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Beyond deficit thinking: highlighting the strengths and resilience of Black indigenous and people of color students thriving in higher education
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Beyond deficit thinking: highlighting the strengths and resilience of Black indigenous and people of color students thriving in higher education
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Beyond Deficit Thinking: Highlighting the Strengths and Resilience of Black, Indigenous,
and People of Color Students Thriving in Higher Education
Maritza Ramirez Nieto
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
December 2024
© Copyright by Maritza Ramirez Nieto 2024
All Rights Reserved
The Committee for Maritza Ramirez Nieto certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Courtney L. Malloy
Briana Hinga
Frederick Freking, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024
iv
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to decentralize the deficit-based approach in academia of Black,
Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) students in higher education by centralizing the voices
of BIPOC students in their third or final years of higher education. The study used the CCW
framework to understand further and expand the knowledge of the existing strengths BIPOC
students bring into their educational journey by researching the successes, strengths, and
supports of BIPOC students in higher education. The qualitative study used a semi-structured
open-ended questions interview protocol for purposeful samples. The method was used to
analyze the BIPOC students’ higher education experiences of successes, strengths, and support.
Thematic coding, line-by-line coding, and triangulation were used to interpret students’ narrative
data to identify forms of cultural capital. The study concludes with the findings of trends in their
experiences that shaped the recommendations supported by the literature to uplift the strengths of
BIPOC students in higher education and opportunities for future research.
v
Dedication
To all the generations that came before me, we are here.
vi
Acknowledgments
A sincere thanks to my committee members. Thank you again to Dr. Freking for always
being an optimist and cheerleader throughout this journey. Thank you, Dr. Malloy, for always
challenging my best thinking and ensuring I did my best work throughout the entirety of this
program. Thank you, Dr. Hinga, for always being a critical, thoughtful partner. This dissertation
began in my first class of this program with you 3 years ago asking, “Is the education system
broken, or is it doing exactly what it was meant to do?” Here you are with me until the end.
First and foremost, thank you to my faith, to whom I would not be here without, to whom
has never wavered, to whom has never left me alone, and who loves me unconditionally. Gracias
Diosito por tu paciencia, amor, palabras, y ayuda con esta bendición y privilegio sin ti yo no
sería posible.
A mi familia, mi madre, mi padre, y Bobby, gracias por su paciencia en estos tres años,
por su amor, por sus porras, por sus apoyos y palabras cuando sentía que ya no podía. Son mi
orgullo, y lo mejor de mí, esto es en dedicación a ustedes. A mis padres, estoy aquí gracias a
ustedes, gracias a sus sacrificios desde niña, gracias a sus trabajos, a sus luchas aquí estamos, y
pudimos lograr todo lo que hemos logrado. Ustedes reciben este doctorado conmigo.
To my village, a mi pueblo, it has been a journey. Twenty-two of you have been with me
since La Verne, you were the first to see something else in me. Eugenio, the first person who
took a chance on a little brown girl from the wrong side of the tracks and took time with me, here
we are 18 years later, your work and efforts in me did not go to waste. You showed me a
different path, and we are alive and here because of you, thank you. To Mr. Paul, you taught me
my professionalism in a world like this, and as a person of color, because of you my career has
gone where it has, and I have persevered in the worst of situations. Sarita, you did this, your
vii
work, your words, and your advice got me here. Thank you for taking the time with me and
keeping my heart safe. To Monstra and my Chuntis, 18 years later we are still here, you ladies
have watched me grow, had so much patience with me, and have cheered me on. You both have
sat with me in some of the most trying moments of my life when I never thought I would see the
light of day again. You are my sisters, my family, and this is in dedication to you both, and all
the investment you have put in me over the years, thank you. Thank you to the rest of my village
for your unconditional love, support, and belief in me. This degree is a tribute to all of you, and
all the work, time, and love you all have invested in me. This one is for you, I am here because
you never gave up on me, because you took a chance on me, and because you believed I could,
and we did. This one is for you, you graduate with me too.
Thank you to OCL COHORT 22, you were the surprise support I never knew I needed.
Thank you for letting me be me.
Lastly, this is in dedication to all the communities of color who have gone through life
believing we are less, that we are not enough, and have felt as if we do not belong. This work is
dedicated to your stories, triumphs, and unheard voices. BIPOC stories are shared as
disadvantages we have before even entering the building. The stories speak in all the ways we
are not equipped enough. We hear it every day, we live it in every way, and see in all the ways
societal structures, were never meant for us. We navigate multiple spaces and disrupt them every
single day just by being present. We may be the first, but we are most definitely not the last. Our
stories, our voices, are for all those who couldn’t come before us, and all those who will come
after us. I encourage you all to take your story back, and change the narrative, speak about your
wins, celebrate your successes, and recognize all the wealth you have. You are enough, you are
viii
equipped—and you most definitely belong. Own your story, share your journey, and change the
narrative.
ix
Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgments.......................................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures............................................................................................................................... xii
Chapter One: Overview of the Study.............................................................................................. 1
Context and Background of the Problem............................................................................ 4
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions.................................................................. 7
Importance of the Study...................................................................................................... 8
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology .................................................... 9
Overview of Methodology................................................................................................ 11
Chapter Two: Literature Review .................................................................................................. 12
Historical Context ............................................................................................................. 13
Deficit-Based Approach.................................................................................................... 19
Understanding Cultural Capital ........................................................................................ 23
Strengths-Based Approach................................................................................................ 24
Conceptual Framework..................................................................................................... 28
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 34
Chapter Three: Methodology........................................................................................................ 36
Research Setting................................................................................................................ 37
The Researcher.................................................................................................................. 38
Data Sources ..................................................................................................................... 41
Participants........................................................................................................................ 43
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 43
x
Data Collection Procedures............................................................................................... 45
Data Analysis.................................................................................................................... 45
Validity and Reliability..................................................................................................... 45
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 46
Research Question 1 ......................................................................................................... 46
Research Question 2 ......................................................................................................... 51
Research Question 3 ......................................................................................................... 56
Research Question 4 ......................................................................................................... 66
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 73
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 76
Recommendations for Practice ......................................................................................... 78
Limitations and Delimitations........................................................................................... 88
Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................................ 89
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 91
References..................................................................................................................................... 94
Appendix A: Definitions............................................................................................................. 107
Appendix B: The Researcher...................................................................................................... 109
Appendix C: Interview Protocols................................................................................................ 113
Appendix D: Ethics..................................................................................................................... 119
xi
List of Tables
Table 1: Research Questions......................................................................................................... 36
Table C1: 1:1 Semi-Structured Individual Interviews................................................................ 114
xii
List of Figures
Figure 1: Black, Indigenous, and People of Color Leaving Higher Education .............................. 6
Figure 2: Community Cultural Wealth Model.............................................................................. 10
Figure 3: Tinto Educational Research........................................................................................... 21
Figure 4: Bourdieu’s Concept of Capital...................................................................................... 24
Figure 5: Critical Race Theory Informs Community Cultural Wealth ......................................... 31
Figure 6: Examples of Cultural Forms of Capital......................................................................... 33
1
Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Academia fails to support Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) students’
strengths in higher education. The acronym BIPOC is meant to include all people of color and
the work for liberation while acknowledging that not all people of color face the same levels of
injustice; it acknowledges the Black and Indigenous unique experiences of systemic racism and
honors the legacies of ongoing resistance to colonization and White supremacy (Clarke, 2020).
BIPOC do not own the narrative of their higher education journey; academia’s approach to
education uplifts the deficits of BIPOC students, perpetuating the deficit-based thinking and
narrative that BIPOC students are failing in higher education (J. D. Anderson, 1995).
There is a substantial amount of literature that illustrates the struggles and challenges of
BIPOC students in higher education, overwhelming narratives of factors, limitations, and
deficiencies BIPOC students have in their educational journeys; these issues have shaped the
current discourse for institutions, research, educators, and students in academia and society at
large consequently shaping attempted solutions to support BIPOC students in higher education
(Patton et al., 2023). These narratives created by White scholars create hopelessness for current
and future BIPOC students and communities of color who have first-hand experience in their
journeys versus the research approach of logic, variables, and methodologies used to learn about
BIPOC students and their experiences (Zuberi & Bonilla-Silva, 2008). However, there is scarce
literature on the strengths, successes, and supports BIPOC students have in their higher
education experiences and how those who persisted or graduated overcame their deficiencies and
limitations, as stated by academic researchers (Patton et al., 2023).
A single story has been a starting point for many narratives. However, stopping there is
insufficient for historical portrayals of BIPOC student experiences in higher education. These
2
stories often keep silent the sources of support that ensured BIPOC students’ successes for
themselves, their families, and their communities (Patton et al., 2023). These narratives educate
current and future students, teachers, staff, institutions, and society who interact with and teach
BIPOC students. Academia is limited in pursuing research, education, and scholarship regarding
BIPOC students’ successes, strengths, supports, and forms of capital in higher education. BIPOC
students themselves in higher education hear and are told consistently throughout these
narratives that they are set to fail, need to be saved, or do not belong in higher education
institutions (Patton et al., 2023).
California’s education system’s student population consists of 77.9% of students of color
as of 2021 (California Department of Education [CDE], 2021). The CDE (2021) reported that
86.1% of students of color participated in Los Angeles County K–12 schools. BIPOC students’
representation consists of 65.9% Hispanic or Latino, 7.8% Asian, 2.1% Filipino, 6.9% African
American, and 2.9% of two or more races (CDE, 2021). As of 2021, the graduation rate for Los
Angeles County schools is 86.1%, with 61.9% heading into college (CDE, 2021). Out of the
61.9% of students that attend a university, Cal State, or community college, only 34% achieve a
bachelor’s degree, according to the U.S. Census Bureau (n.d.). More than 64.3% of White
students finish a 4-year degree within 6 years, compared to 55% of Latinx students and 39.8% of
Black students (American Association of University Women, 2020). For doctoral degrees in
2021, White students accounted for 63.6%, Asian and Pacific Islander 13%, Black students 10%,
Hispanic students 9.65%, two or more races accounted for 3.38%, and American Indian and
Alaska Native 0.41% (National University, 2023).
Meritocracy embraces deficit-based narratives when it comes to communities of color
that act as a powerful tool teaching society how to depreciate Blackness; it is believable that
3
BIPOC experiences trigger White guilt; however, it does not call into question the systemic
structures that maintain the inequities within these institutions themselves (Patton et al., 2023).
These narratives lead to the dominant ideology’s education, superiority, and prevailing in an
unfair race that presumes BIPOC defeats are sole consequences of their lack of efforts; it is a
one-dimensional story that ignites a master script of how to perceive, value, and treat
communities of color (Patton et al., 2023). This master script silences the intricacies, aspirations,
supports, strengths, successes, persistence, and resistance communities of color hold and fortify
in their lived experiences navigating their higher education journeys. Research and narratives are
needed of BIPOC students’ learning experiences in higher education written and conducted by
researchers who are natives of the communities of color. Silencing first-hand experiences risks a
one-dimensional story that limits the research, discourse, and attempted solutions for BIPOC
students (Patton et al., 2023).
This study provided a narrative that correctly presented the aspirations, talents,
motivational factors, and capabilities of current BIPOC students in higher education to disrupt
the current narratives of academia by bringing forth the missing narratives (Patton et al., 2023).
This study worked to decentralize the deficit-based thinking of BIPOC students in academia by
centralizing BIPOC students’ voices to fill the current void in literature with the existing
strengths that BIPOC students bring into their educational journeys and researching their
successes and supports. This research sought an in-depth understanding of BIPOC students in
higher education to be a resource for higher education institutions, educators, K–12 systems, and
future BIPOC students to engage and shape a multidimensional discourse on a larger scale
(Patton et al., 2023).
4
Context and Background of the Problem
Academia states that BIPOC students have failed in higher education due to financial
pressure/external responsibilities, racial discrimination, or lack of college readiness preparedness
(President et al., 2022; Sanchez, 2021). Financial pressures have been proven to be common in
BIPOC students as the lack of funds or external responsibilities that require them to be employed
while in college for tuition or family needs are primary reasons for BIPOC student’s unable to
persist in their higher education journey (President et al., 2022; Sanchez, 2021). Black students
are twice as likely (36%) than their counterparts (18%) to have additional responsibilities outside
of school, such as caregivers or full-time employment, compared to other racial groups at 11%,
which impede the student’s coursework completion (Gallup, 2023). Hispanic students have been
reported struggling more than students of any other race, as 50% of Hispanics stated it was
difficult to remain enrolled in higher education (Gallup, 2023).
Gallup (2023) released data showing that racial discrimination is another reason BIPOC
students drop out of higher education. The study found that 34% of Black students at private
institutions are more likely to experience discrimination versus public institutions (17%; Gallup,
2023). BIPOC students’ experiences of lack of relatability, isolation, and little to no discussion
of race and involvement lead to experiences of exclusion, higher education surroundings are
different, neighborhoods, houses, communities, stores, and classrooms (Patton et al., 2023;
Schusler et al., 2021). A sense of belonging is continuously recognized as a critical part of
diversity, equity, and inclusion. Multiple BIPOC students drop out due to isolation and exclusion
in their higher education journey (Brown, 2023; Deeb & Bromer, 2022). BIPOC students face
the greatest barriers to finding a sense of belonging when completing their higher education
experience (Deeb & Bromer, 2022). A BIPOC student stated that despite her high achievements
5
in the institution, she dropped out due to a disconnect with her peers about her experiences and a
lack of support (The Guardian, 2018). Schusler et al. (2021) shared BIPOC students’ examples
of discrimination in class discussions where they were ignored or dismissed. BIPOC students
reported that peers and faculty could not understand or relate to their lived experiences and, in
some cases, were referred to by their race versus their names by their professors.
Belonging plays an important role for BIPOC students. Research examining macrolevel
socioecological variables such as political climate should consider the relationship to a sense of
belonging and its consequences for mental health and academic achievement (Sims et al., 2020).
Sims et al. (2020) referred to them as important areas for future interventions targeting young
adults. A sense of belonging can improve undergraduate outcomes in several areas, including
academics, particularly for groups that historically face discrimination (Sims et al., 2020).
BIPOC students’ lack of college readiness preparedness when entering higher education
institutions exemplifies deficit-based thinking in academia (Bridges, 2020). BIPOC students lack
the resources to obtain a quality K–12 education (Bridges, 2020). White (71%) and Asian (81%)
students have 70% or higher access to a full range of courses required for college, in comparison
to Black students’ access at 57%, Hispanics at 67% (U.S. Department of Education, 2014).
Therefore, BIPOC students start at a deficit before even entering higher education. The results of
these deficiencies are shown in standardized test scores such as the American College Testing
(ACT, 2016).
In 2015, of the Black students who participated in the ACT, 61% met none of the four
ACT college readiness benchmarks, while their counterparts held 31% (ACT, 2016). These
college readiness benchmarks show how much more difficult the higher education journey will
be for BIPOC students and participation in financial aid and scholarships (ACT, 2016). Even
6
though these narratives are true, their approach is deficit-based, elevating the deficiencies of
BIPOC students in academia. Although academia knows these data, it has yet to alter its
approaches to support BIPOC students. Nevertheless, BIPOC students are expected to succeed in
their higher education journey when the mass narratives highlight their deficits and the
institutions that research and publish these findings do not initiate the change needed to support
their higher education journeys properly. See Figure 1.
Figure 1
Black, Indigenous, and People of Color Leaving Higher Education
Note. All students reported in this chart include students pursuing an associate degree, bachelor’s
degree, certificate, or certification.
7
Community cultural wealth (CCW) is a strengths-based approach that centralizes the
voices of BIPOC students and changes the lens by highlighting the successes, strengths, and
supports within BIPOC students, naming various forms of capital (Acevedo & Solórzano, 2021).
Deficit theorists diverted cultural capital to serve the existing societal structures as assets in
public education, policy, and practices. Yosso (2005) countered the dominant ideology of capital
by providing a framework that identifies various forms of cultural capital outside existing
societal structures, such as financial and educational capital (Gonzales, 2012). Further research is
needed on BIPOC students’ successes, strengths, and support in higher education to counter
academia’s deficit-based approach narrative of BIPOC students failing in higher education.
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to decentralize the deficit-based approach in academia of
BIPOC students in higher education by centralizing the voices of BIPOC students in their 3rd or
final years of higher education. The study used the CCW framework to understand further and
expand the knowledge of the existing strengths BIPOC students bring into their educational
journey by researching the successes, strengths, and supports of BIPOC students in higher
education. The CCW is a framework that names the strengths and capital used by BIPOC
students as they navigate the education system and societal structures (Yosso, 2005). The CCW
was used to counter the deficit-based thinking by using a strengths-based approach that identified
BIPOC students’ strengths toward a Bachelor’s, Master’s, or Doctorate. Lastly, this study aimed
to challenge academia’s deficit-based narrative of BIPOC in education by providing a counterstorytelling approach to BIPOC students’ higher education journeys in completing their degrees.
The research questions were as follows:
8
1. What are the successful achievements or expectations of 3rd- or final-year BIPOC
students in higher education?
2. What are the strengths or talents that 3rd- or final-year BIPOC students credit their
higher education achievements to?
3. What are the supports 3rd- or final-year BIPOC students have in their higher
education journey?
4. What forms of capital do academically successful BIPOC students use to persist in
their higher education?
Importance of the Study
More than half of Hispanic (52%) students and Black (43%) students reported that in
2022, they had considered leaving higher education after 6 months (Gallup, 2023). Academia
fails to support BIPOC students’ strengths in higher education, and the literature focuses on the
deficits of BIPOC students in academia. Academia is limited in pursuing research, education,
and scholarship regarding BIPOC students’ successes, strengths, and support. BIPOC students do
not own the narrative of their higher education journey. These mass narratives of BIPOC
students failing are exposed, taught, and communicated to BIPOC students regularly. These
narratives perpetuate and maintain the deficit-based thinking in academia of BIPOC students
failing in higher education or are not meant to succeed. The narratives guarantee the benefits of
the privileged while silencing the critical discourse that is needed for true intentional equity
while resting on the belief that all communities of color have an actual choice available. If they
work hard enough, they can also obtain the dominant ideology’s benefits (Patton et al., 2023).
This problem is important to address because it identifies the deficit-based thinking in
academia and empowers BIPOC students with their existing capital to regain their narrative by
9
uplifting their strengths, successes, and supports to navigate the educational system, allowing
them to “thrive versus survive” in the higher education system (Love, 2020, p. 20). Although the
deficit-based narratives in academia are true and needed, they fail to represent BIPOC students’
experiences properly and fully in higher education, highlighting the various methods they use to
overcome these deficits to engage in transformative change (Patton et al., 2023). This study may
benefit educators and higher education institutions by recognizing BIPOC students’ capital and
properly supporting BIPOC students in their academic journeys.
Furthermore, school leadership staff support BIPOC students where they are as they enter
and continue to navigate their educational journey in higher education. The achievement of
BIPOC students’ overall knowledge and graduation rates increases the likelihood of seeking
higher education and regaining their narrative from a deficit-based approach to a strengths-based
approach in hopes of changing the narrative for future BIPOC students and the support of higher
education institutions.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
CCW is a framework informed by critical race theory (CRT) that continues the social
justice commitment of CRT in focusing on the BIPOC student voices and intersectionality
(Espino, 2014). CCW names the successes, strengths, and supports BIPOC students use to
navigate the education system and other societal structures (Yosso, 2005). Yosso (2005)
displaced the standard form of capital with multiple forms and expressions of cultural capital that
did not reflect the value of the dominant ideology.
Yosso (2005) placed equal value on the knowledge of BIPOC students that countered the
narrow approach to assets and attributes through six forms of cultural capital: familial,
aspirational, navigational, linguistic, social, and resistant capital (Gao & Adamson, 2022;
10
O’Shea, 2016). Familial capital refers to cultural knowledge fostered within a family (Yosso &
García, 2007). Aspirational capital is hopes and dreams for the future amidst adversity (Yosso &
García, 2007). Navigational capital describes maneuvering skills within institutions (Yosso &
García, 2007). Linguistic capital encompasses intellectual and social skills attained through
multiple languages (Yosso & García, 2007). Social capital is understanding people and
community networks (Yosso & García, 2007). Resistant capital is oppositional behavior
challenging inequality (Yosso & García, 2007). See Figure 2.
Figure 2
Community Cultural Wealth Model
Note. From “An Overview of Community Cultural Wealth: Toward a Protective Factor Against
Racism,” by N. Acevedo and D. G. Solorzano, 2023, Urban Education (Beverly Hills, Calif.),
58(7), pp. 1470–1488 (https://doi.org/10.1177/00420859211016531). Copyright 2023 by SAGE
Publications, Inc.
11
Each capital is crucial in addressing the assets of BIPOC students in higher education and
places value on the strengths and past experiences of BIPOC students (Yosso, 2005). CCW is a
framework predominantly introduced in postsecondary education; therefore, exposure can occur
in receiving a bachelor’s, master’s, or doctorate, depending on the educational journey. As
previously shared for Los Angeles County, only 34% of students who pursue higher education
may face the concept of CCW after their K–12 education.
Overview of Methodology
The research approach used for this study was qualitative. The qualitative method was
used to define a set of criteria or attributes that were studied in BIPOC students to understand the
context further (Johnson & Christensen, 2015). Moreover, this method was used for purposeful
samples and analysis through thematic coding and interpreting the narrative data that BIPOC
students share (Johnson & Christensen, 2015). The specific methods used for this study were
individual and group interviews to gather information and understand BIPOC students’
experiences based on sample data (Johnson & Christensen, 2015). This interview setup allowed
individual BIPOC student voices to have isolated spaces. The 12 to 15 BIPOC students selected
for this study were from four socially disadvantaged high schools in Los Angeles County and
were in their 3rd or final years of higher education. This population and location met the
demographic and social class criteria intended for this study. At the time of this study, Los
Angeles County was a heavily populated area, which could grant this study credibility and
validity with its results.
12
Chapter Two: Literature Review
This chapter provides a review of current literature regarding the problem of practice.
Topics include a review of the historical context regarding underrepresentation, educational
disadvantages such as systemic inequities and lack of growth supports, and an overview of the
dominant ideology. Moreover, the section contains an in-depth review of the challenges/barriers
in the literature through a deficit-based thinking lens, examining the underlying reasons for the
problem of practice and existing attempted strategies for solving this topic. Lastly, this section
provides an overview of a strengths-based approach, cultural capital, and the framework applied
to this study using previous case studies and approaches to measure the topic.
This literature review includes literature from the University of Southern California
Library, Google Scholar, and multiple other tools to provide peer-reviewed journals, articles, and
case studies that examine this topic. This literature scope shares information related to BIPOC
students in higher education, deficit-based thinking, strengths-based approaches, and forms of
capital. This chapter aims to focus on the current narrative within academia regarding BIPOC
students failing in higher education and approach the narrative using a strengths-based approach
to highlight the various forms of capital encompassed by BIPOC students. The intent was for
BIPOC students in higher education to counter-story tell their experiences by highlighting their
strengths and successes to identify the persistent capital in their higher education journeys. This
literature review also seeks to help the reader further understand BIPOC students’ current
perceptions of capital and explore the perceptions of self when BIPOC students learn various
forms of capital.
13
Historical Context
Underrepresentation in Education
The public education system’s student population currently comprises 53% of students of
color (Blad, 2022). In a district like Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD), BIPOC
students are 90% of the population: 7.6% Black, 73.6% Hispanic, 5.9% Asian or Pacific Islander,
0.1% American Indian or Alaska Native, 0.2% Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander, and 10.5%
White (U.S. News & World Report, n.d.). Additionally, a survey conducted by the National
School Boards Association (2018) showed that 79% of board members in schools were White,
3% Hispanic, 10% Black, and 1% American Indian/Alaska Native. Furthermore, according to the
CDE (2021), LAUSD’s most recent graduation rate in 2021 was 80.8% and 61.9% for the Los
Angeles County Office of Education, which fell below the state average graduation rate. BIPOC
students must see themselves represented in all levels of education; their achievement requires
them to graduate from high school and increase their chances by 13% of higher education
enrollment (Granda, 2022).
BIPOC students pursuing or persisting in higher education face educational barriers such
as system inequities, the dominant ideology, and lack of growth support (Villalpando, 2003).
Hispanic students are the lowest ethnicity in obtaining a high school and a college degree
(Mitchell & Tienda, 2006). In comparison to 17% of Blacks over the age of 25 who have
obtained a bachelor’s degree, 30% of Whites obtained one, and 49% of Asian Americans
obtained one. Hispanics have an 11% completion of a bachelor’s degree over the age of 25, with
only one-fourth of adults completing less than a ninth-grade education (Mitchell & Tienda,
2006).
14
The current narrative of BIPOC students failing in education discourages future BIPOC
students from seeking and persisting in higher education, let alone achieving it; the current
narrative impacts existing BIPOC students in education, who only see a representation of 8% of
teachers, 4% of board members, and 2% of senior leadership that look like them (Fernandez,
2018). A Chicano/a student is less likely to encounter another Chicano/a student, staff, or
instructional professor or find Chicano/ experiences within the curriculum (Solórzano &
Solórzano, 1995). Failure to address BIPOC students’ pursuit or persistence in higher education
will continue to contribute to a lack of representation in and out of the classroom, educational
barriers faced by system inequities, the dominant ideology, and a lack of growth support.
Systemic Inequities
Systemic inequities are part of a larger structure that has impacted BIPOC students’
education in various ways (A. B. Anderson et al., 2022). The larger structures manifest various
forms of inequities in the education sector that perpetuate the dominant ideology that
simultaneously enables oppression for BIPOC students, such as anti-Blackness, poverty,
classism, heteronormativity, genderism, or dis/abled via ableism that overlap in multiple spaces
and reproduce a matrix of domination (A. B. Anderson et al., 2022; Collins, 2002). Moreover,
the term racism is political. It clears the way and explains socioeconomic mobility for the
dominant ideology at the expense of the others. It further illustrates how resources are equally
collected from all yet only distributed to those with the most capital, such as economic or
political (Patton et al., 2023).
One of the systemic inequities BIPOC students face in pursuing higher education is
informed by Latina and Latino critical legal theory through the intersectionality of language, a
factor that contributes to academic failure for BIPOC students (Grant, 2002; Martinez, 2014).
15
The political nature of legal scholarship, now recognized as the production of knowledge,
informs language inequity in education (Martinez, 2014). Students are affected by the fluency of
their first languages (Spada & Lightbown, 2006). The fluency level of the primary language will
inform a student’s ability to absorb the secondary language (Spada & Lightbown, 2006).
Additionally, the dominant home language can negatively impact the progress of the secondary
language, therefore impacting the overall student achievement progress (Spada & Lightbown,
2006). This disparity impacts newcomer students from anywhere entering K–12 education. They
are encouraged to limit their home languages to learn English (Gonzales, 2012); such disparities
frame the trajectories of BIPOC students in fulfilling their educational journeys.
Chicano/a students hold the lowest level of accumulated education, 63%, within Latino/s
representation, yet they are considered the future of the United States (Ennis et al., 2011). As of
2010, only 10.6% of Chicano/a students have received a college degree. In California, the growth
rate for doctoral graduates is drastically less than the entire Latino/a population, which would
take a three to 17 times increase to be equivalent to the population in their cohort. This finding
shows that regardless of the growth of Latino/a graduation rates in higher education, it is still low
for Chicano/a students’ attainment (Solórzano, 1998; U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.).
Systemic inequities are ubiquitous and continuous and are now recognized as the
achievement gap for educational measures between student sub-groups. These systems reveal
various forms of discrimination in education that continue to oppress BIPOC students and
perpetuate the dominant ideology (Patel, 2015). The deficit-based approach narrates primary
languages for BIPOC students as a deficit characteristic, an inequality, and a barrier to their
educational journey that misguides and encourages BIPOC students to assimilate into the
dominant ideology.
16
Dominant Ideology
The CRT provides the lens of social justice praxis that informed oppressions of the
dominant ideology, such as race-neutrality, which acts as a disguise for self-interest, power, and
privilege for dominant groups. This tenet of CRT challenges the dominant social assumptions
concerning culture, intelligence, language, and capability that shape and continue to reshape
material conditions (Ledesma & Calderón, 2015; Patel, 2015; Villalpando, 2003). Challenging,
studying, and learning from existing systems of knowledge and practicing them help one
question the possibility of envisioning changes to systems for the future outside of these
conditions as they perpetuate the existing knowledge (Patel, 2015; Villalpando, 2003). People do
not usually participate in ethics and responsibilities in educational research conversations
because of colorblindness and imposter syndrome (Gonzalez et al., 2001; Patel, 2015;
Villalpando, 2003).
The examples of colorblindness and imposter syndrome are the results of the dominant
ideology and structures of oppression that lead to BIPOC students feeling survivor’s guilt or selfdoubt in their higher education journeys (Yosso, 2005). The colorblind stance disallows the
ability to see race or ethnicity, further harming BIPOC students’ perceptions, narratives, and
approaches in higher education, formed as a political power to steer education policy in
reinforcing the dominant culture as the norm (Freeman, 2005; Villalpando, 2003). Few BIPOC
students who seek self-preservation in higher education create familiar communities, such as
Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán (Chicano Student Movement of Aztlán) for
Hispanics, which promotes unity, or communities of support to succeed in education; however,
these organization can and have been seen as self-segregation as part of the colorblindness
stance, upholding the dominant ideology while activating White privilege (Villalpando, 2003).
17
The self-doubt created in higher education institutions for BIPOC students further
enables imposter syndrome, which has BIPOC students believe their acceptance or presence in
higher education was a mistake or luck rather than credit their skills, merits, or accomplishments
(Bothello & Roulet, 2019; Gonzalez et al., 2001). The cognitive dissonance increases the number
of BIPOC students questioning their status, successes, and recognitions granted by the higher
education institutions themselves (Bothello & Roulet, 2019). Many BIPOC students’ insecurities
manifest in graduate school as the focus is on theory and research. At the same time, they enter
programs with aspirations to create positive change or fix problems within communities or fields
of interest that, at times, are evaluated as a social responsibility (Bothello & Roulet, 2019).
Dominant ideology ensures schooling and new research sustains the status quo for
BIPOC students by removing possibilities toward equity through exploring colorblindness and
imposter syndrome to explain experiences without the voices of BIPOC students (Patel, 2015;
Solórzano & Yosso, 2001; Villalpando, 2003). Attempts for BIPOC students to create
community or support systems as part of their race or ethnicity can lead to labels of selfsegregation and harm post-college education and outcomes while leading to culture deprivation
and deficit theories (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). Experiencing multiple exclusions daily in
curriculum, experiences, or supports can cause adverse effects on these students (Solórzano,
1998; Villalpando, 2003).
Growth Support
One of the exclusions BIPOC students face in seeking educational opportunities as
framed by CRT is equal and equitable opportunities for growth support provided in the education
field (Solórzano, 1998). Mentorship is crucial to the growth of BIPOC students toward education
and leadership opportunities. Mentors are influential in advising and supporting the growth of
18
mentees in education (Ijoma et al., 2021; Pace, 2018). Mentors cultivate a relationship that shares
the necessities for remaining and pursuing education and a career path, such as difficult
emotions, navigation of leadership structure, and managing hypervisibility (Pace, 2018). The
inequity of mentorship support for BIPOC students and low representation in leadership
positions inhibit the pairing needed for mentorship, impacting the representation of BIPOC
students in higher education and leadership opportunities (Granda, 2022; Solórzano, 1998).
Limited mentorship opportunities in academia for BIPOC students negatively impact
research and fields of study when BIPOC students are denied a topic of interest due to limited
staff expertise; therefore, they cannot support the thesis intended and are encouraged to abandon
the topic or pursue something more attainable (Conaway, 2009; Grayson & Sales, 2021). BIPOC
students cannot navigate the situation and are left faulting themselves for pursuing a unique topic
and seeking spaces to understand the in-betweenness of their identities (Conaway, 2009;
Grayson & Sales, 2021). Mentorship supports the likelihood of thriving in spaces lacking
representation, supporting progress and succession within the field, and finding solidarity and
refuge for BIPOC students while increasing the representation and retention of practitioners
within the field (Conaway, 2009; Tibbetts & Parks Smith, 2023).
This historical context of underrepresentation, systemic inequities, dominant ideology,
and lack of growth support portrays BIPOC students as less equipped and creates the narrative
from a deficit-based perspective. Deficit thinking theorists focus on race, class, and property
rights that shape an unjust and unequal narrative for BIPOC students who are encouraged to
assimilate to succeed in academia (Gonzales, 2012). This narrative co-opts academia to research,
teach, communicate, and develop institutions that shape how BIPOC students are serviced
(Anzaldúa, 1990; Patel, 2015).
19
Deficit-Based Approach
Deficit ideologies of administrators in education inform the expectations of students in
schools and hinder postsecondary outcomes (Acevedo-Gil, 2019). Systemic inequities limit the
resources in K–12 schools and contribute to low educational outcomes for Latina/o students
(Oakes, 2004). Nationwide, Latino/a students in K–12 represented 24% in 2012 and are
projected to represent 29% by 2024 (Acevedo-Gil, 2017; U.S. Department of Education, 2014).
Less than 62% of U.S. Latina/o students graduate from high school, and only 12% earn a
bachelor’s degree (Huber, 2009). This finding shows a continuance of the school-to-prison
pipeline, given that 16–24-year-olds without a diploma are already 63 times more likely to go to
prison versus BIPOC students who earn a bachelor’s degree (Acevedo-Gil, 2017). Teachers’
systemic biases are found to have lower expectations for BIPOC students than their counterparts
(Acevedo-Gil, 2017; Gershenson et al., 2022).
Deficit theorists have attempted to address the lack of BIPOC students’ completion in
higher education through Payne’s (2005) A Framework for Understanding Poverty (Gonzales,
2012). Payne’s (2005) deficit-based framework is persistent in school practices through the
aha!Process, which aims to support teachers working with students in poverty by identifying the
hidden rules of class using quizzes that propose a student from poverty will know the best
rummage sales, grocery stores with food in garbage bins, or purchase a firearm (Gonzales, 2012).
Payne’s (2005) training on poverty for teachers preserves the story that BIPOC students’ parents
are uninterested or engaged in their student’s educational journey (Gonzales, 2012). Payne’s
(2005) perspective of poverty aligns with student behaviors that are taught to teachers of BIPOC
students and continue to perpetuate the narrative that BIPOC students are at fault versus viewing
the systemic structures in academia and how they can be transformed (Gonzales, 2012).
20
Narratives of these deficit ideologies are the perception BIPOC students hear and learn in
academia that encourages them to assimilate and shame their past (Gonzales, 2012).
Assimilation
BIPOC students are encouraged to abandon their culture, community, and past to succeed
in education (Tinto, 1987). Higher education speaks on BIPOC students’ successes by
encouraging integration into higher education with three deficit-based areas of dissociation of
pre-college community, transition into norms of college, and incorporation into college
communities while upholding the narrative of culture, community, and traits BIPOC students
bring into their higher education journey being a deficit (Yosso, 2005). Case studies highlight
examples of staff enabling these environments:
They [Native American students] have a terrible problem with acculturation. They grow
up without competition, and when they come here to a university whose ethic is
achievement and competition, it’s tough. The other male answered: The major problem is
that they have a foot in each culture that draws them back to their roots. (Tierney, 1992,
p. 613)
Integrations are forms of the panopticon model showing the power that is embedded in
everyday actions, policies, and practices that exist in academia. The goal is to see the technique
of discipline that controls the internalization of permanent surveillance within institutions that
collaboratively perpetuate the privileges for a group of people by ensuring other groups remain
subordinate. People keep others subordinate through deprivation of liberty, power, control, and
punishment (Madrigal-Garcia & Acevedo-Gil, 2016).
Educational responses to forms of integration have resulted in more structures that
encourage Americanization, assimilation, and practices that demand BIPOC students to merge
21
into higher education environments, resulting in uncomfortable; unwelcome; and, in some cases,
hostile environments for BIPOC students (Gonzales, 2012). Tinto’s (1987) framework is an
instrument that spreads the dominant ideology and perpetuates the undervaluing of the assets
BIPOC students hold by owning and uplifting their precollege communities (Gonzales, 2012;
Madrigal-Garcia & Acevedo-Gil, 2016). Multiple higher education institutions intentionally
build assimilation into their 1st-year experiences for students, removing the ties to familial and
social comforts and instead assimilating completely (Bejarano & Valverde, 2012; O’Shea, 2016).
See Figure 3.
Figure 3
Tinto Educational Research
Note. From "Leaving College: Rethinking the Causes and Cures of Student Attrition," by
Vincent Tinto, 1993, p. 114. Copyright 1993 by the University of Chicago Press.
22
Academia adopts deficit-based frameworks, research, and practices that continue to affirm the
dominant narratives for BIPOC students to succeed in higher education (Bejarano & Valverde,
2012). These academic frameworks and studies contained deficit-based thinking approaches to
BIPOC students in education that could inform their higher education journey outcomes and
continue perpetuating a capitalistic society. Consequently, the frameworks did not acknowledge
the skills, power, expertise, and cultural capital BIPOC students possessed while navigating
higher education’s obstacles and systemic structures (Bejarano & Valverde, 2012; O’Shea,
2016).
Furthermore, adding to the narrative that BIPOC students succeeding in higher education
is impossible or the result of a model minority, meritocracy is evoked when BIPOC students are
placed on pedestals due to their achievements that distance them from their communities,
cultures, or upbringing. This issue also removes the possibility of any capital or richness coming
from these areas to support those achievements (Patton et al., 2023; Xu & Lee, 2013). These
frameworks fail to provide a lens to view the inequities in systemic structures or the inception of
these deficits and focus only on viewing BIPOC students and families as faults of their own
(Gonzales, 2012).
The frameworks deprive cultures and do not consider the rich insights they encompass
nor attempt to pursue or discover the powerful and impactful forms of cultural wealth families
own as capital (Espino, 2014; Gonzales, 2012; O’Shea, 2016; Yosso, 2005). The legitimized
forms of capital are limited in access for BIPOC students pursuing higher education,
perpetuating social class inequalities and the dominant ideology while rewarding them with
privileged knowledge that supports the navigation in higher education (Cooper et al., 2002;
23
Monkman & Proweller, 2016; Perna & Titus, 2005; Winkle-Wagner, 2010). Yosso (2005) and
Solórzano (1998) viewed forms of capital as skills and abilities based on assigning value to the
privileged forms of capital that were misinterpreted and misapplied by scholars who had
reinforced deficit-based approaches to BIPOC students (Espino, 2014; Winkle-Wagner, 2010).
Understanding Cultural Capital
The notion of cultural capital first began with Bourdieu (1977) in the 1970s, seeking to
address low enrollment in universities of traditionally underrepresented students or communities
considered disadvantaged as their strengths and values continue to be less explored (Gao &
Adamson, 2022). Deficit theorists diverted cultural capital to serve the existing societal
structures in public education, policy, and practices (Gonzales, 2012). Theorists have further
used Bourdieu’s (1977, 1989) theory to show why some groups have more cultural capital to
achieve academic results and encourage others to assimilate to gain the same capital. For
example, Yosso (2005) argued that communities of color are seen as culturally poor, and others
are culturally wealthy using Bourdieu’s (1989) definition of cultural capital (Gonzales, 2012).
Bourdieu’s (1977, 1989) attempt to expose White, middle-class culture as the standard and
critique the social and cultural reproduction of a capitalistic society resulted in the perpetuation
of theorists using it as a tool to compare BIPOC student groups to the dominant ideology
(Gonzales, 2012; Yosso, 2005). Bourdieu’s (1989) notion of capital justifies the lack of
understanding of structural issues related to educational funding, policies, and lack of
opportunities when it comes to the academic failure of BIPOC students, instead placing blame on
the family or students’ deficits (Massey, 2004; Yosso, 2005). See Figure 4.
24
Figure 4
Bourdieu’s Concept of Capital
Note. From Business Elites and Corporate Governance in France and the UK (p. 20), by M.
Maclean, C. Harvey, and P. Press, 2006, Palgrave Macmillan. Copyright 2006 by Palgrave
Macmillan.
Students’ long-lasting dispositions of body and mind can impact their educational success
in their ability to decode the hidden rules or curriculum in academia (O’Shea, 2016; Payne,
2005). BIPOC students are not absent in their expertise. However, cultural capital is undervalued
in institutions that ignore, undervalue, and negate BIPOC students while affirming other student
groups (Espino, 2014; O’Shea, 2016).
Strengths-Based Approach
Strengths-based approaches have been used since the 1990s in various forms of
assessments, inventories, and interviews with young adults and children to identify the naturally
strong traits that are present (Bozic et al., 2018). This method is used to indicate how students
have arrived at higher education institutions. The method can highlight the strengths that they
25
encompassed before beginning their higher education journeys. The approach can also show the
innovative ways their transitions from K–12 education were navigated with family and
community experiences or cultural capital (Gonzales, 2012; Yosso, 2005).
After Bourdieu’s (1977, 1989) notion of cultural capital, multiple studies have called for
qualitative research within their recommendations to analyze how culture provides BIPOC
students access to converting experiences into capital, known as capital conversion (Gao &
Adamson, 2022; Gonzales, 2012; Yosso, 2005). Capital conversion adopts the privilege of
knowledge and wealth from generation to generation. This conversion shows how such
knowledge is transmitted through societal structures through forms of preferences, skills,
languages, knowledge, and manners materialized by developing cultural goods and conveyed
through institutions, such as academic credentials or qualifications (Espino, 2014; Gao &
Adamson, 2022). Furthermore, critical race scholars have considered Bourdieu’s (1989) work for
counter-storytelling, discussing acculturation, and finding various ways to challenge the
perceptions of BIPOC students and families in education. Counter-stories are used to unravel
mass narratives and expose deficit-informed research that silences BIPOC (Gonzales, 2012;
Patton et al., 2023).
Counter-Storytelling
Counter-storytelling centralizes and uplifts the BIPOC voices that are underrepresented in
education by sharing stories that challenge existing stories shared by the dominant ideology and
instead elevate the stories of marginalized groups (Acevedo & Solórzano, 2021; Espino, 2014).
A critical race scholar, Gonzales (2012), challenged the dominant ideology perceptions through
his study by sharing success stories of Latina’s reinventing cultural capital, particularly in their
communities. Throughout the study, Gonzales challenged the deficits of the Latino/ population
26
by uplifting the cultural values of faith, compassion, and community using the experiences and
stories of Latina’s intersectionality in educational institutions and highlighting how cultural
knowledge is lacking in the United States (Valdés, 1996; Valencia, 2002; Yosso, 2005).
Furthermore, Gonzales (2012) called for the validation, recognition, and understanding of
Latino/a families in education regarding their students and advocates for the affirmation from
educational institutions.
Gonzales (2012) corroborated the deficit narrative of educational policy and stated the
need to expose societal structures for BIPOC students and simultaneously for success stories to
be captured to challenge the deficit perspectives that frame the programming and policies of
these institutions. Gonzales dismantled the perception that Latino/a families were uninterested in
their student’s education nor invested, which portrays Latino/a families as being dismissive of
their students and education. Instead, Gonzales used counter-stories from Latino/a mothers
coming together to share their experiences and how they supported and educated their students,
saved money to purchase laundry soap and groceries before returning to college, or provided
consejos to their students as problem-solving support. This aid proved valuable in navigating the
hardships of higher education, with the stories representing Latino/a mother’s investments and
interests in their students’ education (Delgado-Gaitan, 1994; Gonzales, 2012). Some Latin
fathers built desks for their students to have a space to study when they came home, while
mothers ensured an adequate environment to complete homework (Gonzales, 2012).
O’Shea’s (2016) cultural capital study disagreed with the portrayal of first-generation
students from a deficit manner and found alternative ways of thinking about first-generation
students and how they are perceived when entering their higher education journeys (Brachman,
2012; Gardner, 1996; O’Shea, 2016; Thayer, 2000). Yosso’s (2005) framework of CCW
27
provided a lens to view first-generation students in a university environment and the potential
strengths with which they entered that allowed them to achieve dreams and possibilities far
beyond their existing circumstances (O’Shea, 2016). For example, one participant from O’Shea
(2016) discussed her story of educational persistence; this mother was the only one who
graduated from high school out of four siblings and two parents. The mother persisted for her
family and supported her higher education journey by being an example of an industrious
worker; she persisted even after the death of her husband and stayed a provider for her two kids
(O’Shea, 2016). Another participant in Gonzales’s (2012) study credited her educational success
to her entire family and shared her experiences of her supportive mother typing her essays when
she was too exhausted from working, studying, and writing. This participant expressed that she
did the same for her daughter in her higher education journey (Gonzales, 2012). These examples
of counter-storytelling seem to challenge the deficit narrative of uninterested parents and
uninvested families by uplifting the aspirations and rich culture of BIPOC students (Gonzales,
2012; O’Shea, 2016; Yosso, 2005).
Acculturation
Historical research encourages BIPOC students to assimilate versus acculturate in their
educational journeys and leave their identities and culture entirely instead of incorporating them
into the navigation of their higher education journey (Gonzales, 2012; O’Shea, 2016; Yosso,
2005). BIPOC students’ higher education journeys impact their views of education but do not
necessitate assimilating to succeed, instead highlighting their families, communities, and
experiences as important aspects of their success in completing their educational journeys
(Gonzales, 2012). BIPOC students encouraged the inclusion of culture in their higher education
journeys through cultural clubs or social environments such as Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano
28
de Aztlan, Black Students United, Greek Life as the Divine 9 for Black students, or community
organizations that instead further empower and create pride of culture for BIPOC students
(Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). The participant in Gonzales’s (2012) study stated that their most
important lessons were drawn from their community and cultural upbringing that shaped their
academic and professional career in seeking to open doors for more BIPOC students who seek
education. O’Shea (2016) advocated rethinking higher education 1st-year experiences of
integration and assimilation and instead considered the strengths in the capitals BIPOC students
naturally bring to institutions.
In Espino’s (2014) study, a participant who included her social abilities had learned from
her culture to reach out to a primary researcher in her field for best practices, which led to an
offering of a fellowship for the participant. She was encouraged to apply for a doctoral program
(Espino, 2014). The participant’s success was due to her inclination to reach out to a researcher
and establish a relationship with them, which unintentionally accessed social capital to achieve
success in obtaining a fellowship (Espino, 2014). Within the same study, another participant
refused to assimilate to the cultural expectation when a professor discouraged her from pursuing
a PhD because she was seen socially as more likely to succeed in an EdD. The participant
succeeded in graduate school as a faculty member and became a mentor to first-generation
students (Espino, 2014). Participants in these studies achieved social, navigational, and resistant
capital activated through cultural capital, including their past experiences and knowledge held
within the culture, communities, and families (Yosso, 2005).
Conceptual Framework
CCW was used as an asset-based framework to challenge the deficiencies that BIPOC
students did not possess capital by drawing on the CRT theoretical legal-based framework to
29
transfer the research lens from BIPOC student’s deficits and gain a better understanding of
communities of color (Acevedo & Solórzano, 2021; Solórzano, 1997; Solórzano & Solórzano,
1995; Villalpando & Solórzano, 2005). The CCW model continues the work of CRT by
challenging the dominant ideology and commitment to social justice. The CCW model was uses
to describe the knowledge, abilities, and skills possessed by BIPOC students to navigate, survive,
and resist macro and micro forms of oppression (Cabrera, 2018; Yosso, 2005).
The CCW opposes the limited understanding of cultural capital by expanding and
defining six interconnected forms of capital that BIPOC students bring with them when entering
the higher education system. These six forms of capital include familial capital, aspirational
capital, social capital, linguistic capital, resistant capital, and navigational capital (Acevedo &
Solórzano, 2021). These forms of capital were used to inform BIPOC student experiences by
translating them into forms of cultural capital. See Figure 5.
1. Aspirational is maintaining dreams and goals beyond present circumstances
throughout the children’s educational journey despite real or perceived barriers.
Often, they do not have the resources or objective means of attainment, such as
socioeconomically disadvantaged communities, and seek achievements on behalf of
parents or family members (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002).
2. Linguistic refers to real-world literacy skills with “intellectual and social tools
attained through communication experiences in more than one language and/or style”
(Solórzano & Yosso, 2002, p. 132). Students who know multiple languages and
communication methods have experience serving as language brokers for their
families.
30
3. Social refers to kinship networks and ties to people and community resources help
families navigate social structures and give back to social networks, often seen in
students’ communities and environmental experiences (Espino, 2014; Yosso, 2005).
4. Familial is nurtured through kinship networks, including cultural identities,
community history, and well-being. BIPOC students learn the importance of
emotional, moral, educational, and occupational consciousness through these Familia
(kin) ties. Students’ experiences reflect strong, healthy connections to a community,
such as caring, coping, and providing (Espino, 2014, p. 130; Viramontes, 2022).
5. Resistant is knowledge and skills developed through awareness of and agency against
forms of oppression and the willingness to challenge or transform inequalities
(Espino, 2014, p. 155; Viramontes, 2022).
6. Navigational is a set of social-psychological skills that assist individuals and groups
to maneuver through structures of inequality by acknowledging individual agency
within institutional constraints, social institutions, and dominant structures (Espino,
2014, p. 155; Viramontes, 2022).
31
Figure 5
Critical Race Theory Informs Community Cultural Wealth
Note. From “The Role of Culture in College Preparation Programs: A Review of the Research
Literature,” by O. Villalpando and D. G. Solórzano, in W. G. Tierney, Z. B. Corwin, and J. E.
Colyar (Eds.), Preparing for College: Nine Elements of Effective Outreach (pp. 13–28), 2005,
State University of New York Press. Copyright 2005 by State University of New York Press.
Yosso’s (2005) forms of capital were used to provide the concepts for the data analysis
by collecting qualitative data from the students’ counter-storytelling. The study used counterstorytelling, one of CRT’s five tenets that centralized and uplifted the BIPOC voices
underrepresented in education. I aimed to share a story that would create uncertainties in the
existing stories shared by the dominant ideology, instead elevating the stories of marginalized
groups, which would change the narrative and allow for a strength-based approach (Acevedo &
Solórzano, 2021; Espino, 2014).
32
Historical research references Bourdieu’s (1977, 1989) work when researching inequities
in education, such as systemic structures and replicating cultural oppression through new
systems created that continue to perpetuate the dominant ideology (Espino, 2014; Yosso, 2005).
Yosso (2005) introduced cultural capital through the CCW framework by challenging the
traditional interpretations of Bourdieu’s (1977, 1989) findings to gain insight into the
intersectionality of BIPOC students and dominant ideology. These key concepts framed this
study and empowered the strengths of each capital highlight in CCW for BIPOC students. As
shared in Figure 6, each capital interconnects to highlight the wealth BIPOC students hold.
33
Figure 6
Examples of Cultural Forms of Capital
Note. From Angela Locks’s Summary of the Cultural Wealth Model Developed by Tara Yosso’s
Source, by University of North Texas Libraries, University of North Texas Equity, and Diversity
Programming in University of North Texas Digital Library
(https://digital.library.unt.edu/explore/collections/EQDVC/). In the public domain.
34
Summary
Academia is limited in pursuing research, education, and scholarship regarding BIPOC
students’ successes, strengths, supports, and forms of capital in higher education. Academia’s
deficit-based thinking perpetuates BIPOC student’s narrative of failing in higher education (J. D.
Anderson, 1995). The lack of attentiveness to learn more about BIPOC students weakening in
graduation from higher education institutions is embedded in the deficit view of BIPOC students
instead of seeking a strengths-based approach and identifying the strengths of culture capital
BIPOC students bring into higher education (Deem & Brehony, 2000; Espino, 2014).
Furthermore, it is important to identify the structurally required changes within higher education
and other barriers BIPOC students encounter in their journeys in order to support the strengths of
BIPOC students (Espino, 2014).
In the limited literature that centered on the voices of BIPOC students in higher
education, most pursued higher education for more than just themselves. Some pursued it for the
family, as shared by O’Shea (2016). Some sought it for their communities, as shared by
Gonzales (2012). Some sought it to open doors for their entire culture, as shared by Solórzano
and Yosso (2005), with a testimonial about a participant leaving her neighborhood to come back
for “the ones left behind” (p. 110).
Building on the work of radical scholars, such as O’Shea (2016), Espino (2014),
Gonzales (2012), Yosso (2005), and Solórzano (1998), and the usage of counter storytelling to
center the voices and experiences of BIPOC students in higher education may change the
narrative of their stories with this study. BIPOC students must regain their strength to contribute
to dismantling the dominant ideology and underrepresentation in higher education and changing
the growth support available in various spaces for BIPOC students. Yosso et al. (2009) stated
35
that change is needed for BIPOC. The researcher shared that if theories in academia have
disempowered BIPOC students, then it is also possible and required for BIPOC students to
counter-narrate their voices and regain the power of theories (Yosso et al., 2009). Moreover,
BIPOC students will only understand the limits and complexities of the epistemologies in
academia to challenge traditionalism and create transformational change (Yosso et al., 2009).
BIPOC students may struggle in their higher education journeys, as the dominant
narrative states. However, they also succeed as more generations continue to seek higher
education as second and third-generation students (Acevedo-Gil, 2019). This study centralized
and uplifted BIPOC student voices to regain the narrative by counter-storytelling their journeys,
successes, and strengths to fill the current void in the literature by identifying the cultural capital
BIPOC students use to persist in higher education. Yosso’s (2005) forms of cultural capital
encourage more BIPOC students to view themselves differently. Hearing about the generations’
strengths and successes encourages more BIPOC students to view the success that has already
happened in individuals who look like them in spaces that were not built for BIPOC students, as
stated in this restricted amount of literature, and to change the narrative.
36
Chapter Three: Methodology
The research approach used for this study was a qualitative method. The qualitative
method defines a set of criteria or attributes, as studied in the BIPOC students, to understand
their higher education journeys further (Johnson & Christensen, 2015). The qualitative method
was utilized for purposeful samples. The method was used to analyze the BIPOC students’
higher education experiences through thematic coding and interpreting the narrative data that
students share to identify forms of cultural capital (Johnson & Christensen, 2015). The specific
methods used for this study were individual interviews to gather information and understand
BIPOC students’ experiences based on sample qualitative data (Johnson & Christensen, 2015).
See Table 1.
Table 1
Research Questions
Research questions Individual interviews
1. What are the successful achievements or expectations of 3rdor final-year BIPOC students in higher education?
X
2. What are the strengths or talents that 3rd- or final-year BIPOC
students credit their higher education achievements to?
X
3. What are the supports 3rd- or final-year BIPOC students have
in their higher education journey?
X
4. What forms of capital do academically successful BIPOC
students use to persist in their higher education?
X
37
Research Setting
This study occurred within the new school district in Los Angeles County, California,
operating in low-income and socially disadvantaged neighborhoods with 98% BIPOC students at
each high school, with a maximum enrollment of 500 students overall, and currently an average
of 462 (CDE, 2021). BIPOC students within these school communities are predominantly firstgeneration students; 15% are multilanguage learners (English is their second language) in singleparent households, with an average household income of $30,000 (CDE, 2021; U.S. Census
Bureau, n.d.). The new school district is a 501c (3) organization that opened its doors in 2012 as
an independent entity before being launched by a private university in California. The new
school district has grown to hold six high schools serving Grades 9–12, five of which are in Los
Angeles County and one in Orange County, with a mission to close the college attainment gap
for marginalized students. Since its inception, the new school district organization has
successfully achieved high college acceptance rates for every graduating class all over the United
States. The district serves over 2,500 students, with its fifth Los Angeles High school producing
its first graduating class in 2024.
This research setting is ideal as this high school’s mission is to serve BIPOC students
through a college preparatory experience in Grades 9–12 and successfully achieve an average of
95% college acceptances for every graduating class since 2012. These students were raised in
socioeconomically disadvantaged communities yet have created positive change within their
communities by pursuing a higher education journey. It is appropriate for the research questions
to be studied in this environment because the BIPOC student population positionalities
encompass unique experiences from their communities to their educational journey and cultural
experiences.
38
The Researcher
I am a first-generation Chicana woman, the daughter of two uneducated, hardworking
immigrants. I am a sister, daughter, leader, and friend. I am the worst and best combined into one
person. I am that one in a million in the good and bad of what life has to offer. I am an
empathetic person who has learned to manage my emotions while navigating this world. I am
also a person who is often observed with a “strong presentation,” as I have learned to limit my
emotions to merge into the workplace. In addition, I have mastered code-switching to shield
every part of my appearance and ensure that only my words are heard when I speak, not race,
stereotypes, past, or present. I am a masterpiece of every broken moment I have encountered and
a work in progress of every blessing I still am working to be. These experiences, characteristics,
and details have created my positionality.
Authors have described positionality in many ways. For example, Douglas and Nganga
(2023) defined positionality as “how one is situated through the intersection of power and the
politics of gender, race, class, sexuality, ethnicity, culture, language, and other social factors” (p.
60). Secules et al. (2021) described it as capturing “the dynamic ways an individual is defined by
socially significant identity dimensions” (p. 20). My interpretation of my positionality is
captured in the combination of both Douglas and Nganga’s (2023) and Secules et al.’s (2021)
definitions. As defined by Douglas and Nganga (2023), my labels are that I am a Mexican
woman, born in a lower-class status, straight, and collectivistic culture with a primary Spanishspeaking language.
However, my interpretation of Secules et al.’s (2021) definition of socially significant
identity dimensions causes me to have a deeper dive into each of these labels placed upon me
since birth and share a story of which I never owned the narrative. My position as a woman
39
shares the role I am meant to fill as a wife, a mother, and a homemaker. My positionality of
being a primarily Spanish-speaking Mexican shares the perception that I am a minority,
uneducated, and do not belong. My positionality of being born into the lower-class shares that I
am poor, less, and would not amount to more. My positionality of being straight and identifying
as female is now recognized as a privilege by Pronouns.org (2018): “Keep in mind, however,
that there is a privilege of appearing in a way that fits both your gender and the pronouns that
many people associate with your gender” (para. 2).
These positionalities that I was born into and have changed throughout my life are areas
of marginalization, intersectionality, contradictions, and privileges. The area in which I believe
most of my positionality encompasses contradictions of who I was meant to be in this world is
now contradicted by who I have become and intersects on various levels. My position of who I
am is that I am a first-generation Chicana, young, unmarried woman with no children, educated
with a bachelor’s and master’s while seeking a doctorate, a single household income homeowner
in a middle-class neighborhood, and fluent in English is a contradiction and intersection at the
same time. All these labels are statistics I was not meant to meet in my birthright positionality.
As a person of color, I have experienced both sides of my problem of practice. I have
experienced the education system structures as a low-class primary Spanish-speaking student
with 14 years of professional experience, including 3 years with the new school district in this
study and students who could be like the participants. My positionality and professional
experience are the biases that could affect this study as they intersect on various levels related to
my problem of practice, such as my perception of the education system. My position of who I am
now shapes my assumptions of the BIPOC student educational journey. Furthermore, I am the
youngest woman of color in my current role, dominated by men and White women at the new
40
school district of study, whose mission is to serve and advocate for the needs of students who
come from similar backgrounds as my own.
My understanding of this problem practice is rooted in my birthright positionality through
the lack of ownership in the narrative, marginalization, and the inequities of minorities.
Therefore, my lens, understanding, and passion are positioned in empathizing and searching for
the systemic inequities created for people of color. However, the wisdom I continue to keep in
mind as I observe this problem of practice is that these are my personal experiences added to a
person of my position, which Secules et al. (2021) described as shaping “the nature of the reality
that can be explored, known, and observed” (p. 29). Therefore, I needed to apply various points
of view in this research and ensure that a worldview was heard and understood. I adopted a
constructivist worldview framework to counter my biases and assumptions.
Constructivist worldview is described as the combination of interpretivism as an
approach to qualitative research (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Creswell and Creswell (2018)
stated that individuals seek to understand the world in which they live and work, in which
subjective meanings are developed that seek the complexity of views. This paradigm of inquiry
sought further understanding of complex views from multiple perspectives, experiences, and
diverse individuals. Furthermore, this framework uplifted and centered other voices and their
underlying values through axiology. This framework allowed for all voices to be present despite
my positionality.
However, due to my voice being silenced in my experiences, my choice of constructivist
worldview paradigm already influenced the paradigm by my positionality. As I continued
exploring this topic, I intended to have diverse voices to ensure my positionality is not an
inhibiting factor. I ensured voluntary participation and informed consent by informing
41
participants in my communication and reminding them that this study was voluntary and that
they could withdraw at any point throughout the process. Additionally, I ensured confidentiality
by sharing with the participants the usage of pseudonyms for the study sites and participants who
chose to participate.
Data Sources
Information Sheet
The information sheet served as the participants’ guide to meet the baseline criteria to
ensure baseline demographic information for each participant was met. The information sheet
was used to share my introduction, the study’s purpose, the required participation criteria, and
participant incentives.
Recruitment Email
The recruitment email was the outgoing communication from new school district staff to
alum and students’ email addresses. Participants were asked to contact me if they met the
baseline criteria on the front of the information sheet. Participants were also encouraged to ask
any clarifying questions before scheduling their individual interviews. The recruitment email
stated the duration and platform on which the participants would partake in the individual Zoom
interviews.
Individual Interviews
Individual interviews were used as primary data. Participants who met the required
demographics for the study were identified from the recruitment email. Participants were
purposefully selected for individual interviews until the target group sample was 12 to 15 BIPOC
students. Interviews were conducted via the Zoom platform, which served as the recording and
transcript. The interview protocol entailed the following 12 questions:
42
1. Can you tell me how you went about making the decision to pursue a college
education?
2. How was your transition from high school to college?
3. How have you found your sense of belonging at college/university? Provide an
example experience.
4. Sometimes, a common experience, language, or way of being leads a group of people
to identify as a community. For example, there are some people who identify as part
of a cultural group because they share a common experience. Is there a community
with which you identify?
5. Where there any areas or moments you felt out of place in your college/university?
Provide an example experience.
6. What are the greatest obstacles and challenges you overcame in your higher education
journey? Provide an example experience.
7. What are the successes or achievements you have experienced in your higher
education journey?
8. What are the strengths or talents you feel helped you reach your current year in your
higher education journey?
9. What makes you feel empowered in your higher education journey? Provide an
example experience.
10. As you are in your current year of college what are critical areas/experiences you
wish your college/university would have supported you as a student of color?
11. What were your aspirations/goals for your higher education?
43
12. Is there anything else you would like to share that you feel is important for me to
know about your higher education journey?
Participants
The targeted population for this study was students from low-income district high
schools. The study aimed to gather a purposeful sample of 12 to 15 BIPOC students (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2015). All students were from four low-income district high schools in Los Angeles
County, specifically, BIPOC students in their 3rd or final years in 4-year colleges. All students in
these high schools had various cultural backgrounds that influenced their experiences at higher
education institutions in the United States. Examples of acceptances for alums of these four high
schools include Middlebury College, Harvard, Stanford, Morehouse, and various Universities of
California and California State Universities. Therefore, various definitions of success, strengths,
and forms of capital were used to allow unique qualitative data in the study. The transitions from
low and socioeconomically disadvantaged neighborhoods with strong cultural presence to out-ofstate, city, or other environmental experiences were used to add multiple and rich perspectives to
the study.
Instrumentation
The study was a qualitative study encompassing individual interviews using semistructured qualitative interview protocols with probing questions to identify BIPOC students’
strengths-based successes (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Yosso’s (2005) CCW model was adopted
to identify the forms of cultural capital BIPOC students used to persist in their higher education
journeys. The study used thematic coding to categorize forms of cultural capital. Further coding
was done using line-by-line coding to identify themes in the qualitative data by creating a
44
codebook and then categorizing responses by cultural capital (Johnson & Christensen, 2015;
Miles et al., 2020).
The information sheet was only sent out to the alums of the new school district from the
four Los Angeles County schools with graduating classes currently enrolled in their 3rd or final
years in 4-year institutions. The information sheet encompassed the baseline criteria to be met by
the participant to move forward in the process, such as ensuring the student identified as a
BIPOC student, attended one of the four high schools located in Los Angeles County, and was in
the 3rd or final year of their higher educational journey.
The purposeful sampling of the 12 to 15 participants who met the required criteria was
used to gather participants for an individual interview from their higher education institutions via
the Zoom platform. Following the interview protocol (Appendix C), the virtual individual
platform was used to allow individual BIPOC student voices to have individual space. The
individual interviews were used to allow the participants to share their experiences and successes
to their highest comfort. The individual interview questions were anchored in identifying the
participant’s successes, strengths, higher education institution environments, and supports.
Additionally, such interviews were used to understand further how the participants engaged with
their environments and if the academic institutions supported their strengths in their higher
education journeys.
The instruments did not educate or describe to participants the existence of cultural
capital or its various forms. Instead, the interview instrument was intentionally delivered
progressively, identifying forms of capital from participants with the clarity of no wrong answers
in responses. Individual interviews allowed participants to share their successes in identifying
forms of capital utilized and further probing capital usage in higher educational institutions. This
45
process was crucial to allow new discoveries that might not have been investigated (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018).
Data Collection Procedures
Data were obtained through purposeful samples and thematic coding analysis to
categorize cultural capital forms. Further coding was done using line-by-line coding to identify
themes in the qualitative data by creating a codebook and then categorizing responses by cultural
capital to interpret the narrative data that students share (Johnson & Christensen, 2015; Miles et
al., 2020). I used Zoom to record and transcribe each interview. The interview was completed in
60 to 90 minutes, with field notes occurring simultaneously. In the case of translation, the needed
Zoom interpretation feature was activated based on the language used, or I conducted questions
in Spanish if the language was preferred. All items were stored in a private password-protected
folder, with pseudonyms and redactions to personal information.
Data Analysis
Data analysis identifies meaningful insights from the collected data (Merriam & Tisdell,
2015). I conducted a qualitative data analysis. This section describes the process.
Validity and Reliability
The population and location met the demographic and social class criteria intended for
this study. Los Angeles was a heavily populated area. This aspect helped grant the results of this
study credibility and validity.
46
Chapter Four: Findings
The success of BIPOC students in higher education is a testament to the powerful impact
of their diverse cultural assets. This study examined their achievements, revealing how these
students leveraged various forms of capital to navigate and excel in their academic journeys. By
displaying examples of navigational, aspirational, and resistant capital, the research highlighted
these students’ ability to overcome systemic barriers, pursue opportunities despite significant
challenges, and maintain authenticity in adversity. Additionally, the study underscored the
crucial role of familial and social support systems and institutional resources in bolstering the
resilience and determination of BIPOC students, contributing to their academic success. These
findings are discussed in this section and organized based on the research questions.
Research Question 1
The first research question was the following: What are the successful achievements of
3rd- or final-year BIPOC students in higher education? The achievements of the BIPOC students
in their higher education demonstrate the power of their diverse cultural assets. The study
illuminated the achievements of overcoming systemic inequities, high academic performance,
prestigious opportunities, and impactful projects/publications.
Overcoming Systemic Inequities
The first finding of achievements BIPOC students highlighted was navigating through
complex challenges in their higher education institutions. The participants showed navigational
capital by their success in overcoming systemic barriers to obtaining university resources and
support programs. Participant 1, a first-generation student with learning differences who had to
advocate for their required by-law resources, described their successes as the following:
47
A successful thing I think I’ve done was starting the talk of like how much those offices
in the school do not communicate, or how much the how much the different departments
of me at my school don’t communicate, and that’s been a very, at least to be a very
successful beginning … my situation has definitely brought a talk discussion about the
future of these departments, and how they should further resolve certain matters in the
future.
Prestigious Opportunities
The second finding of achievements was the prestigious opportunities students received
throughout their higher education journeys. Many participants emphasized their pride and
aspiration in their growth in securing internships, gaining research positions, and obtaining
acceptance into advanced programs within and outside their institutions as significant
achievements. Demonstrating aspirational capital was evident as students pursued these
opportunities despite their struggles. Participant 7 was a first-generation Latine student from
immigrants who successfully obtained an engineering opportunity with an organization. This
participant navigated the unknowns of networking and relationships to seek opportunities despite
the struggles of feeling behind their peers:
I did get I did my internship offer. And so that was huge because I was definitely like
even more than academic insecurity. I was feeling like professional insecurity where, a
lot of the people around me were, were struggling in school, maybe even more than I
was, and they had, like their professional lives, lined up. So that was definitely tough. But
I have a professional opportunity. And yeah I start in like 2 months. (Participant 7)
Participant 11 was about to begin their master’s program as part of their final year of
completing their bachelor’s degrees. Therefore, Participant 11 was completing two degrees on an
48
accelerated timeline while focusing on research work for future goals. Participant 12 was a
Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) recipient who navigated higher education
independently while self-completing and renewing their status due to accelerated political
timelines that created fewer resources, such as legal help available and accomplished various
achievements despite these challenges. Participant 12 stated the following:
I was able to study in DC for a quarter and intern on Capitol Hill and like doing stuff
policy-related. This year, I’ve been a law fellow at my university, with the school of Law.
I’ve been able to take classes from professors at the institution and that’s something in
my wildest dreams that I don’t think I ever thought myself capable to do.
High Academic Performance
The third finding of achievements for BIPOC students was their academic performance.
The participants mentioned notable accomplishments such as being on the Dean’s List, Honor
Roll, and Scholarship Recipients due to academic success. Some participants highlighted their
achievements as relieving financial burdens for their families and themselves, both during their
enrollment and after graduation. For example, Participant 8 was a first-generation student
attending an out-of-state public university. Participant 8 had accelerated her coursework to focus
on her career specialties in her current employment and simultaneously held a secondary job that
covered her tuition. Participant 7 was a first-generation engineering student at an elite in-state
private university whose journey began underperforming in their cohort. Participant 7 persisted
and began to perform above average in their cohort. Participant 11 was a 3rd-year student at a
private, reputable in-state university; this participant began higher education amid the pandemic.
Participant 11 maintained high academic performance despite the various learning environments
they encountered. Participant 11 stated the following:
49
I made the dean’s list for like the first time. You know. I made it like four times since I
joined so very happy. Four semesters going. I studied so hard that semester. I surpassed
my GPA goal. I’m working with my PI to publish an article next year.
Impactful Projects and/or Publications
The last finding of achievements was the impactful projects and/or publications BIPOC
students completed. Participants stated being involved in impactful projects and publications
during their undergraduate journeys. These findings showed participants’ resilience and
determination to navigate their higher academic journeys and strive toward their aspirations.
Participant 12 was a first-generation and DACA recipient in their final year of higher education
at a prestigious public in-state institution. Participant 12 would be a published author before
completing their bachelor’s degree. They stated the following:
I’m co-authoring a report that comes out in May. And I feel like that’s been one of my
biggest achievements because I’ve never thought like throughout my undergrad
experience I was going to be able to be co-author a report on like diversity in the judicial
cabinet in Los Angeles or like in California. (Participant 12)
Participant 1 was a student who attended an out-of-state predominantly White institution
(PWI). This participant led a project to bring awareness of marginalized communities to their
campus regardless of the various forms of resistance they experienced:
Another would be like one of the big presentations that I had brought up to campus.
Given my like research project I felt like that was really something that. I had done it and
accomplished it and was really satisfied with the response. It was getting right to the
point that like professors had been interested in possibly working together and
collaborating on the subject. (Participant 1)
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Participant 4 was a first-generation student attending a private PWI. This participant
persevered through her lack of sense of belonging. I asked, “What are the successes or
achievements that you are very proud of in your higher education journey so far?” Participant 4
stated,
I think, for sure perseverance. I really struggled with wanting to even stay in my
university and stay in the major, and I’m really glad that I pushed through. I was able to
work with a domestic violence nonprofit. I worked with a domestic violence nonprofit,
and I helped create a cost calculator that can roughly estimate the cost of domestic
violence. Intimate partner violence is given different demographics like age, gender, and
race. So yeah, I’ve pushed through.
In summary, the achievements of BIPOC students in higher education reflect the key
findings of overcoming systemic inequities, high academic performance, prestigious
opportunities, and impactful projects/publications. BIPOC students have successfully leveraged
navigational capital to overcome institutional barriers, as illustrated by their advocacy for
improved communication between university departments. Their pursuit of prestigious
opportunities, such as internships or advanced academic programs, showcases their aspirational
capital. High academic performance, is evidence by honors and scholarships, underscores their
commitment and capability to excel academically while balancing challenges. Lastly, their
involvement of impactful projects and/or prestigious opportunities highlights their abilities to
contribute meaningfully to their communities and fields of study. Collectively, these findings
underscore the significant achievements of BIPOC students.
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Research Question 2
The second research question was the following: What are the strengths that 3rd- or finalyear BIPOC students credit their higher education achievements to? The strengths of BIPOC
students in their higher education revealed that their higher education achievements were deeprooted in the six forms of cultural capital. The analysis of participants’ transcripts found that
family support and motivation, and personal authenticity were the overarching findings for
BIPOC students strengths.
Family Support and Motivation
The first finding of familial capital playing a crucial role, with strong support and
motivation from family members bolstering their academic journeys. BIPOC students drew from
the cultural knowledge nurtured among families that carry a sense of community history,
memory, and cultural intuition, such as being role models for siblings and fulfilling family
expectations. The encouragement from family was critical in helping students strive for success
and overcome obstacles they encountered. Participant 2 was a first-generation Latine eldest
daughter who attended a northern in-state public university. Participant 2 took the role of
mentorship for her siblings with the utmost responsibility, viewing it as an accountability
measure for herself while knowing her younger siblings observed her steps. Participant 2 stated
the following:
I’m the first in my family. I have younger brothers and my mom is always telling them,
look at her over there in college you guys should follow her steps. and so I’m a role
model now which is so terrifying because now I actually have to do this like, I have to
actually you know graduate for them. and making sure that I’m on the right track.
52
Participant 2 faced difficulties in feeling a sense of belonging in their higher education
journey, often feeling out of place and overwhelmed by academic challenges. They faced
difficulties socializing and adapting to new learning environments, impacting their academic
performance. Regardless of those struggles, Participant 2 drew strength and motivation to persist
when she shared her experiences with her grandmother during clinical hours:
When I would do all these things like these new things that. I didn’t imagine that the first
people that I would want to tell is my family. I’d literally call my grandma and be like,
Oh, my God, grammy, I got bit. I got scratched. She’d be so excited to hear all my little
adventures. She would ask me all the time I worked with chickens. Yes, telling all these
stories to my family, and like hearing their reaction is just like super cool to me, because
then I want to go and do more so I could tell them.
Participant 3 was a student from a single-parent household at a public university in
California. Participant 3 received navigational support from a family member in identifying
support through her higher education experience:
My aunt has tried to connect me to people in the industry I’m trying to get into and to try
to provide me resources like what I should be doing in school, what I should be learning
things like that. Especially my mom always pushing me to do my best, I was able to stay
on track and use all the resources available at the university to succeed. She’s a single
mom that had got her college degree and just got her masters also has really inspired me
to get to where I wanna be … my mom. She was always pushing me to be independent
with different things so like it sounds funny but when I was little like she would make me
go do things for her by myself like you know. Go in the bank and deposit a check for her.
Go take out cash or you know go figure out how to put gas in the car.
53
Other participants expressed examples of emotional support and advocacy for mental
health support in trying times when asked, “What are the strengths or talents you feel have
helped you reach your current place in your higher education journey?” For example, Participant
4 stated,
Yeah definitely my family. Like I said I try to call home text home every single day and
so reaching back to the people who like motivated me. To come to college really helps
me stay grounded helps me know where my priorities are in life. and it makes it really
easier to push through every single day.
Participant 5 stated,
It’s mostly from them. But the thing is that my, oh, my mom, my grandma have always
been like that, like they’ve always also like told me like if you start something you’re
finishing it. You’re not leaving it halfway.
Participant 11 replied, “My mom always told me I could achieve anything I set my mind to, and
her confidence in me gave me the strength to pursue my goals. Having my family behind me was
crucial.”
Navigational capital was evident in participants’ ability to effectively obtain university
resources, such as academic services, to overcome obstacles. Participant 3 faced considerable
difficulties obtaining the learning accommodations they needed at their university. This
participant encountered resistance and lack of understanding from faculty and administrative
staff, which often left them feeling isolated and unsupported. This struggle made it challenging
to keep up with their coursework and negatively affected their academic performance. Despite
these issues, Participant 3 continued to advocate for their rights and sought alternative ways to
access the necessary support to succeed in their studies. Participant 3 stated the following:
54
One of these big ones is as a student with accommodations, you get accommodations. But
these accommodations can’t make the professor do extra work, or make the professor go
out of their way to give you the accommodation. Like some teachers won’t give you that
extra time for your exam, and I have to say I have an accommodation with the disability
resource center. I’m not going to take this exam today unless I get my extra time with you
or with the office, or I need the notes before class. So, if the notes are not copyrighted,
sometimes the professors will not, will not give you the notes out of the kindness of their
heart.
Personal Authenticity
The final finding for BIPOC students strengths was personal authenticity, in which
resistant capital was highlighted by their unapologetic self-expression and determination to
maintain personal authenticity through some tough identity experiences at their higher education
institutions. Participant 14 was a first-generation 4th-year Latinx student who attended an out-ofstate PWI. Participant 14 stated that she found her strength in rallying support across multiple
identities to gain attention from the institution:
Something occurred on campus where they were kind of targeting the Black community,
and we’re throwing a lot of hate. And when we all kind of banded together. It was a lot of
racial stuff that was being said that was very offensive. So when we were kinda helping
the Black community for the college to do something about this. Next thing you know,
the Latinos were getting a lot of stuff thrown at us, too, and once we had banded, and a
couple of people from the White community came also, seeing how that was unfair. It’s
interesting to see that when a certain group gets involved, then stuff is done right.
55
Participant 13 was a first-generation student attending university in California. This participant
began as a shy freshman from a socially disadvantaged household but grew into their authentic
self and found strength in themselves. Participant 13 stated the following:
I feel like overall being a little more out there and not feeling like ashamed of actually
using the resources of the school. I have I’m using like their iPad. They had this
application where you could borrow like technology from them.
Participant 12 was a DACA recipient. This participant expressed feelings of shame about
their status stemming from the political climate and societal stigmas associated with
undocumented status. Participant 12 described the internal conflict of feeling they did not belong
and fear of judgment by others. Despite these challenges, Participant 12 persevered, finding their
strength in their family’s unwavering support and using their experiences to fuel their academic
and personal growth, as shown by the following statement:
My identity is not a weakness. It’s like my power like knowing who I am and like where
I come from is generally my power. I feel empowered being able to share
unapologetically what I think and I want to add to the conversation is when I feel the
most powerful in higher education.
In conclusion, the strengths 3rd- or final-year BIPOC students attribute their higher
education achievements are deeply intertwined with familial capital. The study highlights that
family support and motivation play a pivotal role in their academic success, with many students
drawing strength from their family. This support manifests in various forms, including role
models, emotional encouragement, and practical guidance, all of which bolster BIPOC students
perseverance. Additionally, personal authenticity was critical to enabling BIPOC students to
effectively manage challenges and obstacles. The combined influence of familial capital,
56
perseverance, and resilience demonstrate how BIPOC students leverage their unique
backgrounds and support systems to achieve significant milestones in their higher education
journeys.
Research Question 3
The third research question was the following: What are the supports 3rd- or final-year
BIPOC students have in their higher education journey? The supports of BIPOC students in their
higher education showed the multifaceted nature of their cultural assets. The study found that
strong familial support and a sense of community were the key supports BIPOC students had in
their higher education journeys.
Strong Familial Support
The first finding of supports for BIPOC students was strong familial support. Familial
capital was a cornerstone for every participant throughout their higher education journey,
familial support provided emotional and practical assistance. Family members supported and
encouraged the participants to pursue their academic goals through academic challenges, and
obstacles. Participant 12 faced significant struggles in their higher education journey, particularly
with a sense of belonging due to cultural and linguistic barriers, isolation during the COVID-19
pandemic, and the political climate under the Trump presidency, which heightened their fear of
deportation as a DACA recipient. Despite the challenges, their family played an influential role,
as their parents’ beliefs in education and persistent support provided a foundation for their
aspirations. In particular, this participant’s mother actively sought community networks and
mutual aid resources to help navigate the educational system with her daughter. Participant 12
shared,
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Navigating higher education as a DACA recipient was challenging, but my family’s
unwavering support and sacrifices made it possible for me to focus on my studies and
achieve my goals. When I was applying to college, it was the COVID-19 pandemic. It
was my senior year and then, on top of that, it was like the Trump Presidency and all the
repercussions and immigrant narratives that had come out was just a really tumultuous
time. I remember when, trump came into office, and, DACA was resended [sic]. I was
like 2 or 3 months shy from applying because I hadn’t turned 15. And so my mom just
really learned about the education system from her fellow garment workers who had to
put their kids through school, or whether it was from ballet classes I attended, and so she
would just listen to the stories of these other women who were there supporting their
kids. And so, I think that’s like the biggest testament test to why, I think I even went to
college.
Participant 5 faced significant struggles in their higher education journey, a sense of
belonging, and difficulty connecting with peers, exacerbated by negative interactions with
faculty. Regardless of these challenges, her mother’s constant encouragement and practical
advice provided emotional support. The participant’s family frequently reassured her of her
capabilities, reinforcing her determination to persist in her educational pursuits:
My mom has always told me you’re smart, you don’t need anyone else to tell you you’re
smart you know. Sometimes I’ll go to my mom and ask for help, and she’ll say I don’t
know what to do or how I can help you. I’ve never been in that situation. But let’s see
how I can help. (Participant 5)
Participant 7 also struggled with a sense of belonging during their 1st year in higher
education, finding it difficult to establish a strong community and balance academic pressures.
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This participant found their first sense of community with the employees in the dining hall than
with peers, creating relationships and regular camaraderie with the employees. Participant 7’s
mother provided practical help, like doing laundry and meal prepping; having a strong family
orientation provided emotional and logistical support. This familial capital helped Participant 7
navigate the academic demands and maintain a sense of stability and motivation, as shown in the
following example:
I needed to change the connection and the understanding that my parents and I had about
what my priorities are going to be for these next couple of years. My mom now supports
me with doing my laundry every weekend. She helps me meal prep, and maybe there is
shame in that. But I have no shame in it. I love that woman to death.
Participant 8 faced difficulties making friends, feeling out of place due to cultural
differences, managing academic pressures, and self-doubt. Familial capital, particularly their
mother, reassured them during moments of homesickness and identity crises. This support
stabilized and encouraged Participant 8 to navigate the unfamiliar and often isolating university
environment. The backing from their family played a pivotal role in her transition to higher
education, as shown by the following comment:
When I first voiced it to my mom you know Mom I don’t think I see that UC is for me
and I really want to go out of state. I think it’s something different. And I wanted to try it.
She was the first person to tell me like whatever it is you decide, only you’re gonna know
where you need to be or what you need to do. She reassured me. She’s like at the end of
the day you know like I’m gonna be here at home you can always come back home,
which was very settling to hear same thing for my dad. (Participant 8)
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Participant 11 faced the pattern of struggle with the sense of belonging BIPOC students
encounter in their higher education journey in predominantly nondiverse classes and navigating
large, impersonal institutional structures. Discriminatory experiences and harmful slurs at social
events further exacerbated their sense of alienation. Participant 11’s mother’s extended family
and uncle provided unwavering support, advice, and encouragement. This support group helped
Participant 11 navigated financial and academic obstacles, reinforcing their determination to
continue their higher education journey:
My mom called my family a village so she’s like if you can’t come to me, you could go
to your aunt’s, you could go to your uncle’s, you could go to your sister. So it was very
comforting to know that I had those avenues. My Uncle is a guidance counselor for a
community college. So I remember he always says, “It ain’t over till it’s over, so you
keep on going until you can’t know more."
Participant 6 faced financial difficulties, cultural isolation, and a lack of sense of
belonging due to being a commuter. They often felt out of place, particularly in their French
program, where they were one of the few Latine students. Participant 6 persisted with using their
mother’s motivation and support, who had her college struggles and supported the student’s
educational ambitions by emphasizing generational wealth and not wanting their students to be
stuck in a statistical life as Latine students. Other participants, such as Participants 9 and 10,
expressed difficulties navigating the university environment, with their GPA being a notable
source of stress and shame. Nevertheless, they empowered themselves through their families’
encouragement to persist in their journeys.
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Sense of Community
The second finding for BIPOC students strengths was sense of community. Social capital
emerged through their reliance on supportive networks, including peer groups, mentors, and
community programs like Hispanic/Latino Organization for Leadership and Advancement,
Hermanas Unidas, or DACA support centers at higher education institutions. Participant 12
discussed her obstacles of self-taught to transformational strides at the end of her higher
education journey:
HOLA, which I think, is like the most prevalent in my life, and also CHIRLA a lot where
I worked or like intern when I was in high school and so it was just like net organizations
like that that like through CHIRLA I was able to understand AB540. … The second time
around, and, like, with the DACA resource center, I was like, I’m struggling to find
resources to reapply and the way that the community came together and was like, here’s
these legal resources that are spread out through campus. You shouldn’t be paying for it
here’s the accessibility. Not only did I feel safe about talking about something so like
personal. I also was empowered to figure it out, and it felt, for the first time in my life, it
was figured out for me rather than me having to do the work, and I think that it was such
a different moment, even like reflecting back to when I was filing forms on my own
DACA, it just felt like I was finally taken care of, and as an daughter of immigrants, I
feel like you don’t get that experience often and anytime where I feel like I’m being taken
care of or accounted for. … And so now, I got the most confidence because I was able to
help other students like who were going through the similar process, understand what
AB540 meant, to apply through Cal grants and stuff like that, and start to see more
undocumented students take up more space on campus now as I’m graduating.
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Participant 4 struggled with a sense of belonging due to cultural and linguistic differences
and academic challenges stemming from inadequate preparation in transitioning from high
school to college. As one of the few Latinos in their tech classes, they relied heavily on social
support. Participant 4 joined organizations, such as Hermanas Unidas and the data science club,
which provided essential emotional and academic support and helped them navigate the
university environment. Additionally, strong encouragement from friends and significant others
played crucial roles in maintaining their motivation and perseverance, as shown by the following
comment:
The club I’m in partners us looks like nonprofits or different companies who need like
some sort of data science tech website something like that something in the tech world.
And so they help you partner with that and then you have project managers people within
the club who like help you debug your code and teach you the libraries you need to learn.
The consulting club I’m in developed me professionally with different coding projects,
resume building workshops where like people who work for like Jane Street will like read
my interview, and critique it and like tell me this is what you should highlight and this is
what you should leave out which like super useful actually notice like a really big change
in like callbacks. My friends back home in LA. My friend is a civil engineer. My other
friend is Pre-Med. We’ve all been friends since high school. and so it’s nice to have all of
us like navigate through college and navigate through these spaces after coming from a
very homogeneous background. I still keep in contact with my K–8 counselors who
check in with me once twice 3 times a semester. I’ve checked in with my counselor very
often. She also went to my university. So like we always have the same experience. We
talk a lot. It’s nice to have someone like that. (Participant 4)
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Participant 6 encountered hurdles similar to those previously mentioned. Social capital
supported them in finding their communities, and a sense of belonging kept them motivated,
especially during college:
I was also part of the House of Academia for LGBTQ+ students, they look after us. We
have different ethnic student resources like we have the men of color program, Latinos in
STEM, and different Asian American Pacific Islander programs as well. The tutoring
centers and then the workshops were also good because they showed us study habits we
still had from high school and showed us we don’t necessarily need them for college but
there are different ways to study. (Participant 6)
Participant 7 found their support system by following their family’s multigenerational
mariachi steps. Participant 7 joined the on-campus group. They were connected with other firstgeneration Latino students who shared similar cultural backgrounds and experiences:
I think it’s gotta be we all bonded together by Sunday mornings with the scent of
Fabuloso, and Sonora Dinamita playing on the speakers and being upset, at our family for
being up so early on a Sunday, but never realizing how much you’re gonna miss that
music, then. Hearing my mom belt out, Alejandro Fernandez. I think they’re common
family experiences that we miss and we haven’t been able to have. And we know that
we’re not gonna have for the next couple of years, or maybe even after people go into
their industry or more schooling after. So yeah, I think it’s such a cultural experience.
(Participant 7)
The study revealed that few higher education institutions are making strides in supporting
students of color and working toward providing support for BIPOC students. Participant 7 shared
that the university support was designated centers for underrepresented communities. I asked,
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“Did you feel the college/university lifted up opportunities for BIPOC students? How have you
found your sense of belonging at college/university?” Participant 7 responded with the
following:
Yes, I didn’t realize how lucky I was. So, in our student union, we have like an African
American student union, Latina, APIS of LGBTQ+ first gen centers. We have a lot of
safe spaces for a lot of communities and I didn’t realize until recently that my university
is well-funded supported and popular especially compared with our cross-town rivals,
which I think has an even larger Latine community. So maybe it was for that reason that
they didn’t feel a need to create a space like that, because they are the main
demographics. They kind of uplift each other a little bit more. But yeah, it’s nice to go
into a study space, and hear them playing Mana, Los Bukis, or Los Temerarios, and be
able to study to that, and have some some sabritones or or some cucharadas of
pulparindos. So that is definitely nice.
Social capital played a pivotal role in Participant 8’s higher education persistence.
Participant 8 shared stories about having strong support from their university academic advisors
and relationships with fellow psychology majors. These relationships provided essential
guidance and camaraderie. Additionally, friends from high school and their volleyball coach
offered encouragement and assistance, helping them feel less isolated. These supports provided
the necessary support to overcome challenges and succeed in their higher education journey, as
shown by the following statement:
Definitely academic advisors, they have a team of 4 to 6 advisors per student, and have
different roles in supporting us, academically, mentally, etc. I reached out to a lot of
friends to compare experiences in terms of like oh how are you feeling? I had a friend in
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high school who also went to the same school. She was just at a different campus. She
was a very big support system. I reached out to my High School Volleyball Coach since
my first day at my High School she’s been one of my biggest support systems in almost
every aspect of my life. It’s a lot of encouragement of “You got this. If you need help we
can even set you up with a counselor from high school." (Participant 8)
Participant 11 shared that their university was one of their greatest support systems for
multiple social supports. Participant 11 found opportunities in various methods that helped the
student find their sense of belonging:
Honestly just being part of the. I would just go to the Student Union and hang out there
with people and have conversations about race, about future plans, and about what would
our next steps be. And I just felt such a support. My first counselor really pulled me
through my 1st year as a freshman. Our university also has wellness checks. There’s little
my specific school has like little lunches, and little dinners. They even have this whole
thing for Black History Month they have one for Hispanic Heritage Month. They have
little festivals, just so students can unwind. They know that we’re studying a lot, and
sometimes we need a break.
Participant 13 feared their DACA status might prevent them from continuing their
education when it came time for the clinical observation hours for her program; this situation
caused Participant 13 considerable stress and panic. However, supportive counselors, advisors,
and peer networks provided guidance and reassurance. These connections helped clarify
misunderstandings and offered emotional support, enabling them to persist and be accepted into
the program with additional support for her continuing education:
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My nursing program provides a peer mentoring program. So it’s upperclassmen leading
the lower-class men. With the friends that I’ve made from my nursing program, I’m very
in touch with Hispanic culture. The friends that I made since they speak Spanish as well
and you know they speak English too and everything. We just get along very well as we
connect. Having someone to talk to and being able to debrief about a lecture or an exam
or something was very relieving. It just helped a lot with the transition and socializing
and feeling a little more. Out there. They’re always because I’ve shared them with my
advisor. You know my situation in terms of being a Hispanic daughter first gen and then
immigration status. They’ve always been like “Hey like there are these resources for you
to reach out to them or like here’s this dream act program reach out to them. (Participant
13)
Participant 14 overcame barriers of feeling otherness, financial independence, family
responsibilities, and multiple forms of institutional support and discrimination. Their friends,
roommates, and an equally goal-oriented professor helped them navigate the challenges by
offering study sessions and new perspectives. Participant 14 shared how a trusted professor
became a “campus mom” by providing guidance and encouragement while helping them feel
more empowered than before. Participant 14 shared that this professor made them feel included
on a PWI campus:
My professor. She’s also somebody who makes me feel very empowered on campus
whether it’s just because oh no as, as you know, today is just not the day for me or this or
that she’s always like you. Approach it with a smile. Let’s be positive as this or you know
what maestra I’m having a hard time understanding this from your class like what’s going
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on. I don’t feel good about the midterm. Okay, this is what we can do to get you where
you need to be.
In summary, the supports that 3rd- or final-year BIPOC students rely on during their
higher education journeys are familial support and a sense of community. The participants
highlight a strong familial support serves as a fundamental resource, providing emotional and
practical assistance that helps students navigate higher education. Families contribute to students
resilience by offering encouragement, guidance and stability, often serving as a source of
motivation and reassurance. Secondly, the finding of sense of community, supported by peer
groups, mentors, and organizations plays a crucial role in fostering a community and providing
essential social capital. These findings are instrumental in helping BIPOC students overcome
obstacles and thrive in their academic pursuits.
Research Question 4
The fourth research question was the following: What forms of capital do academically
successful BIPOC students use to persist in their higher education? The BIPOC students used
various forms of cultural capital to persist in their higher education journeys. The study found
that aspirational, resistant, familial, navigational, and social, capital were forms of capital used
by BIPOC students to persist.
Aspirational and Resistant Capital
The first finding of aspirational and resistant capital was evident in their determination
and resilience to achieve their academic goals despite the challenges and systemic inequities they
overcame. All participants confirmed the literature’s suggestions of struggles with a sense of
belonging. Some participants provided situations and experiences they endured during their
higher education journey. For example, Participant 4 stated,
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I remember, like specifically, I was in ethics class for my data science major. They were
talking about this compass algorithm which gave inmates a score on whether the system
thought they would re-offend again, and it talked about how it had really bad bias toward
White people. White people had even lower rates of recidivism, Black People were
saying that we’re given high rates of reoffending, even though they weren’t reoffending
that much. I remember my section leader, was like, I know, the concept of the prison
system is really foreign to you guys since you guys all come from families who can
afford to send you here. And I was just like “Whoa, that’s crazy.” Then she saw the look
of disbelief on my face and said, “Okay, maybe not all of you guys like the majority of
you guys.” And I’m like, okay, I just, felt the comment was really unnecessary.
Participant 4 was a first-generation student from East Los Angeles who attended a
prestigious nationally ranked PWI of 15% Latino demographics. This participant experienced
multiple experiences at her university because of the color of her skin and hometown:
My first roommate, she’s of course randomly given to me. I texted her when we were
freshmen saying hey? You know we’re assigned roommates. I can’t wait to meet you.
And we’re both from LA! And she’s like, what part of LA? And I said East LA. And she
was like, I’m so proud of you for escaping that neighborhood and getting to come to this
university. (Participant 4)
When asked about the greatest obstacle she overcame in her higher education, Participant 4
responded with the following:
My first-semester sophomore year, I was in a pretty bad state mentally. I was struggling
with my computer science class. I was going to office hours and going to all my lecture
discussions. I just did like terribly on the mid-term, and I was just really doubting myself
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as a student, as someone who deserves the spot in Academia. Prior to that semester my
friend in East LA had passed away he had been murdered, and so I felt a lot of emotions
regarding anger. I was really upset with the world. I was really upset that no one else in
my university had to experience this specific feeling because there’s no one in my
university who has the exact same experience that I did, and I was really lonely. I was
really angry, and I felt like I didn’t deserve the spot. He deserved the spot. It was a lot of
mental health struggles on top of academic struggles on top of working a job. I felt like I
was drowning that semester.
When I asked how the participant navigated those moments or systems of support, the
participant shared familial and social capital as her supports to persist:
I called my parents like 2 times a day. Sometimes I got into contact with the counseling
and psychological services at my university. I registered for the disabled student program.
So I can take tests in rooms that don’t overstimulate me. And I just yeah, I try to take
advantage of all the academic resources I could. I think the reason I am at my university
is because I was given the immense privilege of going to the schools I went to K–12
education, and I feel like I cannot understate how important it was especially in my high
school. Where the majority of my teachers were Latino, and I had a lot of Latinos who
went through different routes of higher education to look up to. I remember my advisor in
High school. She talked about her college experience while I was in high school, and
getting to see college is not just the finish line, but rather like a whole new set of
experiences, really helps. I think, having Latino teachers and staff and people to look up
to was such a great privilege, and it helped me feel a little less lonely when I came to my
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university cause I knew that my teachers also thought the same way that I did, and they
still managed to push through and get to where they wanted to be. (Participant 4)
Participant 4 persisted as one of the few students of color as a tech major in her classes with a
published coding calculator for a domestic abuse nonprofit organization. She planned to graduate
this upcoming year. This participant wanted to enter the tech field as a data analyst to provide
financial stability for herself, her family, and her community. She also wanted to provide
scholarship opportunities for future generations at her high school.
Familial Capital
The second finding was, Participants expressed that familial capital provided a strong
foundation of support, and encouragement from family members bolstered their perseverance.
Familia capital included family members’ emotional, moral, and practical support. For example,
Participant 3 emphasized the impact of their mother’s encouragement: “My mom always pushed
me to do my best and ensured I had everything I needed for school. She helped me apply for
financial aid and drove me to campus events so I could get the most out of my college
experience.” Participant 12 also leveraged familial capital as her base to persist and succeed in
higher education despite numerous challenges with her immigration status. Growing up as an
immigrant and DACA recipient, Participant 12 discussed facing barriers of lack of institutional
support and the heightened anxieties of the political climate:
I ended up getting DACA through that sliver of time that it was opened. There was like
this sliver of time when the Supreme Court or a court overturned the decision, and it was
open for 2 or 3 months. I actually submitted and made my own application because I got
rejected, by like 30 attorneys telling me they could not file it for me because there was a
waitlist. So I learned how to file on my own. … And so at that point, it was just like
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Google searching and stuff like that. But I will say, like the university never ever sent me
undocumented in the newsletter. Those things didn’t exist for me. I feel like I had to seek
them out.
Her parents’ unwavering support and belief in education helped her overcome her
challenges. Familial support not only instilled a strong sense of determination but also flourished
recognition for Participant 12 due to her academic achievements, as shown by the following
quote:
An organization, called Hope-Hispanas Organized for Political Equality and named me
“2024 History Maker,” which was such a sweet and amazing accomplishment. Estee
Lauder, and, Mac did my mom’s makeup for the conference, and my makeup. We we’re
together, and it was such a beautiful experience, I think, the most rewarding feeling, was
being able to share that space of power with my mom, I felt like she worked so hard to
help get me into these spaces, and she did that for me.
Participant 12 planned to graduate in 2024 as a published author, with experience as an intern at
LA City Council, a representative for her council district, an intern at Capitol Hill, a law fellow,
and international studies in public policy classes. She planned to pursue her master’s degree in
public policy, with law school to follow and seek work with city or nonprofit organizations to be
a community for others as the community was for her.
Navigational Capital
The third finding of navigational capital was demonstrated through participants’ skillful
use of resources inside and outside their institutions to navigate higher education institutions
effectively. For instance, Participant 7 discussed using university resources effectively: “I
attended every office hour I could and joined study groups to make sure I understood the
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material. The academic advisors were also a great help in planning my courses and making sure I
stayed on track.” The proactive approach showed how navigational capital could aid students in
overcoming academic challenges and staying focused on their goals.
Similarly, Participant 10 highlighted the importance of using mental health services
offered by the university to manage stress and maintain academic performance: “When things
got tough, I didn’t hesitate to seek help from the university’s counseling center. They provided
the support I needed to balance my mental health and studies.” This quote demonstrates how
BIPOC students leverage available institutional resources to address personal and academic
obstacles, ensuring their persistence in higher education.
Participant 11 shared how the university’s mentorship programs and networking
opportunities contributed to their success: “Joining the mentorship program connected me with
professionals in my field who guided me through my academic and career choices. Networking
events also helped build valuable relationships that opened doors to internships and job
opportunities.” The strategic use of these resources reflected the critical role of navigational
capital in navigating the complexities of higher education.
Participant 12 emphasized the importance of understanding and navigating the
bureaucratic aspects of higher education, such as financial aid and scholarship applications.
Participant 12 stated, “My family and I learned to navigate the financial aid system together,
ensuring I had the funds needed to continue my education without interruption.” This ability to
maneuver through institutional processes highlighted the practical aspect of navigational and
familial capital that supported BIPOC students in achieving their academic objectives.
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Social Capital
The final finding of social capital was shown by participants’ supportive networks built
with peers, mentors, community organizations, cultural clubs, and spaces that offered essential
guidance and opportunities that grant crucial access to BIPOC students. The study revealed that
social capital played a significant role in helping BIPOC students persist and succeed in higher
education. For instance, Participant 10 noted the value of cultural and social organizations on
campus: “Being part of the Black Student Union gave me a sense of belonging and a support
system that understood my experiences. The organization also provided resources like tutoring
and workshops on navigating college life.” Such organizations helped these BIPOC students
build supportive networks that offered emotional and academic support while enhancing their
ability to persist in their studies.
Participant 11 highlighted the role of community networks in their educational journey:
“My community back home constantly encouraged me and connected me with alumni who had
been through similar experiences. These connections provided advice on how to handle
academic and personal challenges.” The support from an extended network demonstrated how
social capital extended beyond the campus, encompassing broader community ties that
contributed to student persistence.
These examples illustrated how BIPOC students leveraged social capital to navigate and
succeed in higher education. These students built robust support systems through peer support,
mentorship, cultural organizations, and community networks that provided critical resources and
encouragement. Therefore, social capital emerged as a vital form that enabled BIPOC students to
overcome challenges and achieve their academic goals.
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In summary, academically successful BIPOC students draw upon a diverse array of
capitals, aspirational, resistant, familial, navigational, and resistant to persist in their higher
education journeys. Aspirational and resistance manifest in unwavering determination and
resilience despite facing systemic inequities and personal challenges. Familial capital provides a
strong foundation of emotional, moral, and practical support. Navigational capital is
demonstrated through students adept use of institutional resources to manage academic and
personal obstacles. Finally, social capital plays a crucial role in students leveraging supportive
networks of peers, mentors, and community organizations to gain essential guidance.
Summary
In summary, the study provided various insights into the strengths and successes BIPOC
students have in their higher education journey despite the barriers and challenges they have
encountered. Further, the findings illuminated who and what they attributed their achievements
to, demonstrating the power of their diverse cultural assets. For Research Question 1, the study
highlighted the achievements of BIPOC students in higher education, as revealed through the
findings, highlighting a range of accomplishments rooted in their resilience and determination.
Many students achieved high academic performance, such as Participant 14, including making
the dean’s List like Participant 11 and receiving scholarships like Participant 12, which
underscored their ability to excel despite systemic challenges. Others secured significant
internships like Participant 7 or research positions and acceptance into advanced programs like
Participant 11; these successes showed participants’ capacities to leverage opportunities for
professional growth. Additionally, students navigated complex bureaucratic processes, such as
financial aid and legal statuses, with the support of their families, displaying their navigational
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and familial capital. These achievements reflected individual determination and the cultural
wealth BIPOC students used to succeed in higher education.
BIPOC students credited various strengths to their successful higher education journeys
for Research Question 2. The participants highlighted the importance of familial, social,
aspirational, resistant, and navigational capital. Familial capital emerged as the bedrock, with
students emphasizing their families’ emotional and moral support as crucial to their persistence
and success. Through peer networks, mentorship programs, and community organizations, social
capital provided essential guidance and resources. Aspirational capital and resistant capital were
evident in students’ power to achieve their goals and their resilience in the face of systemic
inequities. These strengths collectively illustrated the rich cultural wealth BIPOC students
anchored themselves to thrive in higher education.
Regarding Research Question 3, the study confirmed and emphasized Yosso’s (2005)
CCW framework, highlighting familial, social, and aspirational capital as the foundation for
BIPOC students’ successes. The study also encourages elevating the navigational skillset
throughout higher education systems in obtaining resources and featuring resistant capabilities.
However, the study revealed that few higher education institutions are making strides in
supporting students of color and working toward providing a sense of belonging for BIPOC
students. Some institutions have made attempts at progress but have yet to commit to initiatives
to meet, and some institutions uphold the systemic inequities in place and refuse to create a
welcoming environment for BIPOC students.
In some ways, the findings contradict and confirm the literature. The institutions create
welcoming environments for students with support that consist of physical and cultural spaces on
campus. These spaces provide resources for their needs based on DACA statuses and
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socioeconomically disadvantaged needs. Such spaces may help with technology rental
opportunities, metro passes, and rideshare support. Designated positions on boards or committees
that are heard by the institution’s decision-making bodies may also help. Other institutions have
failed to communicate through newsletters or fliers for dismal events in the year. Some
institutions maintain discriminatory practices and purposely place barriers for BIPOC students to
find support or a sense of belonging within the institution, which negatively impacts their
academic journeys and has led to thoughts and, in some cases, even initial attempted steps of
leaving higher education within their first 2 years.
Lastly, for Research Question 4, the study found that BIPOC students used various forms
of capital to persist in higher education. The strengths and talents credited to their achievements
include perseverance, resilience, strong family support (familial capital), effective use of
university resources (navigational capital), supportive networks (social capital), and maintaining
authenticity (resistant capital), with the least use form of capital being linguistic capital. The
study did not reveal many participants using linguistic capital in their journeys.
In summary, these findings showed the diverse forms of cultural wealth that BIPOC
students used to achieve their academic goals while highlighting their resilience and
determination in navigating higher education and striving toward their aspirations. Students used
this support to navigate and thrive in their higher education journeys. These findings showed the
importance of a robust support system grounded in students’ cultural wealth.
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Chapter Five: Discussion
The findings from this study strongly aligned with the existing literature on the
challenges and strengths of BIPOC students in higher education. The historical context of
underrepresentation and systemic inequities was reflected in the participants’ experiences,
highlighting how these barriers continue to impact their educational journeys. The literature
emphasized that BIPOC students often faced systemic barriers, such as lack of representation,
educational disadvantages, and dominant ideologies. These issues would hinder their progress
and success (Mitchell & Tienda, 2006; Villalpando, 2003). The findings resonated with the
concept of deficit-based thinking narratives that illustrate how deficit ideologies have historically
framed BIPOC students as lacking the necessary capital to succeed. However, the participants’
successes in navigating these systemic barriers challenge this narrative, demonstrating their
resilience and resourcefulness (Gonzales, 2012; Yosso, 2005).
The literature also discussed the importance of growth support, such as mentorship
opportunities for BIPOC students. The participants’ stories showed the critical role of familial
and social networks in their higher education achievements. These findings aligned with the
literature on the need for supportive structures to foster BIPOC students’ success, further calling
to action the higher education institutions to cultivate these supports and begin dismantling the
systemic inequities in place (Ijoma et al., 2021; Pace, 2018).
The findings were also aligned with Yosso’s (2005) CCW framework, and each form of
capital was evident in the participants’ responses. Aspirational capital was demonstrated in the
participants’ educational goals despite the obstacles; Participant 7 successfully attained an
engineering internship, overcoming their professional insecurity and lack of institutional support
in that area. The ability of participants to navigate two, three, and four languages and
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communication styles indicated their linguistic talent, which helped them serve as language
brokers for their families while enhancing their academic and social interactions (Yosso, 2005).
The strong kinship networks and community ties that supported participants in navigating
educational and social structures represented social capital by elevating the importance of peer
support, mentorship, and community organizations in their achievements (Acevedo & Solórzano,
2021).
The role of the family as the cornerstone of nurturing emotional, moral, and educational
consciousness is evident in participants’ stories. Participant 3 discussed meal preparation,
transportation sacrifices, and encouragement of time management. The participant’s awareness
and resistance to systemic oppression align with the concept of resistant capital, along with their
willingness to challenge the inequities and maintain personal authenticity, further navigating
institutional structures to receive resources required by law for their classes reflects navigational
capital. Participant 1 demonstrated this success when leveraging academic advisors, counseling
services, and support programs to overcome those obstacles—a testament to that skill set
(Acevedo & Solórzano, 2021; Yosso, 2005).
The findings additionally addressed the problem of practice by illustrating how BIPOC
students leveraged their cultural wealth to persist and succeed in higher education. The focus
shifted from a deficit-based perspective to recognizing and valuing the diverse forms of capital
BIPOC students bring. The study provided a more comprehensive understanding of their
strengths and resilience (J. D. Anderson, 1995; Patton et al., 2023; Yosso, 2005).
The alignment between the findings, literature, and framework underscores the
importance of recognizing and supporting the cultural assets of BIPOC students (Acevedo &
Solórzano, 2021; Yosso, 2005). The study highlights the need for educational institutions to
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adopt a strengths-based approach that validates and builds on the existing cultural capital of
BIPOC students. This shift can lead to more equitable educational practices and policies that
better support BIPOC student success while dismantling systemic inequities (Acevedo &
Solórzano, 2021; Gonzales, 2012; Yosso, 2005).
Recommendations for Practice
These recommendations are designed to leverage the strengths identified in the study,
familial support, mentorship, navigational skills, and a supportive community while directly
addressing the systemic challenges and barriers that BIPOC students face in higher education
(Gonzales, 2012; Yosso, 2005). By implementing these strategies, institutions can create a more
equitable and supportive environment. Such an environment may foster the success and
persistence of BIPOC students.
Enhance Family and Community Engagement (Transition Partnership With K–12)
The findings summarized in Research Questions 2 and 3 of strong familial supports as the
cornerstone of BIPOC students higher education journeys inform the recommendation to
enhance family support. Institutions should develop programs that actively involve families in
the educational process, recognizing the critical role of familial support in student success
identified in this study. K–12 institutions, such as the one listed in this study for the target
audience, focus on preparing students for college. The school engages with the parents as
partners, educating the student and the family about what it means to be eligible for higher
education. However, as noted in this study, a partnership does not continue in higher education
outside of limited opportunities before students begin their 1st year of college. Therefore, the
asset of familial capital is not being leveraged to its full potential, as noted in this study.
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Universities can develop comprehensive programs involving families in the educational
process to enhance family engagement. These programs can begin with family orientation
sessions at the start of the academic year to introduce families to the university, its resources, and
how they can support their students beyond the transitional phase or Year 1. Workshops, family
days, and communication channels can help families understand how to support their students
best. Workshops on financial aid, college readiness, and mental health support can be held
regularly beyond Year 1 for the family and student. Establishing communication channels
similar to newsletters, emails, and social media groups will ensure families are kept informed
about university events and important dates. Additionally, a dedicated family engagement office
can provide a central point of contact for families to address their concerns and questions.
Universities can also host family days that encourage families to visit the campus, participate in
student activities, and engage with faculty and staff, fostering a sense of community and
belonging for the student and family.
K–12 schools can enhance family engagement by hosting regular family nights and
community events where universities can provide workshops that educate families and students
on how to learn at home, understand the higher education system, and navigate academic
challenges as they arise beyond Year 1. Building this bridge from K–12 to higher education
supports the transition of the student and family, setting them up for success as is done for every
transition from elementary, middle, and high school, yet does not exist for higher education
institutions (Arrington et al., 2021). K–12 systems highlight that family is crucial to a student’s
success throughout elementary, middle, and high school; nevertheless, upon college entry, the
family support systems become limited or completely disappear (Chafouleas et al., 2021).
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Additionally, K–12 schools are encouraged to be pillars in their community.
Administrators can embed themselves through outreach activities and community partnerships.
They may gain grants that allow implementation of this work, such as the Community Schools
Grant by the CDE (2021). By building strong relationships with families and partnering with the
broader community, higher education institutions can embed members in the community and
create a supportive environment to enhance student success and academic outcomes.
Strengthen Mentorship and Networking Opportunities
The findings summarized in Research Question 3 of the sense of community as critical
for BIPOC students higher education journeys inform the recommendation to strengthen
mentorship and networking opportunities. Institutions may establish robust mentorship programs
that connect BIPOC students with faculty, alums, and professionals in their fields. These
programs should facilitate networking opportunities, providing students with guidance, support,
and access to professional opportunities. Educational leaders can leverage aspirational and
resistant capital by creating spaces and programs that celebrate and reinforce students’
aspirations and resilience identified in this study. This process can include providing support
groups, motivational speakers, and recognition programs to highlight the achievements and
perseverance of BIPOC students.
Universities can achieve this goal by creating structured mentorship programs where
mentors and mentees are paired based on their academic interests and career goals. Participants
in this study and the literature demonstrated the need for these programs (Granda, 2022;
Solórzano, 1998). These mentorship programs can begin when the BIPOC student is accepted
into the university and continue until their final year. This process may ensure additional targeted
support is provided in the major the BIPOC student seeks to study. Educational leaders may
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further support the university network by using BIPOC alums’ ties to return them to their alma
mater. They may become mentors and provide external opportunities for the university and
BIPOC students.
Additionally, educational leaders may organize mentorship networking events, career
fairs showing various career paths with the field of study, and industry panels with BIPOC alums
specifically aimed at BIPOC students. These events can provide valuable opportunities for
guidance and professional development by uplifting their cultural capital assets of aspirational
and resistant capital (Pace, 2018). Universities can also develop online platforms or forums
where BIPOC students can connect with mentors and access resources within their fields of
study. BIPOC alumni who have shared their experiences can further enhance the mentorship
program.
A partnership with K–12 systems can be included in these mentorship programs by the
additional pairing of juniors or seniors in the field of interest to shadow a current student at
institutions of choice. This process may further strengthen the transition of the K–12 student and
retention of the university student (Conaway, 2009; Grayson & Sales, 2021; Tibbetts & Parks
Smith, 2023). The mentorship program can include sitting in on classes, exposure to classwork,
time management strategies, and familiarity with the campus before their first instructional day.
Schools can organize career days and invite BIPOC professionals from various fields to speak
with students about their careers and educational paths. Establishing partnerships with local
businesses and community organizations can also give BIPOC students a sense of belonging. By
leveraging social capital with mentorship opportunities and exposure to different career options
in which students are interested, students may be able to identify their majors by the time they
enter their higher education institutions.
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Provide Comprehensive Navigational and Academic Support
The findings summarized in Research Question 1 of overcoming systemic inequities,
Research Question 2 of perseverance and resilience, and Research Question 4 of navigational
capital are essential for BIPOC students higher education journeys to inform the
recommendation to provide comprehensive navigational and academic support. Institutions
should ensure that BIPOC students have easy access to essential resources that help them
navigate higher education. This process includes robust academic advising, financial aid
assistance, mental health services, and workshops on navigating university systems and
processes that were identified as barriers in this study and the literature. Institutions should
provide clear pathways and support structures that can help students manage their academic and
personal challenges effectively. Educational leaders can address the financial barriers BIPOC
students face by increasing access to scholarships, grants, and emergency funds. Financial
literacy programs may also help students manage their finances more effectively.
Educational leaders should enhance their academic advising services to include tailored
support for BIPOC students to provide comprehensive navigational and academic support.
Advisors should be trained to understand the unique challenges BIPOC students face and provide
guidance on course selection, career exposure and planning, and various forms of studying.
Institutions should increase the availability of financial aid counseling services to include
individual planning for the student beyond Year 1, understanding the grants, loans, award letters,
and cadence of disbursements and payments. This study showed that BIPOC students need
financial literacy and long-term planning; therefore, individual long-term planning allows
BIPOC students to anchor themselves in the strength of their navigational capital (Yosso, 2005)
and make knowledgeable choices along the way. Further, administrators and students need to
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understand the financial resources available when situations arise that cause financial stress or
possibly lead to school absences.
Additionally, offering workshops on topics such as mental health, well-being, stress
management, and time management can help students balance their academic and personal lives
effectively. This study showed the need for participants and lacking higher education
institutional supports (Terrell et al., 2023). Universities should ensure that all students know and
can access institutional resources like tutoring centers, writing labs, and career services because
this study identified gaps and struggles with BIPOC students’ ability to locate these services.
Regularly reviewing and updating these resources to meet the evolving needs of BIPOC
students is also essential for higher education institutions. Implementing engagement and usage
tracking as part of these resources may support the access for BIPOC students, as well as
effective use of funds to these resources by the universities and be able to reallocate where funds
are needed and being utilized (Bhise & Dadas, 2022). Examples can be shared by their
department or QR codes on student IDs depending on their enrollment needs, varying from being
a student of color to having additional learning needs such as translations, accommodations, or
even targeted resources for the socially disadvantaged. The student can update these resources
annually depending on their year-to-year needs; this process will ensure easy access and support.
K–12 systems can provide study skills workshops to help students with academic
planning beyond Year 1, study skills for college-level courses or testing, time management of
college responsibilities, career exploration of opportunities such as internships, navigating higher
education for needed supports or resources, and personal challenges. Educational leaders can
create a regular cadence of topics and workshops throughout the 4 years for BIPOC students to
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support their transition. Such an approach uses the strengths-based approach by leveraging their
navigational capital as they enter university (Yosso, 2005).
Foster an Inclusive and Supportive Campus Environment
The findings summarized in Research Question 3 of the sense of community and
Research Question 2 of personal authenticity are important for BIPOC students higher education
journeys and inform the recommendation to foster an inclusive and supportive campus
environment. Institutions can develop and implement policies and practices that promote
inclusivity and support BIPOC students. Such a process may include antiracism bias training for
staff and faculty, creating safe spaces for students to share their experiences, and actively
working to dismantle systemic inequities within the institution. Celebrating students’ cultural and
linguistic assets and integrating diverse perspectives into the curriculum may create more
welcoming and supportive academic environments. Institutions are encouraged to establish
dedicated spaces and support groups where BIPOC students can share their experiences and find
community. Institutions should conduct regular reviews of institutional policies to identify and
dismantle systemic inequities and barriers that disproportionately impact BIPOC students.
Educational leaders can involve BIPOC students in policy development and decision-making
processes by leveraging their resistant capital and uplifting their sense of belonging and
engagement to ensure their voices are heard and needs are addressed.
Anti-Racism and Cultural Competency Training
The findings summarized in Research Question 3 of the sense of community and
Research Question 2 of personal authenticity are helpful for BIPOC students higher education
journeys and inform the recommendation for anti-racism and cultural competency. Universities
can integrate workshops and seminars on anti-racism and cultural competency for all faculty,
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staff, and students into their existing training and development model. These sessions may
include understanding implicit biases, recognizing microaggressions, and promoting allyship.
Further, institutions can include guest speakers, activists, scholars, and community leaders of the
existing community to share their experiences and expertise as part of introductions to
professional development or keynote speakers. These stakeholders can also be invited as
advisors on policy or decision-making processes to provide a holistic viewpoint for BIPOC
students’ experiences and barriers (Fernandez, 2018).
K–12 schools can implement regular professional development sessions on diversity,
equity, and inclusion for teachers and staff. These sessions may cover topics such as culturally
responsive teaching practices, understanding the impact of systemic racism on students, and
strategies for creating an inclusive classroom environment. School leaders can organize
assemblies, workshops, and classroom activities that focus on celebrating diversity and
understanding different cultures. Schools can also implement peer-led diversity training
programs, where older students mentor younger students on inclusivity, respect,
microaggressions, navigating systemic barriers, and sharing experiences (Gonzales, 2012).
Establish Safe Spaces and Support Groups
The findings summarized in Research Question 3 of the sense of community and
Research Question 2 of personal authenticity are helpful for BIPOC students higher education
journeys and inform the recommendation of establishing safe spaces and groups. Universities
can create dedicated spaces on campus where BIPOC students can gather, such as cultural
centers or affinity group lounges. These spaces can be staffed with trained facilitators who
provide emotional support or organize events such as discussion circles, workshops on self-care,
and peer support groups (Terrell et al., 2023). For example, a university can establish a “BIPOC
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Student Center,” where students can access resources, participate in cultural programming, and
connect with peers who share similar experiences. The study shared the success of some higher
education institutions having these centers, as shared by Participant 7, and supporting the sense
of community for BIPOC students.
Integrate Diverse Cultural Perspectives Into Curriculum
The findings summarized in Research Question 3 of the sense of community and
Research Question 2 of personal authenticity are inclusive for BIPOC students higher education
journeys and inform the recommendation of integrating diverse cultural perspectives. Higher
education leaders can audit their existing curricula to identify gaps in the representation of
diverse cultures and perspectives. Faculty can be encouraged and incentivized to incorporate
texts, case studies, and examples from BIPOC scholars and communities into their courses.
Faculty can also be provided with examples and resources to adopt for a pilot opportunity,
motivating buy-in from the faculty and staff. Additionally, universities may create new courses
focused on the histories, contributions, and experiences of BIPOC communities, such as a “Black
History and Culture” course or a “Latinx Literature” seminar. Interdisciplinary programs that
explore global and multicultural issues could also be developed to promote cross-cultural
understanding of current events.
K–12 schools can integrate multicultural education across all grade levels and subjects.
For example, in high school, teachers can include books and stories from diverse cultures in their
reading curriculum. In history classes, students can learn about the contributions of various
cultural groups to national and global history. Institutions can also engage BIPOC students in the
curriculum, empower them to suggest readings and articles for the class, and even provide selfexperiences that relate to or to shared experiences. This process may create a sense of belonging
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within academia that they can take with them as they prepare for their transition into higher
education spaces and experiences that may differ from their current knowledge, as demonstrated
in this study (Sims et al., 2020).
Review and Revise Institutional Policies
The findings summarized in Research Question 3 of the sense of community and
Research Question 2 of personal authenticity are pivotal for BIPOC students higher education
journeys and inform the recommendation of reviewing and revising institutional policies. The
study found that professors’ access to learning accommodations, as shown by Participants 1 and
3, is not upheld sometimes, in addition to other participants’ experiences in joining honor
societies or facing institutional discrimination. Universities can establish a task force or diversity
committee responsible for reviewing institutional policies related to admissions, hiring, student
conduct, and campus safety. This task force may include BIPOC students, faculty, and staff to
ensure diverse perspectives are considered. The task force can review policies annually to
identify any that disproportionately impact BIPOC students and recommend revisions to
eliminate systemic barriers. For instance, policies related to campus policing, disciplinary
actions, or faculty hiring practices can be reassessed to promote greater equity inclusion. An
example can be a BIPOC student being part of the process for the hiring committee of candidates
or a ratio of representation in disciplinary matters by peers before a recommendation to the
university.
K–12 schools can review their disciplinary policies to ensure they are applied equitably
and do not disproportionately affect students from marginalized communities. Schools can also
implement restorative justice practices as an alternative to punitive discipline, allowing students
to learn from their mistakes in a supportive environment. Additionally, schools can establish a
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diversity and inclusion committee that includes parents, teachers, students, and administrators.
This committee can regularly review school policies, practices, and curricula to identify areas
where equity and inclusion can be strengthened. For example, the committee can recommend
changes to the dress code to respect cultural attire or suggest modifications to the curriculum to
include more diverse voices.
Limitations and Delimitations
Given how I decided to bind the study with my conceptual framework, using a qualitative
approach and thematic analysis, several limitations and delimitations within this study shaped the
scope and findings of the research. One significant limitation was the reliance on self-reported
data, where the accuracy and truthfulness of respondents’ accounts were beyond my control.
Participants might have unintentionally exaggerated or underreported their experiences,
achievements, or challenges, potentially affecting the validity of the findings. Additionally, the
sample size and diversity were constrained by the focus on a limited number of institutions,
which might not have captured the full spectrum of experiences across different regions, types of
institutions, and fields of study, thereby limiting the generalizability of the results. Recall bias
was another limitation, as participants reflected on their past experiences, which they might not
have remembered accurately, leading to potential distortions in the data. The analysis using
Yosso’s (2005) framework involved subjectivity, as different researchers might interpret and
categorize the same data differently, impacting the consistency and reliability of the findings.
Moreover, the study captured participants’ experiences during their 3rd or final years. It lacked
longitudinal data that could provide a more comprehensive understanding of how their cultural
capital evolved.
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The delimitations of the study further defined its boundaries. By choosing Yosso’s (2005)
framework to analyze cultural capital, the research focused on aspirational, navigational, social,
linguistic, familial, and resistant forms of cultural wealth, excluding other potentially relevant
frameworks or capital that might have offered additional insights. The study targeted 3rd- and
final-year BIPOC students, excluding those in earlier years or those who might have dropped out
or graduated earlier, thus not representing students’ experiences at different stages of their
academic journeys. The research employed qualitative methods, such as interviews and thematic
analysis, allowing for an in-depth exploration of participants’ experiences but limiting the ability
to quantify the prevalence of certain experiences or generalize findings to a larger population.
The scope of questions was designed to explore specific aspects of BIPOC students’ cultural
capital and achievements, which meant the other relevant areas, like the impact of specific
institutional policies or broader socioeconomic factors, might not be thoroughly investigated.
Lastly, the study was conducted within a specific set of higher education institutions. The
findings might not apply to institutions, and the findings might not apply to institutions with
different characteristics, such as institutional contexts, resources, support systems, and cultural
climate, which could vary significantly.
Recommendations for Future Research
Longitudinal Studies and Family Engagement
The current study highlighted the importance of familial support in BIPOC student’s
higher educational journey. Therefore, a longitudinal study can examine the long-term effects of
various family engagement programs on BIPOC students’ retention rates and overall well-being.
The study investigated how different types of familial involvement influenced BIPOC students’
persistence and success in higher education.
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Black, Indigenous, and People of Color Students’ Access to Institutional Resources
This study identified Navigational capital as a crucial skill for BIPOC students to access
institutional resources. Therefore, a future study can explore the navigational strategies
employed by BIPOC students across different institutions (community colleges, California state
universities, and public and private universities). Such a study may assess the effectiveness of
institutional resources in supporting these strategies. Researchers can identify gaps in support
services and propose enhancements based on BIPOC students’ navigational experiences.
Policy Impact on Inclusivity
The study revealed that inclusivity is essential in addressing systemic barriers in a higher
education institution. A future study is recommended to investigate the impact of specific
institutional policies and practices designed to promote inclusivity and support BIPOC students.
Researchers may conduct case studies of institutions successfully implementing anti-racism and
bias training, safe spaces, and culturally responsive curricula. Researchers can evaluate the
outcomes of these initiatives on student engagement, academic performance, and retention rates.
Researchers may further identify the policies that cause systemic inequities and the level of
impact.
These recommendations for future research stem from the current study’s findings. The
recommendations aim to address the problem of practice further by deepening the understanding
of the factors that support the success and persistence of BIPOC students in higher education. By
expanding on these areas, future research can contribute to developing more effective
interventions and policies that promote equity and inclusion in academia.
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Conclusion
More than half of Hispanic (52%) students and Black (43%) students reported that in
2022, they were considering leaving higher education after 6 months (Gallup, 2023). In 2024, the
data showed that Hispanics, Blacks, and Asians remained the highest in considering leaving
higher education in the last 6 months (Gallup, 2024). Academia fails to support BIPOC students’
strengths in higher education, and the literature focuses on the deficits of BIPOC students in
academia.
BIPOC students do not own the narratives of their higher education journeys. These mass
narratives perpetuate and maintain the deficit-based thinking in academia of BIPOC students
failing in higher education. These narratives benefit the privileged while muting the critical
discourse needed for true equity (Patton et al., 2023). However, this study empowers BIPOC
students with their existing capital to regain their narratives by showing their strengths,
successes, and support when navigating the educational system. The study shows the critical
importance of supportive networks and resources in fostering BIPOC students’ academic
achievements, displaying the diverse forms of capital that contribute to their persistence. Based
on this study’s findings, developing more inclusive environments in higher education is
important. Through a qualitative analysis of the achievement, strengths, talents, and supports of
3rd- or final-year BIPOC students, the study illuminated the ways forms of cultural capital, such
as aspiration, familial, resistant, linguistic, social, and navigational, were used to persist in their
higher educational journeys despite systemic inequities and barriers.
The findings of this study are important because they challenge the deficit-based
narratives that have historically framed BIPOC students as lacking the capital to succeed in
higher education. Instead, this study changes the narrative from deficit-based to strengths-based
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by highlighting the resilience, resourcefulness, strengths, talents, supports, and aspirations of
BIPOC students, demonstrating that they not only possess but actively cultivate a rich array of
cultural assets that enable them to “thrive versus survive” (Love, 2020, p. 20) in their higher
education journeys. By shifting the focus from deficits to strengths, this study contributes to a
more nuanced and equitable understanding of BIPOC students’ experiences in higher education.
These findings align with the literature and conceptual framework by demonstrating how BIPOC
students utilize their cultural wealth to navigate and succeed in their higher education journeys,
which addresses the problem of practice by advocating for a strengths-based approach that
recognizes and supports the unique assets of BIPOC students, ultimately promoting more
equitable, accessible, and inclusive educational outcomes and experiences.
The importance of this study lies in its potential to influence educational practices and
policies. The findings underscore the need for higher education institutions to adopt a strengthbased approach that recognizes and builds upon the existing cultural wealth of BIPOC students.
This shift in perspective can lead to more equitable educational practices and policies, such as
enhancing family and community engagement, strengthening mentorship programs and
networking opportunities, providing comprehensive navigational and academic support, and
fostering inclusive higher education experiences for BIPOC students (Patton et al., 2023).
Moreover, the impact of this study extends beyond academia. The success of BIPOC
students in higher education has broader social implications by contributing to the empowerment
of marginalized communities and the dismantling of systemic racism that perpetuates
inequalities. By highlighting the strengths and successes of BIPOC students, this study provides
a powerful counter-narrative that can inspire future BIPOC student generations to pursue a
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higher education journey and advocate for transformative change within and beyond higher
education institutions.
In essence, the findings of this study are important for offering insight about how higher
educational institutions can better support BIPOC students. Educational leaders can ensure that
BIPOC students’ cultural wealth and strengths are not only seen but also included in institutions
originally never meant for BIPOC students. Nevertheless, as this study highlighted, BIPOC
students have excelled in these institutions despite the barriers imposed by systemic structures.
By celebrating these cultural assets, society can move closer to an education system that is truly
inclusive, equitable, and reflective of the intent to invest in BIPOC students to succeed as part of
this world. Society may learn to value the diverse strengths that all students bring to their higher
educational journeys, and that “one size does not fit all” one education system cannot support the
success of all. This study serves as a call to action to higher education institutions, policymakers,
educators, and communities to invest in the success of BIPOC students and include them by
creating inclusive learning environments. Students are the future of the world; therefore, truly
investing in all students allows all to thrive.
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Appendix A: Definitions
Counter-storytelling (fourth tenet) centralizes and uplifts the BIPOC voices that are
underrepresented in education by sharing a story that creates uncertainties in the existing stories
shared by the dominant ideology and instead elevates the stories of marginalized groups, which
changes the narration that allowed for asset-based frameworks to be created (Acevedo &
Solórzano, 2021; Espino, 2014).
Critical race theory (CRT) identifies five tenets for the field of education (Yosso, 2005).
The CRT highlights the factors of culture, and racial patterns and how they are observed in the
education field (Acevedo & Solórzano, 2021). Yosso’s (2005) first tenet of intercentricity,
informs the endemic and permanent racism in educational structures that is deep-rooted in
societal structures (Yosso, 2005). The second tenet challenges the dominant ideology in
educational institutions and challenges the dominance of the education system in viewing
meritocracy, color, and gender blindness, along with the third tenet’s commitment to social
justice (Acevedo & Solórzano, 2021; Yosso, 2005). Acevedo and Solórzano’s (2021) fourth
tenet centralizes and uplifts the BIPOC voices that are underrepresented in education and honors
the experiential knowledge of BIPOC when race and racism are discussed. Furthermore, the fifth
tenet provides a transdisciplinary approach that analyzes race in ancient and modern contexts in
examining race and racism through interdisciplinary tools (Acevedo & Solórzano, 2021; Yosso,
2005).
Dominant ideology (second tenet) challenges the dominance of the education system in
viewing meritocracy, color, and gender blindness (Acevedo & Solórzano, 2021; Yosso, 2005).
Intercentricity (first tenet) informs the endemic and permanent racism in educational
structures (Acevedo & Solórzano, 2021; Yosso, 2005).
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Social justice (third tenet) is a commitment to eliminating racism (Acevedo & Solórzano,
2021; Yosso, 2005).
Transdisciplinary analytical approach (fifth tenet) examines race and racism through
interdisciplinary tools (Acevedo & Solórzano, 2021; Yosso, 2005).
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Appendix B: The Researcher
I am a first-generation Chicana woman, daughter of two uneducated hardworking
immigrants. I am a sister, a daughter, a leader, and an agent for change. I am the worst, and best
combined into one person, I am that one in a million in the good and bad of what life has to
offer. I am an empathetic human being who has learned to manage my emotions in the
navigation of this world. I am also a person who is often observed with a “strong presentation,”
as I have learned to limit my emotions to merge into the workplace. In addition, have mastered
code switching to shield every part of my appearance and ensure that when I speak, only my
words are heard, not race, stereotypes, past, or present. I am a masterpiece of every broken
moment I have encountered, and a work in progress of every blessing I still am working to be.
These experiences, characteristics, and details have created my positionality.
Positionality has been described in many ways by many authors. Douglas and Nganga
(2023) defined positionality as “how one is situated through the intersection of power and the
politics of gender, race, class, sexuality, ethnicity, culture, language, and other social factors” (p.
60). Secules et al. (2021) described it as capturing “the dynamic ways an individual is defined by
socially significant identity dimensions” (p. 20). My interpretation of my positionality is
captured in the combination of both Douglas and Nganga (2023) and Secules et al.’s (2021)
definitions. As defined by Douglas and Nganga (2023), my labels are I am a Mexican woman,
born in a lower-class status, straight, and collectivistic culture with a primary Spanish speaking
language. However, my interpretation of Secules et al.’s (2021) definition of “socially significant
identity dimensions” (p. 20) causes me to have a deeper dive into each of these labels that have
been placed upon me since birth and share a story I never owned the narrative to. My position as
a woman shares the role, I am meant to fill is a wife, a mother, and a homemaker. My
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positionality of being a primarily Spanish-speaking Mexican shares the perception that I am a
minority, uneducated, and do not belong. My positionality of being born into the lower-class
shares that I am poor, less, and would not amount to more. My positionality of being straight and
identifying as female is now recognized as a privilege by Pronouns.org (2018): “Keep in mind,
however, that there is a privilege of appearing in a way that fits both your gender and the
pronouns that many people associate with your gender” (para. 2). Through these positionalities
that I was born into and have changed throughout my life are areas of marginalization,
intersectionality, contradictions, and privileges.
The area in which I believe most of my positionality encompasses is contradictions of
who I was meant to be in this world is now contradicted by who I have become and intersects on
various levels. My position of who I am now is a first-generation Chicana, young, unmarried
woman with no children, educated with a Bachelors’, Masters, and seeking a doctorate, a single
household income homeowner in a middle-class neighborhood, and fluent in English is a
contradiction and intersection at the same time. All these labels are statistics that I was not meant
to meet in my birthright positionality.
As a person of color, I have experienced both sides of my problem of practice. I have
experienced the education system structures as a low-class primary Spanish-speaking student and
have 14 years of professional experience that includes 2 years with the new school district in this
study, and students that will be participants. My positionality and professional experience are the
biases that could affect this study as it intersects on various levels related to my problem of
practice, such as my perception of the education system. My position of who I am now shaped
my assumptions of the BIPOC student educational journey. Furthermore, I am the youngest
woman of color in my current role dominated by men and White women at the new school
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district of study, whose mission is to serve and advocate for the needs of students who come
from similar backgrounds as my own. My understanding of this problem practice is rooted in my
birthright positionality through the lack of ownership in the narrative, marginalizations, and the
inequities of minorities. Therefore, my lens, understanding, and passion are positioned in
empathizing and searching for the systemic inequities created for people of color. However, the
wisdom I continue to keep in mind as I observe this problem of practice is that these are my
personal experiences added to a person of my position, which Secules et al. (2021) described as
shaping “the nature of the reality that can be explored, known, and observed” (p. 29). Therefore,
I need to apply various points of view in this research, and ensure a worldview is given the
opportunity to be heard as well as understood. To counter my biases and assumptions I will
adopt a constructivist worldview framework.
Constructivist worldview is described as the combination of interpretivism as an
approach to qualitative research (Creswell, 2014). Creswell (2014) stated that individuals seek to
understand the world in which they live and work, in which subjective meanings are developed
that seek the complexity of views. This paradigm of inquiry seeks further understanding of
complex views from multiple perspectives, experiences, and diverse individuals. Furthermore,
this framework through axiology uplifts and centers other voices and their underlying values.
This framework allows for all voices to be present despite my positionality. However, due to my
voice being silenced in my experiences, my choice of constructivist worldview paradigm already
influenced the paradigm by my positionality.
As I continue to explore this topic, I intend to have a diverse set of voices to ensure my
positionality is not an inhibiting factor. I will ensure voluntary participation and informed
consent by stating to participants in my communication and reminding them that this study is
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voluntary, and the participants can withdraw from the study at any point throughout the process.
Additionally, I will also ensure confidentiality by sharing with the participants the usage of
pseudonyms for the study sites, and participants that will choose to participate.
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Appendix C: Interview Protocols
The introduction to the interview was the following: Hello, my name is Maritza Ramirez,
I am a primary Spanish-speaking first-generation daughter of immigrants, born and raised in East
Los Angeles and the Inland Empire. I have been participating in the education system for 20
years, and working in education for 15 yrs. My study aims to change the narrative for BIPOC in
higher education by counter-storytelling their experiences to identify the persistent capital that
leads to achieving graduation to positively increase the number of future BIPOC graduates and
inform academia of the missing narratives for a robust view of BIPOC in academia.
I ask you for consent to move forward in recording this individual interview. All names,
universities, and employment agencies will be replaced with pseudonyms to maintain anonymity
for all involved or named. Please note there are no wrong answers in these interviews, it is solely
for you to share your experiences. Please know you have the right to pause the interview or
remove yourself from the process at any time should you choose to do so.
Do you understand the purpose of the study? Do you understand your role and rights as a
participant in this study?
Do you have any questions at this time?
If you do not have any questions at this time, please know you are able to pause the
interview and ask questions before proceeding at any time in the process.
Do I have your consent to move forward with the interviews? Do I have your consent to
record said interviews?
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Table C1
1:1 Semi-Structured Individual Interviews
Interview questions Probing questions RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
1. Can you tell me
how you went
about making the
decision to pursue
a college
education?
➔ How was your family or surrounding
relationships
involvement/contribution?
➔ What were the struggles/challenges
you navigated? Provide an example
experience
➔ What were the obstacles you
overcame? Provide an example
experience.
➔ Were there any instances in which
language contributed to your
experience? For example, translating
or reading forms, events for your
family or yourself?
➔ Were there any supports you reached
out to or helped you? Provide an
example experience
1, 2, and
4
Aspirational
capital
Familial
capital
Navigational
capital
Resistant
capital
Linguistic
capital
Social
capital
2. How was your
transition from
high school to
college?
➔ Did you feel your university/College
fostered or provided support for your
transition as a BIPOC student? How
so?
➔ Were there any supports not in your
university/college you reached out to
helped you? (community, High
school, friends, etc) Provide an
example experience.
➔ How was your family or surrounding
relationships
involvement/contribution? Provide an
example experience
➔ What were the struggles/challenges
you navigated? Provide an example
experience.
➔ What were the obstacles you
overcame? Provide an example
experience.
➔ Were there any instances in which
language contributed to your
experience? For example, translating
1, 2, 3, 4 Familial
capital
Navigational
capital
Resistant
capital
Linguistic
capital
Social
capital
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Interview questions Probing questions RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
or reading forms, events for your
family or yourself?
3. How have you
found your sense
of belonging at
college/university?
Provide an
example
experience
➔ What were the struggles/challenges
you navigated?
➔ What were the obstacles you
overcame?
➔ How was your family or surrounding
relationships
involvement/contribution?
➔ Were there any instances in which
language helped you find your sense
of belonging in a club, community,
group?
➔ Did you feel the college/university
lifted up opportunities for BIPOC
students? How did the university help
or support that?
➔ Were there any supports not in your
university/college you reached out to
helped you? (community, High
school, friends, etc)
1, 2, 3, 4 Familial
capital
Navigational
capital
Resistant
capital
Linguistic
capital
Social
capital
4. Sometimes a
common
experience,
language, or way
of being leads a
group of people to
identify as a
community. For
example, there are
some people who
identify as part of
a cultural group
because they share
a common
experience. Is
there a community
with which you
identify?
➔ If yes, which community is that?
◆ What makes you identify with
that community?
◆ How did you know that you
also belonged to____ (name
of community)? When did
you realize that you identified
with that community?
◆ Was there some common
experience, language, or way
of being that defines. (name
of community) as a
community? What are they?
➔ If no, how would you have liked the
college/university to have provided
these opportunities for BIPOC
students
2, 3 Social
capital
Linguistic
capital
5. Where there any
areas or moments
you felt out of
place in your
college/university?
➔ How did you navigate those areas or
moments?
➔ How did you overcome those areas or
moments?
2, 4 Familial
capital
Social
capital
116
Interview questions Probing questions RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
Provide an
example
experience
➔ How did your family or surrounding
relationships support you in these
moments?
➔ Were there any instances in which
language played a part in your
experience?
➔ Did you feel your university/College
fostered or provided support for those
experiences as a BIPOC student? If
yes, how so? If no, how would you
have liked them to have supported
you?
➔ Were there any supports you reached
out to helped you? (community,
clubs, organizations, High school,
friends, etc)
Linguistic
capital
Navigational
capital
Resistant
capital
6. What are the
greatest obstacles
and challenges
you overcame in
your higher
education
journey? Provide
an example
experience
➔ What kept you motivated to persist in
those challenges?
➔ How did you overcome those areas or
moments?
➔ How did your family or surrounding
relationships support you in these
moments?
➔ Were there any instances in which
language played a part in your
experience?
➔ Did you feel your university
supported or provided resources for
BIPOC students with these
experiences? If yes, how so? If no,
how would you have liked them to
have supported you?
➔ Were there any supports you reached
out to helped you? (community,
clubs, organizations, High school,
friends, etc)
2, 3, 4 Aspirational
capital
Resistant
capital
Familial
capital
Social
capital
Linguistic
capital
7. What are the
successes or
achievements you
have experienced
in your higher
education
journey?
➔ Were there any challenges/obstacles
you had to navigate or overcome in
achieving those
successes/achievements?
◆ What kept you motivated to
persist in those challenges?
1, 3, 4 Resistant
capital
Navigational
capital
Aspirational
capital
117
Interview questions Probing questions RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
➔ How did your family or surrounding
relationships contribute to those
successes/achievements?
➔ Were there any supports you reached
out to or helped you on those
successes/achievements?
(community, clubs, organizations,
High school, friends, etc)
➔ Did you feel your university
supported or provided resources for
BIPOC students in those
successes/achievements? If yes, how
so? If no, how would you have liked
them to have supported you?
➔ Were any of those
successes/achievements contributed
to your language ability?
Familial
capital
Social
capital
Linguistic
capital
8. What are the
strengths or talents
you feel helped
you reach your
current year in
your higher
education
journey?
➔ Did you feel the college/university
lifted up your strengths/talents or
minimized them as a BIPOC student?
How so? How would you have liked
them to have supported you?
➔ How did your family or surrounding
relationships contribute to your
strengths/ talents? Provide an
example experience.
➔ Were there any supports you reached
out to or helped you nurture your
strengths/ talents? (community,
clubs, organizations, High school,
friends, etc)
➔ Were any of those strengths or talents
contributed to your language ability?
2, 3 Aspirational
capital
Familial
capital
Linguistic
capital
Social
capital
9. What makes you
feel empowered in
your higher
education
journey? Provide
an example
experience
➔ Did you feel the university supports
your empowerment as a BIPOC
Student? If yes, how was that
experience for you?
➔ If no, how would you have liked
them to have helped you feel
empowered?
◆ How did you
overcome/navigate that
experience?
3, 4 Social
capital
Resistant
capital
Navigational
capital
118
Interview questions Probing questions RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
10. As you are in your
current year of
college what are
critical
areas/experiences
you wish your
college/university
would have
supported you as a
student of color?
➔ What made you persist in those
critical areas/experiences?
➔ How did you navigate those critical
areas?
➔ How did you overcome those critical
areas?
3, 4 Aspirational
capital
Navigational
capital
Resistant
capital
11. What were your
aspirations/goals
for your higher
education?
➔ Did you achieve them?
◆ If yes, how so?
● What kept you
motivated throughout
those experiences?
◆ If no?
● How do you feel your
college/university
could have supported
you as a student of
color to meet them?
➔ What are your future aspirations
now? Why those aspirations?
4 Aspirational
capital
12. Is there anything
else you would
like to share that
you feel is
important for me
to know about
your higher
education
journey?
119
Appendix D: Ethics
This research serves the interest of BIPOC students, families, and for educators in lowincome communities. The findings of this study will benefit the educational community
specifically in Los Angeles such as districts, and charters that serve low-income communities.
Those who may be harmed by this study are White students as the framework is not intended to
highlight the strengths of the community. These perspectives above and framing the scope of this
study are shared by a 14-year Los Angeles education employee, a first-generation low-income
Mexican American woman, whose first language was Spanish. Therefore, implications are that I
am currently employed by the charter family of the five high schools that will be study sites and
have been for the past 3 years. I am also an Angeleno born and raised. Lastly, the willingness of
the students to share their experiences. Therefore, with that in mind, I need to apply various
points of view, as I begin this research, and ensure a worldview is given the opportunity to be
heard as well as understood. As I continue to explore this topic, I intend to have a diverse set of
voices to ensure my positionality is not an inhibiting factor. I will ensure voluntary participation
and informed consent by stating to students in my communication and reminders that this study
is voluntary, and the students can withdraw from the study at any point throughout the process.
Additionally, I will also ensure confidentiality by sharing with the students the usage of
pseudonyms for the study sites, and students that will choose to participate. Lastly, the results of
this study will be shared with the study sites, charter organization, and students. The results will
also be offered to the districts in Los Angeles County, and the higher education institutions for
self-reflection, improvement, and innovation opportunities to support BIPOC in higher
education.
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to decentralize the deficit-based approach in academia of Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) students in higher education by centralizing the voices of BIPOC students in their third or final years of higher education. The study used the CCW framework to understand further and expand the knowledge of the existing strengths BIPOC students bring into their educational journey by researching the successes, strengths, and supports of BIPOC students in higher education. The qualitative study used a semi-structured open-ended questions interview protocol for purposeful samples. The method was used to analyze the BIPOC students’ higher education experiences of successes, strengths, and support. Thematic coding, line-by-line coding, and triangulation were used to interpret students’ narrative data to identify forms of cultural capital. The study concludes with the findings of trends in their experiences that shaped the recommendations supported by the literature to uplift the strengths of BIPOC students in higher education and opportunities for future research.
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Ramirez Nieto, Maritza
(author)
Core Title
Beyond deficit thinking: highlighting the strengths and resilience of Black indigenous and people of color students thriving in higher education
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)
Degree Conferral Date
2024-12
Publication Date
10/04/2024
Defense Date
09/04/2024
Publisher
Los Angeles, California
(original),
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
academic success,acculturation,aspirational capital,aspirational goals.,aspirations,assimilation,BIPOC students,Bourdieu’s concept of capital,community cultural wealth (CCW),counter-storytelling,critical race theory (CRT),cultural capital,cultural forms of capital,deficit-based approach,dominant ideology,education barriers,educational attainment gaps,educational barriers,educational inequities,educational journey,equity in education,faculty support,familial capital,financial pressures,first-generation students,graduation rates,Higher Education,higher education retention,inclusion,intersectionality,isolation in academia,K-12 education,linguistic capital,Los Angeles County,marginalized students,mentorship,model minority myth,narrative change,narrative empowerment,navigational capital,OAI-PMH Harvest,qualitative interviews,qualitative study,racial discrimination,resilience,resilience factors,resistant capital,sense of agency,sense of belonging,social capital,social justice in education,strengths-based approach,student persistence,success strategies,support systems,systemic inequities,systemic oppression,systemic structures,thematic coding,underrepresentation
Format
theses
(aat)
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Frecking, Frederick (
committee chair
), Hinga, Briana (
committee member
), Malloy, Courtney (
committee member
)
Creator Email
mr73592@usc.edu
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC11399BMJL
Unique identifier
UC11399BMJL
Identifier
etd-RamirezNie-13582.pdf (filename)
Legacy Identifier
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Document Type
Dissertation
Format
theses (aat)
Rights
Ramirez Nieto, Maritza
Internet Media Type
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Source
20241004-usctheses-batch-1217
(batch),
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
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Repository Email
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Tags
academic success
acculturation
aspirational capital
aspirational goals.
aspirations
BIPOC students
Bourdieu’s concept of capital
community cultural wealth (CCW)
counter-storytelling
critical race theory (CRT)
cultural capital
cultural forms of capital
deficit-based approach
dominant ideology
education barriers
educational attainment gaps
educational barriers
educational inequities
educational journey
equity in education
faculty support
familial capital
financial pressures
first-generation students
graduation rates
higher education retention
inclusion
intersectionality
isolation in academia
K-12 education
linguistic capital
marginalized students
mentorship
model minority myth
narrative change
narrative empowerment
navigational capital
qualitative interviews
qualitative study
resilience
resilience factors
resistant capital
sense of agency
sense of belonging
social capital
social justice in education
strengths-based approach
student persistence
success strategies
support systems
systemic inequities
systemic oppression
systemic structures
thematic coding
underrepresentation