The intersection of race and social class
locations places the heaviest burden on low-wealth families, specifically racialized/ethnically
minoritized, such as Black and Latinx, low-wealth families (Basaldua 2023; Perry and Romer
2021).
174
High school was not freely available to all, but the free public high school movement that
began in the 1800s was a success (Goldrick-Rab 2016). Starting with associate's degrees, making
college more affordable for all, and covering living costs with grants would be a comprehensive
start. Reinvesting in all types of colleges, save for exploitative or predatory ones, can help.
Public support is behind this, with a majority of Americans in a recent study that cites the
government, as opposed to individual students and parents, as primarily responsible for funding
higher education (Quadlin and Powell 2022).

Institutional Implications and Making School Time for Aspirations
Over the past century and a half, despite cyclical attempts to reform the grammar of
schooling, institutional features have endured and shaped educational possibilities (Labaree
2012; Mehta 2022; Tyack and Cuban 1995). The grammar of schooling includes more deep-
seated invisible architecture that informs the context of aspiration in high schools. As
demonstrated by this case study, the existing grammar of schooling includes implicit purposes of
assimilating students into the social order into preexisting disciplinary siloes, separating students
by ability or perceived academic achievement and potential, with high-achievers, middle-
achievers, and low achievers (Mehta 2022). Under this assumption, the high school ethos is
transactional, focusing on short 50-minute blocks. Almost all participants in the study-no matter
their role- were aware of the top-down organizational model that pervades the school and the
consequences of these power differentials. The grammar of schooling and school time constitute
a hidden curriculum that constrains the ability of educators and students to live to their true
potential.
175
Making time for learning, connection, and mentorship in schools could boost the
possibility of collective imaginaries of students’ futures. Institutional authorities should allow for
critical and transparent discussions of hierarchy and power on campus and beyond instead of
squashing these attempts or dismissing them due to assumptions about students' age. Open and
transparent conversations can help students question the social order, analyze their purpose, and
hopefully reduce stereotype threat (Steele and Aronson 1995). Alongside reinvesting in public
schools, letting teachers and counselors have input and offering high-quality training and
professionalization can introduce faculty-friendly changes that are less administrative and top-
down. Less fearful messaging around the future of college or career gatekeepers would help
remove punitive and overly harsh disciplinary and militaristic measures in schools (Kupchick
2010).
Schools could be more compassionate and sympathetic to the time it takes to develop
aspirations instead of having a transactional focus on relational dynamics. In Chapter 4, I
explored the notion of students needing more clarity about the future. Frequently those students
were first-generation college students. Without a familial financial safety net or sustained
exposure to a pathway through mentorship, students might be overwhelmed with the presentation
of options and feel pressured to choose one (for genuine reasons concerning college price)
(Holland 2020). Uncertainty is not an academic pathology, and not identifying one passion that
fits into capitalist definitions of paid labor is not deficient. Interruptions and nonlinear
experiences define disadvantaged students' educational pathways, but sustained support is
important to help persistence and develop safe settings to try out options (Goldrick-rab 2009;
Hart 2019; Solórzano et al. 2013). Rather, schools, youth organizations, and more are responsible
not to say it is up to individuals but to provide intellectual and real-world sustenance through
176
information and relational support. Providing a robust institutional bridge to college and career
requires the coordination of high schools, colleges, and the labor market institutionally.
Additionally, secondary school promotion of career readiness should not implicitly
involve the juxtaposition or classist stereotypes in advice. Another false dichotomy defines
educational futures debates - “college vs. career.” Even in academic subject courses, there should
be a more open discussion of how educational pathways can involve mid-skilled positions,
trades, certificates, bachelor's, and more and are valid occupational pursuits (Deitrickson 2018;
Newman and Winston 2016). This widening of options would be beneficial for students with
different aspirations. 60% of Americans aged twenty-five and sixty-four do not have a college
degree, and 22 percent of them, or 32.6 million students, have tried to obtain one (Goldrick-Rab
2016:259). Promoting other types of occupations rather than the most well-known or highest-
paying (and providing stability and professionalization opportunities in those occupations) and
how to find them could also be beneficial. Creating visual and comprehensive comparisons of
different careers, the hierarchy within occupational fields, and the time involved can create a
more transparent view for undeclared students. In my interview sample, many high school
seniors were interested in public interest or arts careers, looking for pragmatic ways to subsist
and help others. Ensuring that there are more than limited options presented to students is vital.
For prospective college-going students, instead of focusing on selecting specific colleges
in the rankings, there should be more exposure to the mechanics of college time on campus and
what it feels like to be there. Less fearful messaging around college instructors could also reduce
stress. Having school alumni talk to students in middle school or earlier on in high school about
their college experiences could also be helpful. Additionally, there should be a discussion of how
resources and support are available on campuses for underrepresented and disadvantaged groups.
177
Limitations and Future Directions
There are limits to this study. Cultural meanings come from direct social interaction in
schools, families, and neighborhoods (Harding 2010; Lareau 2015). An included methodological
component observing parents, family members, and other stakeholders in students' immediate
lives might present a fuller picture of the interaction between various social institutions in
students' lives and more varied messaging. Observations and interviews could have provided
more detail on how families reflect on college-for-all ideals and narratives at home or how
students use time out of school. Additionally, folding in a component on technology and social
media usage might be helpful to gauge public narratives online and how imagined audiences
affect aspiration formation (Litt and Hargittai 2016; Rafalow 2018). However, there is a benefit
to focusing on how educational authorities and students recreate and respond subtly on the
ground to such messages in a time of top-down educational policies around accountability and
student success (Mehta 2015).
The relationship between students approaching adulthood and parents, grandparents, or
caretakers is theorized from a capital and reproduction of inequality perspective. Nevertheless,
notions of intergenerational conflict or family structures affecting aspiration formation are
undertheorized in sociology (Zaloom 2019). In American culture, finances, independence, and
self-sufficiency are important themes to consider, especially in how this might facilitate or snag
the actualization of certain futures. A study of the homeschoolers or unschoolers and their
futures might capture other dimensions of how institutions shape the options of aspirations
available (Stevens 2009).
Future studies could consider adding these dimensions to trace how narrative futures
operate in other settings, like new types of charter schools. There are ripe areas of research to
178
focus on the proposed College For All Act, as understood by educators, students, politicians, and
more (Quadlin and Powell 2022). Keeping the sociology of school life centered on understanding
relationships and processes that constitute these meanings is essential to make the most of
everyone's time and be a bridge for students’ futures.

179
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Appendices

Appendix A: Student Survey

Short Survey Portion for Students:

Email Address:

What is your name?

What is your current class schedule? (list classes)

How old are you?

Gender:

What is your racial background (Can select more than one)?
Black or African American
Asian
Filipino
Hispanic or Latino
Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander
White
Two or More Races

Please indicate your ethnic background (i.e. Armenian, Lebanese, Korean, Mexican, Irish,
Persian, etc.) If your background contains more than one ethnicity, please list all those you
are aware of:

What is the highest level of education your mother/guardian has completed?
Some high school
High school
Some college
College graduate
Graduate School
Technical/Trade school
Prefer not to answer

What is the highest level of education your father/guardian has completed?
Some high school
High school
Some college
College graduate
Graduate School
Technical/Trade school
Prefer not to answer
195

What is the highest level of education you plan to complete?
Some high school
High school
Some college
College graduate
Graduate School
Technical/Trade School
Prefer not to answer

What are your parents'/ guardians’ occupations? (You can include stepparents too)

What occupation are you interested in? (If more than one list multiple. If unsure, can leave
blank):

Do you work outside of school? If yes, what do you do?

How many hours would you say you work a week?

Do you attend night school?

Did you/ your parents immigrate to the U.S.? (If so, where from?)

Did your grandparents immigrate to the U.S.? (If so, where from?)

During the past school year, how would you describe your grades in school?

How would you define your family's social class?

Who lives with you at home? (If you split time between households, think about the one you
spend the most time at)

Please describe your parents' marital status:

Please describe your family structure:
Married
Never Married
Remarried
Deceased
Other
Prefer not to answer

If you plan to go to college, how do you plan to pay for it?
Parents will pay
Scholarships
Loans
196
Don’t Know
Other

(If a senior) What are your plans after graduation?
Armed Forces
Community College
Technical/Trade School
Four-Year College
Full-time work
Part-time work
Other

Have your plans changed since COVID-19? If so, what changed?

Thank you for your responses! If you would like to participate in a zoom or phone
interview (your identity will remain anonymous), please provide a personal email address
below and I will contact you shortly:

197
Appendix B. Student Interview Guide

How have you been holding up?

How would you describe the transition online for you?

School Life

What’s your favorite thing about Sycamore?

What’s your least favorite thing?

Where did you spend snack and lunch? With whom? [OR] When you left after fourth period,
where did you usually go?

What was the social scene like at Sycamore? Where do you locate yourself?

Are you in any clubs? How did you decide to join? [If not] Why not?

When you need advice about something, who do you talk to?

Classroom

How do you feel about [teacher I observe with]?

Do you feel like you learn from your classes [*insert specific class I have been observing]? [If
yes] What do you feel like you take away? [If not] Why not?

How do you think your teachers perceive you?

How do you feel about your counselor? The principal?

What do you think of the CTE pathways? AP classes? General classes?

Are there any classes you avoided? Why?

Post-Graduation Plans

Do you know what you want to do when you finish here at Sycamore?

If College

[If yes] What college?

If Two-year

198
Why [local CC]?

What do you think college is like? How is it different than high school?

Where do/did you get information about how to sign up/enroll?

Once there, what will be your next step?

Do you know what you would like to do after college? How will you pursue this?

How do you feel about paying for college?

You plan to go to [local CC]. Some of your peers are going to [4-year, or not at all]. What do you
think influences people’s paths?

If Four-Year

How many colleges did you apply to?

What do you think college is like? How is it different than high school?

Do you know what you would like to do after college? How will you pursue this?

How do you feel about paying for college?

You plan to go to [college]. Some of your peers are going to [2-year, or not at all]. What do you
think influences people’s paths?

If Trade/Technical School

How did you find out about this institute?

What do you think it will be like?

You plan to go to [trade school/technical school]. Some of your peers are going to [2-year, or not
at all]. What do you think influences people’s paths?

If Armed Forces

How did you find out about it?

What do you think it will be like?

You plan to go to [trade school/technical school]. Some of your peers are going to [2-year, or not
at all]. What do you think influences people’s paths?

199
If Work/ Other

How did you find out about this path?

You plan to go to [trade school/technical school]. Some of your peers are going to [2-year, or not
at all]. What do you think influences people’s paths?

How did you decide on this plan? When did you decide on it?

What do you think of the college and career events offered at Sycamore? Did you go to any [why
or why not]?

What do you think of the idea of a gap year?

Family/Home life

What is your parents’ opinion of your plans?

Are there any disagreements you’ve had with your parents/guardians regarding what you want to
do? Why do you think that was the case?

Do you take care of any family members [family member sick, babysit] at home?

Broader Questions

What is high school’s role in your life?

How do you feel about the future?

What do you think your life will be like this time next year?

What would you like to be doing ten years from now (for example, at your HS reunion)? How
would you like your life to look?

Do you think your life overall is likely to be better than your parents’/guardians’ lives have
been?

If you could change anything about Sycamore, would you? Why or why not?

What advice might you give an incoming freshman student?

What do you think of free college-for-all?

Is there anything else you’d like to share with me?

200
Appendix C. Teacher Interview Guide

How have you been holding up in this time?

How would you describe the transition online for you?

Class Curricula

How long have you been working at Hoover?

What classes do you teach here?

What should students take away from your class(es)?

Do you think Hoover prepares students to enter college upon graduation?

What is your opinion on the CTE pathways? Does CTE prepare students to enter jobs upon
graduation?

What do you think of the AP and general curricula? What do students take away from that?

Are students’ abilities matched to the classes they are placed in?

Do you notice any similarities about high-performing or low-performing students? How about
average students?

If you could change anything about the way that students are prepared now, what might you do?

College

How should teachers guide students or prepare them for college?

Can you tell me about challenges or dilemmas that you experience in doing so?

Has anything changed since you started working here, in how you see your job or the school’s
job in preparing students for their future?

Should all students attend college?
[If yes] Why?
[If not] Why not?

How would you define a “college ready” student?

Do you know any students who will not attend college? Why is that the case?

Why do you think the majority of Hoover students attend community college after graduation?
201

Students’ experiences

What do you think high school’s role in students’ lives is?

What do you think college’s role in students’ lives is?

What about parents’/families’ role?

When should students know what they want to do occupation-wise?

Who should discuss the future with students?

Broader Questions

What do you think this school does well?

What do you feel that this school doesn’t do well?
[For students? Teachers? Administrators? Others?]

What do you think of free college-for-all?

Wrap-up

Is there anything else you’d like to share with me?

202
Appendix D. Counselor Interview Guide

How have you been holding up in this time?

How would you describe the transition online/remote for you?

Experiences

How long have you been working at Hoover?

Can you please describe your roles working as a college advisor?

Has anything changed since you started working here, in how you see your job or the school’s
job in preparing students?

Has your workload changed at all since you started?

Can you tell me about challenges or dilemmas in your role?

Curricula

What is your opinion on the CTE pathways? Does CTE prepare students to enter jobs upon
graduation?

What do you think of the AP curricula? The general curricula? What do students take away from
that?

Are students’ abilities matched to the classes they are placed in?

College
Should all students attend college?
[If yes] Why?
[If not] Why not?

How would you define a “college ready” student?

Do you know any students who will not attend college? Why is that the case?

Why do you think the majority of Hoover students attend community college after graduation?

Has Xello been widely adopted by GUSD schools? Have you received any feedback on it?

When should students know what they want to do occupation-wise?

Students’ experiences

203
What do you think high school’s role in students’ lives is?

What do you think college’s role in students’ lives is?

What about parents’/families’ role?

When should students know what they want to do occupation-wise?

Who should discuss the future with students?

Broader Questions

What do you think this school does well?

What do you feel that this school doesn’t do well?
[For students? Teachers? Administrators? Others?]

What do you think of free college-for-all?

Wrap-up

Is there anything else you’d like to share with me?

204
Appendix E. Administrator/ College & Career Interview Guide

How have you been holding up in these times?

How has distance learning/covid affected your workload?

Can you please describe your roles working for the College and Career Division for the GUSD?
How long have you been in this role?

What are the goals of the College and Career Division?

Has anything changed since you started working here?

What are some challenges/ dilemmas that face the College and Career Division?

How long has the CTE program been in place in the district’s schools? Were there any
implementation issues?

Do you think the district’s schools give similar weight to a two-year college, four-year college,
and technical/skilled pathways for students?

How was CTE received by parents? Are there any challenges in promoting CTE? Any
unexpected successes?

Why do you think some students don’t complete the CTE pathway?

Are there any common patterns/ trends you see with certain universities/colleges/ being
promoted at the district’s high schools?

Has Xello been widely adopted by the district’s schools? Have you received any feedback on it?

When should students know what they want to do occupation-wise?

Why do you think the majority of Sycamore students attend community college graduation?

Do you think students’ preparation for college has changed over time?

Who should discuss the future with students?

Is there anything else you would like to share with me?

205
Appendix F. Supplementary Tables and Figures

Sycamore Teacher and Administrative Salaries for 2016-17 Fiscal Year
Salary Category District Amount State Average
Beginning Teacher Salary $47,289 $47,903
Mid-Range Teacher Salary $72,596 $74,481
Highest Teacher Salary $100,827 $98,269
Average Principal Salary (High) $144,445 $142,414
Superintendent Salary $255,000 $271,429
% of Budget for Teacher Salaries 38.0% 35.0%
% Percent of Budget for
Administrative Salaries
5.0% 5.0%

Sycamore Graduation Requirements
English 4 years 40 credits
Mathematics 2 years 20 credits
Science 2 years 20 credits
Physical Education 2 years 20 credits
Social Science 3 years 30 credits
Health 1 sem 5 credits
Fine Art 1 year 10 credits
Career Preparation 1 sem 5 credits
Electives ……. 70 credits
Total Credits Required
220 credits

206
Summary of Students’ Racial and Ethnic Identification
Student Racial Identification Ethnic Identification
Arthur White Armenian
Nara White Armenian
Cat White Armenian
Joshua Asian Filipino
Rose Middle Eastern or North African Greek Lebanese Armenian
Tigran White Armenian
Daniel Hispanic or Latino Mexican
Aurora Filipino, White Filipino and European
Hera Middle Eastern or North African Armenian and Russian
Spencer White American
Alexander Middle Eastern or North African Persian
Lucia Hispanic or Latino Colombian and Mexican
Remy Black or African American African, French
Narineh White Armenian
Ani White Armenian
Lia White Armenian
Lori White Armenian
Michelle Hispanic or Latino Guatemalan and Salvadoran
Krystal Hispanic or Latino Mexican
Sue Asian Korean

207
Students’ Family Structures
Student Family Structure
Arthur Married
Nara Married
Cat Married
Joshua Other
Rose Divorced
Tigran Married
Daniel Married
Aurora Divorced
Hera Married
Spencer Married
Alexander Married
Lucia Married
Remy Remarried
Narineh Divorced
Ani Married
Lia Married
Lori Married
Michelle Remarried
Krystal Never Married
Sue Married

208
Students’ Parents’ Countries of Origin

Student
2
nd
Generation
Immigrant Status

Country of Origin
Arthur Yes Iran
Nara Yes Iran
Cat Yes Iran
Joshua Yes Philippines
Rose No Grandparents
immigrated
Tigran Yes Armenia
Daniel Yes Mexico
Aurora 2.5 Gen Mother from
Philippines & Father
from America
Hera

Yes Armenia
Spencer

No N/A
Alexander Yes Canada
Lucia Yes Columbia and Mexico
Remy Yes Nigeria
Narineh Yes Armenia
Ani Yes Iran
Lia Yes Iran
Lori Yes Iran
Michelle Yes Guatemala
Krystal No N/A
Sue

Yes Korea
209

Students’ Desired Occupations by College/Industry Sectors

Students Desired Occupation College/Industry Sectors
Arthur Electrical Engineering Engineering and Architecture
Nara Oncologist Health Science and Medical Technology
Cat Interested in the arts. Interested in
law. Interested in multiple things.
Undecided
Joshua Law, financial consulting, legal
consulting, public policy.
Public Services
Rose Fine arts/print making/photography Arts, Media, and Entertainment
Tigran I’m thinking of genetical engineering
or forensic science
Undecided
Daniel Something in biology or political
science.
Undecided
Aurora Graphic designer/storyboard artist Undecided
Hera Painting (gallery work), Character
Design, Concept Artist.
Arts, Media, and Entertainment
Spencer Character Artist at an Animation
Studio
Arts, Media, and Entertainment
Alexander Financial Advisor Business and Finance
Lucia Psychiatrist license then move into
the criminal analysis unit
Public Services
Remy Therapy, something with marine bio,
bio in general
Undecided
Narineh Economics or Law Undecided
Ani I am interested and considering
pursuing a career as a lawyer
Public Services
Lia Music industry, CEO of my own
record company
Arts, Media, and Entertainment
Lori Medicine Health Science and Medical Technology
Michelle At first be a paramedic then move up
to nurse practitioner
Health Science and Medical Technology
Krystal Firefighting Public Services
Sue Higher education/academia Education, Child Development, and
Family Services

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Asset Metadata

Creator Ippolito, Mary (author)

Core Title Becoming college or career ready: preparing for passionate, practical, or precarious futures in a public high school

School College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Sociology

Degree Conferral Date 2023-08

Publication Date 12/23/2023

Defense Date 05/25/2023

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag administrators,aspirations,career technical education,college for all,community college,counselors,cultural sociology,expectations,first generation students,futures,Graduation,hidden curriculum,High School,imagined futures,meritocracy,narratives,neoliberalism,OAI-PMH Harvest,Personnel,postsecondary,qualitative methodology,relational sociology,School,schooling,sociology of education,stories,students,Teachers,Time,Title I,transition

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Owens, Ann (committee chair), Lichterman, Paul (committee member), Posselt, Julie (committee member), Vallejo, Jody (committee member)

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