University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Educational experiences and psychosocial well-being of newcomer Afghan refugee students in California community colleges

(USC Thesis Other)

Educational experiences and psychosocial well-being of newcomer Afghan refugee students in California community colleges

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content Educational Experiences and Psychosocial Well-Being of Newcomer Afghan Refugee
Students in California Community Colleges
Afifa Zaman
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
August 2024

© Copyright by Afifa Zaman 2024
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Afifa Zaman certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Briana Hinga
Shafiqa Ahmadi
Kimberly Hirabayashi, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024

iv
Abstract
This dissertation applies an integrative ecological model by Suárez-Orozco et al. (2018) to
explore the college and psychosocial experiences of newcomer Afghan refugee students who
came to the United States after August 2021. The purpose of this study was to understand how
educational experiences and environments influenced the psychosocial well-being of newcomer
Afghan refugee students in California Community Colleges. This emergent study sought to
better understand the educational and psychosocial barriers and supports experienced by students
and the factors critical to their success and well-being through comprehensive, semi-structured
interviews with 10 newcomer Afghan refugee students attending colleges across the state. This
study also analyzed secondary data from the California Community College Chancellor’s Office
to offer a system-level contextual understanding of Afghan students. Findings suggest that
newcomer Afghan refugees are a growing student population and that college access benefits
students’ psychosocial well-being, especially in light of broader socioecological challenges and
resettlement pressures. College experiences and environments can foster goal proximity and
motivation, a sense of agency, mental health, overall life satisfaction, and social connection and
belonging. However, systemic exclusion and barriers in college can further precarity and
distress, especially related to (mis)information and guidance, Islamophobia and xenophobia, and
barriers to meeting basic needs. Community colleges can be critical sites of psychosocial wellbeing for students, but they must take action to increase access, support, and belonging for
Afghan and refugee-background students.

v
Dedication
Bismillah.
To the generations of Afghan refugees and all people who are forced to leave home. If we are to
be scattered across the world like stars in the sky, may our futures shine brightly and be full of
peace.
And to the powerful women and girls of Afghanistan, it has been over 1,000 days since your
schools were closed, and the hands of oppression changed your futures. You have been with me,
in heart and mind, along every step of this journey. This is our shared success.

vi
Acknowledgments
I owe a thousand thanks to the many people who have supported me and helped me
develop this dissertation from beginning to end. I owe my greatest thanks to the participants of
this study, who generously shared their time, experiences, and dreams with me. May every last
one of them be fulfilled, inshAllah. I hope I have done justice to your stories and honored the
trust you placed in me.
I’d like to express my deep gratitude to my dissertation committee. Dr. Kim Hirabayashi,
thank you for your steady support and care over the past years. Dr. Briana Hinga, I would not be
here without your generosity, heartful listening, and friendship. Thank you for uplifting me time
and time again. Dr. Shafiqa Ahmadi, thank you for your scholarship, for supporting my growth,
and for being a powerful role model for Afghan women.
Words cannot capture the depth of my gratitude to my mentor and friend, Dr. Darla
Cooper. Thank you for making it possible to explore system-level data on Afghan students and
for sharing your time and knowledge so generously. Most importantly, thank you for seeing the
potential in me and never letting me forget it.
Thanks also go to the research team at the California Community College Chancellor’s
Office for their time and support in sharing system-level data on Afghan students for this
dissertation, especially Dr. Erik Cooper and Allison Beer. Thank you for your commitment to
student equity and for trusting me to have the opportunity to highlight Afghan students. I also
thank the Afghan community organizations and local partners who helped me connect to
participants.
This study exists in large part because of the vision and leadership of those who have
explored the needs and well-being of Afghan refugees and students before me. Gratitude goes to

vii
Dr. Qais Alemi, Dr. Hossna Sadat Ahadi, and Dr. Katarzyna. Hey, thank you not only for your
scholarship but also for your invaluable support. Tashakor, Hossna Jaan, for being my sister on
this journey.
I also want to thank my mentors and teachers who have encouraged and believed in me.
Dr. Marìa Nieto Senor and Dr. Adrean Askerneesee, thank you for guiding me back to school
and for your endless support. Thanks to Dr. Alan Green, Dr. Rudolph (Rudy) Crew, and Dr. Juan
Camarena for helping me find my strength along the way. I am also indebted to the Ladies of the
USC Town and Gown, the Afghan-American Community Organization, and the USC Rossier
School of Education for their generous scholarships and faith in me.
Thanks to my dear friends for their love and care these past years. Zainab jaan, thank you
for all the work sessions, hamdilee, and for being the best dost a girl could have. And to Ehsan,
for being the best biradar jaan. Cristine, Darielle, Rachel, Kat, Andina, Kim, and Laura, thank
you for filling my life with warmth, support, and adventures. Thanks to Lila for making a home
for me in Los Angeles and to Nicole and Michael for their friendship, popovers, and weekend
Excel support. I am also profoundly grateful to my classmates who supported me on this journey:
Maria, Sheree, Kendra, Charlotte, Michelle, and others.
My deepest gratitude goes to my family for their boundless love and support. Tashakor to
my padar jaan, Malim Sahib Yagoob Zaman, and madar jaan, Nafisa Atai, for sparking my love
for education and supporting me, always and in all ways. To my brothers, Soheil and Mustafa,
and my sisters, Rebecca, Shakera, and Maryam, for their steadfast support, protection, and care.
To my nephew and nieces, Amin, Iman, and Farah, for lighting up my life. I hope you know this
has all been for you. Finally, a special note of thanks to Iman and Maryam for being the best
“asparagus editors.” I love you all and hope I have made you proud.

viii
Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgments.......................................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. x
List of Figures................................................................................................................................ xi
Literature Review................................................................................................................ 4
Historical-Political Context .................................................................................... 4
Afghan Diaspora in the United States..................................................................... 5
Political and Social Contexts of Reception............................................................. 6
Psychosocial Adjustment of Afghan Refugees....................................................... 8
Educational and Psychosocial Experiences of Afghan Refugee Students............ 11
Conceptual Framework..................................................................................................... 13
Positionality ...................................................................................................................... 18
Methods............................................................................................................................. 19
Research Question ................................................................................................ 19
Context of the Study ............................................................................................. 19
Participants............................................................................................................ 20
Interview Protocol................................................................................................. 22
Data Collection ..................................................................................................... 23
Data Analysis........................................................................................................ 24
Findings............................................................................................................................. 25
Context of Afghan Students Enrolled in California Community Colleges........... 26
Research Question: How Do Educational Experiences and Environments
Influence the Psychosocial Well-Being of Afghan Newcomer Community
College Students?.................................................................................................. 34

ix
Discussion and Recommendations ................................................................................... 51
Implications for Policy and Practice ..................................................................... 55
Limitations............................................................................................................ 59
Recommendations for Future Research ................................................................ 59
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 60
References..................................................................................................................................... 62
Appendix A: Interview Protocol................................................................................................... 77
Appendix B: Participant Pseudonyms and Descriptions .............................................................. 79

x
List of Tables
Table 1: Participant General Demographics 22

xi
List of Figures
Figure 1: Integrative Risk and Resilience Model for the Adaptation of ImmigrantOrigin Children and Youth to the Host Country (Suárez-Orozco et al.,
2018)
14
Figure 2: Points of Focus Within the Conceptual Framework 16
Figure 3: Reported Afghan Students Enrolled in California Community Colleges 28
Figure 4: Term by Term of Reported Afghan Students Enrolled in California
Community Colleges
29
Figure 5: Gender of Reported Afghan Students Enrolled in California Community
College
30
Figure 6: Age Groups of Reported Afghan Students Enrolled in California
Community Colleges
31
Figure 7: Citizenship Status of Reported Afghan Students Enrolled in California
Community Colleges
32
Figure 8: Three Top California Community College Districts Reporting Enrolled
Afghan Students
33

1
Educational Experiences and Psychosocial Well-Being of Newcomer Afghan Refugee
Students in California Community Colleges
In August 2021, America’s longest foreign war culminated with a series of humanitarian,
economic, and political crises in Afghanistan, including the displacement of more than 6 million
Afghans (UNHCR, 2022), both internally and across borders. In urgent airlifts out of the Kabul
International Airport, over 100,000 people evacuated on U.S. aircraft during the withdrawal
(Harris, 2023; Khairandesh & Rowbottom, 2021; Prantl, 2022). Of these individuals, an
estimated 76,000 “newcomers” resettled in the United States under temporary humanitarian
parole (Harris, 2023) and joined the Afghan diaspora as one of the largest refugee populations in
the world (Alemi et al., 2014; Herlambang, 2023). In the years since, Afghan immigrants have
resettled in the United States through restrictive immigration opportunities, while others have
taken even more harrowing journeys across the world to seek asylum. These individuals have
traversed complex journeys and ongoing precarity as they remake their worlds across borders.
As with other refugee communities and previous Afghan diaspora, many newcomers will
pursue higher education to re-root their lives. An essential resource in doing so is community
colleges, which have long been key “educational gateways for higher education” for various
refugee communities (Phan, 2018, p. 564). Community colleges, by design, are equipped to
serve their local communities through a low-cost, open-admission model (Teranishi et al., 2011),
including non-credit programs. They are essential resource sites for refugee-background students
seeking language and skill development, career and technical instruction, transfer opportunities,
and more.
However, even with increased access models and powerful missions driving them,
community colleges and other educational institutions perpetuate barriers and inequities in

2
serving students (Gonzales, 2013). Further, though immigrant and refugee students in the United
States are disproportionately present at community colleges, little is known about their
experiences (Leo, 2021). Mangan and Winter (2017) emphasize that refugee-background
students in higher education experience invalidation and misrecognition at the individual,
community, and institutional levels. In the case of Afghan students, most higher educational
systems misrecognize and incorrectly aggregate this population into the White racial category
(Hey, 2022; Sadat Ahadi, 2020; Sadat Ahadi et al., 2022). Among a host of other factors, this
contributes to marginalization and circumstances in which students of Afghan descent are largely
rendered invisible in educational systems and excluded from discourse on student equity.
Davis et al. (2021) further describe the resettlement, acculturation, and isolation stress
that newcomer refugee and immigrant students navigate in U.S. schools, including experiences
of discrimination, harassment, loss of social status, and more. Many refugee-background
students experience alienation, invalidation, and criminalization in higher education (Mangan &
Winter, 2017; Sadat Ahadi, 2020; Stevenson & Baker, 2018) as they work to achieve their
academic, career, and personal goals. Therefore, it is important to explore how community
colleges, being sites of educational access with localized missions, can support newcomer
Afghan refugee-background students, especially in psychosocial well-being.
To date, few studies exist that center on the experiences of Afghan students in
community colleges (see Bernard, 2000; Hey, 2022; Sadat Ahadi, 2020), and no studies exist that
explore newcomer students’ psychosocial well-being or related academic success. There is also
little to no published data available on Afghan students attending community colleges or other
higher education institutions, including enrollment trends or student success measures. Further
scholarship is needed to understand the educational experiences of newcomer Afghan refugee

3
students in community colleges, along with their unique positioning and lived experiences. What
supports, barriers, and challenges do they experience? And how can community colleges foster
recognition, well-being, and success for these students?
In response to this gap in the literature, this study aims to center the experiences and
stories of newcomer Afghan refugee students. It seeks to generate a greater understanding of the
educational and psychosocial barriers and supports experienced by students and the critical
factors to their success and well-being. This study explored and analyzed secondary data from
the California Community College Chancellor’s Office to offer a system-level contextual
understanding of Afghan students. It also utilized semi-structured qualitative interviews with
current students to learn more about how educational experiences and environments influence
the psychosocial well-being of newcomer Afghan refugee students enrolled in California
Community Colleges.
A study on this topic provides value for newcomer Afghan refugees in the United States
and their resettlement journeys. As with other refugee and immigrant communities, educational
attainment serves as an access point to economic and career opportunities and well-being (AlRousan et al., 2018; Mosselson et al., 2017; Stevenson & Baker, 2018). Afghans in the United
States show declining educational attainment (Batalova, 2021; Iqbal & Giger, 2020), making it
important to understand their educational experiences and needs better. Further, increasing
recognition, visibility, and support for newcomer Afghan refugee students can aid in decreasing
marginalization.
This study can also identify important areas of growth and change for community
colleges in the policies and practices they implement, encouraging them to stay responsive to
their changing and diversifying local communities. Across the globe, increasing political,

4
environmental, and economic tensions are forcing more individuals and communities into
refugee displacement and survival (Streitwieser et al., 2019). Even though education is a critical
means of pursuing a more stable life, only 1% of refugees globally pursue higher education
(UNCHR, 2016), signaling major deficits in structural support and resources for refugees. As a
result, colleges need evidence-based and rapid solutions that address the needs of globally
displaced people. Through increased understanding, community-responsive education, and
specialized policy considerations, refugee-background students and immigrant communities,
including Afghans, may be better served in higher education.
Literature Review
Understanding the experiences of newcomer Afghan students in the United States
requires a foundational knowledge of their context. However, much still needs to be learned
about their resettlement, psychosocial, and educational experiences since 2021, and scholarly
sources are limited (Bah et al., 2023). For this reason, it also includes literature on the broader
Afghan-American diaspora and the experiences of other forcibly displaced peoples and
immigrant communities.
Historical-Political Context
Afghanistan is a country located at the heart of the Asian continent and situated between
the Iranian plateau and Central and South Asia (Barfield, 2010). Afghanistan established modern
nationhood in 1921 after Britain’s defeat in the last Anglo-Afghan War, but its history and
significance extend far beyond its current form. People from Afghanistan are most commonly
referred to as Afghans, representing a diverse intersection of ethnic groups, languages, and
identities with a majority Muslim background (Barfield, 2010). According to Monsutti (2008),
most Afghans have transnational identities and lived experiences due to large-scale displacement
and interconnectedness with neighboring countries.

5
With its centralized location and natural resources, the region has long been a crossroads
for cultures, religions, trade, and the violent pursuits of conquerors (Barfield, 2010; Colibășanu,
2023; Dossa, 2014). Long-standing racial-colonial narratives (Daulatzai & Ghumkhor, 2023;
Ghani & Fiske, 2020) and Orientalist biases (Barfield, 2010) paint Afghanistan as being
perpetually at war and associate its people with barbarism, violence, and terrorism (Ghani &
Fiske, 2020; Nojan, 2022). Often neglecting the role of imperial and global powers in exploiting
Afghanistan’s geographical positioning, resources, and people while damaging its social,
political, and economic infrastructure (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2003; Barfield, 2010; Dossa, 2014).
The United States has been engaged in Afghanistan since the 1950s, including fighting a
proxy war with the Soviet Union (1979–1989) and, more recently, the so-called “War on Terror”
(Barfield, 2010). For 2 decades (2001–2021), the United States and its allies worked to “reassert
American dominance in the Middle East and Central Asia,” training an indigenous army and a
host of other “nation-building” efforts (Dossa, 2014, p. 7). Despite ongoing violence,
Afghanistan experienced mass repatriation and rapid growth (Barfield, 2010). From 2018 to
2020, the United States brokered an exit deal with the Taliban, the Doha Accord. The final
pullout in August 2021 led to economic and humanitarian crises (Coen, 2022), hegemonic
oppression by the Taliban and their foreign allies, and another refugee crisis (Prantl, 2022).
Afghan Diaspora in the United States
People of Afghan descent largely began migrating to the United States in 1979 after the
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan (Saydee & Saydee, 2021). Varied political influences, policies,
and restrictions determined subsequent migration (Micinski, 2018; Saydee & Saydee, 2021).
According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2019), an estimated 189,000 individuals in the United
States were either born in Afghanistan or reported Afghan ancestry with large resettlement areas

6
in California, New York, and Virginia (as cited in Batalova, 2021). The U.S. Census does not
currently offer a means for collecting statistically accurate information on Afghans, making this
number speculative (Chien et al., 2023; Kayhani, 2023). What is known is that this is a rapidly
growing community, nearly tripling in size in recent years (Camarota & Zeigler, 2021).
August 2021 marked an increase in the number of displaced Afghans fleeing to the
United States, largely referred to as “newcomers.” Between August 15 and August 31, 2021,
nearly 130,000 people evacuated Afghanistan on U.S. aircraft (Prantl, 2022). Roughly half of
these were children under the age of 18 (Khairandesh & Rowbottom, 2021), some of whom
made the journey alone as unaccompanied minors. Rai et al. (2023) highlight the distress
experienced by individuals and families who endured harrowing journeys out of the country,
leaving belongings and loved ones behind. Most newcomers experienced lengthy stays and
vetting in “lily pad countries” in the Middle East and Europe (Gil et al., 2022; Prantl, 2022), and
over 70,000 were resettled in the United States as refugees (Goliaei et al., 2023). U.S. military
bases provided housing for about 55,000 people in a project called “Operation Allies Welcome”
(Lieberman Lawry, 2022) and were subsequently released in cities and towns across the country
(Bah et al., 2023; Gil et al., 2022). Other newcomers have continued arriving since 2021 through
constrained opportunities for Special Immigrant Visas (SIV), humanitarian parole, refugee
status, green card lottery, and asylum seekers.
Political and Social Contexts of Reception
A variety of newly developed federal and state-specific programs provided resettlement
support for Afghan newcomers in housing, legal assistance, and medical assistance. However,
large gaps in support continue to exist, especially for asylum seekers who do not qualify for the
same support and resources as other groups with legal status (McDonnell Nieto del Rio, 2024).

7
Gil et al. (2022) highlight the challenges newcomer Afghan refugees experience once their
resettlement journeys begin. They include working with short-term support from strained
resettlement agencies, finding housing and work, gaining access to and understanding how to
engage with health care and education systems, and potentially learning a new language. Goliaei
et al. (2023) also identified food insecurity, conflated with housing and transportation barriers, as
a concern for newcomer Afghan refugees in resettlement.
Another challenge is obtaining long-term residence in the United States (Gil et al., 2022).
Most Afghan newcomers entered the United States as humanitarian parolees (Gelatt & Meissner,
2022) or other temporary statuses. Those who arrived before March 15, 2022, were eligible for
Temporary Protected Status (TPS), which granted temporary protection from deportation, as well
as the ability to work in the United States (Rai et al., 2023) but requires re-extension (Harris,
2023). Simon (2022) identifies that an estimated 36,000 lack a clear pathway to permanent status
in the United States (as cited in Rai et al., 2023). Despite the varying legal statuses of Afghan
refugees, all must navigate through a complex and often precarious immigration system for
humanitarian parole and asylum cases, TPS extensions, and more. These include facing the threat
of deportation, ongoing legal expenses, and a host of stressors associated with their legal status.
Attitudes Towards Afghan Refugees
Ghani and Fiske (2020) highlight that Western hegemonic narratives dominate discourse
around Afghanistan, resulting in Islamophobia that conflates Islam, Muslims, Afghans, refugees,
and terrorists. Decades of pro-war media imagery generate emotional cues in dominant
American society, such as fear and hostility towards Afghans (Cloud, 2004). These attitudes
affect Afghan asylum-seekers, further reducing their identities during displacement and labeling
them as “irreparably foreign” (Ghani & Fiske, 2020, p. 126). In an increasingly xenophobic and

8
Islamophobic immigration climate (Misra et al., 2022), Afghan refugees are often separated as
“good” or “bad” (Nojan, 2022, p. 1352) and also experience discrepancies in their treatment
compared to other refugee groups (Harris, 2023; Micinski, 2018).
Racialization of Afghan Refugees
Smedley and Smedley (2005) argue that it is impossible to escape the process of
racialization in the United States, which can lead to discrimination and the formation of social
policy. In the current racial structures of the United States, Afghans are incorrectly thought to be
Middle Eastern and are frequently racially miscategorized as White (Chien et al., 2023; Sadat
Ahadi, 2020) though the U.S. Census is reclassifying Afghans as Asian (Marks et al., 2023).
Nojan (2022) contends that Afghans in the United States experience “racial hauntings,” or visible
and invisible imperial racial legacies, that intensify hyper(in)visibility, self-surveillance, and
cultural survivance. Hostility towards Afghans leads some to engage in racial-religious passing,
while others produce reactive ethnicities (Nojan, 2022). Further, Sadat Ahadi et al. (2022)
highlight that people often overlook the intersectionality of this population, leading to further
erasure of a dynamic, complex, and layered community with diverse experiences.
Psychosocial Adjustment of Afghan Refugees
Rai et al. (2023) stress that Afghan refugees have been exposed to significant trauma as a
result of the crisis in August 2021, leading to heightened stress and decreasing social functioning
and integration. Many other forcibly displaced people experience a loss of social support and
community (Miller et al., 2002), isolation (Deuchar, 2011), and changes in identity (Groen et al.,
2018). In addition to heightened stress and loneliness, newcomer families may experience
stigma, discrimination, and compounding financial hardships (James et al., 2019; Rosenberg et
al., 2023). In their study of Afghan asylum seekers in Australia, Steel et al. (2011) identified that

9
temporary legal statuses (temporary protection visas) heightened distress and ongoing
resettlement difficulties. Refugees have typically been subject to ongoing trauma and adversity
before fleeing their homelands (Ahmad et al., 2020; Rosenberg et al., 2023). However, research
indicates that post-migration stressors are an equally or more important factor impacting mental
health than pre-migration war exposure (Betancourt et al., 2012; Ellis et al., 2008).
Given the shortage of research on the psychosocial experiences of newcomers,
knowledge of the wider Afghan diaspora may provide further insight. Afghan refugees
experience high rates of PTSD symptoms (Ahmad et al., 2020; Bronstein et al., 2012; Malekzai
et al., 1996; Yaser et al., 2016). Rates of depression are estimated as high as 57% and are similar
to anxiety (Alemi et al., 2015). Gerritsen et al. (2006) identified heightened risk factors that
include female gender and lower socioeconomic standing, as well as legal status (Alemi et al.,
2014). Significant stressors include material and cultural losses (Alemi et al., 2016) and
bicultural issues (Sadat Ahadi, 2020). Iqbal and Giger (2020) highlight that these migration and
life stressors are associated with shorter lifespans for Afghan immigrants in the United States.
Like many other refugee populations, Afghans experience status loss in leaving behind
the social and occupational roles that once gave them a sense of purpose and identity (Stempel &
Alemi, 2021). Occupational issues are especially distressing for Afghan male immigrants (Iqbal
& Giger, 2020). For many Afghan refugees, occupational and educational losses add to a
condition of precarity, or a “sense of life without stability” (Tsing, 2015, p. 2), resulting from
politically-induced world problems (Gatling, 2021). Discrimination in the labor market also
impacts Muslim and Afghan immigrants (Gisselquist, 2021) as well as deskilling (Mangan &
Winter, 2017), where higher education and foreign credentials are devalued or unrecognized in
the United States (Stempel & Alemi, 2021). In 2019 data, Afghan immigrants were more than

10
twice as likely to be in poverty (29%) than immigrants overall (14%) or U.S.-born (12%)
(Batalova, 2021).
Impacts of Discrimination
Alemi and Stempel (2018) show that negative views toward Afghan Americans and
perceived discrimination detrimentally impact the mental health and well-being of Afghan
refugees. Khanlou et al. (2008) found that experiences with discrimination, including large-scale
media misrepresentation and global (de)valuation, led resettled youth in Canada to some
psychosocial impacts, including fear of identity disclosure and silenced cultural identity.
Simultaneously, their study found that for some youth, these experiences with discrimination
strengthened in-group Afghan identity, enhancing a sense of belonging, sense of identity, and
personal resiliency (Khanlou et al., 2008).
Coping and Capital
Literature on war-affected communities often paints a harmful picture of people resistant
or resilient to trauma and toxic stress (Betancourt & Khan, 2008; Hobfoll et al., 2009; Klasen et
al., 2010; as cited in Panter‐Brick et al., 2015), with Afghans lauded as a “prime example of
collective resilience” (Panter-Brick & Eggerman, 2011, p. 374). In other instances, dominating
views can overly pathologize Afghans as victims of trauma without identifying the structural
oppressions that cause psychosocial suffering (Nojan, 2022; Panter-Brick & Eggerman, 2011).
Few studies have explored the deeper socioemotional and psychological capital of Afghan
refugees.
A study by Hirad et al. (2023) on post-traumatic growth found that Afghan refugees
experience positive adaptation, recovery, and resilience aided by relationships,
religion/spirituality, and hopefulness for the future. Welsh and Brodsky (2010) found that

11
Afghan women refugees in the United States use several coping strategies, such as dealing with
the problem; helping others, including family members; seeking social and emotional support
through family; maintaining hope and focusing on the future; expressing gratitude for the current
situation; engaging in religious activities; and searching for meaning in adversity. Common
themes in the research found “religious coping,” specifically a reliance on Islamic practices and
activities (Ahmad et al., 2020; Gokani et al., 2023), and strong family support (Panter‐Brick et
al., 2015) mitigated the traumatic effects of displacement.
Educational and Psychosocial Experiences of Afghan Refugee Students
There is little to no academic literature on the educational experiences of 2021 Afghan
newcomers in higher education. What we know of Afghans in the United States broadly shows
declining education levels (Batalova, 2021; Iqbal & Giger, 2020). Early Afghan refugees were
predominantly urban, formerly wealthy, and highly educated elite, but education levels have
declined over time for newer arrivals (Iqbal & Giger, 2020; Stempel & Alemi, 2021). Afghan
immigrants are generally less likely to be educated than the overall foreign-born and U.S.-born
populations (Batalova, 2021) despite having a high value placed on education (Hey, 2022; Iqbal
& Giger, 2020). Varying educational levels exist in the community (Iqbal & Giger, 2020),
conflated by the denial of foreign education and professional credentials (Lipson & Omidian,
1992; Stempel & Alemi, 2021).
In community colleges, newcomer refugee students generally struggle with various
academic, social, and economic challenges as they transition into and out of the college
environment (Hey, 2022; Leo, 2021; Msengi et al., 2020). Msengi et al.’s (2020) study with
refugee students, including Afghans, in Southeast Texas community colleges found that students
struggle with financial problems, educational differences such as language issues, and

12
homesickness. Afghan refugee students also experience a lack of specialized programs and
support and heightened challenges using student services (Bernard, 2000). Leo (2021) found that
competing work, study, and family demands can cause anxiety, uncertainty, and concerns about
attrition for refugee students attending community colleges.
Research on Afghan-American women in community colleges shows that students are
also impacted by racial and gendered microaggressions (Hey, 2022; Sadat Ahadi, 2020). Cole
and Ahmadi (2003) found that Muslim women who veil in college experience barriers
academically and socially that further impact their sense of belonging. Islamophobia impacts
Muslim students as a whole in higher education, reducing satisfaction with educational
experiences, increasing psychological load, and impacting educational outcomes (Cole &
Ahmadi, 2010).
Hey’s (2022) research with newcomer Afghan refugee women at Modesto Junior College
identifies community cultural wealth such as families, the Afghan community, resources found
in the college, and personal strengths as sources of support for students. Msengi et al. (2020)
identify individual resilience factors, such as future orientation, strong work ethic, flexibility, and
external support from peers, family, educators, and the community to be salient. Family and
community support are largely sources of strength for students, but a lack of support can also
inhibit educational attainment (Sadat Ahadi, 2020).
Masgoret and Ward (2006) contend that it is important to ensure refugees are not just
doing well in the sociocultural context but also feeling well in terms of psychological well-being.
Understanding the correlations between education, broader macro sociopolitical forces, and wellbeing (Winter et al., 2016) is an essential next step in supporting newcomer Afghan students.

13
Conceptual Framework
This dissertation utilizes an integrative ecological model that guides research design,
including the development of research questions and future analysis. Suárez-Orozco et al. (2018)
offer an integrative risk and resilience model for the adaptation of immigrant-origin children and
youth to the host country, which incorporates both a risk and resilience framework and an
ecological perspective to understand the adaptation experiences of immigrant-origin children and
youth (IOC&Y). This model captures elements of four theories and extends them further by
including a global ecological level and characteristics specific to the contexts of undocumented
immigrants and refugee youth (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018).
The model (see Figure 1) captures critical ecological intersections and various factors in
the adaption and development of IOC&Y in a new host country, including global, socialpolitical, microsystem, and individual levels of impact. On the global level, forces of
globalization are explored, including conditions for migration and other “distal levels”
(Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) that have lasting implications for students from immigrant
backgrounds (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018). On a social-political level, the model explores the
impacts of reception, including immigration policies, resettlement agencies, and attitudes toward
migrants (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018). The microsystem level examines neighborhoods, schools,
and family factors. Finally, the individual level explores developmental competencies,
intersecting social positions, and coping with risk. The model further offers conceptualization
around the positive developmental adaptation, psychological adjustment, and
acculturative/enculturative tasks of IOC&Y, which are affected by all ecological levels and their
reciprocal relationships. Factors at each level can “hinder and/or promote positive adaptation”
(Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018, p. 785), making them either risks or resources for students (MottiStefanidi, Berry, et al., 2012, as cited in Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018).

14
Figure 1
Integrative Risk and Resilience Model for the Adaptation of Immigrant-Origin Children and Youth to the Host Country

15
Note. From An integrative risk and resilience model for understanding the adaptation of immigrant-origin children and youth, by
Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018, American Psychologist, 73(6), 781 (https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0000265). Copyright 2018 by the
American Psychological Association.

16
Though the model specifies application for IOC&Y, it offers a valuable conceptual
framework for student development across school settings, including newcomer refugee students
in community colleges. This study centers on the nexus between the school microsystem,
individual level, and adaptation to address the research question (see Figure 2). However, the
study also considers other socioecological levels due to their influence on students’ lives and
educational experiences.
Figure 2
Points of Focus Within the Conceptual Framework

17
Chu and Thelamour (2021) articulate that the complex nature of immigration and its
impacts on individuals benefit from an ecological analysis. Immigration presents opportunity and
hope while exposing migrants to individual and structural discrimination and hardships (Chu &
Thelamour, 2021). Factors at the various ecological levels impact immigrant functioning and
“add complexity to their adjustment processes and attainment of goals” (Chu & Thelamour,
2021, p. 4). This integrated model offers a means of understanding these socioecological factors
and explores them through the spectrum of risks and resources while accounting for how they
may impact individuals differently (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018). The model, therefore, allows for
a deeper understanding of the macro and micro policies, practices, and conditions that impact
students’ adjustment, well-being, and related educational success.
An integrated ecological approach is especially important when traditional psychological
approaches can individualize, reduce, and de-politicize issues (Hook, 2005), disregarding the
socio-political conditions of displacement and resettlement (Matthews, 2008; Pinson & Arnot,
2007). As a result, “immigrant and refugee students and their families, rather than structural
factors and discriminatory institutional practices, are often blamed as the root causes of social
problems and their own under-achievement in schools” (Li & Qin, 2022, p. 3). Exploring
resilience factors within the model is critical to understanding the agency, capital, resources, and
wisdom that students, families, and their communities possess. This element of the model can
serve to avoid perpetuating “damage-centered” narratives that take “a pathologizing approach in
which the oppression singularly defines a community” (Tuck, 2009, p. 411). As a result, this
integrated model provides a framework to holistically explore the multifaceted aspects of
psychosocial well-being among newcomer Afghan community college students.

18
Positionality
My interest in this study stems from my lived experiences and those I have observed in
my daily work and community involvement. I am an Afghan-American Muslim woman who
works as a full-time faculty counselor in a community college in Southern California. My
parents fled Afghanistan in 1979 after the Soviet invasion. They experienced continual
displacement over 10 years across three countries until they were granted asylum in the United
States. With increased safety and opportunities also came vulnerabilities and challenges as my
family navigated refugee resettlement and life in America.
Given my proximity to the research topic, examining my positionality is critical to
engage in work that produces a rigorous research study and reduces harm (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). My background provides a keen cultural knowledge and expertise, and my skill set in
Farsi/Dari allows a greater sample of participants. However, it is also essential to examine
potential areas of bias, knowing that my lived experience does not inform or define the
experiences of students of Afghan descent enrolled in community colleges. The Afghan diaspora
is a dynamic, complex, and changing community with various lived experiences that require an
intersectional approach to understanding (Sadat Ahadi et al., 2022).
Further, being a member of the Afghan diaspora, there are limitations to my cultural
context that are distinct from those recently displaced from Afghanistan. Participants may
experience me as an “insider” or “outsider,” which may influence them to provide responses they
think are “correct” (Lew, 2011) or those that are socially or culturally desirable as a result of
social desirability bias (Podsakoff et al., 2003). The same considerations may apply to femalemale gender interactions within the community and power differentials, given that a California
Community College employs me. In mitigating these factors, I will engage in self-reflexivity,
self-implication, accountable reasoning, and ongoing learning and unlearning (Spivak, 2004).

19
Methods
Research Question
This study sought to understand better the educational and psychosocial experiences of
newcomer Afghan refugee students in community colleges. The following research question
guided this study: How do educational experiences and environments influence the psychosocial
well-being of Afghan newcomer community college students? The study analyzed secondary
data from the California Community College Chancellor’s Office to provide a system-level
understanding of Afghan students. It also included semi-structured qualitative interview data that
explored the educational barriers and supports that influence newcomer Afghan students’
psychosocial well-being.
Context of the Study
This study was set in the context of the California Community College system, which
supports over 1.9 million students across 116 colleges, making it the country’s largest higher
education system (California Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office). According to the
Migration Policy Institute (MPI), California is home to 41% of the Afghan diaspora in the
nation, making it the largest state for resettlement (Batalova, 2021) and significant to this study.
Though Afghan students have long attended colleges in California, historically, little has been
done to understand the experiences of these students in the college system, in part due to the
misaggregation of these students as racially White (Sadat Ahadi et al., 2022). In 2019, the
Student Ethnicity/Ancestry Expansion Project redesigned the universal application tool for
California Community Colleges (CCCApply) to provide sub-categories for seven broad
race/ethnic groups and allow students to self-select “Afghan” ethnicity under “Asian” (Hayward
& Teeters, 2022).

20
The California Community College Chancellor’s Office (CCCCO) recently presented a
snapshot of this disaggregated data on Afghan students from the 2022–2023 academic year,
including indicators of educational disadvantage and student success. 80% of Afghan students
were classified as low-income, compared to a statewide average of 49%, while 53% were firstgeneration students, compared to a statewide average of 35%. Afghan students represented the
highest low-income and first-generation rates among all Asian ethnicity groups, who were, on
average, 41% low-income and 24% first-generation. Further, only 2% of Afghan students
transferred successfully to a UC/CSU school, compared to the statewide average of 5%. Notably,
the 2% transfer rate for Afghan students is significantly lower than the 8% rate for Asian
students. Lastly, Afghan students had a 3% completion rate related to their educational goals,
falling below students statewide (6%) and having the lowest completion rate of any Asian
ethnicity group, which averaged 8% (Beer & Yang, 2024).
Participants
The study reflects 10 participants who were selected using a purposeful sampling
strategy. All participants met the following selection criteria: Identifying as being of Afghan
descent and arriving in the United States during or after August 2021, 18 years old or older, and
proficient in English to give consent and participate in the study. In order to reflect the current
experiences of students, participants were also currently enrolled in a California community
college in either credit or non-credit programs. Given the qualitative methodological approach,
the sampling was less concerned with representing the whole population of newcomer Afghan
students or all students of Afghan descent and rather sought to describe the experiences of
particular individuals.

21
Participants were diverse in their lived experiences and demographics (See Table 1). The
data set includes seven female and three male participants, and their ages ranged from eighteen
to thirty. They attended colleges across the state, with eight attending college in Southern
California and one participant each in Northern California and the San Francisco Bay Area.
Though all came to the United States after 2021, participants had varied experiences with forced
displacement and their current citizenship status. Some participants came to the United States
through evacuation and humanitarian parole or special immigrant visas (SIV), while others
experienced lengthy vetting through refugee resettlement programs. Two participants were
asylum seekers, and two participants were U.S. citizens who had returned to Afghanistan before
being displaced in 2021. They met the selection criteria and added to the complexity and
diversity of participants. Participants were enrolled in non-credit and credit programs and had
various educational goals and varied socioecological circumstances in resettlement (see
Appendix B). They also came from diverse backgrounds in Afghanistan, representing different
regions, ethno-linguistic groups, and socio-economic classes.

22
Table 1
Participant General Demographics
Name
(pseudonym)
Gender Age Region of
California
Time in the
United
States
Time in the
community college
Amin Male 30 Southern 1.5 years 1 year
Farah Female 18 Northern 2.5 years 5 months
Homayra Female 24 Southern 1.5 years 1 year
Iman Female 30 Southern 5 months 1 month
Maryam Female 23 Southern 5 months 1 month
Mustafa Male 20 Southern 2.5 years 1.5 years
Nargis Female 18 Southern 1 year 3 months
Omar Male 19 Southern 2.5 years 5 months
Sahar Female 21 Southern 5 months 1 month
Zainab Female 20 Bay Area 2 years 1 week
Interview Protocol
The study utilized a semi-structured interview protocol that addressed the research
question through three main areas: student demographic/background information, community
college educational experiences, and psychosocial well-being. Participants were asked to
participate in one interview, lasting 60–90 minutes (see Appendix A), over Zoom or in person in

23
accordance with their preference. Participants also had the option of English or English and Dari
multilingual interviews wherein the researcher asked questions in English and repeated them in
Dari, and participants replied in their preferred language.
Questions on students’ demographic/background information explored intersecting social
positions/positionality and sought to provide insight into their broader ecologies and lived
contexts. Questions further explored the various levels of the Integrative risk and resilience
model for the adaptation of IOC&Y to the host country, including global forces, political and
social contexts of reception, and the microsystems of neighborhood and family. Questions also
explored the microsystem level of schools, educational experiences, and the community college
environment. Lastly, questions relating to psychosocial well-being asked students to reflect on
their experiences as they relate to the individual level and adaptation areas of the conceptual
framework.
Data Collection
In addition to qualitative interviews, this study sought to include system-wide data from
the California Community College Chancellor’s Office (CCCCO) to provide greater insight into
the context of Afghan students. A research request for this secondary data was submitted to the
Chancellor’s Office in January 2024 for access to data on the total number of enrolled students
indicating Afghan ethnicity and disaggregation based on factors such as gender, age,
district/college of attendance, educational goal, and citizenship status. The research request
included terms from summer 2019 to fall 2023 when the Student Ethnicity/Ancestry Expansion
Project made it possible to identify Afghan students.
The research collected qualitative data for the study in January and February 2024. Data
collection methods included a single, semi-structured interview lasting 60–90 minutes that took

24
place one-on-one via Zoom video conferencing or in person, based on participant preference.
The researcher conducted in-person interviews in the confidential office of a local Afghan
community center, and Zoom participants had the choice to keep their videos off for added
comfort and privacy. Participants connected to the study through snowball sampling and
outreach efforts through social media and to select community-based organizations, community
centers, student organizations, and community college networks. Each participant received a
$30.00 gift card of their choice from Amazon, Target, or Walmart within 48 hours of completing
the interview.
As a general protocol, the researcher provided all participants with an information sheet
that shared an overview of the study. The researcher also began each interview by reiterating this
information. Participants also had the option of multilingual English and Dari interviews. Three
participants completed interviews in English, while seven chose a mixture of English and Dari in
their responses. With consent, the researcher recorded interviews and safely stored them in a
secure online database after de-identifying, transcribing, and translating them.
Data Analysis
Secondary data from the California Community College Chancellor’s Office (CCCCO)
was analyzed using Microsoft Excel to review, clean up, and analyze data. The descriptive
analysis included condensing and removing non-relevant terms, identifying outliers, calculating
proportionality where necessary, and comparing statewide student data available through the
California Community College Chancellor’s Office Data Mart to make meaningful comparisons
for analysis. The researcher also cross-checked the analyzed data with the original dataset, and a
peer review of both data and interpreted results ensured the analysis’s integrity, accuracy, and
reliability. The researcher completed revisions based on feedback.

25
Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six phases of thematic analysis were used by the researcher to
analyze qualitative data. Since there is limited literature on the experiences of Afghan students in
higher education, data analysis included an emergent approach to generate new knowledge. It
centered on the conceptual framework and the various levels of the integrative model.
Specifically, a priori coding reflected the conceptual framework focusing on the school
microsystem, individual factors, adjustment, psychosocial well-being, and broader
socioecological levels.
The researcher established credibility and trustworthiness in several ways, including
conducting member checking/respondent validation to ensure that the researcher’s interviews
and Dari-to-English translations accurately reflected participants’ perspectives. Participants had
the opportunity to review and confirm accuracy and interpretations. The researcher also engaged
in peer debriefing to frame tentative interpretations and explore the data and possible alternative
explanations (Patton, 2015). In practicing self-reflexivity, the researcher also considered their
background, potential biases, and overall relationship to the study as an individual of Afghan
descent and a community college faculty member.
Findings
Findings shared below explore the educational and psychosocial experiences of
newcomer Afghan refugee students attending California Community Colleges. Specifically, they
seek to address the research question: How do educational experiences and environments
influence the psychosocial well-being of Afghan newcomer community college students? This
question was examined through the conceptual framework of the Integrative risk and resilience
model for the adaptation of immigrant-origin children and youth to the host country (SuárezOrozco et al., 2018). Analysis through the conceptual framework allowed for the examination of
the influences of various socio-ecological factors on students. However, the focus of this study

26
and the findings below focus primarily on the school microsystem and psychosocial well-being.
Below are two subsections, each of which seeks to shed light on the research question. First is an
analysis of secondary data from the California Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office
(CCCCO) to provide data-informed context on Afghan students in the college system. Second is
an analysis of the qualitative interviews of newcomer Afghan refugee students currently
attending colleges across the state.
Context of Afghan Students Enrolled in California Community Colleges
A holistic understanding of the educational experiences of Afghan students in California
Community Colleges requires an exploration of the available data on this student population.
Historically, little data and context have existed for this student population, especially for
newcomer students seeking educational advancement. Afghan students in California Community
Colleges were aggregated into “White” racial demographics (Sadat Ahadi et al., 2022), making it
difficult to identify this population within the college system and obstructing opportunities for
student equity.
Since 2019, changes to the race/ethnicity process have made it possible for students to
self-identify as Afghan ethnicity and be included in the “Asian” racial category, thereby
increasing visibility. Colleges can now track students of Afghan ethnicity, but these data have
not been publicly available. For the purposes of this study, CCCCO provided system-level data
from summer 2019 to fall 2023 for analysis to better understand the emergent context of this
student population. It is important to note that the data only accounts for new applicants or
reapplicants to the system after the summer of 2019 and that data stabilize over time to reflect a
more comprehensive profile of the student population. A critical analysis of these data highlights

27
important trends that further illuminate the educational experiences of Afghan students,
including newcomers arriving after 2021.
Available reported data show that students of Afghan descent are a growing student
population with increases in enrollment each term. Since the start of data collection in 2019, the
number of Afghan ethnicity students has shown significant growth and a steady rise in
enrollment, as high as 3,044 enrolled students in fall 2023 (see Figure 3). The enrollment of
Afghan students is consistently rising across the fall, spring, and summer terms individually (see
Figure 4). Of note is the increase in enrollment from fall to spring terms each year, reflecting a
stronger presence of Afghan students in spring terms. Afghan students reflect a small but steadily
increasing percentage of the overall student enrollment at California Community Colleges, rising
from .01% of total student enrollment in fall 2019 to 0.22% in fall 2023.

28
Figure 3
Reported Afghan Students Enrolled in California Community Colleges

29
Figure 4
Term by Term of Reported Afghan Students Enrolled in California Community Colleges
In line with the broader student population attending California Community Colleges,
female Afghan students constitute 54% to 57% of the data set compared to 42% to 45% for male
students (see Figure 5). Notably, a small percentage of Afghan students identified as non-binary,
ranging from 0.07% to 0.20%.

30
Figure 5
Gender of Reported Afghan Students Enrolled in California Community Colleges
Afghan students in California Community Colleges also vary in age, with the largest
group of students being 19 and under, while a rising group is those between 20–24 years of age
(see Figure 6). In the most recent and populous term of fall 2023, 67% of Afghan students were
24 or under, while 33% were 25 or older, indicating a significant percentage of Afghan students
in community college are adult learners.

31
Figure 6
Age Groups of Reported Afghan Students Enrolled in California Community Colleges
There are also relevant trends in citizenship status that reflect a shift in immigration
patterns for this student population. Though most of the reported population comprises students
with U.S. citizenship or permanent residency, the percentage of students with either status has
decreased since 2021 (see Figure 7). In the fall of 2021, citizens and permanent residents
combined were 95% of the total reported Afghan student population. However, by fall 2023, it
had dropped to 84%, impacted mainly by a decrease in permanent residency and an increase in
those with more vulnerable legal statuses (temporary residents, refugees/asylees, and “other”). In
particular, the proportion of refugee/asylee statuses within the Afghan student population has
increased, rising from 2% in 2021 to 10% by fall 2023 (see Figure 7). This data indicates that
newer Afghan immigrants without permanent legal status increasingly seek educational
opportunities in California’s community colleges.

32
Figure 7
Citizenship Status of Reported Afghan Students Enrolled in California Community Colleges
Note. This figure does not include data from 2019–2020 due to limitations in data collection and
reporting in the early years.
Afghan students indicate a range of educational goals. Since data collection began in
2019, over half of Afghan students indicated their goal at the time of application was to transfer
to a four-year institution (55% in Fall 2019, rising to 62% by Fall 2023). The second most
reported goal is “undecided,” ranging from 10 to 12%, indicating that many Afghan students
have not identified a clear goal at the onset of their community college enrollment. Other
common educational goals for Afghan students include earning a two-year AA degree without

33
transfer (ranging from 5–10%), educational development (intellectual, cultural) (ranging from 4–
7%), and improving basic skills (ranging from 3–6%).
Geographically, Afghan students attend community colleges across the state. At the first
opportunity of data collection and reporting in 2019, only 12 districts reported Afghan students
enrolled at their institutions, increasing to 33 districts by fall 2023. Based on the available data,
the most significant growth occurred at the Los Rios, Contra Costa, and Grossmont-Cuyamaca
Community College Districts (see Figure 8). Los Rios Community College District includes four
community colleges in the Sacramento region and shows a rapidly growing population, rising
184% from fall 2021 (520 students) to fall 2023 (1,479 students). These enrollment trends reflect
the importance of these regions as community hotspots and resettlement hubs for Afghan
immigrants (Migration Policy Institute, 2024).
Figure 8
Three Top California Community College Districts Reporting Enrolled Afghan Students

34
It is important to note that not all colleges and districts are included in the reported data,
which may be because no Afghan students are enrolled. However, it is more likely to reflect
systemic data collection and reporting issues. Out of 73 districts in the state, only 33 reported
Afghan students to the Chancellor’s Office, with districts in major resettlement areas missing.
One such district, in particular, was removed from this data set due to inconsistencies in their
reported data.
Research Question: How Do Educational Experiences and Environments Influence the
Psychosocial Well-Being of Afghan Newcomer Community College Students?
These system-level data provide novel insight into the context of Afghan students in
California Community Colleges, but qualitative data analysis provides deeper insight by
centering the lived experiences and voices of newcomer refugee students post-2021. For
participants in this study, educational experiences and environments influenced their
psychosocial well-being in various ways. This paper will focus on four salient themes:
educational access and positive psychosocial adjustment, (mis)information and educational
guidance, social connection and belonging, and overall well-being and basic needs.
Theme 1: Educational Access and Positive Psychosocial Adjustment
Study participants overwhelmingly described how educational access positively
influenced their sense of well-being. They shared various areas of psychological adjustment,
such as hopefulness and improvements to their life satisfaction and mental health. Maryam came
to the United States five months ago after being displaced in Turkey for seven years, where she
could not access college. She shares her hopefulness in her first semester of college, “I thought
that truly the paths to reaching my goals had closed in front of me, and all of those paths have

35
reopened in front of me. It’s a very good feeling starting my studies again” [my translation from
Dari].
Her sister, Iman, expanded on what accessing college meant to her in light of past
educational barriers and the traumas of forced displacement. She described one of her hardest
experiences being a bombing at school that ended her medical studies and forced her family to
become refugees. She shared how, in difficult times, she’d research about attending college,
saying, “When I go to America, I can study, and with these words, I changed my spirit. Meaning
I kept myself alive, I kept depression away. … Now, the biggest feeling I have is that I’m happy
I could start college” [my translation from Dari]. In this way, college access served as a
protective factor for her mental health and well-being.
Other students described how enrolling in college helps them contend with the hardships
of life in resettlement. Homayra, an asylum seeker and new mom, shares, “Studying is a mental
need for me. Because I love it. When I’m studying, my brain feels at ease. I think I did
something useful for myself today” [my translation from Dari]. She went on to share how
“sitting at the desk, that itself has a good feeling” [my translation from Dari], as it reminded her
of attending university in Afghanistan. All three testimonies of these Afghan women highlight
the sense of optimism and relief that came with college access in light of their educational
histories and the global, socio-political restrictions and violence that took those opportunities
away from them.
Goals and Motivation. Access to college also positively impacts students’ psychosocial
well-being by bridging them to their goals and fostering motivation. All participants described
how they want to accomplish their personal and professional goals through education. Sahar,
sister to Maryam and Iman, experienced significant mental health challenges while trying to

36
complete high school in Turkey, leading to depression and suicidal ideation in her teenage years.
She shares about her first day of college in the United States, saying, “I had a great feeling
because it was the beginning of starting one of my goals and a new beginning in life. I’m getting
close to my goals. … Going to school, I’m taking control of my life” [my translation from Dari].
She also described her heightened sense of well-being in the United States, saying, “My family
says you’ve changed so much since coming to America. Now we know Sahar knows how to
laugh too. I’m more happy. … When I go to school and I think about my goals, I’m really
happy” [my translation from Dari]. Sahar’s testimony highlights how various elements of her
psychosocial well-being are positively impacted by college access and goal proximity, including
her mental health, family dynamics, locus of control in life, and an increased sense of optimism
for the future.
Other participants highlighted how educational access in the United States and gaining
proximity to their goals helped them cope with ongoing hardships in Afghanistan. Zainab’s goal
is to become a lawyer who fights for justice. She shared how educational bans prevented her
friends from reaching their goals and simultaneously drove her motivation, saying, “Us in
America, we have so much opportunity, the government supports us, our families support us,
then why should we be stopped. … We have to reach success and high places” [my translation
from Dari]. Zainab shared how, for her, college and her goals are deeply connected to these
global factors of gender and educational access.
Some participants described how college access and goal orientation helped them cope
with losses in displacement. Amin was a professor in Afghanistan, and one of his biggest
challenges was the loss of his profession. Currently a full-time student, he shared how his college
courses kept him focused on building his future rather than ruminating on the past. He shares,

37
“Just like how we dream and when we wake up, we might remember it for a while and then we
forget. Forget that dream, and start life fresh here. America is a land of opportunity” [my
translation from Dari]. He shares his perspective that it is important to focus on his life ahead
because of the opportunities he has through education.
English Language Development and Agency. For eight of the 10 participants, access to
English-language development opportunities in college furthered their sense of agency and
psychosocial well-being. Nearly all study participants expressed that the English language was a
challenge for them in resettlement, and eight enrolled in English as a Second Language (ESL)
courses in community college and shared the psychosocial impacts. Homayra explained that her
mental health was impacted by her language struggles, saying, “Sometimes I think I’m not
satisfied with myself. I’ve been here for one and a half years, and I still can’t speak English.
When I start [speaking], I have to stop” [my translation from Dari]. She shared how going to
college for ESL classes positively impacted her well-being, saying, “being in an environment
surrounded by English, teachers and students, a complete school environment. When I go, it’s
much better. It brings energy, waking up early, taking a shower, and getting ready, all of these
things are motivating”[my translation from Dari]. Homayra highlights how proximity and access
to an English-speaking and learning environment in college bring about psychosocial adjustment
through language empowerment.
Homayra’s husband, Amin, further explained how attending college in the United States
has impacted his life, saying, “Everywhere we went, we had to get a translator. We’d call for one
however we needed to. Now, my wife and I, happily, little by little, can communicate. It makes
sense, and that’s a big change in our life” [my translation from Dari]. Amin described how
access to English language development opportunities in college increased his sense of agency

38
through gains in personal independence, confidence, and self-sufficiency, allowing him to
address areas of need in resettlement and other life tasks beyond the college setting.
Theme 2: (Mis)Information and Educational Guidance
Participants described both the challenges and support they experienced around accessing
information and educational guidance in college and how it influenced them psychosocially.
Maryam says, “I was very anxious about how to start college; I didn’t have any information
about college here. It was very hard on me that I couldn’t start” [my translation from Dari]. She
goes on to describe how misinformation from her proximal sources of guidance in the United
States, her resettlement agency, and other Afghans caused confusion and discouragement,
saying, “They gave us negative energy. They said a lot you can’t. We’ve never seen anyone
come here and start their studies in the first year. You can’t do it either” [my translation from
Dari]. She was also dissuaded from attending college when college employees also told her she
would not meet residency requirements. She described persisting in information-seeking until an
Afghan staff member at another resettlement agency provided up-to-date information about
college residency and hands-on application support.
For many students like Maryam, connecting to college resources is part of their struggle
with information and guidance. Many shared that navigating an unfamiliar educational model
required information and guidance, given that they experienced difficulties with language,
technology, and transportation to campus. Once connected, participants described the admissions
and onboarding process, as well as counseling support, as impactful to their psychosocial wellbeing.
Admissions and Onboarding Barriers. Most participants described experiencing stress
starting college due to problems with information and guidance in admissions and onboarding.

39
Four participants shared how these obstacles to enrollment caused educational delays of one term
or more. Common issues shared were application and residency barriers, including non-intuitive
enrollment processes, getting waitlisted, and college hours that conflicted with work. Farah, a
student in her second semester, drives to three different colleges in her district after being
waitlisted for classes at her main campus. She shared many challenges starting college, including
frequent problems with registration and course and program enrollment barriers and conflicting
information from student services staff, counseling, and instructional faculty across her
campuses. She described the accumulated impacts to her, saying, “It did cause a lot of
frustrations to be honest, because things I really wanted never turn out the way I wanted them to
be or even if it did, it really caused a lot of stress for me.”
Many students shared confusion around college policies with residency, as well as
distress and heightened psychological load around the lack of information and support they had
from on- and off-campus resources. Nargis went to campus almost bi-weekly over five months
until she started classes. She struggled to find guidance and support with the unfamiliar forms
and processes, saying, “They only want to talk to you or see you if you have everything like I
was literally lost. … There was something wrong about what I gave them every time, so that was
just driving me crazy”. She went on to explain how falling behind discouraged her from
attending, saying, “I was very scared, the process was being very slow [sic]. ... I was like, okay,
yeah see, this is a sign like, it’s not for me. I shouldn’t continue.”
Although it’s clear, from the quotes, that there were problems with onboarding, some
participants did not describe similar psychosocial distress. Mustafa, a second-year student
preparing to transfer, described starting college as difficult and complicated. Despite seeking
guidance from campus resources and friends, he paid out-of-pocket expenses for non-resident

40
tuition his first semester. However, he focused on gratitude, saying of the experience, “I made it
work. So I think the best thing is I study like one semester, and I didn’t miss it. That’s the good
thing about that.” and that it motivated him to help new students avoid a similar experience.
Zainab shared how hardships in onboarding delayed her college start by two terms. She
estimated going to campus over twenty times before starting classes, saying, “There were days
when I went every week, but then I didn’t give up. I said, no, it’s okay. This will have an end. It
will resolve. Finally, I got it” [my translation from Dari]. She explained that she did not find the
experience distressing because “all of life is filled with hardship” [my translation from Dari] and
how she met the challenge with patience and by putting her faith in God.
Few students described having guidance and clarity starting college. Some, like Amin
and Homayra, shared that their family heavily supported them in the process. Omar was one of
the only students who described a smooth start because of the guidance and support he received
from his college. He attended an enrollment event where college staff walked him through
application steps, including an Afghan staff member who helped him apply for financial aid. He
described how this clarified the process and made him feel a sense of welcome and belonging,
saying, “They (the college) came and said whoever wants to come can come to our college. ... I
felt that I can study and can be a student here” [my translation from Dari].
Counseling Support. Many participants described their experiences with counseling
services as a source of information and guidance that promoted their psychosocial well-being.
Participants shared experiences where they felt a sense of support and received direction on their
educational, career, and personal goals. These experiences were both through contact with a
counselor and also in counseling classes, which half of the study participants had taken in their
first term. However, participants also shared how instances of misguidance led to distress. Of

41
note is the fact that some participants were unclear about who in their stories was actually a
counselor or a staff member.
Mustafa described meeting with a counselor two to three times a semester as a
requirement in his first-year support program. As a result, he had an educational plan and
continued meeting with his counselor regularly, getting detailed guidance on how to meet his
goal of transfer. He shared how this support helps him to “just make sure like my class is doing
good, like everything is perfect,” which helps him stay directed and alleviates uncertainty.
However, Mustafa described how his first experience with a counselor was more complicated
and that he had to return to the counselor to advocate for guidance that fit his needs as a firstgeneration and refugee-background student sharing, “I say I can’t study [these classes] like right
away like, you know, I’ve never been to college or high school here. So how it’s gonna be like
it’s gonna be more challenging for me [sic].”
In Iman’s case, she and her family began at the college’s adult school while trying to
enroll in credit courses. They received counseling and course advising at the college but were
later told by adult school staff that their courses were wrong and were referred to a Farsispeaking staff member in the CalWORKs Department. She shares how she felt heard in
CalWORKs, saying, “They listened to us, gave us a counselor, and accepted us as students. They
asked about our goals ... I answered that I wanted to continue to university. They said okay, you
can and enrolled us in new classes” [my translation from Dari]. Iman highlights how connecting
to a specialized counselor and translation services provided information and guidance, validation
of her goals, and the relief of being heard.
However, she soon returned to the counselor after realizing they had accidentally enrolled
her in an accelerated online winter session course. Concerned about her technology skills, she

42
shares, “It was very scary for me. What if I make a mistake or something goes wrong? Or if I get
dropped from the class or get a bad grade. It was my first year getting financial aid” [my
translation from Dari]. Both Iman and Mustafa’s testimonies highlight overarching experiences
of receiving support and guidance from counseling that promoted psychosocial well-being, but
also instances of uncertainty or distress when guidance did not align with their needs or when
they received conflicting information or services from different people and parts of campus.
Other participants shared similar experiences of receiving counseling services but ongoing
uncertainty and gaps of information and support relating to their educational and career goals.
Theme 3: Social Connection and Belonging
Participants shared how their educational experiences and environments provided an
important space for social connection that positively influenced their psychosocial well-being,
especially in light of the increased isolation they experienced in the United States. Participants
shared layered experiences with their sense of belonging in college, as well as their experiences
and perceptions of Islamophobia and xenophobia that further impacted them.
Peer Relationships. Seven participants described peer relationships in college as a
source of support, connection, and belonging. Omar shared about the early challenges of
resettlement, living in temporary housing, and struggling with depression, saying, “I was alone.
… First, leaving your country is hard. And second, I had no friends. … When I was finally able
to enroll in school, my life became a little easier ... I found my friends in school” [my translation
from Dari]. He described a group of Afghan male friends who helped him navigate and succeed
in college and how this impacted his feelings of depression, saying, “When you go from being
alone and come into the mix of being around people, that type of feeling goes away” [my
translation from Dari].

43
Though some participants spoke about building relationships with inter-ethnic peers, the
majority spoke primarily about relationships with co-ethnic peers. Nine out of 10 participants
lived in communities and attended colleges with sizable Afghan populations. It was common for
them to have Afghan students in their classes, and most described their friends in college as other
Afghans. Students largely shared positive impacts on their psychosocial well-being through these
connections, including being major sources of support and guidance for one another.
A number of participants described service to other Afghan students as especially
impactful to their psychosocial well-being, strengthening their sense of purpose and happiness.
Mustafa, who had an Afghan peer mentor in his first-year support program, now works in the
same role, helping other students. He shared how this energized him, saying, “I feel happy all the
time there when I walk around the college. … I feel proud like I help the student with something
to get an education [sic]. And I was supporting my friend and other Afghans.” Similarly, Farah
shared how helping newer arrival Afghan students made her feel, saying, “I was the happiest,
and it was such an honor doing that because when I was there, I had nobody helping me … and I
wanted to be part of their life and helping them achieve their goals, too.”
However, some students also acknowledged that helping each other fill gaps of support,
especially related to institutional barriers, at times increased their stress or added tension to their
peer relationships. Mustafa shared how he became a go-to contact for newcomer Afghans in his
community who need help with college. He helped them outside of his hours as a peer mentor
and shared that it is one of the larger stressors in his life, saying, “I have my classes, jobs, family.
I’m the only one speaking English in my family. So it’s kind of hard to manage. Sometime this
kind of stuff makes you very stress like it discourage you to help someone [sic].”

44
Faculty/Staff Relationships. Participants largely described feeling satisfied with their
interactions with faculty and staff in college, and three shared meaningful connections that
fostered their psychosocial well-being. Nargis shared her connection with a supportive professor,
saying, “He was honestly a big part of me being comfortable enough to wear a hijab at school
because of how motivating he was. Having that role model, of course, someone that’s older than
you, has a huge impact.” Iman shared that initially, she felt anxiety about her college professors
in the United States, saying, “Despite being a medical student in Afghanistan, I hadn’t studied
under a ‘professor.’ What if I said something wrong or upset them?” [my translation from Dari].
She shared how her ESL professor calmed her fears and helped her feel supported, saying,
“Inside the class, how he manages the class, how he made us feel like we belonged, we feel so
confident to take the next semester” [my translation from Dari]. Mustafa described his
relationships with professors as positive but more formal due to his cultural teachings and values,
saying, “I just listen in class. Respect the professor. Because like a teacher, it means like a father.
You learn from them. So yeah, that’s why I have a good relationship with the professors.” He
shared having a deeper connection with his work-study boss, who provided greater mentorship
and support in his college life.
Sense of Belonging. Participants shared varied experiences with their sense of belonging
in college. For some students, their connection with others at college fostered belonging. Omar
shared how his initial sense of belonging was related to the presence of other Afghan students,
while Mustafa described his connection to the wider college community and his student-worker
jobs. Mustafa shared his wish to be at the college every day and described it as his second home,
explaining, “I think it’s the relationships with people, like passing around and say hi to them.
You know everyone for me like it’s a family [sic].” Despite this sense of belonging, he also

45
shared how he experienced obstacles while performing his daily prayers on campus, usually
searching for empty classrooms or secluded parking lots, which brought feelings of
marginalization and disconnection.
Many attributed their sense of belonging in college as innate and related to their desire to
feel a sense of belonging in the United States. These conceptualizations of belonging are closely
influenced by assimilation and resettlement pressures. Zainab describes, “I don’t feel like an
outsider, or like I can’t do it. It’s a bright opportunity that I have to take advantage of. I feel at
ease, like how someone feels in their home, and I want to attend” [my translation from Dari].
When asked what gives her this sense of belonging in college, she shares, “It’s my own feeling. I
think of the people at college as my own” [my translation from Dari] and explains that she seeks
to make herself feel at home in college and in the United States. Similarly, Sahar described her
sense of belonging in college saying, “It comes from myself, sometimes it is the people beside
me who show me that I have the right to be here, to study here. … It’s the way they behave with
me. They don’t treat you like a refugee” [my translation from Dari].
Two participants who expressed sentiments of non-belonging in college were those who
had prior experience in the United States and returned after 2021. Farah shared her sense of
disconnection, saying, “At college, I don’t really have anybody because I just go there in classes,
and I leave after the lectures, or everything’s done like I don’t really start a conversation with
anyone.” Nargis shared that although she felt a sense of belonging, she also experienced
struggles. She says of college, “I did have some challenges fitting in since … I wasn’t growing
up in America. I feel like I didn’t fit in at all here, and I still don’t feel like I really fit in at all.”
She adds of life in the United States, “I still don’t feel like I’m home at all like, I don’t feel like

46
this is where I want to be in the future. I just don’t feel I belong here.” Nargis was also the only
participant with no co-ethnic peers in her college experience.
Islamophobia and Xenophobia. Related to issues of belonging and social
connectedness, participants shared varied experiences of Islamophobia and xenophobia in
college that influenced their psychosocial well-being. Most participants, especially those in their
first weeks or months of college or the United States, largely described experiencing college as a
diverse place where they did not expect to experience racism or discrimination. Many
participants shared feelings of relief and increased safety both in the United States and at school,
compared to the sustained discrimination and xenophobia they experienced in refugee
displacement journeys. However, participants who had been in college or the United States
longer shared different perspectives and experiences.
Some participants, like Mustafa, acknowledged that racism is prevalent in the United
States and that there is xenophobia and Islamophobia in his community directed towards
Afghans, especially newcomers and those with limited English skills. However, he shared a
perception of heightened safety in college, where he believed people try to be more mindful of
racism because they are more educated. Simultaneously, he acknowledged his desire to counter
negative stereotypes while being a visible Afghan on campus: “I want to introduce them, like as
a good model like for the people like we are Afghan. We are like not like what the news like
with the media introduce us to you guys [sic].”
Similarly, Farah, who wore a hijab at college until recently, shared that she has not
experienced any disrespect or racism on her college campus, saying, “I just really feel welcome,
and I do appreciate my surroundings for that.” However, she also mentioned a story about
Islamophobic, gender-based violence on her campus, saying, “I’ve seen multiple people getting

47
their headscarves pulled off of their head and getting into fight [sic],” and expressed confusion
about why it happened to others, including her friends, but not to her. She shared about a recent
scarf-pulling incident at her college, saying, “It really hurts me to see them. … It really makes
me feel sad, and I never want it to happen to anybody.”
Similar to Farah, other students shared Islamophobia and xenophobia-related incidents on
campus or in their communities but framed them as isolated incidents and focused on their
overall positive perceptions of school. They shared deeper insight into how they cope and protect
their psychosocial well-being through sentiments such as, “Just remain patient, you know,
whatever they say, just let it go, and it’s all good” (Farah), “I’m just going to move on. Who
cares?” (Nargis) or, “I didn’t care, I didn’t give a shit like whatever you think about me, I’m not
gonna think like that you know, I just ignore it [sic]” (Mustafa).
Theme 4: Overall Well-Being and Basic Needs
Participants described the reciprocity between critical elements of their educational
experiences, including basic needs and mental health, and how it impacts their overall wellbeing. They also discussed the support and resources they received through college, such as
financial aid.
Basic Needs. All participants shared their challenges with accessing basic needs in
resettlement and an increased sense of pressure and stress. Students shared struggles with
transportation to and from school, access to computers and technology, and, in the case of
Homayra and Amin, childcare needs that impacted their studies. The majority of participants also
shared hardships with stable and affordable housing and adjusting to substandard living
conditions in the United States.

48
Most participants described heightened financial pressures and the need to provide for
themselves and their families, especially male participants. Some students, like Mustafa, work
three jobs, while others, like Zainab and Nargis, can only attend school part-time due to work
pressures. Nargis shared about resettling in the United States and experiencing financial losses,
saying, “It was like us starting from zero and trying to go back up again.” She described feeling
stress in managing both work and school and the negative impact it had on her ability to focus
and practice self-care. Eight participants also described missing their lives in Afghanistan, where
they could focus more on being students rather than worrying about resettlement stressors,
including financial instability.
All participants shared how attending college helped them see their hardships as
temporary and cultivated a sense of hope for the future. Iman, whose family was struggling to
meet a range of basic needs, says, “If I take on the stress of rent, lack of house supplies and food,
if I focus on these, then I will fall behind with my studies and these problems will overpower me.
… I am very afraid of this” [my translation from Dari]. Iman’s testimony highlights how
educational access may help participants cope with stressors but how these challenges continue
to be a source of fear, anxiety, and distress that infringe upon their studies and well-being.
Financial Aid and Resources. All participants shared how the financial resources they
access through college were a source of support that alleviated financial stressors and aided their
well-being. Students described various financial resources provided by their colleges, including
textbook assistance programs, CalWORKs services such as childcare and mileage assistance, and
especially financial aid. Financial resources accessed through education not only decreased
pressure and distress but were also integral to participants’ access and persistence in college.

49
Iman explained her sense of feeling supported by the college through financial resources,
“In America, if you want to study, there are things that help you really reach your goals. FAFSA
and CalWORK, the college is there to help. I am excited to use these resources” [my translation
from Dari]. Farah further shared that financial aid allowed her to be a full-time student and
increased her sense of independence, saying, “You don’t have to like financially rely on anyone
as a young age student and especially that I hate to rely on anyone [sic]. So college was the best
choice for me.” Mustafa shared how his campus employment opportunities provided income but
also made him feel happy, connected, valued, and like he was progressing toward his long-term
career goals.
Despite the benefits, seven students shared explicit challenges with accessing these
critical financial resources that elevated distress. For half of the participants, the application
process and policies surrounding financial aid were a source of anxiety, fear, and distress over
losing this vital resource. Maryam shares, “Starting college, I got scared. I can’t get dropped, or
Financial Aid won’t help me next year because that’s what happens if you drop. I hoped I didn’t
mess it up and then have to pay for it myself” [my translation from Dari]. Amin, Homayra, and
Nargis were not receiving financial aid due to barriers like lack of information or policies
restricting access. The added expenses of school elevated their financial and work pressures and
concerns about basic needs.
Mental Health. Participants had varied experiences related to their mental health as
college students in the United States. Some participants described a sense of physical and
psychological well-being in the United States, sharing how family and social support, Islamic
spiritual practices, and internal resources made them resilient. Other participants shared
difficulties adjusting to life in the United States and struggled with their mental health and

50
related somatic symptoms both in and out of school. For example, Nargis shares, “I had such bad
anxiety because I wasn’t in a classroom filled with others for so long. … Everything hit me at
once … that I’m in America now, was my first day of class.”
All the participants shared how family separations and ongoing oppression and violence
in Afghanistan impacted their mental well-being and, at times, their schooling. Farah, who has
two sisters and a fiancé in Afghanistan, shares, “Even that I’m here [sic]. My mind is there. My
heart is there for the people that live there. … It really is difficult.” She shared how
circumstances in Afghanistan “really impacted me mentally, and I couldn’t do any good in
school because all my focus and everything was there, like I couldn’t sleep. I couldn’t do
anything. I was really stressed, and I had really bad anxiety.” Amin’s eleven siblings and parents
are still in Afghanistan. He shares how he thinks of their well-being constantly, saying of his life
in the United States: “I am here, I am studying and day by day my life is improving, and I am
getting closer to achieving my goals, but I suffer because my brother and sisters don’t have this
same opportunity to grow” [my translation from Dari].
Participants shared ways that they coped with mental distress both in and out of college.
For example, Iman emphasized gratitude and reminded herself of how long she had waited to
come to the United States and to attend college. She says because of this, “I say no—to being
upset, mental sickness, mental problems, all of these have to be put aside. This is a place where
you have to attain everything” [my translation from Dari]. Farah shared how she put effort into
separating her life struggles from her studies and college environment and acknowledged this
was difficult. She shared about a recent suicide bombing that affected her family in Afghanistan
while trying to focus at school, saying, “I try not to show that I’m upset like I try to put a happy
image of myself saying that I’m okay, like, I don’t like to show off how I’m feeling. I just keep it

51
inside me.” Amin described the perpetual precarity in his life, saying, “Our whole lives have
passed like this and are continuing to pass like this. It’s heavy to think about it, or stress over our
lives. Eventually, it will make us worse. Our depression, our mental situation will get worse”
[my translation from Dari]. He coped with challenges in college by comparing them to the more
difficult life experiences he had overcome and by focusing on the future.
Every student shared stories of personal and communal resilience, resourcefulness, and
interdependence that fostered and protected their psychosocial well-being despite immense
hardships and traumatic life experiences. Gratitude, positivity, perspective-taking, optimism, and
hopefulness were common coping strategies they relied on to contend with challenges in life and
their college experiences. Students also emphasized their determination to overcome these
challenges by holding tightly to their sense of worthiness, self-esteem, and personal potential,
repeating guiding and coping statements such as, “Love yourself and be positive in your life”
(Iman); “Nothing is easy, but everything is possible, if you work for it, you can make it”
(Mustafa); “If today is hard, tomorrow must be bright” (Zainab) [my translation from Dari]; and
“I can, I can, I can” (Amin) [my translation from Dari].
Discussion and Recommendations
This study centered on post-August 2021 newcomer Afghan refugee students attending
California Community Colleges and sought to understand how college experiences and
environments influenced psychosocial well-being. This emergent study explored both systemlevel data on Afghan students attending California Community Colleges and qualitative data
from interviews with 10 current students. Together, data from this study demonstrate that
newcomer Afghan students are a growing part of California’s college communities and that
colleges are important sites of psychosocial support for this population, especially in early
resettlement. However, systemic barriers to access, support, and belonging in college can also

52
make them a source of continued precarity and distress that affect student’s well-being.
Secondary data analysis in this study indicates that Afghan and newcomer Afghan
students value and desire educational access. This student population is increasingly enrolling in
community colleges across the state, with numbers growing in major community and
resettlement regions. Students’ goals indicate they have high aspirations and largely want to
continue their education beyond community college. This population is also increasingly
vulnerable in legal status, with refugees, asylees, and temporary statuses rising since 2021.
Though most students are younger and reflect ages of first-time to college students, a large
percentage are also adult learners, who may require enhanced support.
By using the integrative risk and resilience model for the adaptation of immigrant-origin
children and youth to the host country (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018), this secondary data from the
California Community College Chancellor’s Office emphasizes how global forces and other
socioecological factors directly impact student enrollment and shape their experiences. Afghan
and newcomer Afghan students reflect dynamic and intersectional identities that are also actively
transforming colleges in major population centers across the state. It is also clear that despite
being a growing population of impact, there is limited data, historically and in the present day, to
better understand or meet their educational experiences and needs.
Examined through the lens of the conceptual framework, this study’s qualitative data
from participant interviews suggests that newcomer Afghan refugee students attending
community college experience positive psychological adjustment and adaptation related to the
school microsystem. In light of broader socioecological stressors and persistent precarity, college
access can foster mental well-being for students through increased life satisfaction, goal
proximity and motivation, a sense of agency, locus of control, and hopefulness related to the

53
future. Colleges can also be important sites of social connection and belonging, with co-ethnic
peers being important relational supports that promote psychosocial well-being for this
population.
Participant testimonies also suggest that colleges add to stressors that impact students’
psychosocial and overall well-being. Systemic barriers to information, guidance, and support
elevate student’s distress, anxiety, fear, and life pressures. They experience challenges with
access, onboarding, guidance, and counseling that increase their psychological load. Complexity
also exists between newcomer Afghan students’ perceptions of college as a space with increased
safety from racial-colonial violence and the Islamophobia and xenophobia they experience at
school. Interviews further highlight the impact of socioecological stressors on newcomer Afghan
students’ well-being, including accumulated basic needs and financial pressures, as well as
mental health. College can be a critical economic resource but also a stressor when students have
minimal support or elevated barriers.
Despite these challenges, participants in this study demonstrated many personal and
communal coping strategies and individual-level factors that helped them contend with precarity
in and out of school. Along with participants’ positive perceptions of the college environment
and sense of optimism about education and resettlement in the United States, they also stressed
the role of gratitude, self-esteem, family support, and faith in their educational and personal
journeys. Students further protected their sense of personal potential by sustaining their hopes,
goals, and dreams. Friendship and service to others, especially other Afghan students, were also
sources of positive psychological adjustment and a way in which students protected and
supported one another in the college environment.
It is important to consider student’s socioecological contexts and individual factors in

54
relation to the findings in the present study. Seven of the 10 participants attended college for
under six months, and their testimonies reflect many early perspectives and college experiences.
Another seven of the 10 participants attended one of the three districts with the largest
populations of Afghan students (Los Rios CCD, Contra Costa CCD, and Grossmont CCD),
which may influence their college experiences and serve as a protective factor in their
psychosocial well-being. Further, all study participants were going through active resettlement in
the United States, navigating acculturation pressures, basic needs stressors, immigration
concerns, and more that impacted their perspectives, educational experiences, and psychosocial
well-being.
This study seems to support other findings with related student populations in education.
Sadat Ahadi (2020) and Hey (2022) found microaggressions impacted Afghan community
college students, while Cole and Ahmadi (2010) identified that issues of safety and belonging are
tied to experiences of Islamophobia for Muslim students as a whole in higher education.
However, immigrant and refugee students may see their experiences in the United States in a
positive light despite challenges and lack by using a dual frame of reference to compare present
circumstances to pre-migration hardships (Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 1995).
Leo (2021) also found that high educational aspirations are a resource for refugee
students in community colleges but can level over time due to challenges and barriers. Having a
high sense of optimism can serve as motivation, allowing refugee-background students to
advance in their education despite difficult circumstances (García Coll & Marks, 2012). Still, it
can simultaneously reflect a cruel optimism where students have high hopes and expectations but
experience limited educational opportunities and a “continuum of precarity” in U.S. schools
(McWilliams & Bonet, 2016, p. 157). In this way, educational barriers and exclusion can

55
obstruct hopes for a better life and student’s imagined futures (Andersen et al., 2023).
Together, data from the present study suggest that Afghan and newcomer Afghan
students are increasingly seeking educational opportunities in community colleges that can
benefit their psychosocial well-being but also experience elevated barriers and a lack of support.
System-induced precarity and stress factors in college and students’ broader socioecological
worlds can impact psychosocial well-being. They may also correlate to low student success rates
for Afghan students in California’s community colleges (2% UC/CSU transfer and 3% goal
completion in the 2022–2023 academic year) (Beer & Yang, 2024). These success rates indicate
a concerning trend in light of this population’s rising enrollment and high hopes for educational
advancement. Colleges must enact changes for newcomer Afghan refugee students to succeed
academically and psychosocially.
Implications for Policy and Practice
The findings of the present study indicate that community colleges play a critical role in
the lives of newcomer Afghan refugee students and have urgent tasks in fostering greater
psychosocial well-being and correlated student success. On a macro level, college systems can
continue improving data collection, reporting, disaggregation (Hey, 2022; Sadat Ahadi, 2022),
and analysis to better understand Afghan student success. Although the study sheds light on
Afghan students in system-wide data, more work is needed to align race/ethnicity reporting
across the state and the intentional analysis of ongoing trends. It is also critical to dismantle
systematic exclusion (Kovač & Vaala, 2019) in system-level data practices and implement datainformed changes to policies and practices that inhibit academic success and well-being for
Afghan students across districts and colleges. Additional steps should also be taken on the part of
individual districts and colleges, especially those that serve growing Afghan and refugee

56
resettlement communities, to model schools as sites of reception with increased access, support,
and belonging and fewer systemic and interpersonal barriers.
Improving Access and Onboarding
Community colleges can foster greater well-being for newcomer Afghan students by
improving access and onboarding. Holistic orientation and onboarding support programs,
enhanced services, multilingual resources, and co-ethnic and culturally competent staff (Hey,
2022; Sadat Ahadi, 2020; Sadat Ahadi et al., 2022) would enhance students’ experience both to
and through college entry. Given participants’ inter-reliance on co-ethnic peers, employing and
training student workers to guide one another would also be of benefit. Streamlining information
and support for access, residency, financial aid, and enrollment is critical to minimizing barriers
and burdens to students’ psychological loads as they navigate new and unfamiliar processes.
Additionally, given the participants’ residency and financial aid challenges, it is important to
interrogate and redesign policies and systemic barriers that restrict students and elevate distress.
Further, addressing systemic information gaps in and out of the institution would
minimize confusion, misdirection, and distress for this vulnerable population. It is important to
provide greater clarity between transition points and parts of campus that may lack informational
alignment and support, such as non-credit to credit, student services and instruction, and across
student services departments. Proactively engaging with community partners, including
resettlement agencies, would provide further access and information for students (Hey, 2022;
Sadat Ahadi, 2020; Sadat Ahadi et al., 2022).
Elevating Support and Guidance
Access and information are essential to the success and well-being of newcomer Afghan
refugee students in community college, but students also need support and guidance that meets

57
their needs. Simply teaching students the “rules of the game” are not enough (Leo, 2021, p. 451).
Enhanced academic support and counseling services are crucial to caring for students’ holistic
needs and educational and personal well-being. Given participants’ needs for counseling and
challenges in receiving tailored guidance, colleges should ensure early access to faculty who
have training in trauma-informed and culturally competent counseling and pedagogical practices.
Counselors should also have specialized knowledge and training to understand and address the
academic and career needs of refugee-background students. Colleges should provide counselors
with enhanced course placement tools and work to align curriculum, course design, and class
schedules that meet the needs of students with refugee backgrounds.
Students would benefit from early career services and specialized career counseling
support. Both system-level data from the Chancellor’s Office and qualitative data from study
participants highlighted high educational goals and career aspirations for Afghan and newcomer
Afghan students that require early guidance, including at the non-credit and ESL level. Further,
given that secondary data in this study indicates a significant percentage of Afghan students in
California Community Colleges are adult learners, there may be an elevated need for recredentialing support for those with prior college and professional experience. There may also be
a need for clearer pathways to employment opportunities for Afghan students who have
increasingly vulnerable legal statuses where traditional employment opportunities may be
limited. Qualitative data from this study also highlights the role of campus employment
opportunities in alleviating financial stressors and increasing connection and belonging. College
career centers can aid in establishing campus employment opportunities and paid internships for
Afghan students.
Implementing greater support and resources to address the basic needs of newcomer

58
Afghan refugee students is also critical for their overall well-being and success in college.
Community colleges should address salient socioecological stressors in students’ lives, including
basic needs resources and culturally attuned mental health supports and services. Given that data
from the Chancellor’s Office indicates increasing diversity and vulnerability in Afghan students’
legal statuses, legal aid should also be considered in basic needs support by colleges. Given the
importance of financial aid in supporting participants’ basic needs and persistence in college,
increased access, flexibility, and support related to financial aid policies and practices would
further reduce stressors to students’ economic and psychosocial well-being.
Fostering Connection and Belonging
Colleges should take additional steps to foster greater connectedness, belonging, and
relational support for this student population, including implementing Afghan student learning
communities at salient colleges, providing structured opportunities for peer-to-peer support, and
increasing faculty mentorship. Student life and leadership activities should include culturally
responsive programming, including faith-based activities and access to designated, safe,
dignified prayer spaces on campuses. Addressing issues of Islamophobia, xenophobia, and
discrimination on campuses, whether systemic or interpersonal, would promote greater
connection and safety for students (Cole & Ahmadi, 2010; Sadat Ahadi, 2020). The findings of
the present study indicate that colleges must carefully examine issues of campus climate and
belonging for Afghan and newcomer Afghan students. Cultural competency and anti-bias
training are necessary for campus communities and to frame the “relational responsibility” of
faculty, staff, and administrators in fostering belonging for refugee-background students
(Mcleaod, 2015, p. 46).

59
Limitations
Limitations of this study include those commonly associated with qualitative design,
including a lack of generalizability. This study was specific to Afghans resettling in the United
States after August 2021 who were currently enrolled in community colleges and did not reflect
all identities and experiences within this population. The U.S. exit from Afghanistan in August
2021 was a historical shift in the migration pattern of Afghans to the United States and,
therefore, was used as an index moment and requirement for participants in this study but does
leave out other students with valuable lived experiences. Other limitations of the study include
those related to sampling newcomer refugees, such as heightened vulnerability in resettlement,
especially in the areas of legal status and basic needs, as well as the fact that English proficiency
and some technological access were necessary for participation and interviews. Given these
conditions, this study may have missed essential members and voices of this community who
had valuable insights to offer. It is also important to consider the power dynamics and limitations
of sampling currently enrolled students, as the study cannot account for students who have
stopped out or graduated.
Recommendations for Future Research
Though this study addresses significant gaps in existing scholarship, further research is
needed to better understand the holistic experiences and needs of Afghan community college
students, including newcomer refugees. This emergent study specifically explored the interaction
between students’ school microsystems and elements of psychosocial well-being, but further
investigation is needed to understand more specific educational factors, such as impacts of
curriculum and pedagogical approaches, faculty/staff relationships, educational pathways and
career outcomes, and other ways that colleges impact student retention, success, and well-being.

60
Additionally, continued scholarship on Islamophobia, xenophobia, and discrimination in the
community college environment would further illuminate the experiences and impacts on
Afghan and newcomer Afghan students.
Future scholarship should also explore various intersections of Afghan student
populations, such as legal status, gender, and disability, as well as broader socioecological
factors that further impact academic success and psychosocial well-being. The scope of this
study was on post-August 2021 newcomer refugee students, but those who arrived before August
2021 also have salient experiences to share. Given that the majority of participants in this study
attended colleges in major Afghan population centers, future studies should explore the nuanced
implications of this proximity as well as the experiences of students with greater isolation from
co-ethnic peers and Afghan or refugee communities. This study focused on currently enrolled
students, and future research would benefit from longitudinal studies or sampling formerly
enrolled students to account for different perspectives and alleviate the power dynamics
experienced by new and currently enrolled students. Future research should investigate the
experiences of students who have stopped out of college to better understand the factors
impacting persistence, academic success, and correlated well-being.
Conclusion
The U.S. military withdrawal from Afghanistan and the resurgence of the Taliban regime
in August 2021 led to large-scale displacement and a rise in the number of Afghans seeking
refuge in the United States. These newcomers navigate immense socioecological hardships, and
many see educational attainment as a vital part of their desired futures. Community colleges
offer them a critical point of access to higher education, but this population continues to
experience marginalization, systematic exclusion, and neglect within educational systems. In an
effort to center their voices and needs, this emergent study specifically sought to understand the

61
influence that college experiences and environments have on newcomer Afghan refugee
students’ psychosocial well-being. Through an analysis of system-level data and student
testimonies, this study found that newcomer Afghan students are a rising population in California
Community Colleges and that college access fosters students’ psychosocial well-being in
dynamic ways. However, systems-induced precarity and distress persist in students’ lives and
college experiences, including Islamophobia and xenophobia. Though newcomer students may
face these difficulties with optimism and a wealth of other coping skills, student success data
indicates colleges must act to fulfill their promise to these students and their diversifying local
communities. Systemic changes and enhanced interpersonal support are needed to ensure the
success and correlated well-being of Afghan and newcomer refugee students in community
colleges.

62
References
Ahmad, F., Othman, N., & Lou, W. (2020). Posttraumatic stress disorder, social support, and
coping among Afghan refugees in Canada. Community Mental Health Journal, 56(4),
597–605. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10597-019-00518-1
Ahmed-Ghosh, H. (2003). A history of women in Afghanistan: Lessons learnt for the future or
yesterdays and tomorrow: Women in Afghanistan. Journal of International Women’s
Studies, 4(3), 1–14.
Alemi, Q., & Stempel, C. (2018). Discrimination and distress among Afghan refugees in
northern California: The moderating role of pre-and post-migration factors. PLOS ONE,
13(5), e0196822. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0196822
Alemi, Q., James, S., & Montgomery, S. (2016). Contextualizing Afghan refugee views of
depression through narratives of trauma, resettlement stress, and coping. Transcultural
Psychiatry, 53(5), 630–653. https://doi.org/10.1177/1363461516660937
Alemi, Q., James, S., Siddiq, H., & Montgomery, S. (2015). Correlates and predictors of
psychological distress among Afghan refugees in San Diego County. International
Journal of Culture and Mental Health, 8(3), 274–288.
https://doi.org/10.1080/17542863.2015.1006647
Alemi, Q., James, S., Cruz, R., Zepeda, V., & Racadio, M. (2014). Psychological distress in
Afghan refugees: A mixed-method systematic review. Journal of Immigrant and Minority
Health, 16, 1247–1261. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10903-013-9861-1
Al-Rousan, F., Fredricks, K., Chaudhury, S., Albezreh, S., Alhokair, A., & Nelson, B. D. (2018).

63
Improving peace and well-being among Syrian refugee youth through a higher education
initiative in Jordan. Medicine, Conflict, and Survival, 34(3), 185–200.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13623699.2018.1518748
Anderson, V., Ortiz-Ayala, A., & Mostolizadeh, S. (2023). Schools and teachers as brokers of
belonging for refugee-background young people. International Journal of Inclusive
Education, 1–15. https://doi.org/10.1080/13603116.2023.2210591
Bah, O., Bott, J., Deluca, G., Levine, A. C., & Mohebi, S., Nylen, A. J. (2023). ‘Then, we lost
everything:’ Afghan evacuee experiences of Operation Allies Refuge and Operation Allies
Welcome. Center for Human Rights and Humanitarian Studies and the Refugee Dream
Center.
https://watson.brown.edu/files/watson/imce/news/ResearchBriefs/2023/RDC%20Report_
FINAL.pdf
Barfield, T. (2010). Afghanistan: A cultural and political history. Princeton University Press.
Batalova, J. (2021, September 9). Afghan immigrants in the United States. Migration Policy
Institute. https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/afghan-immigrants-unitedstates#distribution
Beer, A., & Yang, R. (2024, April 10–12). Disaggregating data for equity: Racial/ethnic
disparities in demographics and outcomes among Asian, Native Hawaiian and Pacific
Islanders (NHPI), American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN), and Middle Eastern and
North African (MENA) students in California community colleges [Conference
presentation]. RP Group Conference, Long Beach, CA, United States.
Bernard, J. R. (2000). The satisfaction level of Afghan refugee students with student services at a

64
San Francisco Bay Area college [Master’s thesis, California State University Dominguez
Hills]. ProQuest Dissertations Publishing.
https://www.proquest.com/openview/b34c3c7e625fc3509ecb10ba7362b08f/1?pqorigsite=gscholar&cbl=18750&diss=y
Betancourt, T. S., Newnham, E. A., Layne, C. M., Kim, S., Steinberg, A. M., Ellis, H., & Birman,
D. (2012). Trauma history and psychopathology in war‐affected refugee children referred
for trauma‐related mental health services in the United States. Journal of Traumatic
Stress, 25(6), 682–690. https://doi.org/10.1002/jts.21749
Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in
Psychology, 3(2), 77–101. https://doi.org/10.1191/1478088706qp063oa
Bronfenbrenner, U., & Morris, P. (2006). The bioecological model of human development. In R.
M. Lerner & W. Damon (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology: Theoretical models of
human development (6th ed., Vol. 1, pp. 793–828). Wiley.
Bronstein, I., Montgomery, P., & Dobrowolski, S. (2012). PTSD in asylum-seeking male
adolescents from Afghanistan. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 25(5), 551–557.
https://doi.org/10.1002/jts.21740
California Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office. (n.d.). California community colleges key
facts. California Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office. https://www.cccco.edu/AboutUs/Key-Facts
Camarota, S. A., & Zeigler, K. (2021, September 14). Immigrants from Afghanistan: A profile of
foreign-born Afghans. CIS.org. https://cis.org/Report/Immigrants-Afghanistan
Chien, J., Gee, G. C., Penaia, C., Sharif, M. Z., & Tran, E. (2023). East is East… or is it?

65
Racialization of Asian, Middle Eastern, and Pacific Islander persons. Epidemiologic
Reviews, mxad007. https://doi.org/10.1093/epirev/mxad007
Chu, H., & Thelamour, B. (2021). Introduction: Contextualizing immigration using bioecological
systems theory. In Conceptual and methodological approaches to navigating immigrant
ecologies (pp. 1–9).
Cloud, D. L. (2004). “To veil the threat of terror”: Afghan women and the clash of civilizations
in the imagery of the US war on terrorism. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 90(3), 285–306.
https://doi.org/10.1080/0033563042000270726
Coen, A. (2022). Localizing refugeehood: Norms and the US resettlement of Afghan allies.
International Affairs, 98(6), 2021–2038. https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiac219
Cole, D., & Ahmadi, S. (2003). Perspectives and experiences of Muslim women who veil on
college campuses. Journal of College Student Development, 44(1), 47–66.
https://doi.org/10.1353/csd.2003.0002
Cole, D., & Ahmadi, S. (2010). Reconsidering campus diversity: An examination of Muslim
Students’ experiences. The Journal of Higher Education, 81(2), 121–139.
https://doi.org/10.1353/jhe.0.0089
Colibășanu, A. (2023). The core borderland: Afghanistan. In Geopolitics, geoeconomics and
borderlands: A study of a changing Eurasia and its implications for Europe (pp. 19–39).
Cham: Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-33940-0_3
Daulatzai, A., & Ghumkhor, S. (2023). Afghanistan, racial melancholia, and loss that exceeds
loss. Critical Times, 6(2), 202–211. https://doi.org/10.1215/26410478-10437138
Davis, S. H., Winer, J. P., Gillespie, S. C., & Mulder, L. A. (2021). The Refugee and Immigrant

66
Core Stressors Toolkit (RICST): Understanding the multifaceted needs of refugee and
immigrant youth and families through a four core stressors framework. Journal of
Technology in Behavioral Science, 6(4), 620–630. https://doi.org/10.1007/s41347-021-
00218-2
Deuchar, R. (2011). People look at us, the way we dress, and they think we’re gangsters’: Bonds,
bridges, gangs and refugees: A qualitative study of inter-cultural social capital in
Glasgow. Journal of Refugee Studies, 24(4), 672–689. https://doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fer032
Dossa, P. (2014). Afghanistan remembers: Gendered narrations of violence and culinary
practices (1st ed.). University of Toronto Press.
Ellis, B. H., MacDonald, H. Z., Lincoln, A. K., & Cabral, H. J. (2008). Mental health of Somali
adolescent refugees: The role of trauma, stress, and perceived discrimination. Journal of
Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 76(2), 184–193. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-
006X.76.2.184
García Coll, C. T., & Marks, A. K. (2012). The immigrant paradox in children and adolescents:
Is becoming American a developmental risk? (1st ed.). American Psychological
Association.
Gatling, B. (2021). “How can you trust a country?”: Precarity, personal narrative, and
occupational folklore among Afghan refugees in the US. Journal of Folklore Research,
58(3), 53–73. https://doi.org/10.2979/jfolkrese.58.3.04
Gelatt, J., & Meissner, D. (2022). Straight path to legal permanent residence for Afghan evacuees
would build on strong US precedent. Migration Policy Institute.
https://www.migrationpolicy.org/news/afghan-adjustment-commentary
Gerritsen, Bramsen, I., Devillé, W., van Willigen, L., Hovens, J., & van der Ploeg, H. (2006).

67
Physical and mental health of Afghan, Iranian and Somali asylum seekers and refugees
living in The Netherlands. Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, 41(1), 18–
26. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00127-005-0003-5
Ghani, B., & Fiske, L. (2020). ‘Art is my language’: Afghan cultural production challenging
Islamophobic stereotypes. Journal of Sociology, 56(1), 115–129.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1440783319882536
Gil, A. M., Muzhary, F., & Norman, K. (2022). Our new Afghan neighbors: The challenges and
opportunities of Afghan resettlement to Houston. Baker Institute Issue Brief, 4.
https://www.bakerinstitute.org/research/our-new-afghan-neighbors-the-challenges-andopportunities-of-afghan-resettlement-to-houston
Gisselquist, R. M. (2021). Involuntary migration, inequality, and integration: National and
subnational influences. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 47(21), 4779–4796.
https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2020.1724409
Gokani, R., Wiebe, S., Sherzad, H., & Akesson, B. (2023). “We’re looking for support from
Allah”: A qualitative study on the experiences of trauma and religious coping among
Afghan refugees in Canada following the August 2021 withdrawal. Religions, 14(5), 645.
https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14050645
Goliaei, Z., Gonzalez, M., Diaz Rios, K., Pokhrel, M., & Burke, N. J. (2023). Post-resettlement
food insecurity: Afghan refugees and challenges of the new environment. International
Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 20(10), 5846.
https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20105846
Gonzales, R. G. (2013). In spite of the odds: Undocumented immigrant youth, school networks,

68
and college success. In C. García Coll & A. K. Marks (Eds.), The immigrant paradox in
children and adolescents: Is becoming American a developmental risk? (pp. 253–274).
Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
Groen, S. P., Richters, A., Laban, C. J., & Devillé, W. L. (2018). Cultural identity among Afghan
and Iraqi traumatized refugees: Towards a conceptual framework for mental health care
professionals. Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry, 42, 69-91.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11013-016-9514-7
Harris, L. M. (2023). Afghan allies in limbo: Discrimination in the U.S. immigration response.
The Howard Law Journal, 66(3), 423–450. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4360323
Hayward, C., & Teeters, S. (2022, February 14). Ethnicity/ancestry expansion project.
Ethnicity/Ancestry Expansion Project - CCCApply Public Documentation - Confluence.
https://cccnext.jira.com/wiki/spaces/PD/pages/821887199/Ethnicity+Ancestry+Expansio
n+Project
Herlambang, A. (2023). The fate of internally displaced persons of Afghanistan in the evil of
Afghanistan conflict. Central European Management Journal, 31(3), 1–15.
Hey, K. (2022). Voices of Afghan women: Motivations, challenges, and resources of refugees
pursuing community college education (Doctoral dissertation, California State University,
Stanislaus). ProQuest Dissertations Publishing.
https://www.proquest.com/openview/693ab5abb651648be87470d87b6af1f5/1?pqorigsite=gscholar&cbl=18750&diss=y
Hirad, S., Miller, M. M., Negash, S., & Lambert, J. E. (2023). Refugee posttraumatic growth: A
grounded theory study. Transcultural Psychiatry, 60(1), 13–25.
https://doi.org/10.1177/13634615211062966

69
Hook, D. (2005). A critical psychology of the postcolonial. Theory & Psychology, 15(4), 475–
503. https://doi.org/10.1177/0959354305054748
Iqbal, R. A., & Giger, J. N. (2020). Afghans and Afghan Americans. In J. N. Giger (Ed.),
Transcultural nursing: Assessment and intervention (7th ed., pp. 341–353). Elsevier.
James, P., Iyer, A., & Webb, T. L. (2019). The impact of post‐migration stressors on refugees’
emotional distress and health: A longitudinal analysis. European Journal of Social
Psychology, 49(7), 1359-1367. https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.2589
Kayhani, N. (2023). Zindagi: Lives of the Afghan community in the Bay Area. Berkeley
Interdisciplinary Migration Initiative. https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0fj5d4x9
Khairandesh, W., & Rowbottom, S. (2021). Supporting Afghan students in schools & youth
programs in the United States. Virginia Department of Social Services.
https://www.dss.virginia.gov/files/division/cvs/ona/afghan_arrivals/resources/education/T
oolkit-Supporting-Afghan-Students-in-Schools-and-Youth-Programs.pdf
Khanlou, N., Koh, J. G., & Mill, C. (2008). Cultural identity and experiences of prejudice and
discrimination of Afghan and Iranian immigrant youth. International Journal of Mental
Health and Addiction, 6(4), 494-513. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11469-008-9151-7
Kovač, V. B., & Vaala, B. L. (2019). Educational inclusion and belonging: A conceptual analysis
and implications for practice. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 25(10),
1205–1219. https://doi.org/10.1080/13603116.2019.1603330
Leo, A. (2021). Aspiration and opportunity: First-generation immigrants and refugees at
community college. Community College Review, 49(4), 435-456.
https://doi.org/10.1177/009155212110266
Lew, J. (2011). Insider and outsider. In C. E. Sleeter (Ed.), Research in urban educational

70
settings: Lessons learned and implications for future practice (pp. 163–180). Information
Age Publishing.
Li, G., & Qin, K. (2022). Supporting and advocating for immigrant and refugee students and
families in America’s urban schools: Educators’ agency and practices in everyday
instruction. Urban Education. https://doi.org/10.1177/00420859221082671
Lieberman Lawry, L. (2022). Review of humanitarian guidelines to ensure the health and wellbeing of Afghan refugees on US military bases. Military Medicine, 187(11–12), 1299-
1309. https://doi.org/10.1093/milmed/usac086
Lipson, J. G., & Omidian, P. A. (1992). Health issues of Afghan refugees in California. The
Western Journal of Medicine, 157(3), 271–275.
Malekzai, A. S., Niazi, J. M., Paige, S. R., Hendricks, S. E., Fitzpatrick, D., Leuschen, M. P., et
al. (1996). Modification of CAPS-1 for diagnosis of PTSD in Afghan refugees. Journal of
Traumatic Stress, 9(4), 891–898.
Marks, R., Peña, J., & Coritz, A. (2023, October 24). What you should know about the upcoming
detailed demographic and Housing Characteristics File A. Census.gov.
https://www.census.gov/newsroom/blogs/random-samplings/2023/09/what-you-shouldknow-detailed-dhc-a.html
Mangan, D., & Winter, L. A. (2017). (In)validation and (mis)recognition in higher education:
The experiences of students from refugee backgrounds. International Journal of Lifelong
Education, 36(4), 486–502. https://doi.org/10.1080/02601370.2017.1287131
Masgoret, A. M., & Ward, C. (2006). Culture learning approach to acculturation. In D. L. Sam &
J. W. Berry (Eds.), The Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology (pp. 58–77).
Cambridge University Press.

71
Matthews, J. (2008). Schooling and settlement: Refugee education in Australia. International
Studies in Sociology of Education, 18(1), 31–45.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09620210802195947
McDonnell Nieto del Rio, G. (2024, March 6). Newly arrived Afghan asylum seekers overcome
obstacles navigating city care with “Absolutely no help.” Documented.
https://documentedny.com/2024/03/06/afghan-asylum-seekers-nyc
McLeod, J. (2015). Reframing responsibility in an era of responsibilisation: Education, feminist
ethics. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 38(1), 43–56.
https://doi.org/10.1080/01596306.2015.1104851
McWilliams, J. A., & Bonet, S. W. (2016). Continuums of precarity: Refugee youth transitions in
American high schools. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 35(2), 153–170.
https://doi.org/10.1080/02601370.2016.1164468
Merriam, S. B., & Tisdell, E. J. (2016). Qualitative research: A guide to design and
implementation (4th ed.). John Wiley & Sons.
Micinski, N. R. (2018). Refugee policy as foreign policy: Iraqi and Afghan refugee resettlements
to the United States. Refugee Survey Quarterly, 37(3), 253–278.
https://doi.org/10.1093/rsq/hdy007
Migration Policy Institute. (2024, February). U.S. immigrant population by state and county.
Migration Policy Institute. https://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/usimmigrant-population-state-and-county
Miller, K. E., Worthington, G. J., Muzurovic, J., Tipping, S., & Goldman, A. (2002). Bosnian
refugees and the stressors of exile: A narrative study. American Journal of
Orthopsychiatry, 72(3), 341–354. https://doi.org/10.1037/0002-9432.72.3.341

72
Misra, S., Tankasala, N., Yusuf, Y., Rao, T., Paul, A., Khan, S., & Singh, S. (2022). Health
implications of racialized state violence against South Asians in the USA. Journal of
Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities, 9(1), 1–8. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40615-021-
01219-w
Monsutti, A. (2008). Afghan migratory strategies and the three solutions to the refugee problem.
Refugee Survey Quarterly, 27(1), 58–73. https://doi.org/10.1093/rsq/hdn007
Mosselson, J., Morshed, M. M., & Changamire, N. (2017). Education and wellbeing for refugee
youth. Peace Review, 29(1), 15–23. https://doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2017.1272281
Msengi, C., Marsh, A. E., & Harris, S. (2020). Overcoming educational challenges: Resilience
factors among refugee students. Handbook on Promoting Social Justice in Education (pp.
2165–2183).
Nojan, S. (2022). Racialized hauntings: Examining Afghan Americans’ hyper (in)visibility
amidst anti-Muslim ethnoracism. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 45(7), 1347–1370.
https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2021.1931391
Panter-Brick, C., & Eggerman, M. (2011). Understanding culture, resilience, and mental health:
The production of hope. In The social ecology of resilience: A handbook of theory and
practice (pp. 369–386). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-0586-3_29
Panter‐Brick, C., Grimon, M. P., Kalin, M., & Eggerman, M. (2015). Trauma memories, mental
health, and resilience: A prospective study of Afghan youth. Journal of Child Psychology
and Psychiatry, 56(7), 814–825. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcpp.12350
Patton, M. Q. (2015). Qualitative research and evaluation methods (4th ed.). Sage.
Phan, T. A. (2018). When one door closes, another opens: Community colleges as gateways to

73
higher education for refugee students. Community College Journal of Research and
Practice, 42(7–8), 564–568. https://doi.org/10.1080/10668926.2018.1429966
Pinson, H., & Arnot, M. (2007). Sociology of education and the wasteland of refugee education
research. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 28(2), 399–407.
https://doi.org/10.1080/01425690701253612
Podsakoff, P. M., MacKenzie, S. B., Lee, J. Y., & Podsakoff, N. P. (2003). Common method
biases in behavioral research: A critical review of the literature and recommended
remedies. Journal of Applied Psychology, 88(5), 879. https://doi.org/10.1037/0021-
9010.88.5.879
Prantl, J. (2022). Afghan mass displacement: The American response in light of international
human rights and refugee law, and the need for international cooperation to achieve a
satisfactory solution. Austrian Law Journal, 9(1), 17–46.
https://doi.org/10.25364/01.09:2022.1.2
Rai, A., Held, M. L., & Vidal de Haymes, M. (2023). Afghan refugee resettlement in the United
States: Implications for service provision. Families in Society, 104(3), 392–396.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1044389422112258
Rosenberg, J., McDonough Ryan, P., Brown, C., Schaffer, R., O’Brien, C., Ganjavi, F., & Sharifi,
M. (2023). Exploring the determinants of successful implementation of a preventive
mental health and wellness intervention for Afghan refugee families: A qualitative
analysis. Health Education Research. https://doi.org/10.1093/her/cyad034
Sadat Ahadi, H. (2020). Unveiling the voices of Afghan women in community college. Journal
of Applied Research in the Community College, 27(2), 81–93.
Sadat Ahadi, H., Zaman, A., & Hey, K. (2022, November). Increasing recognition and advancing

74
equity for Afghan community college students. ASCCC Rostrum.
https://www.asccc.org/content/increasing-recognition-and-advancing-equity-afghancommunity-college-students
Saydee, F., & Saydee, D. (2021). Afghan backgrounder. Cultural Orientation Resource
Exchange. https://coresourceexchange.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/AfghanBackgrounder_Dec.-2021.pdf
Smedley, A., & Smedley, B. D. (2005). Race as biology is fiction, racism as a social problem is
real: Anthropological and historical perspectives on the social construction of race.
American Psychologist, 60(1), 16–26. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.60.1.16
Spivak, G. (2004). Righting wrongs. The South Atlantic Quarterly, 103(2/3), 523–581.
Steel, Z., Momartin, S., Silove, D., Coello, M., Aroche, J., & Tay, K. W. (2011). Two-year
psychosocial and mental health outcomes for refugees subjected to restrictive or
supportive immigration policies. Social Science & Medicine, 72(7), 1149–1156.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2011.02.007
Stempel, C., & Alemi, Q. (2021). Challenges to the economic integration of Afghan refugees in
the U.S. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 47(21), 4872–4892.
https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2020.1724420
Stevenson, J., & Baker, S. (2018). Refugee students in higher education: A literature review. In
Refugees in higher education: Debate, discourse and practice (pp. 51–63).
https://doi.org/10.1108/978-1-78743-714-220181005
Streitwieser, B., Loo, B., Ohorodnik, M., & Jeong, J. (2019). Access for refugees into higher
education: A review of interventions in North America and Europe. Journal of Studies in
International Education, 23(4), 473–496. https://doi.org/10.1177/1028315318813201

75
Suárez-Orozco, C., Motti-Stefanidi, F., Marks, A., & Katsiaficas, D. (2018). An integrative risk
and resilience model for understanding the adaptation of immigrant-origin children and
youth. American Psychologist, 73(6), 781. https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0000265
Suárez-Orozco, M., & Suárez-Orozco, C. E. (1995). The cultural patterning of achievement
motivation: A comparison of Mexican, Mexican immigrant, Mexican American, and nonLatino White American students. In California’s immigrant children: Theory, research,
and implications for educational policy (pp. 161–190).
Teranishi, R. T., Suárez-Orozco, C., & Suárez-Orozco, M. (2011). Immigrants in community
colleges. The Future of Children, 21(1), 153–169. https://doi.org/10.1353/foc.2011.0009
Tsing, A. L. (2015). The mushroom at the end of the world: On the possibility of life in capitalist
ruins. Princeton University Press.
Tuck, E. (2009). Suspending damage: A letter to communities. Harvard Educational Review,
79(3), 409–428. https://doi.org/10.17763/haer.79.3.n0016675661t3n15
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2022). Afghanistan refugee crisis
explained. UNHCR. https://www.unrefugees.org/news/afghanistan-refugee-crisisexplained/
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2016). Left behind: Refugee
education in crisis. UNHCR. http://www.unhcr.org/59b696f44.pdf
Welsh, E. A., & Brodsky, A. E. (2010). After every darkness is light: Resilient Afghan women
coping with violence and immigration. Asian American Journal of Psychology, 1(3),
163–174. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0020922
Winter, L. A., Burman, E., Hanley, T., Kalambouka, A., & McCoy, L. (2016). Education, welfare

76
reform and psychological well-being: A critical psychology perspective. British Journal
of Educational Studies, 64(4), 467–483. https://doi.org/10.1080/00071005.2016.1171823
Yaser, A., Slewa-Younan, S., Smith, C. A., Olson, R. E., Guajardo, M. G., & Mond, J. (2016).
Beliefs and knowledge about post-traumatic stress disorder amongst resettled Afghan
refugees in Australia. International Journal of Mental Health Systems, 12, Article 31.
https://doi.org/10.1186/s13033-016-0065-7

77
Appendix A: Interview Protocol
1. Tell me more about yourself and your background.
• What is your age?
• When did you arrive in the United States?
2. What community college do you attend? How long have you been a student there?
3. What other responsibilities do you have in addition to being a student?
4. What are your educational goals in attending college?
5. Tell me the story about how you came to live in the United States.
6. Tell me about your life in Afghanistan. How is life different for you here?
7. Tell me more about your family. How has your family been impacted by your moving
to the United States?
8. What challenges have you experienced since leaving Afghanistan?
9. What support have you received that has improved your transition to life in the
United States?
10. How has your physical health been impacted since leaving Afghanistan?
11. How has your mental health been impacted since leaving Afghanistan?
12. What has your housing/living situation been since arriving in the United States?
13. Can you tell me the story about how you enrolled in community college?
• When did you decide to attend?
• What made it easy or hard?
• Who helped you?
14. How do you pay for school and your school-related expenses?

78
15. Tell me about a specific challenge you’ve experienced since starting at community
college. What did you do to work past it?
16. Who supports you in your studies (For example, family, professors, peers, mentors,
community, etc.)? Can you tell me about any experiences where you’ve felt
discouraged from attending college?
17. To what extent do you feel a sense of belonging in college?
18. How do you think Afghan and Muslim students are treated on your campus?
19. What motivates you to continue your studies?
20. What would you change about your experience in community college so far?
21. How do you cope with the stresses and challenges you experience?
22. What hopes do you have for your future?
23. What other insights would you like to share about our conversation relating to your
educational experiences and well-being that I might not have covered, if any?

79
Appendix B: Participant Pseudonyms and Descriptions
This section details the pseudonyms and descriptions of the 10 participants in the study.
Amin is a 30-year-old male who came to the United States as an asylum seeker about a
year and a half ago with his wife, Homayra, who is also a participant in the study. They have
attended a multi-college district in Southern California for about a year while caring for their 10-
month-old baby. Amin, who was a university professor in Afghanistan, is now a full-time student
taking ESL and business essentials classes toward his goal of entrepreneurship. He hopes to be
able to work in the United States soon and attain a peaceful life where he can have fulfilling
work and be of service.
Farah is an 18-year-old female and U.S. citizen who first came to the United States about
10 years ago. She returned to Afghanistan before being displaced in August 2021 and has
remained in the United States for the past two and a half years. Farah is in her second semester of
community college in Northern California and is majoring in biology. She stopped working to
focus on being a full-time student and reach her dream of becoming a surgeon.
Homayra is a 24-year-old female asylum seeker who has been in the United States for
about a year and a half with her husband, Amin. She has attended a multi-college district in
Southern California for about one year, taking non-credit ESL courses part-time. She wants to
transition to credit classes but struggles with childcare as a new mom and is working to get her
driver’s license. Homayra was a full-time law student in Afghanistan but had to flee before
completing her studies. She now aspires to become a doctor.
Iman is a 30-year-old female who came to the United States as a refugee about five
months ago. Before this, she and her family were refugees in Turkey for seven years. She is the
eldest of her siblings, two of whom are also participants in this study (Maryam and Sahar). They

80
attend college together, enrolling in two different community colleges in Southern California
about one month ago. Together with her siblings, Iman takes credit courses, including ESL, at
one college and a non-credit sewing certificate at another. Iman was a full-time medical student
in Afghanistan and is eager to return to her dream of becoming a doctor. She is not currently
working but is seeking employment to help provide for her family.
Maryam is a 23-year-old female who came to the United States five months ago as a
refugee. Along with her siblings (Iman and Sahar), she has attended two different community
colleges in Southern California for the past month. She has completed a non-credit computer
class and is one month into her first semester taking a non-credit sewing program and credit
courses, including ESL, counseling, and photography. Maryam wants to study both biology and
business to fulfill her dreams of becoming a dental surgeon and owning her own business. She is
currently unemployed but would like to find a job on campus.
Mustafa is a 20-year-old who experienced forced displacement with his family in August
2021. He’s been in the United States for about two and a half years and is now in his second year
of community college in Southern California. He’s the eldest son in his large family and works
three jobs on top of his full-time load as a student. Two of his jobs are on campus, and give him
the opportunity to mentor and guide other students. He is pursuing a major in computer science
with the goal of transferring soon and becoming a software engineer.
Nargis is an 18-year-old female and U.S. citizen who returned to Afghanistan before
being displaced to neighboring countries in August 2021. Nargis returned to the United States
about one year ago and has been attending community college in Southern California for three
months. She completed high school abroad and experienced disruptions to her education,
including over a year delay before being able to start college. She attends community college

81
part-time due to financial pressures that require her to work part-time. Nargis aims to get a
teaching degree, partly to be able to work abroad and help children in other countries.
Omar is a 19-year-old male who came to the United States about two and a half years
ago, fleeing Afghanistan with his family in August 2021. Omar is a full-time student in his
second semester attending college in Southern California. He is majoring in computer science
and taking ESL, general education, and major preparation courses. He works part-time to help
support his family and feels a lot of responsibility as the only son here. Omar aims to complete
his education, start a business, and build a life where his family is cared for.
Sahar is a 21-year-old female who has been in the United States for about five months.
She is the youngest sibling of Iman and Maryam, who are the other participants in the study. She
and her siblings have attended two community colleges in Southern California for the past
month. They have completed a non-credit computer class and are a month into their first
semester taking a full-time load of credit classes, including ESL. Sahar and her family were
refugees in Turkey for seven years, where she completed high school and developed a more
transnational identity. She is optimistic about life in the United States and wants to reach all her
dreams of becoming a model, fashion designer, and dentist in the future.
Zainab is a 20-year-old female who came to the United States under humanitarian parole
in August 2021. She has been in the United States for just over two years and is now attending
college in the San Francisco Bay Area, where she lives with her family of seven She has
completed one week of her first semester taking ESL classes after experiencing barriers in
starting college. Zainab is a part-time student balancing her studies with a part-time retail job,
and she shares that her most significant challenges are language and transportation. She aspires
to become a lawyer and is passionate about justice and service to others.

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This dissertation applies an integrative ecological model by Suárez-Orozco et al. (2018) to explore the college and psychosocial experiences of newcomer Afghan refugee students who came to the United States after August 2021. The purpose of this study was to understand how educational experiences and environments influenced the psychosocial well-being of newcomer Afghan refugee students in California Community Colleges. This emergent study sought to better understand the educational and psychosocial barriers and supports experienced by students and the factors critical to their success and well-being through comprehensive, semi-structured interviews with 10 newcomer Afghan refugee students attending colleges across the state. This study also analyzed secondary data from the California Community College Chancellor’s Office to offer a system-level contextual understanding of Afghan students. Findings suggest that newcomer Afghan refugees are a growing student population and that college access benefits students’ psychosocial well-being, especially in light of broader socioecological challenges and resettlement pressures. College experiences and environments can foster goal proximity and motivation, a sense of agency, mental health, overall life satisfaction, and social connection and belonging. However, systemic exclusion and barriers in college can further precarity and distress, especially related to (mis)information and guidance, Islamophobia and xenophobia, and barriers to meeting basic needs. Community colleges can be critical sites of psychosocial well-being for students, but they must take action to increase access, support, and belonging for Afghan and refugee-background students.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Relationships between academic and psychosocial skills of community college students

PDF

Well-being and healing as resistance: testimonios of Latina students’ arrebatos in California community colleges

PDF

Relationships between a community college student’s sense of belonging and student services engagement with completion of transfer gateway courses and persistence

PDF

Equity and access for veteran's students in the California community colleges

PDF

Latine college belonging: influences and differences of immigration and college generation

PDF

Chinese-Vietnamese American college students: narratives of educational experiences and college success

PDF

Equity-enhancing strategies for African American students in higher education

PDF

Diversity for whom? Institutional requisite for combating Islamophobia and the racialization of Muslim college students

PDF

Addressing the education debt: how community college educators utilize culturally relevant pedagogy to support Black and Latinx student success

PDF

Practices supporting newcomer students

PDF

A pathway to success: experiences of first-generation minority students in academic jeopardy

PDF

Navigating the unknown: uplifting the experiences of mixed-status families in higher education

PDF

Federal loan borrowing in community colleges: examining the decision making processes of non‐traditional community college students

PDF

Beyond deficit thinking: highlighting the strengths and resilience of Black indigenous and people of color students thriving in higher education

PDF

The Relationship Between Institutional Marketing and Communications and Black Student Intent to Persist in Private Universities

PDF

Retaining racially minoritized students in community college STEM programs

PDF

White principals implementing systems of equity: analyzing knowledge, motivation, and organizational support

PDF

Échale ganas: the transition experiences of first-generation Latinx students and their parents to college

PDF

Autistic people’s experiences during the employment process

PDF

Engineering my community cultural wealth: testimonios of male Latino community college engineering students

Asset Metadata

Creator Zaman, Afifa (author)

Core Title Educational experiences and psychosocial well-being of newcomer Afghan refugee students in California community colleges

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2024-08

Publication Date 09/25/2024

Defense Date 08/12/2024

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Afghan,Afghan refugee,Afghan student success,Afghan-American,belonging,college access,community college,educational environments,educational experiences,Islamophobia,new arrival,newcomer,OAI-PMH Harvest,psychosocial well-being,refugee,refugee student support

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hirabayashi, Kimberly (committee chair), Ahmadi, Shafiqa (committee member), Hinga, Briana (committee member)

Creator Email afifazam@usc.edu,afifazaman@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC11399B6B7

Unique identifier UC11399B6B7

Identifier etd-ZamanAfifa-13539.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-ZamanAfifa-13539

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Zaman, Afifa

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20240925-usctheses-batch-1213 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu