University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Belonging in America: Black Muslim refugee women’s’ trials and triumphs in the workplace

(USC Thesis Other)

Belonging in America: Black Muslim refugee women’s’ trials and triumphs in the workplace

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content Belonging in America: Black Muslim Refugee Women’s’ Trials and Triumphs in the
Workplace
Ismahan Abdullahi
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
December 2024

© Copyright by Ismahan Abdullahi 2024
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Ismahan Abdullahi certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Richard Grad
Jessica T. DeCuir-Gunby
Dr. Cathy Krop, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024

Abstract
This qualitative study examines the experiences of Black Muslim refugee women in the
workplace at the intersection of race, religion, gender and immigration and how it influences
their career growth and leadership opportunities. The research questions allowed me to examine
their lived experiences of existing at this intersection, including the challenges and barriers they
faced due to Islamophobia, racism, sexism, and xenophobia they encountered at the workplace,
and the critical personal and organizational factors that led to their success. This study utilized
critical race theory and intersectionality theory as theoretical frameworks. This study consisted
of interviewing eight participants in senior leadership positions in their fields. Their responses
yielded seven findings that led to the following four recommendations: shift organizational
culture through comprehensive DEI training and programs, develop employee support systems,
create inclusive hiring practices to increase the representation of Black Muslim refugee women
in leadership positions and establish clear criteria and a transparent process for promotions and
leadership opportunities.
4

Dedication
To my family, friends, mentors and all who supported me in my journey, I thank you for your
grace and support. I am extremely grateful to Allah for His Guidance and the innumerable
blessings He bestowed upon me. Alhamdulilah. I am humbled and grateful for this journey Allah
has brought me to and blessed me to undertake. To my mother, I am grateful for your love and
quiet strength that can move mountains. To all who had such a positive influence on my own
leadership growth, thank you! All Praise belongs to Allah, and I ask Allah to accept this work
from me and make it heavy on my scale of good deeds.
5

Acknowledgments
I want to extend my deepest appreciation to my dissertation team for their commitment and
dedication. A special thank you to my Chair, Dr. Cathy Krop, for her support, advice, and
guidance on this journey. Thank you to my committee members, Dr. Richard Grad, Dr. Jennifer
Phillips, and Dr. Jessica T. DeCuir-Gunby, for your commitment and support. In Islam, we have
a saying from our Prophet (peace be upon him) that emphasizes that he who does not thank the
people does not thank Allah. From the bottom of my heart, I am deeply grateful to you all for
investing in my academic growth! This would not have been possible without you all and the
will of Allah. To Cohort 20, you all have been a joy to get to know, and I am also grateful for the
experiences that we had together and the ability to learn from each other.
6

Table of Contents
Abstract iv
Dedication v
Acknowledgements vi
List of Tables ix
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study 1
Background of the Problem 2
Field Context of Study 4
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions 6
Importance of the Study 7
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology 7
Definitions 10
Organization of the Dissertation 10
Chapter Two: Literature Review 11
Salient Identities of Black Muslim Refugee Women 11
Displacement and Refugee Experience in the US 11
Political and Social Marginalization of Black Muslim Refugee Women in the US 18
Socio-Economic Impact of the Lack of Representation in Leadership Roles 20
Inclusive and Welcoming Workplaces for Black Muslim Refugee Women 25
Critical Race Theory and Intersectionality Theory 29
Summary 33
Chapter Three: Methodology 34
Overview of Methodology 34
Data Source: Interviews 35
Participants 36
7

Data Analysis 38
Credibility and Trustworthiness 39
Ethics 40
The Researcher 40
Chapter Four: Findings 43
Participants 43
Finding for Research Question 1: Exploring the Experiences and Barriers Black Muslim
Refugee Women Face in the Workplace 47
Findings for Research Question Two: Critical Factors Contributing to the Success of
Black Muslim Refugee Women in Obtaining Leadership Opportunities and Career
Growth 68
Summary 77
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations for Practice 80
Discussion of Findings 80
Recommendations for Practice 94
Limitations and Delimitations 111
Recommendations for Future Research 112
Conclusion 114
References 117
Appendix A: Recruitment/Eligibility Questionnaire 133
Appendix B: Interview Protocol 134
8

List of Tables
Table 1: Sociodemographic Information of Participants 46
Table 2: Discrimination, Bias, and Feeling Like an Outsider: Key Experiences Shared by
Participants 51
Table 3: Fear of Retribution and Loss of Opportunities: Key Experiences Participants
Shared 57
Table 4: Insights Into Participants’ Expertise and Qualifications Being Dismissed or
Discounted 64
Table 5: Insights Into Being Successful at Work for Black Muslim Refugee Women 76
Table 6: Key Findings: Trials and Triumphs Faced by Black Muslim Refugee Women in the
Workplace 79
Table 7: Table of Recommendations 94
Appendix A: Recruitment/Eligibility Questionnaire 119
Appendix B: Interview Protocol 120
9

1
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study
Black Muslim refugee women have a unique identity that meets at the intersection of
race, religion, gender, and immigration. This study explores these women’s experiences, the
complexity of their multilayered identities, and the influence of Islamophobia, sexism, racism,
and xenophobia in the workplace, particularly on their leadership opportunities and career
growth. Critical race theory (CRT) and intersectionality theory provide a lens that centers on this
population’s lived experiences and the systemic workplace barriers. It is critical to understand the
effects of intersecting oppressions regarding race, religion, gender, and immigration. The
dominant majority’s systemic inequities, power, privilege, and narratives related to race, religion,
gender, and immigration cannot be isolated from workplace dynamics and challenges.
The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) gathers data on overall
charges of workplace discrimination from employees. The EEOC keeps track of discrimination
complaints filed by individuals as charges (EEOC, 2022a). The Fiscal Year (FY) 2022 report
showed a 19% increase in overall charges of workplace discrimination from FY 2021 to FY
2022, with the agency receiving 73,485 new workplace discrimination charges. Religious
discrimination charges were at 18.8% for FY 2022, compared to 3.4% in FY 2021 (EEOC,
2022b). According to a survey of 1,614 Muslim individuals from various backgrounds living in
North America, conducted by The Islamophobia Center at the University of California Berkeley,
approximately 65% of respondents expressed that Muslim women facing religious-based attacks
receive no support from civil society’s institutions and women’s rights groups, about 39% said
that Muslim professionals feel isolated and demonized in the workplace. Only about 5% and
25% stated they are strongly or somewhat supported (Awaad & Bazian, 2021). Studies have
demonstrated that minority employees face workplace discrimination, especially as it relates to

2
co-worker interactions and relationships, and that organizational efforts can mitigate some of this
perceived discrimination (Ali et al., 2015).
Understanding the experiences of Black Muslim refugee women employees at this
intersection with a CRT and intersectionality theory framework can shed light on how employers
contribute to perpetuating society’s systemic inequities. Implicit and explicit Islamophobia,
racism, xenophobia, and gender discrimination can have a direct impact on mental well-being as
well as a significant effect on professional career growth and leadership opportunities.
Xenophobia is irrational fear, hatred, or violence toward those deemed as strange or strangers
(Çeği̇ndi̇r, 2023). Islamophobia is a form of xenophobia, often with an unfounded fear or hatred
of all or some Muslims (Awaad & Bazian, 2021). Microaggressions are defined as intentional or
unintentional daily indignities that tend to be harmful or derogatory toward people of color (Sue
et al., 2007). There is a need to understand how marginalization, discrimination, and negative
political rhetoric affect work opportunities and challenges to leadership growth, which this study
sought to address.
This study explored workplace challenges for Black Muslim refugee women at the
intersection of race, religion, gender, and immigration. It also examined these identities’
influence on leadership opportunities and career growth and the factors contributing to
workplace success.
Background of the Problem
The Muslim community makes up 1% of the U.S. population, with roughly 3.45 million
Muslims estimated to be living in the United States in 2017 (Pew Research Center, 2018b). By
2050, Pew Research projections estimate that the population of Muslims will double to 8.1
million, about 2.1% of the U.S. population (Pew Research Center, 2018b). Islamophobia has

3
greatly impacted this community, especially in the post-9/11 era and the Trump era (Awaad &
Bazian, 2021). Since the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, attacks in the United States,
Muslim and Middle Eastern communities have faced an uptick in xenophobia and hate crimes.
This has impacted Muslim Americans across the country, who have faced discrimination,
Islamophobia, and increased scrutiny in the name of national security (Ahmed Ali & Mwambari,
2021). Muslim women who wear the veil covering, called a hijab, are particularly vulnerable due
to their wearing of this religious garment in public platforms, including work environments
(Abdurraqib, 2006). The Muslim community is not monolithic. A survey of American Muslims
in 2017 by the Pew Research Center (2018a) showed that 58% of Muslim adults were
foreign-born, while 42% were U.S.-born. A large segment of U.S.-born Muslims is Black or
Hispanic (Pew Research Center, 2018a). Black Muslims, in particular, contend daily with both
racial and religious profiling and discrimination. While current workplaces have to abide by
policies that prohibit discrimination in general, they are not often adhered to, and incidents of
discrimination against minorities persist (Husain & Howard, 2017).
Research has shown that the Muslim community has faced implicit and explicit
discrimination and Islamophobia in their work environments (Awaad & Bazian, 2021; Aziz,
2014; Gosseen, 2017; Meer, 2008; Modood, 2005; Tariq & Syed, 2018). The Muslim community
faces indirect discrimination that includes perceptions of inferiority, negative stereotypes, and
exclusion (Sekerka & Yacobian, 2018). These experiences are highlighted even more for Black
Muslims who exist at the intersection of race and religion. The Black community has dealt with
systemic racial injustice that has negatively impacted their workplace experiences (Cooper
Brathwaite et al., 2022). There is extensive research on the role of race or gender in the
workplace. However, there remains a gap in exploring the intersection of Islamophobia with

4
racism, sexism, and xenophobia and how this can impact Black Muslim refugee women
employees.
Prior research has focused on the intersections of race and gender or used the lens of
religion alone (Sekerka & Yacobian, 2018). Studies have focused primarily on exploring specific
identities or intersections without exploring the intersection of multiple layers of oppression via
racial, gender, religious, and immigration perspectives. There has been a particular lack of
centering the voices of this intersection in research, thus lacking an important perspective that
can help to better understand Black Muslim refugee women’s workplace challenges. While there
have been significant strides in addressing race, gender, religious discrimination, and workplace
diversity (Acker, 2009; Braithwaite, 2022; Buttinger, 2023; Ghumman et al., 2013; Schneider et
al., 2022; Sekerka & Yacobian, 2017, 2018), there is limited research on the influence of the
intersection between racism, gender, immigration and religion on career and leadership
opportunities.
Field Context of Study
The field context for this study is not limited to an organization or industry. In fact, due to
gaps in research on Black Muslim refugee women in the workforce, this study’s field context is
the general U.S. workforce. Workplace discrimination against Muslims has been on the rise and
doubling each year since 2004 (Gosseen, 2017). Muslims constituted 23% of religious
discrimination complaints to the EEOC in 2017 (Schneider et al., 2022). The Islamophobia
Studies Center in Berkeley defined Islamophobia as a form of xenophobia, often with an
unfounded fear or hatred of all or some Muslims (Awaad & Bazian, 2021). According to the
Institute for Social Policy and Understanding (ISPU, 2022), Muslims are the most likely to report
facing religious discrimination, with the majority (62%) stating they experienced discrimination.

5
They also were more likely to experience religious discrimination in different settings than the
general public, such as when applying for jobs (37% of Muslims experienced religious
discrimination compared to 6% of the general public), airport interactions (44% versus 3%), and
healthcare interactions (27% versus 8% ) (ISPU, 2022). In personal interactions with co-workers,
43% of Muslims indicated experiencing religious discrimination (ISPU, 2022). With constant
public harassment and discrimination against the Muslim community in general (Sekerka &
Yacobian, 2018), Black Muslim refugee women are a vulnerable class existing at the intersection
of race, religion, gender, and immigration.
The passing of the 1964 Civil Rights Act allowed the advancement of historically
marginalized communities in the workforce, but it has not lessened the levels of workplace
discrimination, thus remaining a core feature of the workforce (Scheitle et al., 2023). According
to Aziz (2014), while Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act protected certain classes from facing
explicit discrimination due to their race, religion, or gender, it has not properly addressed implicit
biases and stereotypes that do arise in these protected classes. For instance, Muslim women who
wear the hijab experience covert discrimination (Ali et al., 2015). Women employees who dress a
certain way according to their religion or beliefs may face an intersection of identity performance
pressures (Aziz, 2014), defined as pressure to assimilate into dominant groups. The Civil Rights
Act of 1991 included amendments to Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, aiming to
strengthen federal laws against intentional employment discrimination (Federal Trade
Commission, 2023). Under these amendments, the Federal Glass Ceiling Commission sought to
explore the barriers and inequities women and minorities faced in rising to senior-level
decision-making roles (Jackson & O’Callaghan, 2009). However, representation of historically
marginalized communities in senior leadership within the workforce remains a core issue

6
(Cooper Brathwaite et al., 2022). Thus, this study aims to understand the workplace experiences
of Black Muslim women who identify as refugees and how their intersecting identities have
influenced their leadership opportunities and career growth.
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to explore the workplace experiences of Black Muslim
refugee women and the influence of race, religion, gender, and immigration on their leadership
opportunities and career growth. The aim was to use that understanding to contribute to this
population’s success. Specifically, this study examined the intersections of being Black, Muslim,
and a refugee woman and how holding these multiple identities can affect one’s career trajectory.
This examination will help to understand their experiences navigating work and political
environments. Much research has examined the discrimination and challenges that women,
Black women, and Muslim women face (Abdi, 2014; Acker, 2009; Ali et al., 2015; Aziz, 2014;
Cooper Brathwaite et al., 2022; Ghumman et al., 2013; Golesorkhi, 2019; M. K. Johnson &
Jackson, 2020; N. N. Johnson & Fournillier, 2021; Nelson & Piatak, 2021; Oakley, 2000; Ogbe,
2022; Reingold et al., 2020; Ruggs et al., 2016; Tariq & Syed, 2018; Thomas & Plaut, 2008).
Nonetheless, there is a lack of research on these women’s workplace challenges at this specific
intersection. The following research questions guided this study:
1. How do Black Muslim refugee women in senior leadership positions perceive their
experiences in the workforce at the intersection of race, religion, gender, and
immigration and how they have influenced their leadership opportunities and career
growth?
2. What critical factors contribute to the success of Black Muslim refugee women in
obtaining leadership opportunities and career growth?

7
Importance of the Study
The problem of structural inequities in society and how they influence workplace
dynamics for Black Muslim refugee women employees’ leadership and career growth is
important to address. There is a dearth of research on the influence of these women’s intersecting
identities in the workplace, which deserves attention. This study helped identify factors
influencing career growth and leadership opportunities for this demographic and added to the
literature on historically marginalized employees. Due to systemic barriers, employees with
multiple layers of intersecting identities can be overlooked for leadership positions and
promotions, lowering their representation in decision-making roles (Jackson & O’Callaghan,
2009). Organizational factors reinforcing a glass ceiling contribute to the status quo (Jackson &
O’Callaghan, 2009). Understanding this phenomenon can help to better confront social injustice
and ways that organizations and society as a whole can create belonging and leadership
opportunities for Black Muslim refugee women. Their success in the workforce contributes to
building equitable workplaces that foster belonging, improve an organization’s bottom line and
performance, and contribute to the societal inclusion of historically marginalized communities.
This study’s findings help identify and support specific policies and practices to contribute to this
population’s success and the success of workplaces broadly.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
Utilizing a transformative worldview, the theoretical frameworks that guided this study
are CRT and intersectionality theory. These theories are appropriate for this study because they
can help to understand the influence of power and systems of oppression and how the
intersections of race, gender, immigration and religion affect Black Muslim refugee women in
the workforce. Though CRT has become prevalent in different fields, its origins emerged from

8
critical legal studies (Crenshaw, 1991, 2011). It was born out of the demands that elite
institutions reconsider their approach to race neutrality and the struggles of defining racial power
in a post-Civil Rights Era America (Crenshaw, 2011). Critical race theory grew from the
alignment and misalignment of critical legal studies (CLS) and liberal and radical spaces, serving
as a race intervention in the CLS space that housed many of the students of law and professors
(Crenshaw, 2011). Early work on CRT critiqued the neutrality of law, as racial power is an
underlying factor that needs to be contested institutionally (Crenshaw, 2011).
Critical race theory challenges traditional research paradigms and explores the
intersections of race, gender, and class, their effects on marginalized voices, and the permanence
of race (Busey et al., 2023; Capper, 2015; Greene, 2021; Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). It also lifts
up the voices and visibility of communities of color (Busey et al., 2023; Capper, 2015; Solórzano
& Yosso, 2002). Intersectionality theory explores how race, gender, religion, and other identities
held can be compounded forms of oppression (Carastathis, 2014; Crenshaw, 1991). It
emphasizes how multiple identities held are interrelated and are shaped by intersecting systems
of power (Collins, 2015). Black Muslim refugee women hold multiple identities that can
significantly influence their opportunities for work, the treatment they receive, as well as
leadership growth and development. Intersectionality theory emphasizes how multiple forms of
oppression can lead to disadvantages because of a person’s identities and where their identities
sit in relation to power (Collins, 2015). It allows exploration and dissection of the disadvantages
at the intersection of being a Black Muslim refugee woman in the workforce. Intersectionality
theory is used more broadly to accommodate the intersection of religion, which is often missing
from existing research.

9
Critical race theory examines the relation of power and race in a historical context and
the root causes of oppression. While the term “Islamophobia” may indicate religious bias or fear
of Islam and Muslims, racial components are also a critical element of understanding this social
phenomenon. Research on fostering workplace respect for Muslims and management’s approach
to tackling Islamophobia indicates that this phenomenon goes beyond violence and hatred toward
a religious group to one where race plays a factor (Sekerka & Yacobian, 2018). Critical race
theory aims to dissect the causes of racism, its relationship with power, and how white
supremacy is upheld at the expense of others (Ladson-Billings, 2013; Busey et al., 2022; Capper,
2015; Greene, 2021). It argues that racism is not an anomaly but a normality and how our
country has functioned for a long time (Ladson-Billings, 2013). Similar to racism, Islamophobia
has not been just individual acts of hate but a normalized social and structural phenomenon that
is part of American political and social landscapes, shaping both legislative policies and
employer-employee dynamics.
This study used CRT and intersectionality theory as the theoretical framework. Utilizing
these two specific theories for analysis allowed for the exploration of how Islamophobia, sexism,
xenophobia, and racism intersect in the workplace and how they overtly and/or covertly affect
Black Muslim refugee women. In particular, they provide a framework for centering the lived
experiences of those directly affected by structural and institutional systems of power.
Understanding the historical context of Islamophobia, especially in a post 9/11 era and
post-Trump years, provides opportunities to dissect how it affects lived experiences and career
trajectories.
This study utilized a qualitative phenomenological method to explore the participants’
perceptions at the intersection of race, gender, religion, and immigration in the workforce

10
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). A qualitative approach allows an understanding of the human
condition and everyday realities of this social phenomenon and the collection of data in the
participants’ natural setting (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). A phenomenological qualitative
approach allowed the study of the participants’ lived workplace experiences (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). I utilized purposive sampling to select interviewees who identified as Black Muslim
refugee women in senior leadership positions.
Organization of the Dissertation
This study is divided into five chapters. The first chapter provided an overview of the
study, highlighting the importance and purpose of the study, the research questions guiding the
study, and the specific theoretical frameworks utilized. Chapter Two provides a thorough review
and analysis of relevant literature, introducing the salient identities of Black Muslim refugee
women at the intersections of race, religion, gender, and immigration and discussing their
political and social marginalization in the United States and how that influences the workplace. It
also discusses belonging and fostering inclusive workplaces through employee engagement and
well-being and reiterates the theoretical frameworks guiding this study. Chapter Three primarily
discusses the research design and methodology used, including the selection of participants,
instrumentation, data collection, and analysis. Chapter Four focuses on the data analysis and
results. Chapter Five provides an overview of the recommendations for practice based on the
findings that can contribute to the success of the population of focus, concluding with
suggestions for further research.

11
Chapter Two: Literature Review
This literature review begins by examining the context of Black Muslim refugee women
in the United States before examining scholarly works that analyze their workplace experiences
from the perspective of their layered identities. This review utilizes CRT and intersectionality
theory to explore the influence of Islamophobia, racism, sexism, and xenophobia on leadership
opportunities and career growth. Additionally, it explores political rhetoric and the social and
political contexts in relation to their influence on the dominant narratives of race, religion,
gender, and immigration. Specifically, this review looks at the intersections of being Black,
Muslim, a refugee, and a woman and how these identities affect career trajectories. Lastly, the
literature focused on the implications of fostering a welcoming and inclusive workplace to
highlight the need for increased belonging and inclusivity.
Salient Identities of Black Muslim Refugee Women
Black Muslim refugee women exist at the intersection of immigration, religion, gender,
and race. There is a lack of scholarly material on their experiences at this intersection, so this
study explored the intersections separately to better understand these salient identities. Due to
exclusion and discrimination on multiple levels, these women’s story starts with their experience
of displacement from their countries of origin. The review then further explores the history of
Islam in the United States and the racism and Islamophobia experienced by women who identify
as being Black and Muslim.
Displacement and Refugee Experience in the United States
Black Muslim refugee women have been displaced from their homes due to political
warfare, climate change, violence, ethnic cleansing, trauma, or the lack of opportunity to earn a
livelihood (United Nations Refugee Agency [UNHRC], 2022). According to the UNHCR

12
(2022), women make up at least 50% of refugees who are internally displaced or stateless. The
United States is one of 29 countries that resettle refugees. Individuals outside the United States
who obtain refugee status are processed for resettlement through the U.S. Refugee Admissions
Program under the U.S. Department of State, which coordinates with the U.S. Department of
Homeland Security and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (U.S. Department of
State, 2022). The Refugee Act of 1980 established an effective resettlement program and
provided local and state assistance (Haffejee & East, 2016). The provisions of this act allowed
for cash assistance to be provided to newly resettled refugees and established the number of
annual refugee admissions, employment training, social services, and housing assistance to
establish self-sufficiency and independence (Haffejee & East, 2016). This policy provided a
refugee admissions cap under each administration since 1980, with an average annual maximum
of 95,000 (International Rescue Committee [IRC], 2022).
With administrative policies such as the Muslim Ban and the African Ban, the average
annual admissions were significantly reduced during the Trump Administration in 2017 (IRC,
2022). During the Trump Administration, the number of refugees resettled in the United States
decreased greatly each year, with 30,000 refugees resettled in 2019, 18,000 refugees in 2020, and
only 15,000 refugees resettled in 2021 (IRC, 2022). The coronavirus pandemic that occurred in
2020 also had a drastic impact on the number of refugees resettling in the United States.
According to the U.S. Department of State, flight restrictions, travel requirements, limited access
to refugee processing as well as the Center for Disease Control’s order to temporarily suspend
persons entering the United States, with specific exceptions, impacted the number of refugees,
asylum seekers, and humanitarian parolees entering the United States (U.S. Department of State,
2022)

13
In FY 2014, 25% of the refugees admitted into the United States were refugees from
Africa, including Somalis, Congolese, Eritreans, Sudanese, and Ethiopians (Haffejee & East,
2016). Despite these numbers, the level of refugees resettled in the United States increased
exponentially during the first 2 years of the Biden Administration (IRC, 2022). In FY 2021, only
11,411 refugees were admitted into the United States, a number far short of the projected 62,500
cap set by the Biden Administration (U.S. Department of State, 2022), setting a record for the
lowest number of refugees resettled in the United States since the Refugee Act of 1980. In FY
2022, 25,465 refugees resettled in the United States. Among them, 11,400 were from the African
continent (U.S. Department of State, 2022).
The number of refugees continues to increase globally as the United States struggles to
fully recover from the Trump Administration’s restrictions on refugee resettlement (Magan,
2020). There has also been an upward trend of women displaced by war, climate, and political
warfare, a trend that has been coined as the feminization of immigration (Ross-Sheriff, 2011).
Women from African countries continue to resettle in the United States. Black refugees from the
West Indies and the islands are also among those resettling in the United States. Because Black
refugee women are often neglected due to the positions and identities that they occupy (Haffejee
& East, 2016) and many women refugees from Africa identify as Muslim (Haffejee & East,
2016), their cultural integration in the United States is difficult.
Assimilation Versus Integration for Refugees
Black Muslim refugees face challenging layers and dichotomy of assimilation versus
integration once they arrive in the United States (Abdi, 2015). Berry (1980) proposed four
strategies to understand acculturation: assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization
(Sam & Berry, 2010). Assimilation stresses leaving behind one’s past culture, behavior, and

14
practices and becoming a part of the new environment and culture (Colvin & Munz, 2020).
Integration emphasizes the strength in engaging with the new culture while holding onto one’s
previous culture (Colvin & Munz, 2020). Separation focuses on holding on primarily to one’s
previous culture and having a stronger orientation toward past cultures and behaviors without
adjusting or acquiring new behaviors for their current environment and culture (Colvin & Munz,
2020). Marginalization occurs when one is unable to learn new behaviors in their new setting or
hold onto their previous culture and behaviors, leading to a weak orientation toward both
cultures (Colvin & Munz, 2020). Furthermore, Colvin and Munz (2020) noted that, in particular,
it is more difficult for women to adjust to a newer culture and behavior than men, ending up
separated or marginalized in their new setting (Colvin & Munz, 2020).
In addition to the gender-specific challenges women refugees face regarding adjusting to
new cultural settings, there is a challenge faced by newcomers who are deemed different. Those
deemed as foreign, whether ethnically or religiously, have more difficulty adjusting and
integrating (Colvin & Munz, 2020). Abdi (2015) noted that although perceptions and
understanding of race and belonging have shifted, the idea of who does and does not qualify as
American prevails. Non-White groups continue to be seen as permanent outsiders (Abdi, 2015;
Magan, 2020). The visibility of their salient identities reinforces this. The veil, or hijab in Arabic,
that many Muslim women don is one of the most visible markers of Islam, further cementing this
perception of outsiders (Abdi, 2015). Women who wear the hijab can be immediately identified
as Muslim in public settings.
Islam in the United States
Islam is one of the three largest religions in the world, practiced by billions of people
across the globe. Estimates are that there are 1.94 billion Muslims globally, about a quarter of the

15
world’s population, and this number is expected to increase to 2.2 billion by 2030 (Pew Research
Center, 2018b). In the United States, Islam’s roots in America extend beyond the 20th-century
immigration of Muslims, with historians noting Black Muslims being among the early enslaved
people brought to the Americas, whose resistance, survival, and contributions have been
historically documented (Rashid, 2000). Race and religion both played a critical role in how
enslaved Black Muslims were treated. It is worth noting the complex relationship between the
United States and Islam, dating back to before America was founded as a country. Black
Muslims from Africa brought over as enslaved people were the first early Muslims to experience
Islamophobia and were forced to either abandon their faith and its practices or observe it in
private (Ellis et al., 2020). Enslaved Black Muslims faced discrimination and persecution due to
the intersection of their race and religion. The racialization of religion is using religion as a basis
for separation, leading to discrimination and persecution (Husain & Howard, 2017). An example
of the racialization of religion is the historical persecution enslaved Black Muslims were
subjected to due to their faith practices (Husain & Howard, 2017).
The politicization of Islam and the Muslim identity over the years has a complex
discourse and history (Barzegar, 2011) in pre-modern America and current times. Beydoun
(2016) expanded on Awaad and Bazian’s (2021) definition of Islamophobia to three dimensions:
private animus (individual Islamophobia), structural Islamophobia (institutional and
government-sponsored Islamophobia), and dialectical Islamophobia (processes in which state
policies legitimize, shape, embolden, and confirm Islamophobia). Domestic policies, like the
Patriot Act in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks (Abdo, 2005) and the Muslim and
African Ban during the Trump era (Mondon & Winter, 2017), intensified feelings of alienation
and othering in Muslim communities (M. Khan et al., 2019). Though Islam is commonly

16
practiced all over the world, it is, at best, considered foreign in America (Abdurraqib, 2006).
Mondon and Winter (2017) noted the shift in domestic and international policies from equality to
security, with Muslims and the Islamic world positioned center stage, a term coined as the
Muslim question (Mondon & Winter, 2017). Dominant cultural narratives around the Muslim
identity claim its positioning is in direct conflict with the American identity (Abdurraqib, 2006).
Braunstein (2017) further discussed how Muslims are perceived in the American context. They
have often been viewed as non-American, hence outsiders, anti-American (enemies), or
un-American (others; Braunstein, 2017).
In a recent survey conducted by the Islamophobia Studies Center in 2021, 1,614 Muslims
living in North America were surveyed about Islamophobia. The findings indicated that
approximately 79% of individuals surveyed felt strongly or somewhat insecure and afraid for
their family and friends (Awaad & Bazian, 2021). Forty-seven percent stated they or a family
member experienced negative incidents due to their headscarf, 9% expressed they experienced
violence due to their identity, and 24% said they experienced Islamophobic incidents related to
employment (Awaad & Bazian, 2021). Furthermore, 57% of respondents expressed little or no
sense of belonging in society, while 24% said they were extremely anxious or very anxious in
public settings (Awaad & Bazian, 2021). Confronted with this narrative, one can see the impact
that marginalization and stigmatization have on Muslims and the particular effects on Black
Muslim refugee women (Magan, 2020) at the intersection of race, religion, and gender.
Women Who Are Black and Muslim
While stereotypes and discrimination have historically impacted Black Muslim refugees,
these narratives create a cultural context to which Black Muslim refugee women have had to
adapt. Those who don the hijab or religious garments are particularly further stigmatized for their

17
religious identity, which many Americans equate with terrorism and extremism or a false sense
of needing to be rescued from cultural and religious oppression (Haffejee & East, 2016). Muslim
women are painted as victims of religious oppression, a lack of agency, and repressive
patriarchal cultures (Ahmed Ali & Mwambari, 2021). While religious discrimination is apparent,
so is racial discrimination against women who identify as Black and Muslim. Despite the push
for institutional integration of Black and White people in the post-Civil Rights Era and as a
consequence of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the legacy of slavery and racial injustice continues
to permeate American society through aversive racism (Pearson et al., 2009).
Aversive racism is covert forms of prejudice that involve thoughts, feelings, and
behaviors, separate from the traditional forms of bigotry (or dominative racism) in which racism
is explicit (Pearson et al., 2009). This form of racism is critical to understand. The past decades
have made dominative racism, the traditional form of explicit racism, and the overt expression of
racial hatred frowned upon by the larger American society (Pearson et al., 2009). Aversive
racism is the recognition that racial bigotry is harmful, although individuals do not realize their
unconscious and/or conscious biases. In positions with weak social norms that can hold their
behaviors accountable, aversive racism becomes more blatant (Pearson et al., 2009). Aversive
racism speaks to the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of the dominant majority, activating
certain stereotypes and reinforcing unconscious negative racial attitudes that can influence
selection processes for employment, college admissions, healthcare settings, and policy and legal
settings (Pearson et al., 2009). Racial stereotypes in such discreet and subtle forms hinder the
promotion of minorities and women (Luksyte et al., 2013). Both dominative and aversive racism
contribute to discrimination and marginalization of minoritized populations.

18
Political and Social Marginalization of Black Muslim Refugee Women in the United States
The growing political and social marginalization of Muslims stems from unfounded
public scrutiny of Muslims that labels them as inherently violent (Abdi, 2015). While identifying
an individual’s religious identity is often difficult, cultural clothing, names, languages spoken,
and ethnicity provide an idea of religious affiliations (Abdi, 2015). The public perception and
national discourse about Muslims paint this group, regardless of the country in which they reside,
as a group to be feared, more prone to violence, and a threat to Western values and way of life
(Abdi, 2015). Nadal et al. (2012) noted the specific stereotypes and microaggressions this group
faces. Sue et al. (2007) defined microaggressions as “brief and commonplace daily verbal,
behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate
hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults toward people of color” (p. 271).
Public discourse endorses Muslims’ marginalization and exclusion, which Nadal et al.
(2012) noted in a taxonomy of religious microaggressions that yielded six themes. The themes of
this taxonomy study emphasized how religious stereotypes of Muslims as terrorists are endorsed,
the stereotypes of the pathology of the Muslim religion, assumptions of religious homogeneity,
exoticization of the Muslim religion, Islamophobic or mocking language, and Muslims being
considered alien in their own land (Nadal et al., 2012). Though Muslims, as well as people of
color from South Asia and Middle Eastern countries who do not identify as Muslims, became
victims of bigotry and political and social marginalization after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, Black
people who identify as Muslim were greatly impacted by bigotry due to the color of their skin
and the faith that they affiliated with (Husain & Howard, 2017). The implicit and explicit
discrimination Black Muslims face and the political rhetoric to which they are subjected have
influenced workplace discrimination.

19
Implicit and Explicit Discrimination
Discrimination can take the form of microaggressions, both implicit and explicit, as well
as blatant forms of discrimination based on race, religion, immigration status, and/or gender
(Abdi, 2015; Ali et al., 2015; Cooper Brathwaite et al., 2022; Ghumman et al., 2019; Husain &
Howard, 2017). Husain and Howard (2017) conceptualized religious microaggressions as a form
of microaggression that religious minorities face. The language around microaggressions was
adopted from an understanding of microaggressions faced by communities of color, but that can
be applied to other minority groups and oppressed people, including ethnic, gender, and religious
minority groups (Husain & Howard, 2017).
Additional layers of racism and misogyny exacerbate experiences of facing implicit and
explicit discrimination (Ahmed Ali & Mwambari, 2021). Unfounded hostility has led to a range
of discriminatory attitudes and practices toward Muslims and Islam, normalizing bigotry against
this religious minority (Sekerka & Yacobian, 2018). Given Black Muslim refugee women’s
intersecting identities, researchers have noted that racial and religious discrimination are often
intertwined (Green, 2018). Green (2018) argued that when discourses around Islamophobic
narratives and actions arise, race and religion are deeply connected. Facing both implicit and
explicit discrimination, these women are subject to negative stereotypes and perceptions. These
result in practices of exclusion and discrimination (Kalin, 2011) that can extend to the
workplace.
Influence of Political Rhetoric on Workforce Discrimination
Public marginalization caused by xenophobia, racism, Islamophobia, and sexism can
threaten individuals’ way of life (Strabac & Listhaug, 2008). Work environments do not exist in
a vacuum, and since Muslims’ political and social marginalization happens in the public sphere,

20
its influence is seen in the workforce. Racial and religious bigotry and the forms of prejudice that
this vulnerable group faces have increased workplace discrimination (Sekerka & Yacobian,
2018). Though there are efforts to prevent discrimination (implicit or explicit), today’s
workplaces have seen a rise in Islamophobia (Sekerka & Yacobian, 2018). However, there is
limited empirical research on religious harassment in the workplace (Ghumman et al., 2013).
There have been legal cases that point to a culture of retaliation and religious discrimination
against Muslims, often leading to exclusion and/or termination (Ghumman et al., 2013). These
experiences are not without consequence to the well-being of historically marginalized
employees.
While the mental health impacts and internalization of these intertwined forms of
discrimination on Muslims have not been fully explored (Husain & Howard, 2017), there is
limited research that indicates that Muslims facing workplace marginalization experience
anxiety, anger, or fear at work (Husain & Howard, 2017). Moradi and Hasan’s (2004) research
on Arab Americans (61% who identified as Muslim) showed that experiencing discrimination
was linked to lower self-esteem. Rippy and Newman have noted in their research that religious
discrimination leads to stress and psychological symptoms (Rippy & Newman, 2006). The
following sections discuss the consequences and impact of workplace discrimination on
representation and leadership opportunities.
Socioeconomic Impact of the Lack of Representation in Leadership Roles
Historically, Black, Indigenous, and people of color have been excluded from
decision-making platforms and leadership opportunities (Titanji et al., 2022). This lack of
representation in leadership positions serves as a challenge and barrier for Black, Indigenous,
and people of color to advance in their careers (Titanji et al., 2022). Black Muslim refugee

21
women are not an exception to this experience. While specific data on them are not available due
to a lack of scholarly research, I used studies on the representation of women and historically
marginalized groups to lay the groundwork for this study. This section explores the lack of
representation in leadership and its influence on economic well-being.
Lack of Representation of Black Muslim Refugee Women in Leadership
Representation comes from the Latin word repraesentare, which means to make present
or to have in sight (Ogbe, 2022). Representation and being in decision-making positions are
critical for communities of color. For example, in policymaking, legislators’ identities and
experiences as part of intersecting minority identities (in this instance, race and gender) influence
how they represent their constituents, particularly constituents of color and minority groups
(Reingold et al., 2020). Decision-making is a process that allows individuals or groups to
determine the actions they need to pursue, given limited resources and specific objectives
(Schoemaker & Russo, 2014). Individuals, groups, or organizations can have decision-making
roles (Schoemaker & Russo, 2014). In America, the lack of substantive diversity, equity, and
inclusion in politics and leadership positions directly influences marginalized communities and
the policies that govern and impact them.
In the past three elections (2018, 2020, and 2022), a record number of Black, Indigenous,
and people of color ran for and were elected to political offices. In fact, 2018 was dubbed the
year of the woman, signifying an increase in the number of women of color elected to office
(Reingold et al., 2020). However, Black, Indigenous, and communities of color are still not
heavily represented as leaders in local, state, and national politics compared to their population
(Schaeffer, 2021). The 117th Congress had the most racially diverse group of representatives
compared to previous years, and even then, only 23% (124 members out of 532 voting

22
legislators) hailed from communities of color (Schaeffer, 2021). However, a severe lack of
representation of women of color persists (Brown et al., 2022). Only 27 Black women serve in
the House of Representatives and none in the Senate in the 117th Congress (Brown et al., 2022).
There are also only two Muslim women representatives in Congress: Representative Ilhan Omar
(Black Somali-American Muslim refugee woman from Minnesota) and Representative Rashida
Tlaib (Palestinian-American Muslim woman from Michigan), who were the first two Muslim
women ever elected for Congress (Bashri, 2019). While Keith Ellison was the first Muslim ever
elected to Congress, André Carson is the only other Black Muslim male representative in
Congress. White Americans still accounted for over 77% of the 117th Congress, a higher
representation than their 60% population in the United States (Schaeffer, 2021). Policy is set,
voted on, and decided by these legislators, and their identities and experience can influence those
decisions and the representation of their constituents (Reingold et al., 2020).
Other areas of the workforce, including academia, corporations, and organizations, also
suffer from a lack of representation of women, particularly women of color, in leadership
positions. Historically and globally, the underrepresentation of women in senior leadership
positions remains a challenge despite women earning most degrees across multiple sectors
(Longman & Anderson, 2016). While there are many barriers to women’s equitable
representation in leadership, Longman and Anderson (2016) noted that environmental factors
such as hiring practices, organizational culture, microaggressions, and internalized ambivalence
or doubt contribute to their low representation in leadership positions. In the U.S. federal
government, women hold only one-third of leadership positions in senior-level service despite
being 44% of the workforce (Nelson & Piatak, 2021).

23
The United Nations deemed gender inequality as “the greatest human rights challenge of
our time” (p. 1), and gender stereotypes play a significant role in increasing this inequality
(Lawson et al., 2022). The term glass ceiling was coined to describe women’s inability to
progress professionally past a certain point due to overt and covert gender bias (Oakley, 2000).
Dominant gender stereotypes associate men with being more achievement-oriented and
competent, while women are perceived as either not being competent or not being likable if they
are deemed as being competent (Lawson et al., 2022). This creates a dichotomy for women that
can lead to workplace exclusion as well as perceptions of their performance (Lawson et al.,
2022).
Gender stereotypes emphasize that female leaders can be viewed as nurturing while men
are seen as assertive, forcing women to choose between a masculine or feminine leadership style
(Nelson & Piatak, 2021). This presents a challenge for women in leadership positions. A more
masculine leadership style will render them perceived as breaking social norms and being harsh,
while using a feminine leadership style renders them powerless and devalued (Nelson & Piatak,
2021).
Women of color further face a lack of inclusion and representation in the workplace, let
alone in senior leadership positions (Nelson & Piatak, 2021). Ogbe (2022) noted that the
statistics regarding Black women in academia are worrisome, given the intersection of race and
gender. A study by Nelson and Piatak (2021) noted the disparities in representation in the federal
government. Women of color had 0.886 odds of becoming supervisors than White women
(Nelson & Piatak, 2021). While women generally face challenges of workplace inclusion and
barriers to leadership positions (Longman & Anderson, 2016), women of color feel less included
than White women (Nelson & Piatak, 2021). Being both a woman and hailing from a historically

24
marginalized racial group leads to further underrepresentation in the workplace and in leadership
(Nelson & Piatak, 2021).
Increasing the representation of women in an organization has many benefits, including
changing gender stereotypes (Lawson et al., 2022). While there have been substantive advances
and gains in women’s representation in leadership, it coexists with prevailing concerns and
challenges (Georgeac & Rattan, 2019). The following sections explore these concerns and how
they influence Black Muslim refugee women’s economic growth and upward mobility.
Influence on Economic Growth and Upward Mobility
The lack of leadership opportunities and representation provides challenges, including the
gender pay gap and gender inequities for women of color (Georgeac & Rattan, 2019). Black
Muslim refugee women exist at the intersection of race, religion, gender, immigration, and
socioeconomic status. When they resettle in their host countries, they often struggle with other
challenges related to displacement and the responsibility of taking care of children and elders
(Haffejee & East, 2016). They face further barriers such as financial illiteracy, language barriers,
and limited resources, leading to refugee women not faring well economically due to these many
challenges (Haffejee & East, 2016). Becoming self-sufficient in the United States thus becomes a
more challenging endeavor. Resettlement agencies primarily focus on the male household (if
present) when locating employment (Halpern, 2008), impacting women refugees. These
challenges make it difficult to become economically self-sufficient and limit opportunities. For
instance, limited English language proficiency complicates opportunities for communication,
connecting with employers, and advocating in their workplaces (Haffejee & East, 2016).
Marginalization impacts different groups differently; however, evidence shows that it limits
access to resources, limits upward mobility, increases inequity, and ultimately impacts one’s

25
social capital (Sekerka & Yacobian, 2018). To help mitigate these challenges, an inclusive and
welcoming workplace that fosters belonging must be explored.
Inclusive and Welcoming Workplaces for Black Muslim Refugee Women
Though the United States has a history of discriminatory and oppressive attitudes and
behaviors toward those who are perceived as being different from the status quo, it is a country
that continues to evolve due to its multiculturalism, reflected in the diverse ethnic, racial, cultural
and religious identities present in the nation (Sekerka & Yacobian, 2018). To develop welcoming
and inclusive workplaces, macro and microaggressions and hostilities toward underrepresented
minority groups are critical to address (Sekerka & Yacobian, 2018). Employers in the United
States are prohibited from discriminating against a person based on race, religion, color, sex, or
national origin according to the protections outlined in Title VII of the Civil Rights Acts of 1964
(Sekerka & Yacobian, 2018). There are workplace policy mandates and protections that prohibit
discrimination, but they do not always prevent it (Husain & Howard, 2017). These
discriminatory behaviors have implications for organizations, agencies, institutions, and
corporations. They can affect the culture of workplaces and heighten workplace stress, which
may affect performance capacity (Ali et al., 2015). An inclusive and welcoming workplace can
be one where management proactively understands and addresses employees’ religious practices
and needs, such as accommodations for religious clothing, providing break opportunities for
prayers, considering special religious holidays, and mitigating potential conflicts between
employer policies and employees’ religious practices (Sekerka & Yacobian, 2018). It also can be
a place where various religious identities and political differences can be respected and
welcomed, even if they differ from the dominant majority. Fostering belonging for Black Muslim

26
refugee women, centering their well-being, and understanding the implications of inclusivity and
belonging for employers are critical.
Fostering Belonging
Black Muslim refugee women face the dilemma of reconciling their multiple identities in
environments and cultures that question their sense of belonging and sometimes their humanity
(Mohamed, 2017). Often, they have a dual role of identifying as Black Muslim women and being
seen as representatives and explainers for their communities (Husain & Howard, 2017). Their
political and religious leanings come under suspicion. When they do not dress or follow Western
societies’ cultural norms, practices, and expectations, they are labeled and politicized as suspects,
and the hijab they wear becomes associated with terrorism (Ahmed Ali & Mwambari, 2021).
Employers should create welcoming places that foster belonging and inclusion (Haggins, 2020).
Sekerka and Yacobian (2017) noted that creating an inclusive workplace culture and
minimizing Islamophobia and discrimination requires organizations to be proactive. Educational
opportunities that provide dialogue, build self-awareness, and set expectations and rewards can
help create a climate of inclusivity and belonging (Sekerka & Yacobian, 2017). Livingston
(2020) emphasized the differentiation between belief and reality when addressing inequity and
racism in an organization. A practice for fostering belonging is a method called PRESS: being
aware of and naming the problem, conducting a root-cause analysis, fostering empathy around
the issue and the people impacted by it, developing strategies for addressing the problem, and a
willingness to deeply invest in the solutions outlined through sacrifice (Livingston, 2020). A key
component of this strategy of creating belonging and addressing issues of racial inequities in the
workplace is understanding the cause, which includes structural components that create a toxic
work environment instead of just individual intent and practices (Livingston, 2020).

27
Strategies designed as interventions that can proactively address workplace inclusivity
are comprehensive. Livingston (2020) outlined three specific and interconnected categories to
this level of addressing equity and inclusivity: addressing personal attitudes, informal cultural
norms, and formal institutional policies (Livingston, 2020). While there are many approaches to
addressing workplace belonging and inclusivity, these three levels outlined by Livingston (2020)
allow for creating accountability and changing organizational climate. Institutional policies that
can hold individuals accountable, model behavior from top leadership, and connect to core
values can help change attitudes and create a climate of inclusivity (Livingston, 2020).
Allen et al. (2021) defined belonging as a subjective feeling of connection whereby an
individual feels deeply connected to or part of their surrounding systems, whether physical,
social groups, or work, and that it is an intrinsic human need. Symbolism, such as messages
related to equity and diversity, websites, marketing campaigns, portraits on the wall, and
imagery, is important to building that sense of belonging (Haggins, 2020). However, symbolism
is only one component of creating a sense of belonging, as it can cross the line to tokenism.
Tokenism is when workplaces hold up certain individuals as representatives (or tokens) due to
their identity to create an appearance of fairness and equal opportunity (Jackson & O’Callaghan,
2009). A perception of representation and fairness is created through the use of historically
marginalized groups as props without a real commitment to confronting power and
representation. While fostering belonging is critical, employers must avoid tokenizing, as it
creates inauthentic environments (Haggins, 2020). Thus, to foster belonging, it is important to
explore the engagement and well-being of Black Muslim refugee women in the workplace.
Implications in the Workplace: Fostering Engagement and Well-being

28
There is limited research on the internalization of discrimination, microaggressions, and
Islamophobic and/or racist messages. However, prior studies have indicated that being forced to
conform to the status quo may be damaging (Husain & Howard, 2017). The literature contains
very few studies on the long-term impact of discrimination and distancing oneself from one’s
religious, racial, or ethnic group (Husain & Howard, 2017). However, ample research has
examined employee engagement and well-being and how this influences workplace performance
and feelings of isolation. Often, individuals can feel isolated in the workplace despite working
with their co-workers (Chekwa, 2018). These individuals may lack social connections and access
to resources and information, becoming further estranged and increasing negative social feelings
(Chekwa, 2018).
Employers and stakeholders can provide means for inclusive engagement and well-being
by creating safe spaces to identify and address discrimination and foster respect (Sekerka &
Yacobian, 2018). Scholars have studied the concept of employee engagement in relation to the
discourse around burnout (Bakker et al., 2014). Workplaces that prioritize employee engagement
and well-being lead employees to have positive engagement, meaning a high level of energy and
connection to their work (Bakker et al., 2014). Individual differences (such as self-efficacy and
personal characteristics), as well as situational factors (such as work overload and job
autonomy), were considered to lead to burnout or engagement (Bakker et al., 2014). Creating a
climate that reinforces engagement instead of burnout is critical in creating belonging. A sense of
belonging increases employees’ perceptions of self-worth and connections in the workplace
(Thompson, 2022). Thompson (2022) explained inclusion as a relational construct that includes
how teams perform based on their social connections and the quality of their interpersonal
processes, which can then positively impact an organization’s performance (Thompson, 2022).

29
Employee engagement and well-being have been noted to be critical to workplace
performance (Bakker et al., 2014), creating a dynamic relationship between a workplace that
allows employees to be their full authentic selves (physically, emotionally, and cognitively) and
employees that can show up and express themselves physically, emotionally and cognitively
(Bakker et al., 2014). Workplace diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives can better assist
employees in showing up as their full authentic selves, supporting a climate of belonging and
inclusivity (Thompson, 2022). Policies and procedures can aid an organization in fostering
engagement and furthering DEI (Thompson, 2022). For instance, Thompson lists the following
as guidelines for increasing belonging and well-being: recruiting, supporting, and retaining
diverse employees; encouraging and rewarding diverse thoughts; promoting a workplace that
rewards creativity and innovation; and keeping inclusivity and its values a top priority of the
workplace (Thompson, 2022). Thompson further encourages daily practices where workplaces
abide by a code of ethics or conduct that encourages employees’ sense of psychological safety.
Critical Race Theory and Intersectionality Theory
Critical race theory, together with intersectionality theory, offers a lens to examine the
experiences of Black Muslim refugee women and center their agency and their lived experiences
at the intersection of race, religion, gender, immigration, and power. Critical race theory emerged
from CLS and made race, contesting racial power and racism a central focus of the American
reality, emphasizing that racism is endemic in America (Crenshaw et al., 1995). Marginalizations
in academia, particularly within the legal space, gave a form of birth or movement to CRT
(Busey et al., 2023; Crenshaw, 2011). With underlying Marxists and liberal reform framework,
CLS did not properly address racial justice and realities of the lived experiences of people of
color, adopting a colorblind approach to race and racism as a legal theory (Busey et al., 2023;

30
Crenshaw, 2011). Early scholars of CRT saw a need to address the realities of communities of
color beyond CLS and the intricacies of race with other forms of identities (Busey et al., 2023;
Crenshaw, 1988, 2011).
Critical race theory argues that race and racism are central, rather than outside or
marginal, factors and that racism is endemic and present (Bell, 1992; Crenshaw, 1995; Solórzano
& Yosso, 2018). The permanence of racism and its intersection with other forms of oppression is
emphasized, as well as it being structural and institutional (Crenshaw, 1991; Crenshaw, 1995).
Crenshaw emphasizes the continuity and presence of White race consciousness that still
permeates American society, questioning the race-neutral formal facades that impede progress
for Black Americans (Crenshaw, 1988).
Some of the key constructs Solórzano and Yosso (2002) mentioned as included in CRT
are the intercentricity of race and racism with other forms of subordination, challenge to
dominant ideology, commitment to social justice, centrality of experiential knowledge, and
transdisciplinary perspective. The intercentricity of race and racism with other forms of
subordination recognizes that though race and racism are critical to understanding critical race
analysis, they cannot be separated from other forms of oppression, such as gender, immigration
status, and class discrimination (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). A challenge to dominant ideology
speaks to the claims of objectivity, color blindness, and neutrality (especially when it comes to
race) that are often a cover for the dominant groups in American society who hold power and
privilege (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). These claims of neutrality, equal opportunity, and fairness
reinforce the power, privilege, and dominance of those who have inherently and historically been
in power (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). Commitment to social justice recognizes that multiple
forms of oppression can be addressed through empowerment and multiple forms of push back

31
and resistance and that social justice can be achieved (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). Centrality of
experiential knowledge regards the legitimacy and strength of the lived experiences, stories, and
knowledge of people of color and how this is critical to understanding and analyzing race,
racism, and other forms of oppression (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). Lastly, transdisciplinary
perspective emphasizes analyzing race and racism through historical and contemporary lenses to
better understand how the multiple forms of oppression affect people of color (Solórzano &
Yosso, 2002).
Discussions about belonging must include the role of race, power, discrimination, and the
intersections of multiple identities and oppressions. The United States does not exist in a
post-racial world that views society through a colorblind lens, obscuring racial practices that can
seem implicit (Martínez, 2014). This includes the optics of politics and legislators. Whether
examining immigration policies like the Chinese Exclusion Act, the Japanese Internment camps
(Railton, 2013), the Muslim Ban, or conversations around racial and religious discrimination at
work (Sekerka & Yacobian, 2018), CRT is an important lens through which to conduct analyses.
It is a theoretical framework that can aid in making sense of power dynamics and centering
marginalized voices (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). The tenets of CRT made clear how
institutionalized and structural racism still exists in the United States and that society is not
post-racial (Martínez, 2014). One cannot separate the concepts of race, power, and gender
inequities from conversations about DEI in politics or the workforce. For instance, the
individuals responsible for policymaking in the United States have historically been older White
men (Schaeffer, 2021). Also, the intersection of religion and immigration needs to be added to
the discussion on power and multiple forms of oppression. In CRT, those affected by different

32
forms of oppression recognize that they are not alone in their experiences and marginalization
(Solórzano & Yosso, 2002).
Individuals from historically marginalized communities face oppression on many
different levels, both individually and institutionally. Though Crenshaw (1991) coined the term
intersectionality and how it pertains to multiple forms of oppression and discrimination, the
analysis was born from the intersection of social movements led by women of color and critical
academic scholarship on defining intersectionality (Collins, 2015). Intersectionality emphasizes
the compound impacts of these multiple forms of oppression and how they influence the lived
experiences of people of color (Crenshaw, 1991). The concept of intersectionality has long
existed in Black feminist spaces (Carastathis, 2014; Collins, 2015; Crenshaw, 2011). Crenshaw
utilized intersectionality to confront and critique dominant narratives and discrimination around
social movements and law (Carastathis, 2014). Intersectionality is critical to understanding Black
Muslim refugee women’s workplace experience and how holding multiple identities and
oppressions influences lived experiences and the unique experience with systems of power.
Utilizing these two theories as the theoretical framework for this study contributes to our
commitment to social justice and a transformative worldview. By exploring salient identities at
the intersection of race, religion, gender, and immigration and their specific workplace
experiences through the lens of CRT, this study contributes to Black Muslim refugee women’s
workplace success through recommendations for practice. It reinforces the notion that
workplaces can confront power and systemic inequities, creating opportunities for career and
leadership growth for historically marginalized groups.

33
Summary
Black Muslim women come from various racial and ethnic backgrounds, hold diverse
political viewpoints, and adopt beliefs ranging from staunch secularism to religious orthodoxy
(Haffejee & East, 2016). Their experiences should be studied with an intersectionality approach
regarding their gender, race, age, religion, nationality, and class (Mohamed, 2017). Whether it is
the feeling of isolation (Chekwa, 2018) and demonization (Sekerka & Yacobian, 2018), undue
hostility from fellow co-workers (Husain & Howard, 2017), limited opportunities for career
growth and leadership roles (Titanji et al., 2022), or simply lacking a sense of belonging in an
organization due to implicit or explicit expressions of Islamophobia, racism, xenophobia or
sexism(Haggins, 2020), the effects take shape at the intersection of multiple identities. Chapter
Three will be an overview of the research design, methodology, ethics, the researcher’s
positionality, and the study’s limitations and delimitations.

34
Chapter Three: Methodology
This study focused on exploring the experiences of Black Muslim refugee women in the
workplace and the influence of race, religion, gender, and immigration on their leadership and
career opportunities and to use that understanding to contribute to this population’s career
success. This chapter provides an overview of the study’s methodology. The procedures outlined
below support the research questions on the participants’ lived experiences, how these influenced
their leadership opportunities and career growth, and identifying the factors that influenced their
success. This chapter is organized to provide the research questions guiding the study, an
overview of the methodology and research design, and a discussion of the researcher and ethics.
Two research questions guided their study:
1. How do Black Muslim refugee women in senior leadership positions perceive their
experiences in the workforce at the intersection of race, religion, gender, and
immigration and how they have influenced their leadership opportunities and career
growth?
2. What critical factors contribute to the success of Black Muslim refugee women in
obtaining leadership opportunities and career growth?
Overview of Methodology
The research design used for this study was a qualitative phenomenological approach to
explore the participants’ perceived experiences when it comes to the intersection of race,
religion, gender, and immigration in the workplace (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This qualitative
research design approach helped to obtain rich data from the lived experiences of Black Muslim
refugee women in the workforce as it relates to the research questions. Merriam and Tisdell
(2016) identified specific aspects of qualitative research that indicated why this method was best

35
utilized for this study. Qualitative designs emphasize a focus on natural settings, recognize the
critical role of the researcher in data collection and analysis, and allow for inductive analysis and
a focus on meaning-making, perspectives, and understandings. A qualitative approach typically
requires the researcher to meet certain characteristics, such as collecting data in a natural setting
of the participant and inductive and deductive data analysis, among other general characteristics
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Specifically, a phenomenological qualitative approach allows for
exploring the underlying meanings, or essence, of the participants’ lived experiences (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016).
This study included semi-structured interviews with participants who identified as Black
Muslim refugee women and who were in senior leadership positions. A semi-structured approach
allowed for flexibility in the interviews while utilizing an interview guide (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). This approach also identifies that specific information was sought from the participants
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). A prepared list of questions guided the interview approach and
allowed flexibility regarding the questions’ order and wording. It helped to explore the
participants’ multiple realities, experiences, and challenges.
Data Source: Interviews
This study utilized primary data from interviews to better understand the participants’
lived experiences and perceptions in the workplace and how the intersections of race, religion,
gender, and immigration influenced their leadership opportunities and career growth. The
primary data sources were interviews. The data shed light on the perceived experiences,
challenges, and factors influencing Black Muslim refugee women’s career success. These
interviews helped address the two research questions. This understanding and meaning-making
from the participants’ lens adds to the scholarly research in this field.

36
Participants
The target population for the interviews consisted of Black Muslim refugee women who
were employed and in senior leadership positions. Senior leadership positions are defined as
positions wherein individuals are empowered to make organizational decisions and/or oversee
staff. The sample of participants was small and purposeful. I interviewed eight participants
residing in the United States who were over the age of 18 years. The specific criteria for the
inclusion of participants were that they identify as Black Muslim refugee women currently
employed in senior leadership positions or who had been employed in those positions within the
12 months before the interviews.
It was critical for participants to identify as Black Muslim refugee women in senior
leadership positions since it was their perspectives and understandings that needed to be explored
and analyzed. It was also critical to interview individuals who were either currently employed or
had held employment in the last year. Criteria 2 and 3 were important to help identify individuals
with recent workplace experiences and could lend their perspectives and perceived experiences
related to the workplace to address the research questions. The criteria allowed for recruiting
interviewees who could share rich, descriptive experiences that they were able to draw from their
current state of employment. Their responses shed light on the current experiences of Black
Muslim refugee women in senior leadership positions.
Instrumentation
This study included 45- to 60-minute semi-structured interviews. An interview protocol
(see Appendix B) helped capture their challenges, perceptions, and experiences. The content of
the 11 open-ended interview questions aligned with the research questions. Due to limited

37
research on this population, I developed these questions to address the study’s research
questions.
Data Collection Procedures
Utilizing network and purposeful sampling (Creswell & Creswell, 2018), I contacted a
network of Black Muslim refugee women who work in various sectors by sending a request to
participate in this study via posts on Facebook, WhatsApp, and LinkedIn and emails to
community-based organizations. I also emailed community leaders to help spread the word
regarding my recruitment for this study within their networks. These served as the primary tools
for recruiting participants for this study. The social media and networks I utilized provided
access to many users. In these posts and messages, I identified myself and the purpose of this
study. I notified potential participants that their participation was confidential and voluntary. I
also provided interested individuals with a short recruitment questionnaire link from Qualtrics
(see Appendix A) and utilized their responses to determine eligibility for this study. The
questionnaire link helped verify that the participants met the demographic criteria for this study
and provided a space to enter their contact information to contact them for the interviews.
I asked interested parties to provide their email and name as contact information to
connect with them regarding scheduling the interviews. Fourteen individuals expressed interest
in participating in this study through the questionnaire. The selection process was a first come,
first serve policy in which I contacted individuals who met the study criteria. Out of the 14
respondents who expressed interest, nine qualified. I interviewed eight of these nine, as one did
not respond to subsequent follow-ups. I utilized Zoom to conduct the interviews and used its
transcription service to help capture the participants’ responses. I utilized the recordings to verify
the accuracy of the Zoom transcriptions for each interview. The recordings and transcriptions

38
were useful in ensuring I collected data properly and enabled me to check for accuracy and data I
might have missed.
I obtained consent from the participants prior to conducting the interviews through the
recruitment questionnaire and verbally during the interviews. The interviews took place over a
span of months due to the strong recruitment efforts needed. Interviews began in September 2023
and were completed in December of 2023. The initial target was eight to 15 participants, and I
interviewed eight. As I verified that they met the criteria and qualifications for this study, I
scheduled interviews with them on a rolling basis based on their availability.
Data Analysis
I conducted and transcribed the interviews on Zoom. To analyze the data, I identified
specific concepts, themes, and points in the participants’ statements (Creswell & Creswell,
2018). The process of analyzing the data followed the five-step recommendation from Creswell
and Creswell (2018). First, I organized and prepared the data by transcribing the interviews and
typing the field notes. I printed each interview, allowing ample space to assign coding labels.
Second, I started recording general thoughts and impressions of the data prior to beginning the
coding process. In the third step, I started the coding process by bracketing categories that
emerged and labeling these categories with terms. Expected general codes included workplace
challenges, barriers, and success. Utilizing CRT and intersectionality theory as the framework for
analysis, certain categories emerged, such as “discrimination based on race, religion, gender or
immigration,” “fear, microaggressions, passive-aggressive, dismissal” due to salient identities
and living in the margins of being minorities in multiple levels, “fear of judgment, undervalued,
exclusion, censorship” as well as “minority, power, authority, white supremacy, structural racism,
multiple identities, protecting self, leadership, representation” that underpinned findings from the

39
literature review and the lived experiences of Black Muslim refugee women. Surprising codes
emerged as well, meaning codes that could not have been anticipated (Creswell & Creswell,
2018), but they spoke to the interviewees’ lived experiences. Surprising categories included
“faith, education, support, representation, internal strength, resilience, and commitment.” As I
coded data, I compiled the categories on a separate sheet, observing for frequencies, similarities,
and differences. This allowed me to review the codes and organize them in a way that allowed
for grouping subcategories for the connected codes and removing redundant categories.
The fourth step was to group the finalized codes and generate themes and descriptions.
After systematically analyzing the data for recurring concepts, patterns, similarities, differences,
and connections, I identified seven major themes corresponding to the participants’ lived
experiences. The fifth step was to represent the description and themes as the major findings of
this study, as illustrated in Chapters Four and Five, which present a detailed discussion of this
study’s major findings.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
This study ensured credible and trustworthy results based on a robust process for data
analysis and interpretation. A specific strategy I utilized to ensure the credibility and
trustworthiness of the findings from my qualitative interviews was ensuring that I was aware of
my biases and positionality and how that influenced the questions I asked and the data I
interpreted. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) noted that what is being studied in qualitative research is
people’s constructions of reality and how they understand the world around them.
Reflexivity (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) involves acknowledging that a researcher cannot
be a neutral observer. Researchers are active participants whose experiences, biases, and
positionality can influence the data analysis and interpretation of findings (Merriam & Tisdell,

40
2016). Thus, I worked extensively on the front-end to ensure I did not ask leading interview
questions. Reflexivity and carefully capturing participants’ full responses ensured I confronted
my biases and assumptions, ensuring this study’s credibility and trustworthiness. During the
interviews, I paid careful attention to the participants’ full and rich responses. The Zoom
recording and transcription allowed for the careful capturing of their responses and for me to
check the accuracy of the transcriptions utilizing the recording, contributing to the
trustworthiness and credibility of the study.
Ethics
The study received approval from the institutional research board (IRB) of the University
of Southern California to ensure that no one would be harmed by this study. Ethical
considerations for this study ensured compliance with IRB approval. An obligation to the
participants was to use the experiences and information they shared with the utmost integrity and
confidentiality. I told all participants what they could expect from the interview and data
collection and obtained their permission to record during the Zoom sessions. At the beginning of
each interview, I asked participants for their consent and reminded them that they had the right to
participate or walk away from this study at any time, ensuring voluntary participation and
informed consent (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I reported the participants’ responses
anonymously, presenting no identifying information (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). I collected
and stored the data on a password-protected computer. I destroyed all recordings after verifying
the transcriptions and generated pseudonyms to further aid in the participants’ anonymity.
The Researcher
A key characteristic of qualitative research is the researcher themself and the concept of
reflexivity, where the researcher’s positionality and worldview can influence the direction or

41
interpretation of the study (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). As a Black Muslim refugee woman who
has held senior leadership positions in various fields (including the nonprofit sector and the
public sector), I shared the same identity and intersection of oppression that I addressed in this
study. I recognized that my positionality heavily influences my worldview and approach to
inquiry. My intersecting identities and lived experiences have been shaped by power structures
globally and domestically. This research was conducted to add value to this field and not to
confirm my assumptions and biases. Though prior research has examined discrimination in the
workforce by marginalized groups, some stories have not been uplifted or fully represented in the
research by researchers with the same multiple identities as this study’s participants. Scholarly
materials have not adequately explored the story of Black Muslim refugee women employees.
My positionality can add insights and value to the research and broaden the understanding of a
specific demographic with multiple intersecting oppressions.
Nonetheless, my positionality can provide challenges, such as blind spots for the
identities I hold that come from a place of power and privilege. My blind spots could have led to
the exclusion of voices and experiences if I had not done my due diligence. As someone who
identifies as a Black Muslim refugee woman, my identity created a comfortable space for this
study’s participants to respond fully and authentically in the interviews. The paradigm of inquiry
I chose ensured that I centered the most marginalized voices and experiences as legitimate
(Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). Reflecting on my biases and assumptions also allowed me to
question the impact of power structures on my worldview as I conducted this study. My identity
and positionality connected me to the interviewees, but I was also cognizant of the influence my
assumptions could have on the data analysis. I aimed to mitigate this by being conscious and
deeply reflective of my experiences and trying not to project that onto the participants. This

42
allowed participants to step fully into their power and agency and answer the interview questions
based on their lived experiences. It also ensured accurate transcriptions and cross-checked the
recording. I conducted these interviews to explore the participants’ experiences and perceptions.
Reflexivity allowed me to keep my biases at bay, recognizing that my experience is not that of
the participants.

43
Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this study was to gain insight and explore the experiences of Black
Muslim refugee women in the workplace and how Islamophobia, racism, gender, and
immigration influence their leadership and career opportunities. The objective was to use that
understanding, through a CRT and intersectionality framework, to contribute to this population’s
career success and leadership opportunities. There was a specific emphasis on exploring this
population to see how their multiple identities intersect and play out in their workplace
experiences. The participants were given the space to thoughtfully engage and respond to the
research questions. Two research questions guided this study:
1. How do Black Muslim refugee women in senior leadership positions perceive their
experiences in the workforce at the intersection of race, religion, gender and
immigration and how they have influenced their leadership opportunities and career
growth?
2. What critical factors contribute to the success of Black Muslim refugee women in
obtaining leadership opportunities and career growth?
Participants
This study included eight interviewees who identified as Somali, Kenyan, or Ethiopian.
They ranged in age from 27 to 55 years old. While their locations are not shared to protect their
identities, they live in different cities and states across the United States. Naima is a 35 year-old
Somali refugee who has held senior leadership positions in two organizations, previously within
the private sector and now in the nonprofit sector. She is the mother of two children and who has
experienced terrible tragedy with the loss of her brother to gun violence. Growing up in a
predominantly Black and Brown low-income neighborhood, Naima was the first in her family to

44
graduate from a four-year university and later on obtain her masters. She has experienced
first-hand the struggles and challenges that come with climbing up the ladder both in her
education as well as in her career. Hala and Fardowsa were the first Black Muslim refugee
women elected in an official role as representatives for their districts, navigating a new terrain in
their senior leadership positions. While they hail from two different states, their experiences are
similar as they are both the eldest in their families and have spent a few years in refugee camps
before coming to the United States. Hala was born in Ethiopia while Fardowsa was born in
Somalia, but lived in Kenya before being resettled in the US. Muna was the first Black Muslim
refugee woman in her role in local city government, also the eldest daughter in her family. Muna
grew up in a predominantly low-income neighborhood and was also the first in her family to get
both a college and graduate degree.
Muna was the youngest interviewee of this study at the age of 27, and plays a critical role
in ensuring her family’s financial stability as one of the primary income earners in her family.
With all younger siblings who would need to pay for college one day, Muna spends her time
working to ensure her future and their financial future is secure. Khadija has over 18 years of
experience navigating the education system prior to her current role as executive director, in
which she serves in one of the most underserved public school systems in her state. She holds
multiple certifications and a masters degree in education. As a refugee from Somalia, Khadija is
a proud mother of six children, with one child being autistic. She has experienced first hand the
difficulties and challenges of leading a single-parent household while also working on her career.
Kifah is a 55 year-old Kenyan refugee who moved away from the nonprofit sector into the
private sector, lending her leadership skills to a small business. She is a mother of four children
and has become accustomed to moving often due to financial difficulties as well as job

45
opportunities. Diham (32) and Ayan (29) have similar backgrounds, both having studied social
work and management but serving in different capacities. While Diham works within her county
and trains others, Ayan serves as a program director in a nonprofit organization that serves
underprivileged communities.
A pseudonym for each interviewee was used to allow for anonymity and confidentiality
of the participants. All eight interviewees were in senior leadership positions. The industries they
represented were city, county, and state government, public education, small business, and
nonprofit. Table 1 outlines the participants’ socio- demographic information.

46
Table 1
Sociodemographic Information of Participants
Participant
characteristics Naima Hala Fardowsa Khadija Diham Muna Kifah Ayan
Gender Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female
Race Black Black Black Black Black Black Black Black
Religion Islam Islam Islam Islam Islam Islam Islam Islam
Refugee Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Career field Nonprofit Government Government
Public
education County
City
government
Small
business Nonprofit
Education level Masters Masters Bachelors Masters Masters Bachelor Masters Masters
Work role Director Representative Representative
Executive
director
Lead case
worker
Deputy chief
of staff Manager
Program
director

47
Finding for Research Question 1: Exploring the Experiences and Barriers Black Muslim
Refugee Women Face in the Workplace
The first research question aimed to explore the participants’ perceived experiences in the
workforce and how these influenced their leadership opportunities and career growth. Five
findings were gleaned from participants’ responses to address this research question. First, the
participants discussed preconceived notions and biases based on intersecting identities. Second,
the participants feared retribution and loss of work opportunities and advancement based on their
identities. Third, they had increased feelings of isolation and burden beyond work
responsibilities. Fourth, they mentioned pressures to prove their expertise and qualifications, and
lastly, they felt their leadership undermined. The following sections explore these findings in the
context of the participants’ responses. These contextualized responses provide a deeper
understanding of their lived experiences in the workforce.
Finding 1: Preconceived Notions and Biases Based on Intersecting Identities As Black
Muslim Refugee Women Played a Significant Role in the Workplace
The first finding of this study is deeply connected to the multiple salient identities each of
the participants held that contributed to their experiences in the workplace. The participants
indicated a shared experience in which their multiple intersecting identities played a key role. All
eight participants indicated that their hypervisibility as hijab-wearing Muslim women and being
visibly Black refugee women came with preconceived notions about who they are and what they
are capable of as employees and as leaders in their fields. Often, it was difficult to separate out
which of the identities played more of a role in their experiences and interactions at work. For
example, Khadija stated that her overall experience in senior leadership left her feeling
“marginalized, disrespected, disinvested and isolated.” Diham discussed that people make up

48
their minds about who she is, her abilities, and what she represents before they even get to know
her. Naima elaborated on how her identity presenting as a visibly Black Muslim refugee woman
felt “highly magnified,” especially in the interactions with co-workers where she often would be
the only visibly Black Muslim refugee woman in a space. The intersection of her identities, and
the identities of the other participants, took center stage in their experiences in the workplace.
Participants noted that people made assumptions about whether they could speak English
or were surprised to find them articulate and able to express themselves, with these comments
often being viewed as microaggressions in the workplace. They felt a sense of being seen as
different or “othered,” a term they used to indicate being seen as outsiders due to their religion,
race, gender, or presenting as an immigrant. For instance, Fardowsa mentioned her initial
experience with co-workers: “People definitely … look at me differently, and they honestly don’t
know what to expect from me. They’re just very confused. Like they don’t know what I’m gonna
say, what I’m gonna do.” Respondents’ intersecting identities were on full display at all times.
Talking about her specific experiences, Naima mentioned that “being a visibly Muslim woman, a
Black woman, you know, someone that looks different, looks like I come from somewhere else”
impacted her personally as she shared how her identity was seen as “other” at her workplace.
Specifically, Naima discussed often being the only Black Muslim woman in a leadership
meeting, that the way she dressed set her apart from others, and that she was often questioned
about her hijab in the middle of meetings. She mentioned the additional pressure she felt when
speaking to make sure her points were not misunderstood, and the praise she received for being
articulate reinforced her belief that she was seen as different from her co-workers. In addition,
she highlighted how numerous co-workers told her that she was the first Muslim they met,
leaving her to wonder how she should process this statement that left her feeling as if she did not

49
belong in this space. The experience of feeling “othered” is not a new phenomenon nor an
anomaly for each of the participants, but contributed highly to their lack of belonging in the
workplace and their career and leadership growth.
A recurring theme in the participants’ experiences was also the notion that they felt as if
they were put in a box that made them feel invisible in dealing with overt and covert
discrimination because of their multiple intersecting identities. Ayan talked about an incident in
which she faced specific microaggressions from a Caucasian co-worker and was unsure of how
to challenge him without being labeled as aggressive herself. In this incident, Ayan noted that
this co-worker made remarks to other co-workers while she was within hearing distance,
dismissing her ideas or the work she did. He also made passing remarks about her veil and
whether her culture clouded her clinical judgments. She noted this struggle of dealing with
people’s preconceived biases and notions and her desire to not play into it: “I didn’t want to be
labeled as confrontational cause I know other people in the workplace who are Black women
have been labeled that way.” This was significant in that it affected her psychological safety in
the workplace, creating additional barriers to success and career growth.
The participants felt that these incidents and experiences magnified others’ perceptions
about them at work and limited their sense of being visible as co-workers and leaders. The
notions of being highly magnified and being limited in visibility were not at odds with one
another. The participants stood out from their co-workers through physical attire, skin color, and
foreign-sounding names, especially in rooms where few or no other individuals shared these
identities. The participants were visibly Muslim, visibly Black, and visibly women who were
perceived as immigrants. Their unfavorable interactions with co-workers, including
discrimination and/or microaggressions, were rooted in the people’s perceptions. Thus, their

50
physically visible presence contributed directly to these experiences and incidents. Their overall
experiences were testament to the centrality of their identities playing a critical role in the
workplace, often creating challenges to belonging and career and leadership growth.
Participants noted that these experiences and being highly visible influenced co-workers’
perception of their capabilities as employees and leaders who could add value to the workplace.
This hindered the possibility of building stronger relationships that can lead to opportunities for
growth and leadership.For instance, Diham shared an incident in which she felt her co-workers
were judging her constantly despite being at the workplace for a while. Kifah talked about an
incident in which a co-worker complained about her ability to do the work effectively to another
manager, not knowing that in a recent performance review, Kifah was noted to have exceeded
her performance remarks, noting “All my metrics have to be a hundred percent, and I exceeded
that.” Kifah felt this co-worker, who barely interacted with her, questioned her work ethic mainly
due to her intersecting identities, contributing to her feelings of not being seen as an equal yet
standing out due to her multiple identities. Thus, their identities played a key role in placing them
in a box that made them feel invisible despite being hypervisible as Black Muslim refugee
women. This created additional challenges for them to tackle in the workplace, contributing to
the systemic inequities they faced at work as Black Muslim refugee women. Table 2 outlines a
few of these specific experiences.

51
Table 2
Discrimination, Bias, and Feeling Like an Outsider: Key Experiences Shared by Participants
Q1. What have your experiences been like in your workplace as a Black Muslim refugee
woman?
Fardowsa
“I think there’s a lot of misconceptions, you know, especially as a
woman presenting as a Muslim, you know, I wear the hijab and
there’s, you know, a mixture of people who are shocked that I can
even like speak. … The expectations of people and the
perspectives they have as a, a Black woman as a refugee.They just
don’t know what they expect from me and a lot of times they’re
just shocked.”
Naima
“In a room with like 100 co-workers having just like less than a
handful of people be people of color much less people who have
so many intersecting identities like me where I was like you know,
like a Black Muslim, Hjabi, Somali refugee. Being the only one
that, like, it definitely shows your experience will be different. … I
got used to getting really passive aggressive comments from my
supervisor. It was stressful.”
Khadija
“There’s a lot of disrespect towards me. There’s a lot of
microaggression. I’m asked disrespectful questions. Questioned a
lot of the things that others never got questioned with. …So,
whatever I’m reading in equity, I’m actually experiencing it in
person at work. So, in modern-day Jim Crow laws. When a person
of color comes to the front of the line. They start changing the
process and the protocols, and how the job is supposed to be. …
So, as a woman of color, as a hijabi, as a Muslim, I’m
marginalized. I’m disrespected, isolated, disinvested.”
Hala
“My mom reminded me something that she has always said. She has
always reminded us girls in my family that we have to work three
times harder because we are Black, Muslim, and a woman. I also
struggle with sexism and misogynist. … The amount of ignorance
about Muslim women, about refugees, about everything I am, and
all my social identities. … I would speak up and say, you know,
say something and somebody would actually be amazed the fact
that I know what I’m talking about. … Somebody who
automatically by seeing you thinks that you’re either not smart or
you’re uneducated or your experiences and worldview is super
different from the average American people, so they would
dismiss you.

52
Finding 1 illustrates the interviewees’ lived workplace experiences. On the one hand,
there is the influence of race, religion, gender, and immigration at the workplace that is
hypervisible, while, on the other hand, it contributes to their invisibility. Often, these experiences
made it difficult for participants to pinpoint which identity played more of a role in their lived
realities. However, all eight participants shared struggles with people’s preconceived notions
about their multiple intersecting identities, marginalization, discrimination, and the feeling of
being seen as an outsider at work. This led to additional barriers the participants had to
overcome, thus stalling or slowing down the process for their career growth and leadership
opportunities.
Finding 2: Black Muslim Refugee Women Fear Retribution and Loss of Opportunities
The participants expressed fear of retribution and loss of opportunities due to their
multiple intersecting identities as key barriers for their growth. They discussed diversity and
equity as being important slogans in their workplaces. However, seven participants felt these
terms had become buzzwords and have not led to actual change. In fact, promoting diversity in
the workplace and increasing the representation of people of color in leadership felt more like lip
service and tokenization than real implementation that led to equitable opportunities. Naima
mentioned that diversity at her workplace is “really just a way to meet a certain quota because
diversity did not really exist. And so, … in that space, there was a lot more talk about diversity,
inclusion, equity, and not much to show for it.” Owing to the lack of implementation of DEI
initiatives—where genuine representation entails equal access to power and
opportunities—coupled with the stereotypes and biases participants perceived themselves
subjected to, participants harbored a profound fear of retribution. This fear extended to concerns
about losing opportunities for growth and career advancement due to their identities.

53
Participants reported incidents where they felt compelled to prioritize their financial
security over expressing discomfort regarding the microaggressions and biases they encountered
in the workplace. While some of these experiences of discomfort were rooted in a perceived fear
of retribution, there were also structural inequities within the workplace that pressured them to
safeguard their positions or paychecks, often at the expense of their personal comfort,
well-being, and career growth. For instance, Diham talked about incidents in which she felt she
could not comfortably have discussions with other decision-makers regarding her facing
discrimination from clients or those she supervised for fear of being demoted from her position.
She felt she could not complain so as not to provide a reason to lose her job, noting that it
already felt “like they almost don’t wanna work with you to begin with.”
The fear of retribution was also felt in day-to-day conversations where the participants
felt a sense of dread of not being able to participate authentically in workplace conversations
regarding political events or religion for fear of losing their positions or being alienated. This
apprehension arose from the recognition that workplaces function within a societal framework
where racism, Islamophobia, sexism, and xenophobia are not aberrations but pervasive elements
within the United States. Participating in such conversations was viewed as having possible
negative repercussions, including loss of relationships, loss of position or alienation due to held
beliefs and political viewpoints. Such factors contributed significantly to participants' sense of
job security, career progression and growth. Diham elaborated on how she opted to stay silent
and not express her views: “What you say back to them, it could make you end up losing your
job, so I just stay silent.” Hala narrated a colleague’s verbal discrimination against the
communities with which she identifies, and she could not help but speak up, despite the fear she
felt and the consequences she knew she would face: “I was just tired of the microaggressions and

54
the prejudice and the amount of simple ignorance about who I am and what I stand for and my
background.” The fear of retribution and constantly having to exercise caution was influenced by
the participants’ recognition that co-workers’ preconceived notions about Black Muslim refugee
women can harm them in the workplace. The experiences recounted by participants underscore
the concept that the workplace does not operate in isolation. Instead, it both influences and is
influenced by the broader societal context, contributing to structural and institutional inequities
that impede the career advancement of minority groups.
Muna also shared this fear in her role, where she felt she had to censor herself, especially
given her leadership role: “A lot of myself had to be very censored now that I was in this role.”
As the first Muslim in this high leadership position within the city, Muna felt her leadership
position came with a responsibility to the elected representative for whom she worked for. In her
response, she detailed how, in policy discussions or meetings with special interest groups or
organizations, she was cognizant of how her remarks as a Black Muslim woman could be
misconstrued or misapplied, as it often is in political spaces, and thus create a political problem
for the elected official she represented in addition to herself. Thus, she was careful not to express
dismay or disappointment at various policy approaches and decisions or would remain silent
regarding the mistreatment she received from other offices within the city in fear of her words
and complaints being used against her or her boss. It also affected how she could show up for her
community in these difficult spaces where she could no longer speak freely or point to how
harmful certain policy decisions were because she shared the same identity as her community
and would come under intense, and often unfair, scrutiny. She detailed the fear she had in how
people would respond or draw attention to her and her role due to their perceptions of her
intersecting identities and dismiss her: “They would see me as, ‘Oh, this is that super activist

55
person,’ who’s always going to be upset about something or will always be like that.” Muna
resorted to censoring herself to avoid political issues arising for her in her leadership role and for
the representative she worked for.
In addition to the fear of retribution, participants identified structural systems within the
workplace that hindered their access to the same opportunities available to others, further
contributing to their lost opportunities. Khadija specifically mentioned the loss of opportunities
as being due to structural racism: “Systematic racism embedded in all of the structures from
hiring practices to teaching practices to opportunity. I call it opportunity hoarding.” This notion
of opportunity hoarding was echoed by multiple participants, who perceived that access to
opportunities was more dependent on personal connections rather than merit or qualifications.
The lack of concrete opportunities to build strong relationships at work as well as the systematic
discrimination encountered contributed to the challenges participants felt in their leadership and
career growth. It reinforced additional barriers and hurdles Black Muslim refugee women have to
overcome in their career and leadership growth. For instance, Naima elaborated on this
experience of not being able to participate in networking opportunities that happened outside of
work because they were held in locations that were incompatible with her faith practices:
Co-workers shared a lot more. Like, they could go out and participate in happy hours, or
they could, you know, talk about like similar things over the weekends or whatever, so I
felt that, you know, my cultural identity, my faith, a lot of things set me apart. I couldn’t
really connect with them, and they couldn’t definitely connect with me. A lot of those,
like, kind of personal connections really lead to the most success in terms of networking
and climbing up the corporate ladder and all of those kinds of things.

56
As participants grappled with the dual challenges of safeguarding their positions and
navigating limited opportunities, there was a deep sense of loss from being the pioneers in many
of the leadership positions they held. Four participants were the first in their families or
communities to hold such leadership positions, particularly those in government positions. For
instance, Fardowsa expressed her difficulty navigating her government leadership role as a
representative because this has been a space in which her community has little to no experience
navigating. She expressed her dismay at seeing her co-workers have deep-seated knowledge of
certain protocols, procedures, and knowledge inherited from parents or family who have held
government positions. Her experience was different than her co-workers due to being the first
Black Muslim refugee woman to hold such a position in her state:
Immigrant households with parents who had to navigate society, they don’t necessarily
have that institutional knowledge that other people’s parents have. So, there’s a lot of
privilege from my colleagues and my co-workers. It took me a lot longer to figure out
these things on my own.
Hala shared a similar experience on her first day in orientation for new representatives, where
her colleagues were already aware of the process to get into committees while she was just trying
to get her bearings in her new position: “My colleague is talking about all the … committees that
she wants to be in, and she’s talking to the speaker about the committees, and I’m literally, like,
out of it. I’m like, ‘how do you know that?’”
The loss of opportunities manifested in various forms, reflecting a multifaceted impact on
participants’ professional trajectories. One significant dimension was the lack of institutional
knowledge that participants missed out on before assuming their roles. This gap in knowledge
often hindered their ability to navigate organizational structures and perform effectively.

57
Additionally, the absence of early access to networking and professional connections further
exacerbated the disadvantage, as these networks frequently play a crucial role in career
advancement and access to opportunities. Table 3 illustrates some of the key experiences the
participants shared.
Table 3
Fear of Retribution and Loss of Opportunities: Key Experiences Participants Shared
In what ways has your identity, especially at the intersection of being Black, Muslim, and a
refugee woman, played a role in your workplace?
Hala “It’s not what you know. It’s who you know and who you’re connected with.”
Kifah
“What I have faced is in different management positions, the leaders want you to
conform to be promoted. They want to confine you into a space that they want
you to be. If you do not fit into the box that they want you to be, then it is going
to affect you negatively. Whether it is promotion, whether it is an increase or
anything. … Nobody’s seeing you as you’re one to bring something forward or
lead. You’re seen as you are the one who’s causing problems. So, you have to
pick your battles in order to survive, for you to get your paycheck.”
Ayan
“I don’t think they take me seriously because, obviously, I’m a woman who wears
like a very long hijab, you know, that comes down to my knees. So, maybe they
assume that I am very, you know, faithful, and I am, but that, you know, clouds
my judgment. … They take advantage of me. Like, they’re not gonna see my
work and be like, you know you deserve a promotion a lot of times. So, they
hire outside, or they promote someone else I trained. I kinda sit back and watch
that happen often”
Khadija
“Opportunities look different. For whites it is different. They just get it. No
questions asked. It’s almost like an entitlement. No questions asked, no
nothing, no second guesses, none of that.”
Diham
“I don’t get many opportunities to advance. I did kind of just stay quiet or I
should say I’m currently staying quiet because I still haven’t said anything
about being passed over though I’ve been here for a while. I have this current
role, why would I mess it up by speaking up. …There are times where my
co-workers would be able to speak up on things, but I feel like I can’t do that.
So, I just take a back seat and don’t really speak up on it.”
Finding 2 illustrated the participants’ difficult experiences due to their intersecting
identities. The fear of retribution for authentically existing in all their intersecting identities was
a disempowering experience for these participants, particularly in senior leadership positions.

58
Despite their leadership position, the loss of opportunities and this deep fear of retaliation were
still felt strongly due to their multiple identities at the intersection of religion, race, immigration,
and gender. Participants reported being bypassed for opportunities due to their race, religion,
gender, or immigration status, highlighting how systemic biases and discriminatory practices
permeate institutional decision-making processes. This confluence of factors collectively
contributed to the diminished prospects and challenges faced by participants in their career and
leadership growth.
Finding 3: Black Muslim Refugee Women Face Isolation and Added Burden at Work
Beyond Their Work Responsibilities
The intersection of the participants’ multiple identities not only heightened their visibility
but also imposed additional burdens and isolation in the workplace. Participants experienced a
significant emotional load, stemming from their sense of feeling responsible to educate others
about their identities alongside their professional duties. This additional strain arose from the
recognition that individuals often had limited exposure to or negative preconceptions about each
part of their intersecting identity as well as the sum of their identities as Black Muslim refugee
women. Consequently, participants felt compelled to undertake the emotional labor of educating
others, addressing misconceptions and fostering understanding, which further complicated their
professional experiences. Naima expressed her bewilderment: “Most people are meeting
someone like me for the first time ever in their life.” Hala emphasized that this made her work
more difficult and isolating since this burden was expected of her at all times: “The work is not
hard. It is the expectation and education of other people.”
There was a shared experience among the respondents that this burden of educating
others on their multiple intersecting identities was common and expected of them. There seemed

59
to be a perception and biases held in which these women were seen as inferior, incapable,
illiterate, and/or a threat. These preconceived notions and biases meant the participants
shouldered the burden of educating their colleagues and workplaces about their identities. Hala
specifically recounted an experience in which she had to verbally defend herself in a meeting
with colleagues who were speaking negatively about her communities and using derogatory
language toward Black Muslim refugee women in general. She indicated, “The amount of
ignorance about Muslim women, about refugees, about everything I am and all my social
identities” was a key factor in her efforts to educate others and speak up as needed, despite how
heavy a load it was to carry it. Khadija elaborated on her experience of being in senior leadership
yet still having to educate others who assume she does not speak English properly and/or cannot
navigate the public education system for her children because of her presenting identities.
Systemic racism and microaggressions were named as specific experiences that had an
isolating effect. This isolating factor was not unique to one or two participants. It was a common
theme among all eight. They found isolation in the workplace to be difficult to navigate. Khadija
mentioned that her passion and commitment to the field help her stay in her position despite how
isolating microaggressions and discrimination make her feel. She stated, “If I didn’t have a
passion for the field if I didn’t advocate for others that look like me, families that look like me,
mothers that look like me, I would have quit years ago.” Muna also discussed the loneliness she
feels navigating work dynamics that are deeply connected to overall systemic racism in America:
“The pain of trying to navigate this system and this country when you are a refugee and
immigrant, especially for our small community, who’s also experiencing that layer of race and
religion in an American context is exhausting.” The burden of education and isolation was
combined and intensified by the perception that participants were viewed as representatives of

60
the diverse groups associated with their intersecting identities. Consequently, each day they
entered the workplace, participants were acutely aware that their presence carried the weight of
the communities from which they came, as their colleagues' perceptions often imposed the
responsibility of embodying and advocating for these communities. Their professional
experiences were thus shaped by the need to navigate the complexities of being seen as symbols
of broader social groups, which further compounded their emotional and professional challenges
and created additional barriers for their leadership and career growth.
Despite the additional burdens and efforts undertaken by participants, a pervasive sense
of isolation remained evident. Two participants articulated the experience of being overlooked
and undervalued in their workplaces, despite their substantial contributions. Diham explicitly
identified this issue as a form of systemic inequity, remarking, “Sometimes it’s like the system
that you’re trying to work for isn’t giving you the same value back.” Similarly, Kifah described
her experience of expending significantly more effort merely to achieve parity with her
colleagues, stating, “So, you have to do a lot of work for you to be given the same platform.”
This unrecognized extra effort had considerable mental and emotional repercussions, leading
these women to frequently contemplate whether they should remain in their current positions.
This dynamic exacerbated the sense of isolation they felt, as they often perceived themselves as
being isolated on a metaphorical island, striving to gain acknowledgment for their achievements
and contributions in order to grow in their careers and leadership position.
Finding 3 highlighted the multiple ways the participants felt isolated and the burdens they
bore in addition to their day-to-day workloads and responsibilities. Much of the burden and
isolation experienced by participants was significantly influenced by preconceived notions and
biases related to their intersecting identities, as well as by the structural systems of inequity

61
present in the workplace. These factors introduced additional barriers and obstacles that
participants were compelled to navigate and overcome.
Finding 4: Black Muslim Refugee Women Face Pressures to Prove Their Expertise and
Qualifications
A consistent theme woven through each of the eight participants’ responses was the
burden of having to constantly prove their qualifications and expertise. There was an often
unspoken battle to demand respect due to the visibility of their intersecting identities. The
participants attributed this challenge to societal perceptions of them as not capable of being in
leadership positions or having to meet higher standards to have the same opportunities as others.
For instance, Khadija outlined her experience in having the opportunity to be promoted but
facing extensive barriers compared to her white counterparts. She detailed that her workplace
had the practice of not conducting interviews but appointing internal candidates to vacant
positions. However, when she expressed specific interest in her department’s vacant executive
director position, they subjected her to an extensive interview with 15 interviewers. This was the
first time they had undertaken a process this rigorous. In fact, Khadija said that the individual
who filled the position she left was promoted immediately without such an interview, and the
person she replaced as the executive director also did not have such an exhaustive 15-person
panel interview:
I was subjected to an extensive interview just because of the color of my skin. They just
had to make sure they had it in writing that it wasn’t because of the color of my skin that
I got the job. I didn’t point it out until I got the job, but after I got the job, and I found out
my replacement was appointed, and she never actually got interviewed and had to do the

62
extra mile. I still got the job. I was overqualified for the position, but I still did the extra
mile.
In her eyes, being the only Black Muslim refugee woman going through this process, she felt
specifically disempowered and pressured to prove her expertise despite being in the field for 18
years. Kifah shared a similar experience in which she had the most education out of her
colleagues yet had to prove herself over and over again just to demand the same level of respect
and authority that comes with her leadership position: “I am the most educated person here, but
at the same time, every minute, you have to prove why you are sitting at the table. Sometimes, it
becomes very frustrating.” Other participants shared similar experiences and how this constant
pressure of proving your authority and qualifications created added stress and an extra layer of
scrutiny. For instance, Naima detailed a specific incident where she requested a White assistant
join her for a meeting to take notes. Throughout the meeting, attendees would make assumptions
that the assistant was in charge of decision-making and moving the meeting along:
They kept looking to her and not me as the person in charge, though I was the Director.
So, they just don’t associate that, like, level of expertise and professionalism with the
person who is the person of color or the Muslim woman or etc. They just assumed that
maybe we could be the workhorse, but we cannot be the leader, the innovator, the person
that’s coming up with profound thoughts and ideas, basically.
This constant struggle to prove their expertise and qualifications was not limited to their
leadership positions or the hiring practices, as it was also present in day-to-day workplace
interactions. The participants shared similar experiences in their interactions with colleagues and
those reporting directly to them. Hala recounted experiencing the challenge of having her
expertise disregarded, illustrated by colleagues initially ignoring a policy proposal she had

63
suggested. However, the same idea was subsequently elevated and endorsed when presented by a
white male colleague: “Nobody says anything about it. That’s exactly the same thing I just said.
Like, am I invisible? Like seriously.” Fardowsa, in her role as a representative, also shared a
similar experience, noting how society’s perceptions of leadership and systemic inequities have
contributed to this imbalance of Black Muslim refugee women not being seen or respected as
leaders, despite their leadership roles: “You know we created an image where leadership has
always been white and male so it’s harder for women and even harder for Black women. So,
those factors are external, you know. Racism, system of racism, societal perceptions on
leadership and on who should be in charge impacts us.” Perceptions of their leadership
capabilities directly influenced the leadership roles and career progression of Black Muslim
refugee women, often presenting as a double-edged sword in their experiences.
This nuanced dynamic not only shaped their leadership trajectories but also introduced
further complexities in how they navigated their professional environments. In addition to the
ongoing stress associated with demonstrating their qualifications and expertise, the participants
encountered an additional challenge. Due to their intersectional identities, they faced the
compounded pressure of validating their professional roles based on their expertise, experience,
and qualifications, rather than being perceived merely as token representatives or diversity hires.
Three participants detailed experiences in which colleagues mentioned that their leadership
positions were due to DEI and because equity has become popularized in many institutions. For
instance, Khadija mentioned an incident where individuals who were trying to be appointed to
the executive director role, before she indicated her interest in the position, made snide remarks
about how she received her role due to it being an equity hire: “They tell me, you know you got
hired just because of the color of your skin and equity is a new thing.” Table 4 illustrates

64
additional insights into the respondents’ experiences in regard to their expertise and
qualifications being questioned or not respected.
Table 4
Insights Into Participants’ Expertise and Qualifications Being Dismissed or Discounted
What challenges or barriers, if any, do you face at your workplace as a Black Muslim refugee
woman?
Naima
“I felt that I almost had to constantly prove myself. I felt like, you know,
anything that I said or did was kind of looked at.”
“People were pretty shocked to see someone, you know, of my identity
probably, in like a high management kind of role. Based on stereotypes
probably, or just like overall like white supremacy, I don’t know, so it
seemed like there’s just that preconceived notions that you probably won’t
be or wouldn’t be as good at the job and you needed extra attention.”
Fardowsa
“The level of discrimination and the level of attacks is completely different
with between, you know, me and my colleagues in my role”
Kifah
“It’s very unfortunate that you are not being given the respect from the get
go.”
“It’s more like you have to earn it compared to your counterpart, who might
not even have the same level of education or the same level of education
that you have. You still feel like every minute you have to prove yourself.”
Khadija
“I have to keep proving myself. They started questioning every decision I
made. whether it was budget, whether it was hiring, whether it was as
simple as ordering food for staff engagement to increase the department
morale, whatever it was they didn’t respect me. It was never about my skill
set. It was always about my skin color.”
Finding 4 highlights the workplace challenges that the participants encountered due to
their intersecting identities as well as being amongst the minority group in their workplaces as
well as society. The persistent pressure to avoid tokenization was accompanied by the additional
burden of continually demonstrating their qualifications, expertise, and experience at every level,
as well as securing respect once in leadership roles. Confronted with microaggressions and

65
societal perceptions of power and who is deemed suitable for positions of authority and
leadership, the participants were compelled to navigate an environment characterized by
uncertainty. This played a critical role in their leadership and career growth, often negatively
influencing their opportunities.
Finding 5: Black Muslim Refugee Women Feel Undermined and Sabotaged in Leadership
Positions
The insights from the interviews revealed a broader context of systemic issues that
compounded the difficulties faced by the participants. The participants reported various
challenges encountered in their leadership roles. In particular, there was a perception that their
identities were hypervisible in a way that set them apart from colleagues, who often were
amongst the dominant majority in the workforce. Notably, this heightened visibility was
accompanied by an additional layer of scrutiny, where their errors were perceived as being
magnified and accentuated, thus providing a basis for the dominant majority to rationalize their
biases and preconceived notions of Black Muslim refugee women. The participants consistently
cited Islamophobia, sexism, and racism as significant factors contributing to their experiences of
being undermined and sabotaged in the workplace.
One specific way these women felt undermined was in the vast difference in treatment
they received when they made a mistake compared to their colleagues. Fardowsa mentioned,
“There is no space for slacking or making mistakes because no grace is given.” Kifah and Diham
also shared similar experiences of how others would use the slightest mistake at work to demote
them from leadership positions. Kifah mentioned, “Because I know if I drop the shoes, it will
give everybody the excuse to come after me.” Naima echoed this sentiment about how Black
Muslim refugee women are constantly on alert, both mentally and emotionally, due to the

66
hypervisibility of their intersecting identities: “You’re constantly kind of preparing for what
people, you know, could potentially see as your flaws.” In contrast to their peers or the dominant
groups in the workforce, participants expressed that they were unable to afford the conventional
learning curve associated with leadership, wherein leaders can be afforded the opportunity to
make mistakes and learn from them. Instead, they faced the specific challenge of needing to
excel in their leadership roles despite significant obstacles. Participants observed that there was
little tolerance for errors on their part, as mistakes often resulted in adverse consequences that
were not as prevalent for their peers. This lack of opportunity to learn from mistakes, coupled
with the necessity to conceal any flaws, contributed to their sense of having their leadership
growth undermined as well as indicating a particular point of vulnerability in their leadership
positions.
This sense of vulnerability was further exacerbated by the actions of those they
supervised or collaborated with, who frequently sought to undermine their leadership position.
The participants noted how those they supervised or worked with would often try to sabotage
their leadership position. For instance, Khadija narrated specific incidents in which the staff she
supervised would contribute to creating a hostile work environment for her, sabotaging her work
and leadership, and/or dismissing her leadership altogether. In one instance, she noticed how
some of the staff members would meet before her official meeting with them and plan ways to
disrupt the meeting or file numerous complaints to get her fired from her position. Kifah also had
similar experiences with co-workers she supervised reporting her for her work, only to be proven
wrong due to her strong metrics. Diham shared an experience of staff she trained trying to bypass
her recommendations to move ahead in their roles at the county when they were not ready,

67
putting her at odds with Diham’s supervisor, with whom they had developed a stronger
relationship.
Finding 5 illustrates the challenges faced by Black Muslim refugee women in leadership
positions are multifaceted and profoundly impact their effectiveness and advancement in their
roles. Participants’ responses illuminated several specific difficulties, including experiences of
being undermined and sabotaged, which directly affected their capacity to lead and achieve
professional success. These challenges created significant obstacles to their leadership, often
manifesting in both overt and subtle forms of resistance and discrimination. Despite these
difficulties, they rose above these challenges and barriers. Hala stated, “I still exist. I am here,
and I am not going anywhere.” Hala’s statement exemplified the steadfast resolve shared by all
participants. This sentiment reflects their collective commitment to persevere and excel in their
leadership roles despite the systemic challenges and personal setbacks they faced.
Summary of Findings for Research Question 1
Research Question 1 explored the participants’ experiences in their workplace leadership
positions. Findings 1–3 for Research Question 1 were that the interviewees’ existence at the
intersection of race, religion, gender, and immigration played a significant role in their
workplaces. However, it is difficult to isolate which of the identities played more of a role in
these experiences. Finding 1 illustrated that stereotypes, biases, and preconceived notions of their
identities came into play in the workplace and shaped their rising to and acting as leaders.
Finding 2 highlighted that the participants faced an uphill battle when it came to being hyper
visible yet invisible, often fearing retribution and loss of opportunities. Finding 3 illustrated how
the participants faced isolation and added burden at work due to constantly educating others,
navigating biases, and being forced to represent the multiple communities they hailed from.

68
The results pertaining to this research question also shed light on the participants’
workplace challenges and barriers. The experiences and incidents the participants shared affected
their leadership growth and career opportunities. Finding 4 illustrated they feel they have to
constantly prove their expertise and qualifications and disprove being equity hires. In the context
of America’s struggle with systemic racism, sexism, xenophobia, and Islamophobia, perceptions,
and expectations of who can be a leader and who has historically been in leadership positions
and power contributes to this pressure. This challenge was not limited to hiring practices but
permeated throughout their careers, sometimes preventing promotion or career advancement.
Finding 5 provided insight into how the participants felt undermined and sabotaged in
their leadership positions. They shared experiences of feeling under constant scrutiny, their flaws
or mistakes magnified, and encountering disrespect and/or sabotage by the people they worked
with or supervised, hindering their leadership and ability to excel. While the challenges and
barriers encountered by Black Muslim refugee women in the workforce were multifaceted, the
steadfastness and perseverance indicated by the participants highlighted their own commitment
to their growth and advancement, despite the odds they faced.
Findings for Research Question 2: Critical Factors Contributing to the Success of Black
Muslim Refugee Women in Obtaining Leadership Opportunities and Career Growth
The second research question explored the critical factors contributing to the
interviewees’ success in obtaining leadership opportunities and career growth. Participant
responses led to the following findings: internal and external support are key to the participants’
success, and faith, resilience, and confidence play a critical role in that success.
Finding 1: Internal and External Support Are Key to Success of Black Muslim Refugee
Women in the Workplace

69
The level of support participants received, particularly in leadership roles, emerged as a
crucial factor influencing their success, with notable differences in how this support was
experienced. A significant distinction in participants' responses pertained to the form of support
they encountered, particularly in leadership roles. While six participants felt they had no formal
support to counter microaggressions or a trusted formal process through which to safely name
the discrimination, bias, and difficulties they faced, there was informal support in the workplace
that contributed to their success. Internal support played a pivotal role in facilitating their success
in the workplace. Two types of internal support emerged as a finding from the participants’
responses: formal and informal internal support. Participants identified formal internal support as
processes in which managers and leaders countered microaggression and biases, including
leadership check-ins and supervisors creating an inclusive environment. Two participants noted
they received this formal internal support from their supervisors. Informal support was provided
by individual coworkers or colleagues of color from other departments who shared similar
experiences. Six participants reported receiving this form of informal internal support. Internal
support overall, whether formal or informal, was a critical success factor in the workplace.
The availability of support varied among participants, with some indicating that their
experiences were influenced by specific connections within their immediate work environment.
Two participants stated that they had some support in their department or office, but this was
largely contingent on a strong relationship with their supervisors. For instance, Muna indicated
that the support she received was particular to her office and team and was not prevalent across
the broader workplace. “Outside of my office, which is a tiny little wheel, in the massiveness that
is the city and all who operate within it, it’s not a safe space.” She mentioned that her boss, who
is an elected official, was deeply invested in her leadership growth and served as both a mentor

70
and a boss, creating the space for her to grow. She had established the friendship and mentorship
connection prior to the election and formation of this office. This strong relationship has
positively influenced her experience in the workplace.
Muna perceived that the distinctive mentorship she received from her supervisor was
instrumental in her personal success as well as the success of the office as a whole. An
illustrative incident involved a neighboring office employee addressing her in a disparaging
manner, which left her visibly distressed. Despite this challenge, Muna continued to work on the
project. Her supervisor and team recognized her discomfort and facilitated a supportive
environment, allowing her the opportunity to address the incident. Muna articulated her concerns
about collaborating with this individual and established personal boundaries. Her team responded
by reassigning the project to another member per her request. In this context, Muna experienced
a profound sense of support and empowerment, feeling validated in her decision to distance
herself from the individual in question. Her supervisor, whom she regarded as a mentor, notably
advocated on her behalf, reinforcing her sense of support and respect within the team. “I felt very
powerful after that moment. I felt proud that I communicated my needs, that I set my boundaries
forward, that I was able to still retain.” Ayan also had to learn to lean on her supervisor after an
incident left her shaking: “I talked to my supervisor. I let my feelings be known.” Nonetheless,
she knew she needed to walk into that meeting with ample evidence so she would be taken
seriously. She felt that she needed to make sure she had extensive documentation, witnesses, and
evidence before she spoke with her supervisor about incidents of discrimination, even with the
strong connection she had built with her supervisor. Nonetheless, the supervisor listened and
communicated that this incident would be handled, making Ayan feel deeply supported and that

71
her concerns would be met with an appropriate response. Moments of formal internal support
were critical for participants’ success in addressing challenges they faced.
While Muna and Ayan indicated their internal support came from their supervisor
specifically, other participants noted internal support was from a co-worker or another person of
color. For Fardowsa, a co-worker had been more of a support for her than her leaders: “There’s
been like one representative who’s been so supportive and helping me and that made a
difference.” This support was critical for Fardowsa to navigate as a 1st-year representative and
the different protocols she had to be aware of as a representative. Hala mentioned that a
co-worker who identified as a person of color and had access to consultants was willing to share
the information she learned with her. This enabled Hala to grow in her leadership and role as a
representative despite not having the funds to hire consultants herself. This internal informal
support in their workplace helped alleviate some of the difficulties they faced and grow in their
leadership.
In addition to internal support, participants highlighted the significance of external
support as a crucial factor in their success in their leadership and career growth. This external
support, which could originate from family, friends, faith communities, or individuals outside the
workplace, was deemed essential for achieving success and overcoming challenges. Notably,
seven respondents emphasized that such external support was pivotal in maintaining their peace
of mind and effectively navigating workplace barriers. Fardowsa, for example, discussed critical
support from others with the same intersecting identity to navigate issues: “They’ve gone
through these issues. There’s no reason for you to try to reinvent the wheel or try to go through it
yourself.” This specific type of support from others who shared similar experiences helped
provide lessons learned that could be applied in their current roles. For instance, Kifah

72
mentioned that learning from other women of color enabled her to anticipate challenges and gave
her ideas on how to handle them. Advice Kifah received regarding what to do when she was
placed in her leadership position helped her focus on excelling in her metrics. A friend advised,
“It is very hard for people to block what you’re bringing to the table,” thus inspiring Kifah to
work in such a way that her “metrics actually speaks louder.” This advice that she applied
throughout her role as a leader came in handy when another worker tried to report her without
cause, as stated previously. The advice she received and implemented positively impacted her
work, leading to increased recognition of her leadership. Muna also elaborated on how an
external support system from her community had been critical for her to feel empowered as a
Black Muslim refugee woman navigating politics and government where she often felt erased
due to her identity: “I go to my external community. So, I go to my people more or less. And I
try to not only seek comfort and support but also try to craft some ways that I can feel more
empowered or be more empowered in the dynamics that I’m experiencing.”
Finding 1 illustrated the deep need for both internal and external support to help mitigate
some of the challenges and barriers to obtaining leadership opportunities and career
advancement. The interviewees relied heavily on external support to navigate challenges. The
external support provided the mental clarity and well-being needed to flourish in their leadership
roles. Their external support also provided a creative space to learn from others who may have
similar experiences in handling some of the challenges they encountered and/or provided the
advice they needed to succeed in their positions. The participants also identified internal support
as critical for their success. The internal support came in different forms, as six participants
received support from co-workers or other individuals, while two received direct support from
their supervisors.

73
Finding 2: Faith, Resilience, and Confidence Play a Critical Role in Being Successful for
Black Muslim Refugee Women
Interviewees were keen to share how faith, resilience, and confidence played a critical
role in their success and resiliency at work, despite the imbalance of power they often felt as a
minority group. All eight participants pointed to how faith and resilience were instrumental in
helping them navigate much of the experiences with Islamophobia, racism, sexism, and
xenophobia faced at work. For instance, when it came to lost opportunities and not being
recognized or valued at work, faith came up as a coping mechanism. Naima discussed how faith
and belief in Allah played a key role in her success and how she leans on it to help her in her
leadership role: “Your faith gives you a certain kind of discipline and professionalism and
honesty and comfort.” Kifah shared how faith and resilience were important when it came to her
experience in which others tried to undermine her work. With all of her metrics exceeding
expectations, she pushed back on the colleagues trying to keep her from the decision-making
table. She mentioned that faith and resilience led to her success in handling these challenges and
systemic barriers: “I am a Muslim woman who believes that whatever Allah has meant for you to
have, you will have it. That belief has helped me be resilient in my life throughout.”
Khadija also shared an experience where she was left out of key decision-making
meetings despite being the executive director. In these instances where she felt the doors closing
in on her and being silenced, she reached deep into her faith teachings to draw the strength and
resiliency needed to handle the situation in a suitable manner. In her advice to other Black
Muslim refugee women, Khadija reiterated, “Whatever God has destined for you, no human
being can block it. There can be a lot of barriers, but believe in yourself and always take the
higher road.” Fardowsa also shared how faith helped her navigate challenges and played a role in

74
her success: “Islam does a really great job teaching leadership skills and instilling that sense of
responsibility.” Faith was more than a source of comfort for the participants; it was a core part of
who they were as leaders, contributing directly to their success as Black Muslim refugee women
in the workplace.
Confidence emerged as a pivotal factor for the participants, significantly enhancing their
success and resilience. This sense of confidence was cultivated through a variety of sources,
including faith, education, refugee experiences, being an elder sibling in an immigrant
household, and/or simply from navigating life as a Black Muslim refugee woman, each
contributing uniquely to their sense of self-efficacy. Faith and educational achievements, for
instance, increased participants’ confidence by providing a profound sense of assurance,
competence and purpose. Refugee experiences contributed to their resilience by fostering
adaptability and perseverance in the face of adversity, increasing confidence. Additionally, the
role of an elder sibling in an immigrant household instilled a sense of responsibility and
leadership. Moreover, navigating life as a Black Muslim refugee woman, with its intersecting
challenges, further reinforced their confidence by enabling them to confront and overcome the
complexities associated with structural inequities and their multifaceted identity’s relationship
with power. Naima, for instance, detailed how she used what she called “delusional confidence”
to bring about her own success, stating. “Have this almost delusional confidence, arrogance,
whatever you want to call it, to approach things. Just think like a White man. Just go into spaces
like you’re a White man. Like you’re the expert, you know everything. Because you do.” Diham
further elaborated how she looks at how far she has come and the effort she has put into being
where she is today, and it gives her that confidence to keep going despite the challenges: “So,
through the hard work that I’ve done. Already in getting this far, I feel like because of that it

75
gives me confidence to continue.” The interplay of these diverse experiences and roles not only
fortified their self-assurance but also equipped them with the resilience needed to overcome
obstacles and thrive in the workplace. Hence, resilience through faith, confidence, and
participants’ sheer will to succeed continues to be a driving force in workplace success. Table 5
provides insights into the advice the participants provided for other Black Muslim refugee
women to succeed in the workplace, highlighting the continued resilience of Black Muslim
refugee women in the workplace.

76
Table 5
Insights Into Being Successful at Work for Black Muslim Refugee Women
If you were going to provide advice about what you need to succeed at work as a Black Muslim
refugee woman to other Black Muslim refugee women, what would you tell them?
Naima
“If you give in to the scrutiny and the criticism and the perceived, you
know, ideas about who you are and what you’re capable of. I think you
will fail because that’s exactly kind of, like, what they’re expecting is
that you’re gonna fumble, so you just kind of have to be super
confident.”
Fardowsa “Biggest advice should be that, you know, like I said, I’ve had to learn this
the hard way, is really just asking for help is so crucial.”
Hala
“It’s hard being different from everybody. But what I have learned through
this process is that when you stand in your values, people will appreciate
that you stood your ground and know who you are.”
Diham
“You feel like you come in with like so many disadvantages at times like
based on the job that you’re doing. I would say to always be the voice
for yourself. Definitely take up the space. Express yourself just like the
others are expressing themselves in the room.”
Muna “Know your why and know who you are. Know when you have to put this
boundary for yourself that no one can ever take that from you.”
Khadija
“What I coach others on is always teach people how to treat you. If you
accept disrespect, that’s how they will always interact with you. Like
have a higher standard for yourself and make sure that people respect
you.”
Kifah “Having mentors is very important. It is something that we take for
granted.”
Ayan
“When you feel like the people around you don’t think you’re competent
enough. That’s just them projecting their own biases onto you, and don’t
internalize that. You are there for a reason, you got your degree for a
reason. you were hired for that position for a reason, that you have met
the qualifications or exceeded them. So, don’t let anyone take that from
you.”
Summary of Research Question 2
Research Question 2 sought to explore the critical factors that contributed to the
participants’ success in obtaining leadership opportunities and career growth. Participats faced

77
many challenges and barriers to leadership opportunities and career growth, as outlined.
However, they discussed personal and workplace factors that contributed to their success.
Finding 1 illustrated that internal support, whether formal or informal, as well as external support
was critical for the interviewees’ success. Internal support in the workplace was key to creating
an environment of belonging and inclusion for Black Muslim refugee women and helped provide
tools to deal with challenges experienced at the intersection of race, religion, gender, and
immigration. While external support was as critical as internal support, it was far more readily
available through family, friends, community, and faith groups. Finding 2 shed light on the
personal attributes that contributed to the participants’ success. Faith served as a foundational
cornerstone for the participants, functioning as both a source of strength and a coping
mechanism, contributing to their success in the workplace. They emphasized the pivotal role of
resilience and confidence as integral aspects of their lived experiences, which empowered them
to navigate challenging situations both in their personal lives and within the workplace. This
inner resilience, often bolstered by their faith, provided them with the fortitude to overcome
obstacles, while their confidence enabled them to assert themselves and pursue their goals
despite the systemic and structural manifestations of Islamophobia, racism, sexism and
xenophobia they encountered in the workplace. Together, these qualities were essential in
guiding them through the complexities of their professional experience existing in the
intersections of race, religion, gender and immigration in the workplace as Black Muslim refugee
women.
Summary
This chapter provided insights into the participants’ experiences related to the two
research questions. The interviewees’ responses culminated in seven findings. The participants

78
encountered significant workplace challenges stemming from the complex interplay of their
multiple identities and how their identities were often considered as part of the minority group
within the workplace. Their responses and experiences revealed that, while it was often
challenging to discern which specific aspect of their identity had the most pronounced impact, it
was evident that their intersecting identities collectively played a substantial role in shaping their
professional experiences. Their identities as Black Muslim refugee women frequently led to
heightened presumptions and stereotypes about who they were and what they represented, which,
in turn, negatively influenced their leadership development and career advancement
opportunities. Despite these obstacles, critical personal factors such as faith, confidence, and
resilience emerged as vital factors that enabled the participants to navigate these challenges and
barriers effectively. Their faith provided them with a sense of purpose and grounding, while their
confidence allowed them to assert themselves and pursue their goals with determination.
Resilience, cultivated through their lived experiences, empowered them to persist in the face of
adversity. Together, these attributes were instrumental in their ability to challenge systemic
workplace inequities associated with their intersecting identities and to achieve success. Table 6
highlights this study’s seven key findings.

79
Table 6
Key Findings: Trials and Triumphs Faced by Black Muslim Refugee Women in the Workplace
Findings: Challenges Black Muslim refugee women faced in the workplace
Research Question 1 Research Question 2
Key finding 1
Preconceived notions and biases based
on intersecting identities as Black
Muslim refugee women played a
significant role in the workplace.
Internal and external support are
key to the success of Black
Muslim refugee women in the
workplace.
Key finding 2
Black Muslim refugee women fear
retribution and loss of work
opportunities and advancement based
on identities held.
Faith, resilience, and confidence
play a critical role in being
successful for Black Muslim
refugee women.
Key finding 3
Increased feelings of isolation and
burden beyond work responsibilities
exist for Black Muslim refugee
women in the workplace.
Key finding 4
Black Muslim refugee women face
pressures to prove their expertise and
qualifications.
Key finding 5
Black Muslim refugee women feel
undermined and sabotaged in
leadership positions.

80
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations for Practice
The purpose of this study was to explore the lived experiences of Black Muslim refugee
women in the workplace and the influence of religion, race, gender, and immigration in their
leadership growth and career opportunities. It included semi-structured interviews with eight
participants in senior leadership positions. It explored how their multiple identities intersect and
play a role in their workplace experience. The objective was to use the understanding of their
experiences at the intersection of religion, race, gender, and immigration to contribute to this
population’s leadership growth and career opportunities. Critical race theory and intersectionality
theory were leveraged as the theoretical frameworks for this study. The following research
questions guided this study:
1. How do Black Muslim refugee women perceive their experiences in the workforce at
the intersection of race, religion, gender and immigration and how have they
influenced their leadership opportunities and career growth?
2. What critical factors contribute to the success of Black Muslim refugee women in
obtaining leadership opportunities and career growth?
This final chapter will discuss the study’s findings in relation to prior research and the theoretical
frameworks, as well as recommendations for practice. This chapter also includes limitations,
delimitations, and recommendations for future research.
Discussion of Findings
This section discusses the findings of the study in relation to the theoretical frameworks,
CRT and intersectionality theory, and in light of prior scholarly research.

81
Discussion of Findings Related to Research Question 1
The first research question explored the participants’ specific workplace experiences. The
findings are consistent with the literature, as their multiple intersecting identities significantly
influenced their leadership opportunities and career growth. Participants’ robust responses
showcased the significant role of others’ preconceived notions and biases about their layered,
complex, and intersecting identities. Critical race theory, together with intersectionality theory,
provided a critical lens to this analysis in understanding the participants’ lived workplace
experiences.
Intersectionality recognizes that minorities often hold deeply interconnected multiple
identities that shape their experiences and outcomes, linking intersectionality to an analysis of
power (Cho et al., 2013). Intersectionality and CRT acknowledge that individuals, particularly
those from minority groups, navigate the world through multiple, interlocking identities that
deeply influence their experiences and outcomes. This concept is inextricably linked to an
analysis of power, as it underscores how these intersecting identities interact with societal
structures to perpetuate inequalities (Cho et al., 2013). A core construct of CRT is the
intercentricity of race and racism with other forms of subordination (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002).
It highlights and recognizes that race and racism cannot be separated from other forms of
oppression, such as gender, class, or religion. This theoretical framework illuminates the
pervasive and enduring nature of racism, not as an isolated phenomenon but as a deeply
embedded feature of social systems, influencing and being influenced by other forms of
marginalization.
Participants noted the marginalization they faced at work, often unable to pinpoint the
specific identity that was under scrutiny. Race, religion, immigration, and gender were all

82
highlighted as contributing to their overall experience of workplace discrimination, consistent
with CRT and intersectionality theory (Capper, 2015; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). This
inability to isolate a single identity highlights the core CRT assertion that forms of oppression are
interrelated and mutually reinforcing. Their experiences reflect the CRT premise that racism is
endemic in the United States. Prior scholars have noted that racism is endemic to the United
States, in both conscious and unconscious forms, and that its permanence is considered through
the intersectional lens of other forms of oppression (Capper, 2015). This study’s findings
reinforce this tenet of CRT, noting participants’ experiences with racism, Islamophobia,
xenophobia, and sexism and how they were deeply intertwined with one another. By examining
these workplace experiences through the lens of CRT and intersectionality theory, we gain a
deeper understanding of how systemic inequities are perpetuated through complex and
overlapping forms of subordination, further reinforcing the need for analyzing the influence this
has on Black Muslim refugee women and their leadership and career growth.
This nuanced perspective underscores the intricate ways in which various forms of
oppression intersect, particularly in the lives of Black Muslim refugee women, shaping their
workplace experience. For instance, this study’s findings are consistent with research on the
racialization of religion, which emphasizes the presence and prevalence of religious
microaggressions, both intentional and unintentional (Husain & Howard, 2017; Nadal et al.,
2012). While the participants experienced the phenomenon of the racialization of religion
(Husain & Howard, 2017), it could not be separated from other forms of oppression at the
intersection of race, gender, and immigration. The participants noted the subtle and overt ways in
which they experienced aversive racism, where certain stereotypes of their multiple identities
were reinforced (Pearson et al., 2009), and the racialization of religion, in which they

83
experienced specific religious microaggressions. Consistent with Pearson et al. (2009) and
Husain and Howard’s (2017) commentary on aversive racism and religious microaggressions,
participants’ experiences of aversive racism and religious microaggressions emphasized the
negative attitudes present in the workplace that harmed them in a myriad of ways, including
promotion opportunities.
The findings of the study were also in line with the results from the taxonomy study
conducted by Nadal et al. (2012), which stated that American Muslims often faced
microaggressions that were a result of their multiple intersecting identities or combinations of
their identities and felt alienation. Participants shared specific experiences of how being visibly
Muslim due to wearing the hijab and being visibly Black created a workplace environment in
which they often felt othered, separate from the dominant majority. This sense of feeling separate
and different was not limited to just the dominant White majority but extended to others who
may not share their religious identity. Sekerka and Yacobian (2017) noted this in their research,
stating that the specific stigma surrounding Muslims damaged the sense of belonging. Religious
identity differs from other identities since it is based on a belief system that others may
disapprove of or not agree with, unlike race and gender, which are considered social classes
(Ghumman et al., 2013). Consistent with research, many Americans are not as well acquainted
with Muslims despite Islam not being new in America (Husain & Howard, 2017; Sekerka &
Yacobian, 2018). Thus, Black Muslim refugee women may have an overlap of identities (such as
race or gender) with other historically marginalized groups but not their religious identity, which
placed them in a unique category at that intersection. The participants recognized that they were
often the only Black Muslim refugee women in their workplaces and in leadership positions.

84
This study highlighted how these intersecting identities are highly visible; thus, the
participants encountered unfavorable interactions and experiences at work that were deeply
rooted in people’s perceptions of their identities. This led to experiences with discrimination and
stereotypes, consistent with prevalent research that discusses the workplace microaggressions
faced by historically marginalized groups that can lead to practices of exclusion (Kalin, 2011).
Sue et al. (2007) defined microaggressions as intentional or unintentional daily indignities that
tend to be harmful or derogatory toward people of color, which Black Muslim refugee women
experienced. These intentional or unintentional microaggressions are intertwined with aversive
racism, in which unconscious prejudices and stereotypes can have negative consequences for
historically marginalized groups for selection processes, including employment (Pearson et al.,
2009). This study’s findings indicated the hypervisibility of their multiple identities leading to
encounters of microaggressions in the workplace.
Microaggressions and discrimination both overtly and covertly cemented participants’
feelings of being permanent outsiders (Abdi, 2015; Magan, 2020) and having to adapt to these
microaggressions. Both Magan (2020) and Abdi (2015) noted that despite minority groups being
embraced as part of the nation’s citizens, they are still subjected to violence and exclusionary
practices that damage their sense of belonging and integration. This phenomenon is deeply
rooted in the core tenets of CRT, which posits that racism is not an aberration but a normalized
aspect of social systems, perpetuating racial hierarchies and systemic inequities. Consistent with
this study’s findings, structural inequities, and exclusions create a sense of being outsiders for
people of color, where they do not belong in the imagined community of the United States (Abdi,
2015). For instance, in post-9/11 and post-Trump America, the nation and the world still grapple
with the Muslim question (Mondon & Winter, 2017), in which Muslims are seen as outsiders.

85
Through the lens of CRT and intersectionality, we can see how these microaggressions and
discriminatory practices experienced by the participants are not merely individual acts of
prejudice but are embedded within broader systems of power that maintain racial and social
hierarchies, perpetuating a sense of alienation and exclusion among marginalized groups.
While it was difficult to pinpoint a specific identity that may have played a larger role,
religious identity did play a role that could not be ignored. A participant noted a white
co-worker’s specific derogatory remarks about her hijab and her hesitancy in addressing the
issue. Another participant noted receiving questions about her hijab during critical work
meetings and being cautious of the language she used lest it be misunderstood due to people’s
perception of her identities. This self-policing of language and behavior highlights a specific
phenomenon in which Black Muslim refugee women experience discrimination and
microaggressions due to the racialization of religion (Husain & Howard, 2017), in addition to the
aversive racism discussed above. Husain and Howard (2017) stress the religious discrimination
Muslims face as historical and that the idea of microaggressions needs to be extended to
religious minorities. The racialization of religion experienced by the participants was consistent
with the studies of religious discrimination and microaggressions. The increase in religious
expressions in the workplace has been shown to be affiliated with increases in religious
discrimination cases (Ghumman et al., 2013).
In regard to career impacts, the participants noted that they could not participate in
networking opportunities that could strengthen relationships and enhance career and leadership
opportunities due to conflicts with faith practices and a lack of workplace accommodations. In
this instance, they found themselves in a unique category, as is often the case for minorities
whose intersecting identities influence their experiences in complex ways. Historically

86
marginalized groups have seen these complex effects through employment discrimination, lower
chances of being hired, performance evaluations, pay inequities, and being disadvantaged when
organizations’ training caters to the dominant majority or culture (S. I. Khan et al., 2022). This
finding highlights the challenge of societal perceptions of Muslims as outsiders, others, or
enemies (Braunstein, 2017).
This study’s findings reinforces the idea that the dominant majority shapes the workplace
instead of incorporating marginalized groups (Acker, 2009). It underscores the persistent reality
that workplaces are often shaped by the norms, values, and expectations of the dominant
majority, reinforcing the CRT notion that there is no such thing as race neutrality in institutions
((Crenshaw, 2011). Thus, these groups feel like outsiders within their workplaces. The
participants' experiences reflect how institutionalized racism and exclusion manifest in the
workplace, contributing to significant barriers in leadership and career advancement for Black
Muslim refugee women. The participants noted the impact of being among the first to hold
leadership roles in institutions that have not historically included marginalized groups. Critical
race theory emphasizes the way racism is structural, endemic, and institutionalized (Solórzano &
Yosso, 2002). Intersectionality theory further elucidates how these women, who navigate
multiple intersecting identities—race, religion, immigration, and gender—face compounded
challenges that exacerbate their sense of isolation and hinder their professional growth. This
ostracization and lack of consideration for accommodations influences Black Muslim refugee
women’s leadership and career growth, contributing to a sense of isolation in the workplace as
well as stagnation in their career growth. Chekwa (2018) discusses how individuals who feel
isolated at work, despite working with others, can have further emotions of estrangement and
negative social feelings. For Black Muslim refugee women, this isolation is not just a personal

87
experience but a reflection of systemic exclusion that stifles their leadership potential and stalls
their career progress. Using CRT and intersectionality theory as the frameworks, it reveals how
these women's experiences are shaped by complex and intersecting systems of oppression,
making their challenges in the workplace not just individual struggles but a consequence of
broader societal and institutional failures.
This study’s findings enhance our understanding of how these complex experiences play
a role in the leadership and career trajectories of Black Muslim refugee women and the barriers
that can hinder growth. Dominant political and societal narratives influenced workplace
dynamics. Participants noted the fear of participation in political and religious conversations at
work due to their differing worldviews and perspectives. Similarly, Sekerka and Yacobian (2017)
noted how the societal narratives about Muslims were pervasive in the workplace, potentially
contributing to increased hostility, exclusion, and rejection. Fearing loss of position or other
forms of retaliation, Black Muslim refugee women felt their voices and opinions unwelcome, as
they were not part of the dominant majority in their workplaces. This self-censorship and
exercise of caution at work reflected their lack of psychological safety as employees. Thompson
(2022) noted how encouraging employees’ sense of psychological safety can foster belonging.
Belonging in the workplace is critical for historically marginalized communities. However, since
Black Muslim refugee women were not in the dominant majority in their workplace, let alone in
positions of leadership, the lack of psychological safety created room for fear and lack of
belonging, affecting employee engagement and well-being.
Participants’ lived experiences also showcased the specific workplace challenges and
barriers they faced as a historically marginalized group. A core finding was the constant pressure
they faced to prove their expertise and qualifications, as well as feeling their leadership

88
undermined and sabotaged. A participant noted that her workplace completely altered its
promotion process for her compared to her white counterpart, highlighting the racialization of
religion (Husain & Howard, 2017) and the normalization of racism (Ladson-Billings, 2013). This
finding aligns with work by Ladson-Billings (2013), who stated that a core tenet of CRT is
recognizing that race is not limited to an individual action but is the normal way in the United
States.
Scholars have noted that the concept of interest convergence in CRT emphasizes that
when the interests of the dominant group align with those of historically marginalized groups,
there will be substantive differences made in regard to racial justice (Busey et al., 2023; Capper,
2015). The participants’ experiences of the ladder they needed to climb for promotions compared
to their white counterparts highlights the ways that the interest convergence in the workplace has
yet to bend toward racial or religious justice, reinforcing how workplaces can contribute to
upholding white supremacy at the expense of others (Ladson-Billings, 2013). Systems with one
set of rules for the dominant majority and another for historically marginalized groups maintain
the status quo, leading to the normalization of racism, Islamophobia, xenophobia, and sexism.
Processes and experiences like these lead to poor representation of women and women of color
in leadership positions. Longman and Anderson (2016) argued that the low representation of
women in leadership positions was due to environmental factors, like hiring practices and
organizational culture. In exploring Khadija’s specific experience in regard to promotion and the
different rules created for her, we see a clear example of the hurdles Black Muslim refugee
women face at the intersection of race, religion, gender, and immigration in their leadership
growth and career opportunities.

89
The glass ceiling (Oakley, 2000) women strive to break still remains difficult to reach for
Black Muslim refugee women, even when they are qualified. Participants shared similar
experiences of being forced to prove their expertise, even at a senior level in their fields, in
numerous instances. In fact, even in senior leadership positions, they constantly had to demand
respect or be taken seriously as leaders. Critical Race Theory (CRT) and intersectionality provide
essential frameworks for understanding these experiences. As Ladson-Billings (2013) notes,
intersectionality addresses the complexity of the multilayered identities individuals carry,
revealing how these identities shape participants' interactions with systemic power structures in
the workplace. In this context, the participants' experiences are not merely about gender but are
deeply informed by the intersecting oppressions of race, religion, and immigration. These
intersecting identities intensify the challenges they face, making the glass ceiling even more
difficult to shatter. Intersectionality plays a critical role here, in which these experiences can be
analyzed through the lens of the participants belonging to complex and layered identities and
forms of oppression, whether race, religion, gender, or immigration. Through the lens of CRT
and intersectionality, it becomes clear that these women are not only battling against the glass
ceiling of gender discrimination but are also confronting a more complex, intersecting array of
barriers. Historically marginalized groups already face a deep lack of representation both in the
workforce and in decision-making positions (Longman & Anderson, 2016; Nelson & Piatak,
2021; Titanji et al., 2022). The participants’ struggles reflect a broader pattern of systemic
inequities where the rules of success are constantly shifting for marginalized individuals, a
phenomenon often described as moving the goalposts. This practice perpetuates their exclusion
and limits their professional growth, regardless of their qualifications or achievements.

90
This study also noted the different ways they endured or coped with discrimination
and/or microaggressions in the workplace. Often, survival and ensuring they did not lose their
positions and opportunities were foremost on their minds as opposed to being able to thrive in an
environment where their layered identities could be respected and/or valued and where they
could advance their careers. Critical race theory emphasizes that these encounters of
discrimination and bias are not a matter of individual isolated incidents but are systemic
(Crenshaw et al., 1995). Race and racism are deeply ingrained in structural and societal
institutions (Crenshaw et al., 1995) and cannot be separated from conversations about privilege
and systems of power (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017).
Workplaces are not exempt from this conversation of power and privilege as they often
serve as institutions that could perpetuate an imbalance of power that negatively impacts already
marginalized groups (Acker, 2009). This power imbalance harms historically marginalized
groups and challenges notions of race neutrality and equal opportunity (Acker, 2009; Solórzano
& Yosso, 2002). It reinforces the tenets of critical race theory that such claims by institutions
toward colorblindness and/or objectivity perpetuate racial inequality (Crenshaw, 2011). This was
highlighted in participants’ responses on how their workplaces perpetuate systemic inequities in
hiring practices, processes for promotions, and the additional layer of burden placed on them to
represent themselves and their communities. Seven participants mentioned that DEI were mere
buzzwords that led to performative or tokenized actions, further detracting from their
psychological safety.
Workplaces with a lackadaisical approach to DEI, in which inauthentic environments
give the illusion of diversity (Haggins, 2020), are created as opposed to a real commitment and
deep investment in DEI that shifts power, uplifts historically marginalized groups, like Black

91
Muslim refugee women, contributing to their success. The participants reinforced the sentiment
of illusions of diversity, as Haggins (2020) discussed, related to the harms of tokenization or lack
of inclusive and welcoming spaces that go beyond diversity activities. They suffered from
systemic and structural inequities that prevented them from feeling a sense of belonging at work.
Workplace leaders need to examine systems of power that could contribute to marginalization
(Acker, 2009; Solórzano & Yosso, 2002).
The compounded effects of these intersecting oppressions create an environment where
Black Muslim refugee women are systematically disadvantaged, reinforcing the need for a more
nuanced and intersectional approach to addressing these barriers in the workplace. Critical race
theory rejects this notion of neutrality that upholds the status quo of the dominant group that
holds power and privilege (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002), as historically marginalized communities
deal with layers of oppression at the intersection of multiple identities (Cho et al., 2013), thus are
further disenfranchised. For the participants of this study, this manifested in how they had to
constantly prove their expertise and qualifications and deal with being undermined and
sabotaged in their leadership roles.
Discussion of Findings Related to Research Question 2
Research Question 2 explored the critical personal and organizational factors that led to
the participants’ success in the workplace. The findings centered on internal and external support
as keys to success. Participants also noted how faith, resilience, and confidence played a critical
role in their success.
Formal and informal internal support contribute to creating a welcoming and inclusive
environment for the interviewees to thrive as employees and grow in their leadership. This
internal support, whereby leadership and fellow co-workers address and disrupt macro and micro

92
aggressions and hostilities, can contribute to developing a welcoming and inclusive workplace
(Sekerka & Yacobian, 2018). The findings are consistent with Le et al.’s (2023) research in that
strong organizational support, especially from supervisors, can lead to positive reciprocity from
employees and increased perceptions of career success and organizational affinity. CRT
emphasizes the importance of addressing systemic inequities by actively working to dismantle
the structures that marginalize historically oppressed groups. Providing robust support systems
for employees from these communities is essential to creating an environment where they can
truly thrive. Participants noted that the support they received, whether internal or external,
contributed to their feelings of being grounded, replenished, empowered, and comforted in
knowing they were not alone in their experiences. This level of support can help confront
complex dynamics around the power and privilege of the dominant majority and how workplaces
can be committed to ensuring employees from historically marginalized groups can thrive. This
is done by workplaces making a commitment to social justice rather than just token gestures. By
committing to social justice, workplaces can challenge the status quo, redistribute power more
equitably, and foster an environment where all employees, particularly those from historically
marginalized groups, have the opportunity to succeed and lead.
This commitment to social justice, an integral part of CRT as understood by Solórzano
and Yosso (2002), addresses multiple forms of oppression, achieving social justice through
resistance and confronting root causes. Internal and external support systems provided an avenue
to address workplace oppression. The study findings were consistent with research that shows
support systems enhance the well-being of employees from historically marginalized groups.
Research has shown perceptions of organizational support to be significantly related to whether
employees viewed their organizations managed diversity effectively (Leveson et al., 2009).

93
Support at work has been shown to improve advancement, job satisfaction, and positive work
attitude while reducing turnover (Castilla, 2005). By developing these support systems and
prioritizing employee engagement and well-being, workplaces can witness an increase in
positive engagement at work from employees and a higher level of connection to one’s work
(Bakker et al., 2014). By ensuring the well-being and success of Black Muslim refugee women
in the workplace, workplaces set their organizations up for success.
Faith, resilience, and confidence were also highlighted as key factors of success. The
participants rely on their own coping mechanisms to confront the challenges they face, to rise
above systemic barriers and structural inequities, and to succeed. Their deep belief in Islam and
Allah as their ultimate Provider allowed them to navigate the Islamophobia, racism, xenophobia,
and/or sexism they faced. Islam was an integral part of their intersecting identities, increasing
their self-efficacy, optimism, and confidence in their ability to succeed. Prior research has noted
a possible connection between faith and self-efficacy, where faith enhances self-efficacy, fosters
hope and reduces stress (Omu & Reynolds, 2014). Increased self-efficacy is positively associated
with increased job satisfaction, job performance, ability to cope, persistence, sense of control of
one’s environment, and well-being. In contrast, decreased self-efficacy leads to job burnout,
depression, decreased job performance, and anxiety (Liu et al., 2010).
This study noted how the experiences of Black Muslim refugee women existing in their
salient intersecting identities defined their success through their faith, confidence, and resilience.
It gave them a positive outlook in defining their success and experiencing triumph in the
workplace. Despite the challenges they faced, they still preserved and obtained leadership
positions. This sense of optimism derived from their faith and confidence allowed them to turn
challenges into opportunities for growth and learning and contribute to their own success and

94
resilience. Thus, as the participants noted in their interviews, faith, confidence, and resilience
provided coping mechanisms and strategies to overcome structural inequities and systemic
barriers and navigate microaggressions, discrimination, and others’ preconceived biases. They
used their experiences to navigate the workplace and advise others who shared their intersecting
identity, thus contributing to their own and others’ success.
Recommendations for Practice
The purpose of this study was to explore the workplace experiences of Black Muslim
refugee women and to use that understanding to contribute to their success. This section details
recommendations for practice based on the findings of this study. The four recommendations
discussed in this section include the need for workplaces to shift organizational culture through
comprehensive DEI training and programs, develop employee support systems, create inclusive
hiring practices to increase the representation of Black Muslim refugee women in leadership
positions and establish clear criteria and a transparent process for promotions and leadership
opportunities. The recommendations and their applicability to the research questions are outlined
in Table 7.
Table 7
Table of Recommendations
Research Question Recommendations
How do Black Muslim refugee women in
senior leadership positions perceive their
experiences in the workforce at the
intersection of race, religion, gender and
immigration and how they have influenced
their leadership opportunities and career
growth?
Shift organizational culture through
comprehensive DEI training and programs.
Develop employee support systems.

95
What critical factors contribute to the success
of Black Muslim refugee women in
obtaining leadership opportunities and
career growth?
Create inclusive hiring practices to increase
the representation of Black Muslim refugee
women in leadership positions.
Develop employee support systems.
Establish clear criteria and a transparent
process for promotions and leadership
opportunities

96
Recommendation 1: Shift Organizational Culture Through Comprehensive DEI Training
and Programs
The findings of this study highlighted the difficulties encountered by interviewees in their
workplaces, revealing that their lived experiences were marked by additional burdens, isolation,
fear of retaliation, both macro- and microaggressions, and obstacles to their leadership and career
advancement. They often navigated Islamophobic, xenophobic, sexist, and racist experiences at
the intersection of their salient identities, compounded by society’s negative political rhetoric
surrounding their identities. Feeling like outsiders at work and outside of it, their well-being and
psychological safety as employees need to be addressed. The disparity in power dynamics within
the workplace and society, coupled with structural barriers and systemic inequities, exerted a
direct influence on participants’ opportunities for leadership and professional development.
Employers need to shift organizational and work cultures to promote belonging and inclusivity,
and contribute to the leadership and career opportunities for Black Muslim refugee women. A
specific recommendation for doing so is to shift the organizational culture through
comprehensive and consistent DEI training and programs at all levels of the organization.
Organizational culture needs to shift at all levels, requiring buy-in from all to promote
system-wide changes and highlight support across the organization (Li et al., 2023).
Comprehensive DEI training and programs need to be multifaceted, contributing to positive
change on a leadership level, informing organizational policies and processes, and changing
individual attitudes, behaviors, and interactions.
The participants noted that current DEI initiatives at their workplaces were often
performative, taking a tokenized approach to equity and lacking substantive depth in addressing
the negative experiences historically marginalized employees face at work. Prior research has

97
found that organizations’ DEI efforts have failed or fallen short of expectations due to their
quick-fix approach compared to the decades in which work cultures have been shaped (Beach &
Segars, 2022). In the contemporary and politically charged climate, DEI programs have faced
significant scrutiny and opposition, with an observable trend towards efforts aimed at their
eradication. Fifteen states have introduced at least 25 bills that restrict DEI or DEI funding in
colleges and universities (Lu, 2023). The state of Florida has passed legislation called the Stop
Woke Act, aimed at eliminating the teaching of CRT and limiting DEI training in workplaces and
colleges (Gordon & Turner, 2022). Governor DeSantis touts this legislation as aiming to stop
“woke indoctrination” (Gordon & Turner, 2022).
The discourse around this issue is enriched by Crenshaw’s (2011) analysis of the
defensive posture of racial justice initiatives amidst shifting regulatory landscapes. Crenshaw
(2011) discussed this phenomenon of racial justice being on the defensive with increasing
pressure as officials change the rules of engagement over race (Crenshaw, 2011). There is a great
need to present a counter-narrative that moves away from an accommodation-oriented approach
to racial progress rather than contesting racial power in a cross-institutional, intersectional, and
interdisciplinary way (Crenshaw, 2011). Despite these challenges, there are still opportunities for
workplaces to utilize DEI training programs as fertile grounds to go beyond the currently
normalized approach to racial justice, which focuses on colorblind victories (Crenshaw, 2011) as
opposed to laying the groundwork for structural and institutional changes that can challenge the
status quo. These programs offer an opportunity to advance beyond the prevailing paradigm of
colorblind victories and work towards more profound structural and institutional reforms. While
the line for DEI thins in some states, given the restrictions, it is still not eliminated nor banned
(Gordon & Turner, 2022). While it places extra hurdles for workplaces to navigate recent

98
legislations and constraints, such as Florida’s Stop Woke Act, it also provides an opportunity to
strive to promote substantive, long-term change.
The typical approach to current DEI training programs has focused primarily on reducing
bias and prejudice, especially as it relates to hiring or promotions within organizations and
reducing legal liabilities (Beach & Segars, 2022). In addition, organizations have either focused
on just hiring a DEI trainer or forming a committee to tackle DEI without proper support and
have focused primarily on training or changing individuals only (Beach & Segars, 2022) rather
than systemic change. This transactional approach to DEI training and efforts tends to be
short-term initiatives without any real investment and becomes an item checked off on a
checklist for the organizations (Luthia et al., 2023). Thus, DEI initiatives have not yielded the
expected results due to the lack of managers not taking such initiatives seriously, an overly heavy
focus on representation without developing an environment that can sustain or support it, as well
as failure to tackle the specific challenges minority groups face (Luthia et al., 2023).
To address these shortcomings, this recommendation emphasizes the implementation of
comprehensive DEI training programs across all organizational levels that influence the broader
organizational culture rather than merely targeting individual behaviors. This approach requires a
values-based framework that secures robust buy-in from all organizational tiers, including top
leadership (Buttinger, 2023). A key aspect of this comprehensive approach involves integrating
DEI training into long-term strategies rather than treating it as an isolated initiative. DEI training
that is a stand-alone initiative instead of part of long-term strategies tends to fail (Luthia et al.,
2023). Thus, a comprehensive long-term and values-based approach is needed. Beach and Segars
(2022) noted that a values and principles model for DEI can provide a comprehensive approach
to initiatives for organizations to shift their culture. This approach includes organizations

99
considering meaningful representation coupled with engaging participation, applying DEI
training to be deeply entrenched in an organization’s processes and systems, and appreciating the
value of DEI for the organization and its contributions to its success through action, recognition
of employees of color, and communication (Beach & Segars, 2022). One specific way to
consider such an approach would be to align DEI training with the CRT framework. By aligning
DEI training with CRT, organizations can address the systemic and structural aspects of
oppression in the workplace that affect minority groups, thereby targeting not only individual
unconscious biases but also the broader systemic barriers that hinder leadership growth and
career advancement.
A framework for implementing this recommendation includes gathering
organization-specific data and the organization’s leadership using that data to develop
values-based DEI training and programs. As Buttinger (2023) emphasized, organizations should
gather qualitative and quantitative data through employee feedback, analysis of current policies
and processes captured in exit interviews, and employee engagement surveys to better
understand the organization’s current standings and issues with DEI as well as specific
challenges minority groups face. Then, they need to use that data to inform strategy to change
organizational culture through consistent training, programs and systems change. Livingston
(2020) notes the importance of belief versus reality in the workplace when it comes to addressing
racism and equity. Employers need to be grounded in the reality of their work cultures instead of
the perceived beliefs of inclusivity that could be influenced by the dominant majority at that
workplace.
If an organization’s culture is less than ideal, which is often the case, then that reality
needs to be confronted. Once organizations gather data and develop strategies to confront DEI

100
through training, programs, or other means, they need to sustain these across a considerable
amount of time (Luthia et al., 2023). Instead of a one-time initiative or training, organizations
can begin incorporating continuous learning opportunities where all levels of employees can
participate in such training as well as launch programs, opportunities, and accountability
measures that become deeply embedded into the organization and give considerable time for it to
flourish (Luthia et al., 2023). Thus, organizations must develop specific measurable goals along
with measures for accountability to ensure the training and programs align with their long-term
vision to foster an inclusive and belonging culture that is deeply invested in DEI at all levels.
Organizations must create opportunities to apply learnings and the newly acquired knowledge
from these training and programs in the work setting (Roberson et al., 2001).
This recommendation can be effective in shifting organizational culture by providing
opportunities to proactively build an inclusive environment that fosters belonging at all levels.
Workplaces can shift organizational culture through a long-term commitment to transformative
change by ensuring their organizational practices are interconnected with their DEI training and
programs, in addition to the policies they have in place (Li et al., 2023). This commitment
requires that DEI initiatives not merely fulfill compliance requirements but address deeper,
systemic issues. Specifically, consistent DEI training and programs should be designed to
confront and challenge preconceived notions and biases held by both employees and leadership,
particularly with regard to Black Muslim refugee women, who face compounded challenges at
the intersection of race, religion, gender, and immigration. Such training and programs can
address employees and leadership that may have conscious and unconscious bias influencing
organizational practices that negatively impact Black Muslim refugee women leadership growth.
For instance, Khadijah, despite her years of experience and qualifications, faced a 15-panel

101
interview compared to her counterparts who were promoted with less scrutiny. Both conscious
and unconscious biases manifest in various forms within the workplace, potentially impeding the
leadership development of Black Muslim refugee women if these biases are not addressed
through systemic and multifaceted strategies, such as consistent and comprehensive DEI training
and programs at all levels of the organization. This creates opportunities to challenge the power
and privilege of the dominant majority within the workforce, particularly in relation to the fears
of retribution and potential loss of employment opportunities that Black Muslim refugee women
experience due to their intersecting identities. It can also help lift the additional burden, stress,
and feelings of isolation that these women face. These trainings can contribute to preventing
macro- and micro-aggressions, promote awareness and inclusivity, and create an environment of
accountability. Such an approach can go beyond individual behaviors and attitudes, contributing
to a changed organizational culture that can confront the root causes of a toxic work
environment.
This approach helps to address the root causes of the systemic inequities in the work
environment, creating a culture that is both responsive and responsible. The positive effects of
such cultural transformation extend across all levels of an organization, influencing top
leadership, shaping policies and processes, enhancing employee engagement, and fostering trust
and collaboration. By embedding DEI principles into the fabric of organizational practices,
workplaces can build a more inclusive and equitable environment that benefits all members of
the organization, especially its most marginalized.
Recommendation 2: Develop Employee Support Systems
This study found that support systems contributed to the participants’ leadership and
career growth. Informal and formal internal support within the workplace and external support

102
from family, friends, community, and faith groups were crucial, as outlined in Chapter Four and
in the discussion of findings in this chapter. A recommendation for workplaces is to create
employee support systems.
Employee support systems enhance perceived organizational support. These systems can
formalize support in a way that embeds it into the organizational culture and provides tangible
pathways that lead to leadership and career growth for Black Muslim refugee women. Employee
support systems are a collection of various methods of support that can contribute to the success
of Black Muslim refugee women. This study recommends two forms of developing employee
support systems: mentorship programs and employee resource groups. Mentorship programs and
employee resource groups can be sustainable if they receive adequate support from leadership.
The section below discusses in detail what these two methods of employee support systems are
and how organizations can implement this recommendation.
Mentorship Programs
Several studies have underscored the value of mentorship programs for historically
marginalized employees and how they contribute to their success. Often, Black Muslim refugee
women in leadership positions tend to be among the first to hold these positions and have noted
the lack of institutional and root knowledge that dominant majority groups enjoy. Mentorship
programs can open pathways to leadership and career advancement opportunities, the ability to
increase skills and competencies, and transfer knowledge (Heath & Williams, 2023).
The mentorship program should offer guidance and support, providing a space that
fosters belonging and inclusivity. Substantive literature has noted mentoring as a positive support
system that allows for employee professional development and growth, benefiting both the
organization and the employees (Heath & Williams, 2023). Mentors often provide opportunities

103
to improve skills, enhance knowledge, and improve professionally (Heath & Williams, 2023).
Mentors provide an opportunity for career support for mentees, which is key to helping them
advance in their careers and within their organization (Ivey & Dupré, 2022), as well as increasing
knowledge transfer and reducing turnover for mentees (Heath & Williams, 2023).
The CRT framework helps us further understand the role of mentorship in addressing the
leadership opportunity gap for Black Muslim refugee women, acknowledging the systemic
inequities that influence their professional advancement. The intersecting identities Black
Muslim refugee women hold can impact access to resources and opportunities within
organizational contexts. This was illustrated in participants' responses to feeling as if they did not
have the same resources, connections and networks as well as inherited institutional knowledge
that some of their colleagues had. In this light, mentorship emerges as a crucial mechanism for
mitigating these disparities. Mentors can play a transformative role by offering not only career
support but also tailored guidance that addresses the unique challenges faced by Black Muslim
refugee women. According to Heath and Williams (2023), mentors facilitate skill development,
knowledge enhancement, and professional growth, which are particularly salient for women of
color who often encounter barriers to such opportunities due to systemic racism and bias.
Mentorship can thus counteract these barriers by providing targeted support and fostering an
inclusive environment where these women can thrive. Additionally, Ivey and Dupré (2022)
underscore that mentorship serves as a critical avenue for career advancement and organizational
integration. For Black Muslim refugee women, mentors can act as advocates who actively work
to dismantle institutional biases that hinder their progression. This aligns with CRT's emphasis
on the need for proactive measures to address these structural inequities.

104
The benefits of mentorship extend to knowledge transfer and retention, as emphasized by
Heath and Williams (2023). Effective mentorship helps in navigating complex organizational
structures and reduces turnover by fostering a sense of belonging and support. This is
particularly relevant for employees of color, who may experience higher turnover rates due to
lack of representation and support. Mentorship is not just a supportive tool but a strategic
intervention that can address structural inequities. By providing this support and advocating for
systemic change, mentors can significantly enhance leadership opportunities for Black Muslim
refugee women, thereby contributing to a more equitable organizational landscape.
To implement this recommendation, organizations need to create mentorship programs
that provide support and guidance to Black Muslim refugee women employees. Since
historically marginalized groups are often less represented in the workplace and in leadership
roles, organizations can take advantage of two types of mentoring programs: ally mentoring and
cultural mentoring (Martin & Haar, 2021). Organizations with minority employees in leadership
positions can offer cultural mentorship programs where the mentor and mentee are both from
historically marginalized groups. To remove barriers to access to this type of mentorship,
organizations can create cross-collaboration efforts to pull cultural mentors to address the severe
underrepresentation of minority groups (Martin & Haar, 2021). The second type of mentorship is
ally mentoring, which recognizes that allies who are part of the dominant group can mentor
historically underrepresented groups (Martin & Haar, 2021). Growing research indicates that ally
mentors can contribute to advancing social justice and making workplaces more inclusive
(Martin & Haar, 2021).
Mentorship programs as a form of an employee support system can help mitigate
structural and systemic inequities and challenges. Historically marginalized groups can expand

105
their knowledge, skills, and competencies as well as build relationships and access resources that
can contribute to their success through mentorship (Williams et al., 2023). Workplaces that
formalize a process of support through mentorship programs as part of a collective approach to
an employee support system will directly contribute to Black Muslim refugee women’s success
and their overall performance and innovation.
Employee Resource Groups
Employee resource groups (ERGs), as a form of an employee support system, provide an
opportunity for historically marginalized groups to coalesce and provide support for each other,
also contributing to the success of historically marginalized groups. As the participants noted,
these groups often happen organically and without formal processes. These groups have shown
success as employee support systems.
Employee resource groups behave like affinity groups in which individuals share similar
identities or have an affinity toward similar social identities, focused on individual and
organizational support and outcomes (Green, 2018). ERGs tend to operate like communities of
practice that help minority employees advance career outcomes by providing networking and
career opportunities in multiple ways (Green, 2018). They foster a sense of belonging and
inclusivity, contributing as a resource for historically marginalized employees to have a
psychologically safe space within their workplace. The participants noted concerns regarding
self-censorship at work due to political and religiously held beliefs, navigating sabotage, and
having their leadership undermined. They also noted being forced to prove their expertise and
qualifications numerous times, despite their years of experience, and having to defend their
leadership roles as being due to merit and not DEI efforts. Participants noted they relied on

106
others who shared similar, if not all, of their identities as a form of support. Workplaces would
benefit from formal pathways to encourage ERGs.
Increasing representation without adequate support systems is insufficient to address
belonging and inclusion. To increase recruitment, retention, and support of historically
marginalized groups, ERGs can be support systems (Green et al., 2022). The following steps can
help organizations develop ERGs. First, leaders need to formally create ERGs as a support
system that contributes to the well-being of historically marginalized employees and provides a
space for organizational change (Green, 2018; Welbourne et al., 2017). While ERGs can help
organizations meet diversity and inclusion goals, they require a deep commitment in the form of
organizational support and financial resources (Green, 2018; Welbourne et al., 2017). Second,
organizations need to develop goals for ERGs in which members can join based on shared
identity, features, or interests, recognizing that the goals depend on the members; priorities and
needs (Green et al., 2022). Certain ERGs may focus on improving hiring and promotional
practices or shifting organizational cultures, advocacy, professional development, or mentorship
programs (Green et al., 2022). Once formed, ERGs can provide a space for informal or formal
learning, facilitate DEI activities or learning opportunities, provide feedback on systems and
processes, and engage directly with organizational leaders (Green, 2018; Green et al., 2022).
It is important to note that workplaces that are committed to DEI in practice need to
include leadership-supported ERGs and mentorship programs as part of the employee support
system to ensure the success of Black Muslim refugee women and other historically
marginalized groups in their leadership and career growth.
Recommendation 3: Create Inclusive Hiring Practices to Increase Representation of Black
Muslim Refugee Women in Leadership Positions

107
Dismal representation exists across the board for historically marginalized communities
(Cooper Brathwaite et al., 2022). Black Muslim refugee women sit at the intersection of multiple
layers of oppression, often lacking substantive representation in workplaces, let alone in
positions of leadership. Participants in this study noted the difficulties and barriers they faced in
obtaining a leadership position, as well as the challenges that arose while they were in leadership
positions. A participant noted how the rules for hiring and promotions were changed when they
were interested in a senior leadership position, while other participants noted being passed over
for promotions despite their expertise and experience. There was also an explicit commentary by
participants on how systemic and institutionalized racism played a key role in how society
understands leadership. The interviewees felt that society has become accustomed to White male
leadership and often does not associate Black Muslim refugee women with leadership positions.
The recommendation to address both the lack of representation and obstacles to leadership and
career growth is to develop inclusive hiring practices.
This recommendation of workplaces ensuring inclusive hiring practices can be an
effective strategy for mitigating the leadership opportunity gap faced by Black Muslim refugee
women. CRT emphasizes the role of systemic and institutionalized racism in perpetuating
inequities, thus highlighting the need for targeted and comprehensive strategies in organizational
practices. To address the structural barriers that inhibit the advancement of marginalized groups
in leadership, it is essential to consider the broader legal and institutional contexts that impact
these efforts. For instance, the recent Supreme Court ruling on affirmative action in Students for
Fair Admissions v. President and Fellows of Harvard College and Students for Fair Admissions
v. University of North Carolina has significantly affected the landscape of equity in educational
and professional settings by invalidating race-conscious admissions policies, thus compounding

108
existing challenges to achieving inclusive representation and career growth (Pereira et al., 2024).
The Supreme Court ruling outlawed the use of race for college admissions, rolling back
affirmative action and setting back progress on equity (Pereira et al., 2024). Though the ruling
applied mainly to admissions, it influenced universities’ diversity statements and, thus, students
of color (Heidt, 2023). This ruling has been used by attorneys general in 13 states to apply to
workplaces (Pereira et al., 2024). Companies and organizations remain a vital part of ensuring
that workplaces remain racially and ethnically diverse, thus requiring creative and innovative
ways to ensure diversity. Following the ruling, more concerted efforts need to be made to ensure
the recruitment and retention of employees of color (Pereira et al., 2024).
For workplaces to contribute to the success of Black Muslim refugee women, the heavy
lifting needed to increase representation lies on the shoulders of employers. Studies have shown
that employers consider applicants’ identities in their hiring processes (Kmec, 2006).
Organizations that do not seek a broad applicant base or have screening systems that
disproportionately harm marginalized groups directly influence who gets hired or has access to
that job (Kmec, 2006). Organizations can combat these effects through inclusive hiring practices.
Organizations and corporations often attribute the lack of representation of marginalized
communities in senior leadership positions to a small talent pool. This messaging reinforces the
notion that institutionalized racism and structural inequities are not being confronted.
Organizations need to recruit, retain, and sustain talented leadership from historically
marginalized communities.
Organizations’ leadership teams need to reflect the larger workforce and society. To
actively recruit, retain, and sustain a diverse leadership team, workplaces need to be mindful of
ensuring the hiring process includes diverse representation, reduction in unconscious bias and

109
enhancing equity and fairness in the selection process through organizational responsibility and
accountability (Dobbin & Kalev, 2014; Kalev et al., 2006). Organizations can implement this
specific recommendation by promoting equitable hiring practices in both the recruitment and
screening process for their hiring. While organizations can utilize formal recruiting measures
such as unions or private agencies to support in hiring folks not part of the dominant majority
(Kmec, 2006), it may not always be possible to consistently hire what Kmec termed as the out
group, the group not primarily represented (Kmec, 2006). Instead, what is needed to implement
this recommendation is a multipronged effort that includes gathering data through employee
surveys and engagement tools on current hiring practices. This includes current diversity
management of the organization, including employee retention and turnover (Khan et al., 2022).
Organizations need to then evaluate the data to inform their recruitment and screening practices,
commit to receiving training on equitable hiring practices, and create accountability measures.
Organizations also need to consider eliminating practices that could lead to unintended
discrimination and inequities, such as informal or personal networking, reinforcing the dominant
majority at the workplace (Kmec, 2006). Traditional hiring practices often perpetuate existing
biases, leading to the underrepresentation of Black Muslim refugee women and employees of
color in leadership roles. Kalev, Dobbin, and Kelly (2006) highlight that practices such as blind
recruitment, structured interviews, and diverse hiring panels can mitigate biases in hiring. These
practices can help to reduce the influence of unconscious biases, allowing candidates’
qualifications to be assessed more equitably.
When an organization invests in the representation of historically marginalized groups in
leadership positions, it signifies that DEI is critical for the organization. Stazyk et al. (2021)
indicated that organizations with robust diversity management policies signal that diversity is

110
important to the organization and that employees should also value it. However, if the top senior
levels lack diversity, the message sent to historically marginalized employees is that these
positions are unattainable for those who hold identities that are separate from the White male
dominant majority. Without including Black Muslim refugee women in senior leadership
positions, others will not see themselves reflected or represented, adding to the workplace factors
that perpetuate inequities. Longman and Anderson (2016) noted the specific factors that
contribute to the dismal representation of women in leadership positions, including hiring
practices and organizational culture or internalized doubt. Workplaces need to examine
institutional practices and policies that reinforce such an imbalance of senior leadership positions
to the exclusion of historically marginalized groups, including their hiring and selection
processes. Critical race theory emphasizes the need to challenge notions of objectivity, race
neutrality, and equal opportunity (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). Organizations will contribute to
career growth and leadership opportunities for historically underrepresented groups by creating
and promoting equitable and inclusive hiring practices.
Recommendation 4: Establish Clear Criteria and Transparent Process for Promotions and
Leadership Opportunities
A key recommendation to address the success of Black Muslim refugee women in the
workforce in advancing their careers and leadership opportunities is to encourage workplaces to
establish clear criteria and a transparent process for promotions and leadership opportunities.
Employees of color already face significant structural and systemic barriers to
representation and leadership within the workplace (Cooper Brathwaite et al., 2022), including
Black Muslim refugee women. These barriers are shaped by the compounded effects of
intersectionality, which recognizes that individuals' experiences are shaped by multiple and

111
overlapping salient identities, such as race, religion, gender, and immigrant status (Crenshaw,
1991). For Black Muslim refugee women, these intersecting identities often place them in
particularly marginalized positions, such as being passed over for promotions or leading to a lack
of representation in leadership positions. For instance, many of the participants of this study
noted how they were passed over for promotions despite their qualifications, such as Ayan and
Diham, or had to go through difficult and extensive new processes compared to their white
counterparts just to obtain a promotion. Khadija for instance noted the 15-panel interview she
had to endure just to be promoted to a leadership position compared to others who were part of
the dominant group. Participants also noted how leadership in society is normalized to mean
white males in these positions as opposed to Black Muslim refugee women. Thus, the lack of a
clear established criteria for promotions contributes to the obstacles Black Muslim refugee
women face in advancing in their careers.
This obstacle for promotion faced by Black Muslim refugee women contributes further to
the lack of representation in leadership positions. This lack of representation in leadership
positions also serves as a barrier to career advancement (Titanji et al., 2022). This cycle of
marginalization can be further compounded by organizational practices that do not contribute to
the success of employees of color. In addressing the challenges faced by historically
marginalized employees, it is critical for workplaces to recognize the lived realities of those with
intersecting identities and actively work to dismantle the structural inequities that persist in
workplace environments, such as establishing clear promotion criteria and leadership opportunity
pathways. Workplaces that make a concerted effort to acknowledge and address the unique forms
of oppression faced by employees with multiple marginalized identities, such as Black Muslim
refugee women, are more likely to create inclusive environments where all employees, especially

112
those from underrepresented groups, can thrive (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017; Ladson-Billings &
Tate, 1995).
This recommendation recognizes that one way to mitigate workplace inequities and
institutionalized structures that favor the dominant majority when it comes to leadership
advancement and promotions, is to ensure a clear and transparent process and criteria are
established. Organizational processes related to career advancement have been susceptible to
perceived intentional or unintentional unconscious bias and discrimination for minority groups,
including women (Nag et al., 2022). This marginalization, consistent with research, has resulted
in limited upward mobility for employees of color, who are frequently excluded from leadership
pipelines and decision-making roles (Sekerka & Yacobian, 2018). By implementing clear,
transparent, and equitable promotion processes, organizations can help mitigate some of the
barriers to advancement that marginalized groups, including Black Muslim refugee women, face
(Nag et al., 2022). One way workplaces can do so is to ensure honest and transparent
communication about such opportunities (Nag et al., 2022) and making the criteria for such
opportunities clear.
Transparent processes in promotion and leadership opportunities serve to challenge and
disrupt the deeply entrenched structural inequities that have long maintained the status quo in
workplaces, thus opening up opportunities for a more diverse and representative leadership. It
ensures that there is not one set of rules for promotion for the dominant majority as compared to
minority groups. This can contribute significantly to the success of Black Muslim refugee
women, and other historically marginalized groups, in their leadership and career growth.
Limitations and Delimitations

113
Limitations are understood as factors outside of the researcher’s control that can
influence the study (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). A limitation of this study was the lack of
research and evidence-based data on the intersections of race, religion, immigration, and gender
in the workplace. While the literature on this intersection was limited, I used scholarly materials
that addressed one or more of the participants’ identities, with few exceptions that did look at
this intersection but not from an employee or workforce perspective, as a proxy for this research.
Delimitations are the factors that are within the researcher’s control through the design of
their study (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). One delimitation was the limited time of this study
under a doctoral program, which affected the sample size. While the data did reach saturation on
a number of key findings, a larger sample would have allowed an even broader perspective. This
study also did not take the participants’ geographical location into consideration, which could
have affected their experiences. A third delimitation was the study criteria. There were
individuals who wished to partake in this study who were not in senior leadership positions, and
they were disqualified. This has an implication of the data not being representative of the
experiences of Black Muslim refugee women who are not in senior leadership positions. Lastly,
there was no differentiation among participants’ ethnicities and nationalities, languages spoken,
or ethnic groups with which they identify.
Recommendations for Future Research
Based on this study, recommendations for future research include the need to include
other intersections of the identity of Black Muslim refugee women to gain a broader and in-depth
understanding of their specific experiences in the workforce and the challenges they face in their
leadership and career growth. A few examples to explore are socioeconomic status, language,
and nationality. Black Muslim refugee women are not a monolith. It is important to examine the

114
complex layers of identities that intersect and compound their workplace experiences. This study
did not take into consideration the differences in nationalities for Black Muslim refugee women,
socioeconomic status, or language barriers and how that might influence their experiences.
However, it would be important to expand that understanding to contribute further to this
problem of practice.
This study focused on those in senior leadership to gain insight into their experience and
expand research on personal and organizational factors that led to their success. Therefore, future
research would benefit from including Black Muslim refugee women who are not in senior
leadership positions to gain a better understanding of experiences and opportunities for those
who may have language barriers, less experience and expertise in their fields, and who may have
just begun their professional careers.

115
Conclusion
The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the experiences of Black Muslim
refugee women in the workplace at the intersection of race, religion, gender and immigration and
how these influence their leadership and career opportunities. The objective was to use that
understanding to contribute to these women’s workplace success, influencing both leadership
opportunities and career growth. This study focused on a transformational worldview utilizing
CRT and intersectionality theory as the conceptual framework. Seven findings emerged (a)
preconceived notions and biases based on intersecting identities, (b) fear of retribution and loss
of work opportunities and advancement based on their identities, (c) increased feelings of
isolation and burden beyond work responsibilities, (d) pressures to prove their expertise and
qualifications, (e) feeling undermined and sabotaged in leadership positions, (f) internal and
external support as key to success, and (g) the central role of faith, resilience and confidence.
Participants noted the challenges they faced at the intersection of race, religion, gender,
and immigration. The Islamophobia, racism, xenophobia, and sexism they faced outside of the
workplace in American society spilled over to work dynamics and interactions. Though it was
often difficult to pinpoint the specific identity they felt was under scrutiny, existing at this
intersection had its challenges overall. The findings indicated that individual attitudes and
behaviors, organizational policies and structures, and overarching themes of structural inequities
played a key role in their workplace experience, influencing their leadership and career growth
and opportunities. White supremacy and institutionalized and structural racism, along with the
microaggressions they faced due to their religion, contributed to the barriers at work, even when
in leadership positions. Participants found themselves at the crossroads of proving their expertise
and qualifications while simultaneously disproving being considered as just a DEI hire when

116
they were in leadership positions. Participants noted how their Islamic faith, resiliency, and
confidence played a critical role in their success. Utilizing CRT and intersectionality theory, this
study made clear the important role organizations can play in contributing to the success of Black
Muslim refugee women through an analysis of power, privilege, and the root causes of systemic
inequity and institutionalized Islamophobia, racism, sexism, and xenophobia.
Based on overall scholarly literature and using a transformative worldview through the
use of CRT and intersectionality theory, this study’s findings led to four proposed
recommendations for practice: (a) Shift organizational culture through comprehensive DEI
training and programs, (b) Develop employee support systems, (c) Create inclusive hiring
practices to increase representation of Black Muslim refugee women in leadership positions and
(d) Establish clear criteria and a transparent process for promotions and leadership opportunities.
These four recommendations were offered to contribute to Black Muslim refugee women’s
workplace success, particularly for those in senior leadership positions. It is critical for
workplaces to have leadership that reflects their workforce, just as it is important to have a
workforce that reflects society.
Solórzano and Yosso (2002) noted two CRT tenets that capture the importance of this
study: transdisciplinary perspective and a commitment to social justice. A commitment to social
justice emphasizes that social justice can be achieved through a commitment to address multiple
forms of oppression through resistance and empowerment (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002).
Transdisciplinary perspective recognizes that there are historical and contemporary lenses
through which we need to analyze race and racism and how this analysis can improve our
understanding of the multiple forms of oppression historically marginalized communities face

117
and how it effects them (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). The importance of this study is highlighted
in these two tenets.
This study commits to social justice by identifying how workplaces can foster an
environment of inclusivity and belonging for Black Muslim refugee women in the workplace and
contribute to their leadership growth and career opportunities. It considered the specific
recommendations and best practices needed to positively engage and influence this demographic.
Despite the limited research on the population of focus, this study highlighted the need to gain
insight into their experiences to better inform workplace practices, organizational culture, and
executive leadership responsibilities in fostering an inclusive environment that prioritizes
marginalized employees’ well-being and engagement.
While the business case for diversity has often been made for companies and
organizations, DEI efforts have been met with uncertainty and much skepticism by historically
marginalized communities who often feel these efforts have been half-hearted or performative at
best. This study reinforces the need for meaningful and in-depth investment in DEI, as
highlighted in the recommendations, as well as sincere commitment and accountability to
enhancing social justice. While Black Muslim refugee women do not represent all historically
marginalized groups, their complex layers of multiple oppressions provide insights into how
their experiences could be extrapolated to aid in understanding other historically marginalized
employees and foster a culture of belonging that contributes to their leadership and career
growth.

118
References
Abdi, C. (2014). Threatened identities and gendered opportunities: Somali migration to America.
Signs, 39(2), 459–483. https://doi.org/10.1086/673380
Abdi, C. (2015). Disclaimed or reclaimed? Muslim refugee youth and belonging in the age of
hyperbolisation. Journal of Intercultural Studies, 36(5), 564–578.
https://doi.org/10.1080/07256868.2015.1072905
Abdo, G. (2005). Islam in America: Separate but unequal. The Washington Quarterly, 28(4),
5–17. https://doi.org/10.1162/0163660054798717
Abdurraqib, S. (2006). Hijab scenes: Muslim women, migration, and Hijab in immigrant Muslim
literature. MELUS, 31(4), 55–70. https://doi.org/10.1093/melus/31.4.55
Acker, J. (2009). From glass ceiling to inequality regimes. Sociologie du Travail, 51(2),
199–217. https://doi.org/10.4000/sdt.16407
Ahmed Ali, F., & Mwambari, D. (2021). Black Muslim women in security studies. Critical
Studies on Security, 9(1), 31–35. https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2021.1904193
Ali, S. R., Yamada, T., & Mahmood, A. (2015). Relationships of the practice of hijab, workplace
discrimination, social class, job stress, and job satisfaction among Muslim American
women. Journal of Employment Counseling, 52(4), 146–157.
https://doi.org/10.1002/joec.12020
Allen, K.-A., Kern, M. L., Rozek, C. S., McInerney, D. M., & Slavich, G. M. (2021). Belonging:
A review of conceptual issues, an integrative framework, and directions for future
research. Australian Journal of Psychology, 73(1), 87–102.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00049530.2021.1883409

119
Awaad, R., & Bazian, H. (2021). Islamophobia, Muslim safety and violence survey.
Islamophobia Research and Documentation Project.
Aziz, S. F. (2014). Coercive assimilationism: The perils of Muslim women’s identity
performance in the workplace. Michigan Journal of Race & Law, 20(1), 1–64.
Bakker, A. B., Demerouti, E., & Sanz-Vergel, A. I. (2014). Burnout and work engagement: The
JD–R approach. Annual Review of Organizational Psychology and Organizational
Behavior, 1(1), 389–411. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-orgpsych-031413-091235
Barzegar, A. (2011). Discourse, identity, and community: Problems and prospects in the study of
Islam in America. Muslim World, 101(3), 511–538.
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.2010.01394.x
Bashri, M. (2019). Elections, Representations, and Journalistic Schemas: Local News Coverage
of Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib in the US Mid-term Elections. ESSACHESS.
2019;12(24 (2)):129-146.
Beach, A. A., & Segars, A. H. (2022). How a values-based approach advances DEI. MIT Sloan
Management Review, 63(4), 25–32.
Berry, J. W. (1980). Acculturation as varieties of adaptation. In A. Padilla (Ed.), Acculturation:
Theory, models and some new findings (pp. 9–25). Westview.
Beydoun, K. A. (2016). Islamophobia: Towards a legal definition and framework. Columbia Law
Review, 116(7), 108–125.
Braunstein, R. (2017). Muslims as outsiders, enemies, and others: The 2016 presidential election
and the politics of religious exclusion. American Journal of Cultural Sociology, 5(3),
355–372. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41290-017-0042-x

120
Brown, N. E., Clark, C. J., & Mahoney, A. (2022). The Black women of the US Congress:
Learning from descriptive data. Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 43(3), 328–346.
https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2074757
Busey, C. L., Duncan, K. E., & Dowie-Chin, T. (2023a). Critical what what? A theoretical
systematic review of 15 years of critical race theory research in social studies education,
2004-2019. Review of Educational Research, 93(3), 412–453.
https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543221105551
Buttinger, L. (2023). Diversity, equity and inclusion: Strategies for success. Journal of Securities
Operations & Custody, 15(3), 205–217.
Capper, C. A. (2015). The 20th-year anniversary of critical race theory in education: Implications
for leading to eliminate racism. Educational Administration Quarterly, 51(5), 791–833.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0013161X15607616
Carastathis, A. (2014). The concept of intersectionality in feminist theory. Philosophy Compass,
9(5), 304–314. https://doi.org/10.1111/phc3.12129
Castilla, E. J. (2005). Social networks and employee performance in a call center. American
Journal of Sociology, 110(5), 1243–1283. https://doi.org/10.1086/427319
Çeği̇ndi̇r, M. (2023). Xenophobia and anti-Islamism: Framing the news covering the shootings
four years after the Christchurch Mosque shooting. Medya Ve Din Araştırmaları Dergisi,
6(2), 95–118. https://doi.org/10.47951/mediad.1388937
Chekwa, C. (2018). Don’t be left out-fostering networking opportunities to reduce workplace
isolation among ethnic employees in remote settings. Journal of Competitiveness Studies,
26(3-4), 217–235.

121
Cho, S., Crenshaw, K. W., & McCall, L. (2013). Toward a field of intersectionality studies:
Theory, Applications, and Praxis. Signs, 38(4), 785–810. https://doi.org/10.1086/669608
Collins, P. H. (2015). Intersectionality’s definitional dilemmas. Annual Review of Sociology, 41,
1–20. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-073014-112142
Colvin, J. W., & Munz, S. M. (2020). Voices of refugee women: Adaptation and identification.
Journal of Intercultural Communication Research, 49(2), 156–171.
https://doi.org/10.1080/17475759.2020.1725593
Cooper Brathwaite, A., Versailles, D., Juüdi-Hope, D., Coppin, M., Jefferies, K., Bradley, R.,
Campbell, R., Garraway, C., Obewu, O., LaRonde-Ogilvie, C., Sinclair, D., Groom, B., &
Grinspun, D. (2022). Tackling discrimination and systemic racism in academic and
workplace settings. Nursing Inquiry, 29(4) Article e12485.
https://doi.org/10.1111/nin.12485
Crenshaw, K. (1988). Race, reform, and retrenchment: Transformation and legitimation in
antidiscrimination law. Harvard Law Review, 101(7), 1331–1387.
https://doi.org/10.2307/1341398
Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence
against women of color. Stanford Law Review, 43(6), 1241–1299.
https://doi.org/10.2307/1229039
Crenshaw, K.(1995). The Identity Factor in Multiculturalism. Liberal education. 1995;81(4):6-.
Crenshaw, K. W. (2011). Twenty years of critical race theory: Looking back to move forward.
Connecticut Law Review, 43(5), 1253–1352
Creswell, J. W., & Creswell, J. D. (2018). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed
methods approaches. Sage Publications.

122
Delgado, R., & Stefancic, J. (2017). Critical race theory: An introduction (3rd ed.). New York
University Press.
Dobbin, Frank & Kalev, Alexandra. (2014).“Why Firms Need Diversity Managers and Task
Forces”. Pp. 170-198 in How Global Migration Changes the Workforce Diversity
Equation.
Ellis, B. H., Lincoln, A. K., Abdi, S. M., Nimmons, E. A., Issa, O., & Decker, S. H. (2020). “We
all have stories”: Black Muslim immigrants’ experience with the police. Race and
Justice, 10(3), 341–362. https://doi.org/10.1177/2153368718754638
Federal Trade Commission. (2023). Protections against discrimination.
https://www.ftc.gov/policy-notices/no-fear-act/protections-against-discrimination
Georgeac, O., & Rattan, A. (2019). Progress in women’s representation in top leadership
weakens people’s disturbance with gender inequality in other domains. Journal of
Experimental Psychology: General, 148(8), 1435–1453.
https://doi.org/10.1037/xge0000561
Ghumman, S., Ryan, A. M., Barclay, L. A., & Markel, K. S. (2013). Religious discrimination in
the workplace: A review and examination of current and future trends. Journal of
Business and Psychology, 28(4), 439–454. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10869-013-9290-0
Golesorkhi, L.-Z. (2019). Islamic garb in public employment in Europe and the US—From
integration to accommodation to anti-discrimination. Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs,
39(4), 551–568. https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2019.1700589
Gordon, A., & Turner, J. (2022, April 7). What Florida’s Stop WOKE Act means for DEI
initiatives [Blog post]. Property & Casualty 360.

123
https://www.propertycasualty360.com/2022/04/07/stop-woke-act-the-end-to-workplace-d
iversity-inclusion-training-in-florida/
Gosseen, R. I. (2017). Accommodating Islam in the workplace: A work in progress. Primerus.
https://www.primerus.com/article/accommodating-islam-workplace-work-progress
Green, W., Lam, E., & Liao, K. (2022). The development of the Employee Resource Groups
Scale (ERGS). International Journal of Adult Education and Technology, 13(1), 1–15.
https://doi.org/10.4018/IJAET.314632
Green, W. M. (2018). Employee resource groups as learning communities. Equality, Diversity
and Inclusion, 37(7), 634–648. https://doi.org/10.1108/EDI-11-2016-0085
Greene, L. S. (2021). Critical race theory: Origins, permutations, and current queries. Wisconsin
Law Review, 2021(2), 259–268.
Haffejee, B., & East, J. F. (2016). African women refugee resettlement. Affilia, 31(2), 232–242.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0886109915595840
Haggins, A. (2020). To be seen, heard, and valued: Strategies to promote a sense of belonging
for women and underrepresented in medicine physicians. Academic Medicine, 95(10),
1507–1510. https://doi.org/10.1097/ACM.0000000000003553
Halpern, P. (2008). Refugee economic self-sufficiency: An exploratory study of approaches used
in Office of Refugee Resettlement programs. Office of the Assistant Secretary for
Planning and Evaluation http://aspe.hhs.gov/hsp/08/RefugeeSelfSuff/
Heath, M. L., & Williams, E. N. (2023). Working poor organization behavior: Mediating role of
mentorship and supportive supervisory feedback. Employee Responsibilities and Rights
Journal. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10672-023-09473-2.

124
Heidt, A. (2023). Universities axe diversity statements in wake of US Supreme Court ruling on
affirmative action. Nature. https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-023-03049-8
Husain, A., & Howard, S. (2017). Religious microaggressions: A case study of Muslim
Americans. Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 26(1-2), 139–152.
https://doi.org/10.1080/15313204.2016.1269710
Institute of Social Policy and Understanding. (2022). American Muslim Poll 2022.
https://www.ispu.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/AMP-2022-42-1024x859.png?x46312
&x46312
International Rescue Committee. (2022). Refugees in America.
https://www.rescue.org/topic/refugees-america
Ivey, G. W., & Dupré, K. E. (2022). Workplace mentorship: A critical review. Journal of Career
Development, 49(3), 714–729. https://doi.org/10.1177/0894845320957737
Jackson, J. F. L., & O’Callaghan, E. M. (2009). What do we know about glass ceiling effects? A
taxonomy and critical review to inform higher education research. Research in Higher
Education, 50(5), 460–482. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11162-009-9128-9
Johnson, M. K., & Jackson, J. D. (2020). Racial disparities in promotions and career
advancement: A meta-analysis. The Journal of Applied Psychology, 105(6), 567–589.
Johnson, N. N., & Fournillier, J. B. (2021). Increasing diversity in leadership: Perspectives of
four black women educational leaders in the context of the United States. Journal of
Educational Administration and History, 54(2), 174–192.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00220620.2021.1985976
Kalev, A., Dobbin, F., & Kelly, E. (2006). Best Practices or Best Guesses? Assessing the
Efficacy of Corporate Affirmative Action and Diversity Policies. American Sociological

125
Review, 71(4), 589-617. https://doi.org/10.1177/000312240607100404
Kalın, İ. (2011). Islamophobia and the Limits of Multiculturalism. Islamophobia, 3-20.
Khan, M., Adnan, H., Kaur, S., Khuhro, R., Asghar, R., & Jabeen, S. (2019). Muslims’
representation in Donald Trump’s anti-Muslim-Islam statement: A critical discourse
analysis. Religions, 10(2), Article 115. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel10020115
Khan, S. I., Afroze, R., & Zaman, L. (2022). Inclusive climate and the performance of
employees from Muslim diaspora in Western organizations. Asian Academy of
Management Journal, 27(2), 135–161. https://doi.org/10.21315/aamj2022.27.2.7
Kmec, J. A. (2006). White hiring agents’ organizational practices and out-group hiring. Social
Science Research, 35(3), 668–701. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2005.06.001
Ladson-Billings, G. (2013). Critical race theory—What it is not! In M. Lynn & Dixson, A. D.
(Eds.), Handbook of critical race theory in education (pp. 37–47). Routledge.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203155721.ch3
Ladson-Billings, G., & Tate, W. F. (1995). Toward a Critical Race Theory of Education. Teachers
College Record, 97(1), 47–68. https://doi.org/10.1177/016146819509700104
Lawson, M. A., Martin, A. E., Huda, I., & Matz, S. C. (2022). Hiring women into senior
leadership positions is associated with a reduction in gender stereotypes in organizational
language. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of
America, 119(9), Article e2026443119. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2026443119
Le, H., Jiang, Z., & Greenhaus, J. (2023). Building cultural intelligence through supervisor
support: Social exchange and subjective career success as mediators and organisational
support as a moderator. International Migration, 61(3), 270–286.
https://doi.org/10.1111/imig.13045

126
Leveson, L., Joiner, T. A., & Bakalis, S. (2009). Managing cultural diversity and perceived
organizational support: Evidence from Australia. International Journal of Manpower,
30(4), 377–392. https://doi.org/10.1108/01437720910973061
Li, Y. L., Evans, K., & Bond, M. A. (2023). Allies as organizational change agents to promote
equity and inclusion: A case study. Equality, Diversity and Inclusion, 42(1), 135–156.
https://doi.org/10.1108/EDI-12-2021-0308
Liu, J., Siu, O. L., & Shi, K. (2010). Transformational leadership and employee well-being: The
mediating role of trust in the leader and self-efficacy. Applied Psychology, 59(3),
454–479. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-0597.2009.00407.x
Livingston, R. (2020). How to promote racial equity in the workplace: A five-step plan. Harvard
Business Review.
Longman, K. A., & Anderson, P. S. (2016). Women in leadership: The future of Christian higher
education. Christian Higher Education, 15(1-2), 24–37.
https://doi.org/10.1080/15363759.2016.1107339
Lu, A. (2023). DEI Under Attack. The Chronicle of Higher Education, 69(15), 6.
Luksyte, A., Waite, E., Avery, D. R., & Roy, R. (2013). Held to a different standard: Racial
differences in the impact of lateness on advancement opportunity. Journal of
Occupational and Organizational Psychology, 86(2), 142–165.
https://doi.org/10.1111/joop.12010
Luthia, M., Rao, A., & Tripathi, R. (2023). Fostering workforce diversity through DEI training:
Paradigm and challenges. Journal of Management Research, 15(1), 19–26.

127
Magan, I. M. (2020). On being black, Muslim, and a refugee: Stories of Somalis in Chicago.
Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies, 18(2), 172–188.
https://doi.org/10.1080/15562948.2019.1617451
Martin, W. J., & Haar, J. M. (2021). Mentorship as a mechanism to mobilize inclusion. Nature
Immunology, 22(8), 932–933. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41590-021-00976-4
Martínez, A. Y. (2014). Critical race theory: Its origins, history, and importance to the discourses
and rhetorics of race. Frame, 27(2), 9–27.
Meer, N. (2008). The politics of voluntary and involuntary identities: are Muslims in Britain an
ethnic, racial or religious minority? Patterns of prejudice. Abigdon.
Merriam, S. B., & Tisdell, E. J. (2016). Qualitative research: A guide to design and
implementation (4th ed.). Jossey-Bass.
Modood, T. (2005). Multicultural politics: Racism, ethnicity and Muslims in Britain. Edinburgh
University Press.
Mohamed, H. (2017). The triple consciousness of Black Muslim women: The experiences of first
generation Somali-Canadian women activists. Journal of Somali Studies, 4(1/2), 9–42.
https://doi.org/10.31920/2056-5682/2017/v4n1_2a1
Mondon, A., & Winter, A. (2017). Articulations of Islamophobia: From the extreme to the
mainstream? Ethnic and Racial Studies, 40(13), 2151–2179.
https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2017.1312008
Moradi, B., & Hasan, N. (2004). Arab American persons’ reported experiences of discrimination
and mental health: The mediating role of personal control. Journal of Counseling
Psychology, 51(4), 418–428. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0167.51.4.418

128
Nadal, K. L., Griffin, K. E., Hamit, S., Leon, J., Tobio, M., & Rivera, D. P. (2012). Subtle and
overt forms of Islamophobia: Microaggressions toward Muslim Americans. The Journal
of Muslim Mental Health, 6(2). https://doi.org/10.3998/jmmh.10381607.0006.203
Nag, D., Arena, D. F., & Jones, K. P. (2022). How promotion loss shapes expectations of
discrimination: An intersectional approach. Gender in Management: An International
Journal, 37(4), 441–456. https://doi.org/10.1108/GM-02-2021-0048
Nelson, A., & Piatak, J. (2021). Intersectionality, leadership, and inclusion: How do racially
underrepresented women fare in the federal government? Review of Public Personnel
Administration, 41(2), 294–318. https://doi.org/10.1177/0734371X19881681
Oakley, J. G. (2000). Gender-based barriers to senior management positions: Understanding the
scarcity of female CEOs. Journal of Business Ethics, 27(4), 321–334.
https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1006226129868
Ogbe, A. (2022). A seat at the table is not enough: A perspective on black women representation
in Academia. Immunology and Cell Biology, 100(9), 679–682.
https://doi.org/10.1111/imcb.12584
Omu, O., & Reynolds, F. (2014). Religious faith and self-efficacy among stroke patients in
Kuwait: Health professionals’ views. Disability and Rehabilitation, 36(18), 1529–1535.
https://doi.org/10.3109/09638288.2014.892641
Pearson, A. R., Dovidio, J. F., & Gaertner, S. L. (2009). The nature of contemporary prejudice:
Insights from aversive racism. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 3(3),
314–338. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1751-9004.2009.00183.x

129
Pereira, R. I., Diaz-Thomas, A., Hinton, A., Myers, A. K. (2023, December 14). A call to action
following the US Supreme Court affirmative action ruling. The Lancet, 403(10424),
332–335. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(23)02700-9
Pew Research Center. (2018a). Muslims in America: Immigrants and those born in U.S. see life
differently in many ways.
https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2018/04/14/muslims-in-america-immigrants-and-th
ose-born-in-u-s-see-life-differently-in-many-ways/
Pew Research Center. (2018b). New estimates show U.S. Muslim population continues to grow.
https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2018/01/03/new-estimates-show-u-s-muslim-po
pulation-continues-to-grow/
Ragins, B. R., Cotton, J. L., & Miller, J. S. (2000). Marginal mentoring: The effects of type of
mentor, quality of relationship, and program design on work and career attitudes.
Academy of Management Journal, 43(6), 1177–1194. https://doi.org/10.2307/1556344
Ragins, B. R., & Krumm, S. (2007). The handbook of mentoring at work: Theory, research, and
practice. SAGE Publications.
Railton, B. (2013). The Chinese Exclusion Act: What it can teach us about America. Palgrave
Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137339096
Rashid, S. (2000). Divergent perspectives on Islam in America. Journal of Muslim Minority
Affairs, 20(1), 75–90. https://doi.org/10.1080/13602000050008906
Reingold, B., Widner, K., & Harmon, R. (2020). Legislating at the intersections: Race, gender,
and representation. Political Research Quarterly, 73(4), 819–833.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912919858405

130
Rippy, A. E., & Newman, E. (2006). Perceived religious discrimination and its relationship to
anxiety and paranoia among Muslim Americans. The Journal of Muslim Mental Health,
1(1), 5–20. https://doi.org/10.1080/15564900600654351
Roberson, L., Kulik, C. T., & Pepper, M. B. (2001). Designing effective diversity training:
Influence of group composition and trainee experience. Journal of Organizational
Behavior, 22(8), 871–885. https://doi.org/10.1002/job.117
Ross-Sheriff, F. (2011). Global migration and gender. Journal of Migration and Gender, 26(3),
233–238. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886109911417692
Ruggs, E. N., Hebl, M. R., Williams, A., & Singletary, S. L. (2016). The leadership labyrinth:
Leveraging the talents of women of color. Industrial and Organizational Psychology:
Perspectives on Science and Practice, 9(1), 170–182.
Sam, D. L., & Berry, J. W. (2010). Acculturation: When individuals and groups of different
cultural backgrounds meet. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 5(4), 472–481.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691610373075
Schaeffer, K. (2021). 117th Congress is the most racially and ethnically diverse so far. Pew
Research Center.
https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2021/01/28/racial-ethnic-diversity-increases-yet-a
gain-with-the-117th-congress/
Scheitle, C. P., Bolger, D., Daniels, D., & Ecklund, E. H. (2023). The connection between
perceived workplace discrimination and viewing work as a spiritual calling. Journal for
the Scientific Study of Religion, 62(2), 242–259. https://doi.org/10.1111/jssr.12842
Schneider, R. C., Carroll Coleman, D., Howard Ecklund, E., & Daniels, D. (2022). How
religious discrimination is perceived in the workplace: Expanding the view. Socius:

131
Sociological Research for a Dynamic World, 8.
https://doi.org/10.1177/23780231211070920
Schoemaker, P. J. H., & Russo, J. E. (2014). Decision-making. In M. Augier & D. J. Teece
(Eds.), The Palgrave encyclopedia of strategic management (pp. 1–5). Palgrave
Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137294678.0160.
Sekerka, L. E., & Yacobian, M. M. (2017). Understanding and addressing Islamophobia in
organizational settings: Leading with moral courage. International Journal of Public
Leadership, 13(3), 134–150. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJPL-10-2016-0040
Sekerka, L. E., & Yacobian, M. M. (2018). Fostering workplace respect in an era of
anti-muslimism and islamophobia. Equality, Diversity and Inclusion, 37(8), 813–831.
https://doi.org/10.1108/EDI-11-2017-0265
Solórzano, D. G., & Yosso, T. J. (2002). Critical race methodology: Counter-storytelling as an
analytical framework for education research. Qualitative Inquiry, 8(1), 23–44.
https://doi.org/10.1177/107780040200800103
Stazyk, E.C., Davis, R.S., Liang, J.(2021). Probing the Links between Workforce Diversity, Goal
Clarity, and Employee Job Satisfaction in Public Sector Organizations. Adm. Sci. 11, 77.
https://doi.org/10.3390/admsci11030077
Strabac, Z., & Listhaug, O. (2008). Anti-Muslim prejudice in Europe: A multilevel analysis of
survey data from 30 countries. Social Science Research, 37(1), 268–286.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2007.02.004
Sue, D. W., Capodilupo, C. M., Torino, G. C., Bucceri, J. M., Holder, A. M., Nadal, K. L., &
Esquilin, M. (2007). Racial microaggressions in everyday life: Implications for clinical

132
practice. The American Psychologist, 62(4), 271–286.
https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.62.4.271
Tariq, M., & Syed, J. (2018). An intersectional perspective on Muslim women’s issues and
experiences in employment. Gender, Work & Organization, 25(5), 495–513.
https://doi.org/10.1111/gwao.12256
Thomas, K. M., & Plaut, V. C. (2008). The many faces of diversity resistance in the workplace.
The Leadership Quarterly, 19(6), 631–646.
Thompson, D. (2022). What we do matters: Fostering inclusion and belonging in the workplace.
Revista Mexicana De Astronomía y Astrofísica Serie De Conferencias, 54, 9–15.
https://doi.org/10.22201/ia.14052059p.2022.54.02
Titanji, B. K., Abdul-Mutakabbir, J. C., Christophers, B., Flores, L., Marcelin, J. R., & Swartz, T.
H. (2022). Social media: Flattening hierarchies for women and Black, Indigenous, people
of color (BIPOC) to enter the room where it happens. Clinical Infectious Diseases,
74(Supplement_3), S222–S228. https://doi.org/10.1093/cid/ciac047
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2022). About us.
https://www.unhcr.org/en-us/about-us.html
U.S. Department of State. (2022). Report to Congress on proposed refugee admissions for Fiscal
Year 2022.
https://www.state.gov/report-to-congress-on-proposed-refugee-admissions-for-fiscal-year
-2022/
U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (2022a). Charge statistics: Charges filed with
the EEOC FY 1997 through FY 2022.
https://www.eeoc.gov/data/charge-statistics-charges-filed-eeoc-fy-1997-through-fy-2022

133
U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (2022b). EEOC releases annual performance
report for fiscal year 2022 [Pres release].
https://www.eeoc.gov/newsroom/eeoc-releases-annual-performance-report-fiscal-year-20
22
U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (2022c). FY 2018-2022 charge report
submitted to Congress.
https://www.eeoc.gov/fy-2018-2022-charge-report-submitted-congress
Welbourne, T. M., Rolf, S., & Schlachter, S. (2017). The case for employee resource groups: A
review and social identity theory-based research agenda. Personnel Review, 46(8),
1816–1834. https://doi.org/10.1108/PR-01-2016-0004
Williams D.A., Gordon, R., Stewart, P. (2023) Career Mobility For Black Professionals:
Mentorship as an Underground Railroad. Journal of African American studies.
27(3):234-250. doi:10.1007/s12111-023-09628-3

134
Appendix A: Recruitment/Eligibility Questionnaire
Yes No
I am at least 18 years of age.
I identify as a Black Muslim refugee woman.
I am currently employed or have been
previously employed within the last 12
months.
I am currently holding or have held within
the last 12 months a senior leadership
position.
I consent to participate in this study,
If you are willing to be voluntarily
interviewed, please provide your email
address below to receive further
communication regarding this study
scheduling an interview.
Appendix A: Recruitment/Eligibility Questionnaire

135
Appendix B: Interview Protocol
Research question Corresponding interview questions
How do Black Muslim refugee women
perceive their experiences in the workforce
at the intersection of race, religion, gender
and immigration and how does it influence
their leadership opportunities and career
growth?
What have your experiences been like in your
workplace as a Black Muslim refugee
woman?
In what ways has your identity played a role
in your workplace?
How do you perceive your experience as a
Black Muslim refugee woman in the
workplace to be similar or different from
your co-workers?
In what ways is diversity valued at your
workplace?
What challenges or barriers, if any, do you
face at your workplace as a Black Muslim
refugee woman?
Can you tell me about a time, if ever, that you
were negatively impacted at work because
of your race, gender, or religion?
What led to this challenge?
How, if at all, have these challenges
influenced obtaining a leadership position
or promotion?
What critical factors contribute to the success
of Black Muslim refugee women in
obtaining leadership opportunities and
career growth?
How, if at all, have you been able to mitigate
the challenges you have faced?
What personal critical factors can you identify
that have contributed to your success as a
Black Muslim refugee woman obtaining
leadership opportunities and career growth?
What organizational factors exist at your
workplace that contribute to your success as
a Black Muslim refugee woman obtaining
leadership opportunities and career growth?
If you were going to provide advice about
what you need to succeed at work as a
Black Muslim refugee woman to other
Black Muslim refugee women, what would
you tell them?
Appendix B: Interview Protocol

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This qualitative study examines the experiences of Black Muslim refugee women in the workplace at the intersection of race, religion, gender and immigration and how it influences their career growth and leadership opportunities. The research questions allowed me to examine their lived experiences of existing at this intersection, including the challenges and barriers they faced due to Islamophobia, racism, sexism, and xenophobia they encountered at the workplace, and the critical personal and organizational factors that led to their success. This study utilized critical race theory and intersectionality theory as theoretical frameworks. This study consisted of interviewing eight participants in senior leadership positions in their fields. Their responses yielded seven findings that led to the following four recommendations: shift organizational culture through comprehensive DEI training and programs, develop employee support systems, create inclusive hiring practices to increase the representation of Black Muslim refugee women in leadership positions and establish clear criteria and a transparent process for promotions and leadership opportunities.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Beyond commitments: a qualitative examination of the persistent disparities faced by Black women in executive leadership roles post the 2020 crisis and beyond

PDF

A lens looking at hair discourse and experiences of Black women through intersectionality and Black feminist thought

PDF

At the table, on the menu, and under the bus: are Black local health department employees psychologically safe?

PDF

"We belong": women of color in technology (WOCT)

PDF

Workplace religious discrimination toward Muslim women who wear the hijab

PDF

Enduring in silence: understanding the intersecting challenges of women living with multiple sclerosis in the workplace

PDF

“Black” workplace belonging: an examination of the lived experiences of Black faculty sense of belonging factors in community colleges

PDF

Inequitable access to primary care in ethnic minority populations

PDF

The lack of Black women in higher education executive leadership in four-year colleges and universities

PDF

Factors influencing the success of Black male faculty at a Predominantly White Institution

PDF

Belonging matters: exploring the impact of social connectedness on the academic success of immigrant and refugee children in the American school system

PDF

The importance of mentoring in leadership self-efficacy for women in supply chain: a qualitative study

PDF

Workplace bullying of women leaders in the United States

PDF

Black women’s mental health is impacted by the unjust killing of their unarmed Black relatives in America

PDF

Black women in tech: examining experiences in tech industry workplaces

PDF

Disclosure of abuse to empowerment: exploring psychological safety as a leadership tool to support women struggling with workplace performance

PDF

Increasing representation of women in executive technology leadership roles

PDF

Underemployment among U.S. military veterans in the private sector after transitioning from the military

PDF

The resilience of immigrant Asian American women professional engineers in the construction industry

PDF

Making change: understanding executive nonprofit leadership approach to systemic change – a case study on Teach For America

Asset Metadata

Creator Abdullahi, Ismahan (author)

Core Title Belonging in America: Black Muslim refugee women’s’ trials and triumphs in the workplace

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2024-12

Publication Date 10/02/2024

Defense Date 03/21/2024

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag belonging,leadership,Muslim,OAI-PMH Harvest,organizational change,race,religion immigration,women,workforce

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Krop, Cathy (committee chair), DeCuir-Gunby, Jessica T. (committee member), Grad, Richard (committee member)

Creator Email ismahan1abdullahi@gmail.com,ismahana@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC11399BMIY

Unique identifier UC11399BMIY

Identifier etd-AbdullahiI-13563.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-AbdullahiI-13563

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Abdullahi, Ismahan

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20241004-usctheses-batch-1217 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu