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Cultural assimilation and its impact on educational success

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Cultural assimilation and its impact on educational success

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Content Cultural Assimilation and its Impact on Educational Success
by
Gwendolyn Alofaituli Sale
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
December 2024

© Copyright by Gwendolyn Alofaituli Sale 2024
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Gwendolyn Alofaituli Sale certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Eric Canny
Saidah Leatutufu-Burch
Monique Claire Datta, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024

iv
Abstract
Cultural assimilation among Samoan Americans differs from other cultures and is shaped by the
community’s unique cultural norms and practices. Utilizing Bronfenbrenner’s human ecological
systems theory, this study explores how students’ immediate environments (microsystem) and
their broader cultural, economic, and political contexts (macrosystem) influence their educational
journeys and impact their ability to graduate from college. The research investigates the factors
contributing to the adversities and limitations these students face, significantly complicating their
college experience. Employing a qualitative approach, data was collected through interviews
with 13 first-generation Samoan Americans, each of whom has at least one parent born in Samoa
or American Samoa and is among the first in their family to earn a bachelor’s degree from an
accredited U.S. college or university. The findings reveal the challenges first-generation Samoan
Americans face while navigating the educational landscape, emphasizing that the cultural norms
instilled during their upbringing are the most significant factor. The recommendations offer
guidance for parents, students, and educators to leverage existing local, state, and national
resources that can facilitate the advancement of Samoan American students.
Keywords: cultural assimilation, first-generation, Samoan American, cultural identity, academic
identity, higher education, Bronfenbrenner

v
Dedication
To Taito Tusigaigoa Failautusi (1948-2021) and Susie O'Brien Alofaituli, and to Donald
Niusuamalie (1944-2015) and Teresia Vaetofaga Sale, whose faith and courage have paved the
way for their descendants. Your commitment to navigating the unknown has opened doors of
opportunity, allowing us to explore and forge our own paths. Fa’afetai mo a outou tatalo ma
fa’amanuiaga.

Acknowledgments
After COVID, as the world started to rebuild and return to normal, my kids were
contemplating whether to resume their college education with the reopening. To challenge them,
I decided to apply for a doctoral degree almost 30 years after earning my Master’s. I didn’t
expect to be accepted and was uncertain about balancing work, school, and our new family
dynamics – living with my mom, aunt, and two cousins – especially in light of my dad’s recent
passing. However, as I navigated the process, I realized I was exactly where I needed to be.
Thank you, Jesus, for the strength and wisdom you’ve provided throughout this journey
of completing this program.
There are so many people in my circle who have supported and helped me along the way.
First, I would like to thank my mom, Susie O’Brien Alofaituli, for instilling in me her sense of
curiosity, perseverance, and passion for learning. To my mom, Teresia Vaetofaga Sale, thank
you for your consistent love and kindness. I also want to express my gratitude to my housemates,
Aunty Loretta, and cousins Kaisalina and Seuseu; I appreciate everything you do for my mom
and our family. To my one and only sister, Kaisalina – gurl, I would be completely lost without
you! Thank you for being my cheerleader, therapist, and best friend. I’m so grateful for you and
Tasi and all your support for Mom, my family, and our household. Thank you for Bailey,
Madison, and especially my Tusigaigoa, who will earn two doctorates when he grows up! To my
brothers, Brian and Kip, and their wives, Kolisi and Masani, thank you for your prayers and
support. I hope this inspires Mabel, Lion, Shiloh Uelese, and Kris to dream big. Lastly, a huge
thank you to my master recruiters, Evotia Alofaituli and Lashawne Leiato; without you two, I’d
still be wandering around Samoan Heritage Day with my big poster, looking for participants, nfr,
lol!

I want to acknowledge the 13 participants in this study. I am grateful for the opportunity
to conduct this research, as it allowed me to witness the incredible intelligence of our people and
the bright futures that await each of you. I was truly impressed by your strength, your courage to
face the unknown, and your determination to overcome barriers and successfully graduate. I am
immensely proud of your contribution to this research, as it will shed light on the challenges in
our communities and improve educational experiences for our people in the future.
This degree would not be possible without the support of the USC community, including
faculty, staff, alums, and my fellow cohort 23 classmates. I would like to offer my sincere
gratitude to my dissertation committee members, Dr. Monique Datta, Dr. Eric Canny, and Dr.
Saidah Leatutufu-Burch, for their invaluable feedback and support. I am especially thankful to
my chair and mentor, Dr. Monique Datta, for her patience, guidance, and encouragement as I
worked through multiple drafts to refine my writing and research. I appreciate your personalized
approach to my problem of practice by bringing Dr. Leatutufu-Burch on board to enrich my
research with her insights and experiences. Each of your contributions has helped me grow as
both a scholar and a writer. Thank you!
Finally, to my children, Faimalie, Kenneth, and O’Brien. I am so grateful to be your
mom. You inspire me to work hard and never give up. I love you and expect you all to leave this
world better than you found it. To my husband Niu, thank you for your support over the past 25
years. This achievement belongs to both of us. I love you.

Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgments.......................................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures............................................................................................................................... xii
List of Abbreviations ...................................................................................................................xiii
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study.......................................................................................... 1
Context and Background of the Problem............................................................................ 2
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions.................................................................. 4
Importance of the Study...................................................................................................... 4
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology .................................................... 5
Definition of Terms............................................................................................................. 6
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................... 8
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature .......................................................................................... 9
Understanding the Samoan Culture .................................................................................. 10
Challenges within the Samoan American Microsystem................................................... 12
Challenges within the Educational Microsystem.............................................................. 16
The Macrosystem and the First-Generation Samoan American ....................................... 21
Existing Strategies to Help First-Generation Students..................................................... 30
Conceptual Framework..................................................................................................... 33
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 36
Chapter Three: Methodology........................................................................................................ 37

Research Questions........................................................................................................... 37
Overview of Design .......................................................................................................... 37
Research Setting................................................................................................................ 38
The Researcher.................................................................................................................. 38
Data Sources ..................................................................................................................... 39
Participants........................................................................................................................ 40
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 41
Data Collection Procedures............................................................................................... 42
Data Analysis.................................................................................................................... 42
Credibility and Trustworthiness........................................................................................ 43
Ethics ............................................................................................................................... 44
Chapter Four: Findings................................................................................................................. 45
Participants........................................................................................................................ 45
Findings Related to the Research Question ...................................................................... 49
Growing Up Samoan......................................................................................................... 49
Struggling to Balance Academic and Cultural Identities.................................................. 55
Educational Challenges..................................................................................................... 58
Higher Education Challenges ........................................................................................... 63
Summary........................................................................................................................... 71
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations......................................................................... 73
Discussion of Findings...................................................................................................... 73
Recommendations for Practice ......................................................................................... 80
Limitations and Delimitations........................................................................................... 88

Recommendations for Future Research............................................................................ 89
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 90
References..................................................................................................................................... 92
Appendix A: Interview Protocol and Questions......................................................................... 113

List of Tables
Table 1: Key Participant Demographics (n=13) ........................................................................... 47
Table 2: Interview Participant Information................................................................................... 48
Table 3: Interview Participant Responses to Lack of Knowledge ............................................... 68
Table 4: Context-Specific Recommendations Crosswalk............................................................ 83

List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework ................................................................................................ 35

List of Abbreviations
AANAPISI Asian American & Native American Pacific Islander Serving Institutions
AA&NHPI Asian American & Native Hawaiian Pacific Islander
AAPI Asian Americans & Pacific Islanders
ACE American Council of Education
APA American Psychological Association
ASCD Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development
ASR Automatic Speech Recognition
CBM Community-Based Youth Mentoring
CLRP Culturally and Linguistically Responsive Pedagogy
CRT Culturally Responsive Teaching
CSULB California State University, Long Beach
IQ Intelligence Quotient
IRB Institutional Review Board
IT Information Technology
JC Junior College
LAUSD Los Angeles Unified School District
MSI Minority-Serving Institutions
SDSC Samoan Community Development Center
STEM Science Technology Engineering & Mathematics
UCLA University of California, Los Angeles
USC University of Southern California

1
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study
Within the Samoan culture, children learn at a very early age the fa’asamoa, translated as
the Samoan way of life. This lifestyle revolves around the family, the church, and the extended
community (Ioane & Tudor, 2017). The Samoan way of life establishes the child’s cultural world
as it relates to language, values, and traditions. For many Samoan Americans, the United States
educational system challenges this way of life (Levisohn, 2013). Regardless of where children
live, most children in the United States are ignorant of the world around them except their own
cultural world (DomNwachukwu, 2018). According to DomNwachukwu (2018), some teachers
who see themselves as agents of assimilation uphold the melting pot ideology where the
expectation is for the student to get rid of everything ethnic to become “American.”
Cultural assimilation is defined as “the decline, and at its endpoint the disappearance, of
an ethnic or racial distinction and cultural and social differences that express it” (Alba & Nee,
1997, p. 863). Samoan American students navigate complex and often competing cultural
worlds, ultimately impacting how they feel about school (Borrero & Yeh, 2017). They struggle
with living between two cultures where the stressors of being an American in a traditional
Samoan home negatively influence their educational experiences and often lead to rebelliousness
against the dominant culture’s norms and values (Hune, 2010).
The latest available trends in college enrollment and graduation rates reflect the
challenges Samoan Americans face in K-12 education in the United States. According to the
United States Census Bureau American Community Survey, between the years 2005 and 2013,
approximately 60% of Samoan Americans did not enroll in any postsecondary education, and for
those who did, approximately 60% left college without a degree. This study addresses how the

2
cultural assimilation experience of Samoan Americans impacts their educational experience and
their ability to graduate from college.
Context and Background of the Problem
Colonization of both the Eastern and Western islands of Samoa at the turn of the 20th
century resulted in Samoans migrating in large waves to both the United States and New Zealand
(Lewthwaite et al., 2008). By the year 2000, the number of Samoan migrants in the United States
already outnumbered the population in Eastern (American) Samoa, 3 to 1 (U.S. Census Bureau
2000). According to the latest U.S. Census data from 2020, close to 250,000 Americans
identified as Samoan, doubling the Samoan population in the United States in just 20 years. The
primary reason many of these immigrants moved to the United States was to take advantage of
the employment opportunities available to them to send money back home (Gershon, 2007). The
journey to the United States proved to be a difficult feat for Samoan Americans. They settled in
major cities throughout Hawaii, California, and Washington, where housing costs are
significantly higher. As a result, Samoan Americans have the highest poverty rate among Pacific
Islanders, with a median household income of $69,116 and a homeless population that is seven
times higher than the United States average (U.S. Census, 2020).
Pacific Islanders are not only struggling economically but academically as well. K-12
standardized scores highlight this achievement gap. According to the California Assessment of
Student Performance and Progress (CAASPP) data from 2018-2019, 44% of Native Hawaiian or
Pacific Islander students (across all grade levels) met or exceeded English language arts
standards, while only 33% met or exceeded math standards (Anderson, 2021). The California
State University system uses these test scores to determine college readiness. According to the
California Department of Education (2021), Pacific Islander students have a higher number of

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absences, suspensions, and expulsions when compared to the statewide average. The negative
data highlights the gaps in education opportunities and outcomes and is reflective of the struggles
Samoan Americans are having in postsecondary education as well. The Pacific Islander college
graduation rate is one of the lowest in the nation at 25% compared to the national average of
35%. Among the Pacific Islanders, Samoan Americans are at the bottom, with only 19.2% of
them having received a bachelor’s degree (U.S. Census, 2021).
Pacific Islanders, both on the islands and in the diaspora, live in a collectivist culture in
which the needs of the community come before the individual (Mulder et al., 2016). The
demands of the culture and the community can become time-consuming and costly for families
and negatively impact how young Samoan American students view education (Vakalahi, 2009).
For many immigrant Americans whose parents or grandparents were born outside of the United
States, this issue intensifies as there is more of an unconscious need to preserve the cultural
customs, traditions, and language of their homeland (Cooper, 2015).
There is very little empirical research available on Samoan American high school
students. However, Borrero et al. (2010) indicated they feel pressure to meet certain cultural
expectations, which often conflict with academic expectations. Cultural assimilation in
educational settings silences aspects of one’s culture that are threatening to a mainstream United
States ideology of success and assimilation (Cooper, 2015). Most teachers within the American
school systems do not have the proper training to incorporate cultural approaches to learning,
supporting families, and helping to create an identity that will allow students to thrive (Borrero et
al., 2010). As a result, some students feel the need to choose between their cultural and academic
identities (Nasir & Saxe, 2003), which makes it difficult for Samoan American students and
creates a rift between student lives at home and their lives at school (Borrero & Yeh, 2016). The

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difficulties of cultural assimilation within the United States educational system are a burden to
many Samoan American students. Cultural assimilation typically starts for most students
transitioning from home to the educational system. Therefore, finding effective ways to support
this process could benefit them.
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
The purpose of the study is to solicit first-generation Samoan Americans’ narratives
regarding their cultural assimilation experiences in the United States educational system and how
it impacts their ability to graduate from college. Participants in this study are both firstgeneration Samoan Americans and first-generation college students. This designation means that
they have at least one parent born in Samoa or American Samoa and that they are among the first
in their families to earn a bachelor’s degree. Additionally, all degrees must have been obtained
within the past seven years to ensure their experiences are relevant to recent developments. One
research question guides this study: How does the cultural assimilation of first-generation
Samoan Americans impact their educational experiences and their ability to graduate from
college?
Importance of the Study
The latest data from the United States Census Bureau (2020) demonstrate that there are
huge challenges for Pacific Islander students as it relates to college access, persistence, and
completion, and for Samoan Americans, this data is even more dire. Samoan American students
do not feel supported in their academic aspirations by their peers, families, and teachers due in
part to the gap in culturally inclusive curriculum in the K-12 educational space (Borrero, 2010).
Their way of learning differs from the Western approach, focusing on a pedagogy that
incorporates values of respect, patience, collectivism, and humility (Henward, 2019). For first-

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generation students, they are not always aware of how to use the resources available to them or
how to navigate through difficult situations when they are struggling academically (Amacher,
2023). This study aims to identify the barriers that persist and the successes that can be leveraged
to enhance the likelihood of future Samoan American students succeeding in college.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory supports this problem of practice by
providing an integrated lens through which to explore the achievement gap within firstgeneration Samoan Americans. This theory argues that the social environment in which one
grows influences human development and helps to explore how those environmental changes
impact an individual’s life experiences (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). This environment is multifaceted
and divided into five interconnected sub-systems that work together to impact a person’s overall
development: (a) microsystem, (b) mesosystem, (c) exosystem, (d) macrosystem, and (e)
chronosystem.
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory provides a structural framework that helps to
dissect and analyze the sociological complexities in the life of a typical first-generation Samoan
American student. This study will utilize two systems of this theory to demonstrate how one’s
social environment can influence a person’s overall development, cultural identity, and ability to
obtain a college degree. The microsystem includes anyone with whom the child has regular
interactions as part of their everyday life. For a typical Samoan American, this consists of
parents, grandparents, extended family (aunts, uncles, cousins), church and school communities.
The macrosystem focuses on how culture or subculture affects one’s development. Finally, the
methodological framework for this study is based on a qualitative approach. Participants were
selected based on specific demographic and educational requirements to understand their

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individual cultural and academic experiences and what factors helped them to graduate from
college. Participants were scheduled for one-on-one interviews to address this study’s research
question.
Definition of Terms
This study used terminology consistent with the literature as it relates to cultural and
academic identities and the issues related to assimilation within the United States. The following
definitions provide clarity for key terms within the study:
Academic Identity is how one sees themselves in an academic domain. One’s academic
identity can affect how one navigates within the school environment (Ransaw et al., 2021).
Cultural Assimilation is the incorporation of a culture into the general host society
(melting pot theory). The acceptance of the host culture may result in the loss of the cultural
identity of an ethnic group (Monteiro, 2021).
Cultural Discontinuity is the disconnect between the student’s culture and the school
culture and how the shift between the two worlds impacts the student (Tyler et al., 2008).
Cultural Duality is how the stress of acculturation and the struggle to function in dual
cultures negatively impact the biological and psychological health of individuals (Berry, 1997).
Cultural Identity is being true to oneself and to one’s culture. It can be synonymous with
national identity and can be defined as being true to one’s homeland. Cultural identity can be
dynamic based on political changes throughout time (Gilbert, 2010).
Diaspora describes people who settle far from their ancestral homelands even when they
have been largely assimilated (Brubaker, 2005).

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Fa’alavelave is a Samoan word that is translated as obligations to family and village with
respect to funerals, weddings, church fundraisers, and other cultural events (Ioane & Tudor,
2017).
Fa’asamoa is a Samoan word that is translated as the “Samoan way of life.” This refers
to the traditions and rituals that are practiced by the Samoan people, which make up the Samoan
culture (Ioane & Tudor, 2017).
First-Generation describes a person with one or both parents born outside of the United
States (Kruzykowski, 2007), and neither one of the parents or guardians possesses a four-year
degree (Davis, 2010).
Macrosystem is the level of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory that accounts for
the impact of cultural beliefs, values, customs, and social norms on human development
(Shelton, 2019). Examples of a macrosystem are cultural systems, governmental laws,
educational systems, and economic and media influences.
Matai is a Samoan word that can be translated as an individual leader or system of chiefs
and leaders that govern the Samoan islands (Tapu, 2020).
Microaggressions are subtle and often unintentional slights that denigrate women or
other underrepresented groups (Kim & Meister, 2023).
Microsystem is the first level of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory. It is where
individuals spend most of their time and have the most enduring relationships (Shelton, 2019).
Examples of a person’s microsystem are parents, grandparents, neighborhood, church, school,
and friends.
Othering refers to the act of disassociating oneself from the threat and blame to transfer it
to a group outside their own (Eichelberger, 2007)

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Tautua is a Samoan word that can be translated as service. These are tasks and ways of
being that show respect, obedience, and diligence in honoring elders and families (Fa’aea &
Enari, 2021).
Organization of the Study
The dissertation is organized into five chapters. This chapter provides the study’s
introduction and outline. Chapter Two supports a review of the relevant literature surrounding
the scope of the study and conceptual framework. Chapter Three details the methodology for
conducting the study, data collection, and analysis. In Chapter Four, the qualitative findings are
presented and analyzed. Chapter Five provides recommendations for practice, future research,
and a call to action.

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Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
This chapter provides a review of the literature through a human ecological lens to better
understand the challenges faced by first-generation Samoan Americans in the educational setting
and how these challenges impact their ability to graduate from college. Key concepts addressed
include cultural assimilation, academic identity, cultural identity, cultural duality, cultural
discontinuity, othering, self-efficacy, self-motivation, self-discipline, and discrimination. By
examining these concepts, the chapter aims to highlight the complex interplay of cultural, social,
and psychological factors that influence the academic experiences of this population.
For the purpose of navigating this chapter, the first section will provide a general
overview of the Samoan culture. This overview will establish some foundational knowledge of
the political and socioeconomic structures that influence the behaviors and practices of Samoan
Americans. The following section will focus on the challenges within the Samoan American
microsystem as they relate to cultural pressures, students’ struggles with their academic and
cultural identity, and the lack of educational support and resources. The next section will address
the challenges within the educational microsystem and explore students’ feelings towards school,
teachers, and peers, as well as cultural discontinuity and sense of belonging. The subsequent
section will discuss the challenges within the macrosystem and how the cultural differences and
discrimination in the United States educational system contribute to the academic gaps faced by
Samoan Americans. The last section will examine the existing strategies available to help firstgeneration students through culturally relevant teaching, culturally responsive intervention, and
college support strategies.

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Understanding the Samoan Culture
The following section provides a background of the Samoan culture and highlights key
roles that govern the rules and the people within the community. It also explores the reasons
Samoan immigrants desire to preserve the values and traditions of their homeland. Elders serve
as the guardians of the culture, ensuring its transmission to future generations both in Samoa and
in the diaspora.
Roles within the Samoan Culture
Samoan society is a collectivist system of government, organized by extended families
within a district or village in which each family has its own “matai” or chief. As a collectivist
culture, Samoans place the needs of the community over the individual and depend on the matai
(chief) to preserve their communal, collective, and hierarchical way of living (Toso, 2011). The
matai (chief) title is entrusted to someone who desires the position and is worthy of the
leadership responsibilities and privileges that come with the role; it is not necessarily given
because of birthright, wealth, or inheritance (Meleisea & Schoeffel, 2022). In Samoa, the matai
(chief) establishes the rules for the land and its inhabitants; however, within the United States,
where Western laws predominantly govern the Samoan community, the role of the matai (chief)
has evolved. They are now responsible for continuing and preserving Samoan traditions by
representing extended families at social events like weddings, funerals, and cultural gatherings
(Ioane & Tudor, 2017). Families who want to continue practicing the Samoan culture and
traditions highly depend on a matai (chief) to be a strong leader and keep the family together.
For those Samoans who do not hold a matai (chief) title, the expectation is to practice
“tautua” or service by working together to carry out the decisions made by the matai (chief) on
behalf of the family. Tautua (service) is a significant tenet of being Samoan, serving the family,

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the village, God, and country (Fa’aea & Enari, 2021). Typical forms of tautua (service) are the
contribution of money or fine mats to family events, cooking, cleaning, caring for elderly
relatives, or hosting out-of-town guests (Uperesa, 2022). Other forms are donating to the church,
helping neighbors or strangers in need, or volunteering at local shelters (Uhila, 2018). A popular
Samoan proverb states, “O le ala i le pule o le tautua,” meaning “the path to leadership is through
service.” This proverb is significant for those Samoan Americans who may not speak the
language because they will always have opportunities to practice the culture through tautua
(service) whether or not they are part of a Samoan community.
Maintaining the Values and Traditions in the United States
In Polynesian communities, the elders are the cultural custodians and play a key role in
preserving cultural values. Elders are highly respected and commonly share a home with younger
generations where they can use their position to share their knowledge by passing on the
language and traditional customs (Vakalaki et al., 2017). Within the Samoan culture, the
grandparents and other elders in the community are responsible for teaching their children and
grandchildren about the importance of tautua (service) and ensuring that their family understands
the significance of protecting and honoring their culture and family name (Fa’aea & Enari,
2021). Elders depend on their children to help fulfill the cultural responsibilities that come from
the matai (chief) in the form of time, money, and commodities (e.g., canned corned beef, canned
tuna, and fine mats) (Vakalahi et al., 2013). Sustaining the fa’asamoa (Samoan way of life)
heavily depends on the knowledge transfer and accountability the elders place on their family
members.
Samoa and its diaspora use the Samoan language to uphold Samoan traditions and
convey values and beliefs that are fundamental to their cultural identity. As the language of the

12
matais (chiefs), it carries the history of the people and is passed down through generations,
taught in the home, and reinforced in church and at family gatherings (Hunkin, 2012). The
language acts as a bridge across generations, allowing individuals to share stories and practice
customs that strengthen their heritage. Samoan Americans might find it challenging to grasp their
Indigenous identity without the Samoan language. They also risk not fully embracing their
culture because of the limited access to their Samoan-only speaking elders and family members
(Hermes & Kawai’ae’a, 2014). With this understanding, Samoan adults usually put pressure on
every household member to attend church as it reinforces the development and maintenance of
Samoan literacy and cultural knowledge (Kearney et al., 2011). Preserving the Samoan language
and encouraging its use, especially within the diaspora, helps to protect Samoan Americans’
cultural identity and heritage.
Challenges within the Samoan American Microsystem
This section outlines the challenges faced by Samoan Americans within their
microsystem. It highlights the cultural pressure to prioritize family over individual needs in order
to receive blessings from ancestors and avoid the embarrassment of bringing shame to the
family. Additionally, it addresses the conflicts between academic and cultural identities, as well
as issues related to accessing academic support and resources.
Cultural Pressures
In a collective society, where the good of the community comes before that of the
individual, Samoan Americans tend to prioritize the needs of the family before their own. In
Borrero and Yeh’s (2010) study, 10 Samoan American high school students were interviewed
regarding their struggles navigating cultural and academic identities. Many students reported
feeling pressured to fulfill specific cultural expectations that often competed with their academic

13
agendas. Some examples include having to miss school to care for their younger siblings, attend
Samoan funerals, or cater to family visiting from out of town. In another study designed to
augment their 2010 findings, Yeh and Borrero published a study in 2014 where they interviewed
10 adult Samoan counselors, case managers, and coordinators who worked closely with Samoan
youth in the San Francisco Bay area middle and high schools. Their findings explained how
many Samoan youth are expected to place family above all else and spend all their free time
outside of school with their family. Even after marriage, Samoan couples may feel a strong
obligation to their extended family and church, and despite having their own family to care for,
they bear a financial and emotional responsibility to their respective parents and siblings (Ioane
& Tudor, 2017). From youth to adulthood, prioritizing the culture is a significant factor in
identifying as a Samoan.
Samoans believe that their actions carry significant weight, affecting not only their
personal lives but also their family’s honor. Positive deeds can lead to blessings, strengthening
family ties and community respect, while negative actions may result in shame, potentially
dishonoring the family name. Through proverbs, metaphors, prayers, and tautua (service),
Samoan oral traditions pass on the blessings from one generation to the next (LilomaiavaDoktor, 2020). Samoans use shame to enforce societal rules by practicing public name-calling,
labeling, and social ostracism (Mataia-Milo, 2017). Every Samoan individual represents the
family, village(s), and island from which they originate. If a child misbehaves, the parents and
family experience the shame, not the child (Pereira, 2010). When any individual does something
good or bad, Samoans ask about their parents, family, and village or where they reside so they
can use that information to elevate or lower a family’s status (Fa’aleava & Alefaio, 2021). This
sense of responsibility to the collective demands that individuals exercise self-control,

14
prioritizing actions that benefit the group over personal desires (Li et al., 2018). This expectation
is common in Asian and Pacific Islander communities, and when self-control becomes too hard
to achieve, Li et al. (2018) stated that it can lead to poor adjustment, criminal and deviant
behavior, unsatisfactory academic performance, and low well-being. The power of avoiding
shame and the pressure of maintaining familial pride adds to the struggle of being a Samoan
growing up in the United States.
Academic and Cultural Identity Struggles
First-generation Samoan Americans have to navigate complex social and academic
circles where the intersection of the two cultures often results in a collision of language, values,
and way of life. In a study by Vakalahi in 2009, fourteen Samoan American high school students
and nine parents were interviewed to understand the risk factors within the culture, community,
and school that impacted a student’s academic success. The findings included how families
struggled to function in dual cultures, specifically with parental language barriers, cultural
expectations, community demands, and financial hardships (Vakalahi, 2009). In 2010, Hune and
Yeo studied Samoan American students in the state of Washington using a mixed methods
approach to obtain qualitative and quantitative data related to demographics, academic
proficiencies, attendance, graduation rates, and interest in higher education. The study described
how Samoan youth were academically disengaged due to the difficulties of navigating between
Samoan and American cultures. In school, they struggled academically and experienced racial
discrimination from peers and staff, often being labeled as bullies or misfits. At home, their
significant responsibilities, including caring for younger siblings and managing household
chores, made it challenging to find time for homework, studying, and school projects (Hune &
Yeo, 2010). The same findings were reported in Samoan high school students in California,

15
where students felt alone due to the negative stereotypes and low expectations from teachers and
administrators, leaving them feeling unwelcome (Borrero & Yeh, 2020). Both academic and
cultural identity play vital roles in shaping a holistic sense of self, creating frustration for
Samoan Americans who feel pressured to choose between the two.
There is a desire for students to do well in school and to attend higher education.
However, the disconnect between parents and their children perpetuates the miscommunication
between the two groups. Many Samoan parents, especially those born in Samoa, have a different
experience with education since their teachers were more focused on hygiene, obedience, and
discipline rather than developing academic skills to succeed (Kearney et al., 2011). Once these
children start school, many become influenced by the Western worldview, which often leads to
stress, misunderstandings, and conflicts within the home (Lee, 2013). Samoan American families
also experience conflict when their children adopt an academic identity, as this can lead to
changes in behavior. As children assimilate to external norms to pursue belonging, tensions may
arise within the family (Yeh et al., 2014). Samoan American parents often lack the skills to
effectively communicate with their children or to connect with them as they transition into their
roles as students.
Support and Resources
Pacific Islander students rely on their families and communities to support them with all
aspects of assimilating into the dominant culture and within the educational system. Compared to
their peers, many Pacific Islander students do not have strong role models or mentors in the
educational space, which makes them less likely to take advantage of tutoring centers, faculty
office hours, the library, or academic advising services (Maramba & Fong, 2020). Pacific
Islander parents want their children to succeed in school; however, barriers such as language and

16
limited access to educational resources prevent them from being able to help (Vakalahi, 2009).
Their lack of familiarity with the curriculum and educational practices complicates efforts for
Samoan American parents to offer adequate academic support (Hune & Yeo, 2010).
Additionally, the authoritarian parenting style common among Samoan Americans can create
barriers to open communication, making it challenging for children to seek support from their
parents when needed (Vakalahi, 2009). Despite their parents’ desire to be more helpful, Samoan
American students seeking academic success often find it necessary to look beyond the home for
assistance.
Challenges within the Educational Microsystem
The following section provides evidence of the educational challenges within a Samoan
American microsystem. The educational system within the United States usually takes a onesize-fits-all approach to learning and seldomly accommodates diverse cultural backgrounds. This
can result in underrepresented students, such as Samoan Americans, feeling alienated and
developing negative attitudes toward school.
Feelings Towards School, Teachers, and Peers
Many ethnic students across the United States feel negatively towards school due to some
educators' societal bias or a lack of cultural understanding and sensitivity. Whites have
historically classified Asian Americans as the “model minority,” pushing a stereotype that
clumps millions of people of Asian descent into a single monolithic group and weaponizing them
as a means to shame other people of color who do not measure up economically or educationally
(Chou, 2015). This author reported how this labeling can lead to feelings of isolation, sadness,
disillusionment, or hopelessness. Borrero et al. (2012) revealed that Samoan American students
felt that schools interpreted their cultural obligations and traditions as a lack of school interest

17
and motivation, stereotyping them as “dumb,” “lazy,” and “dangerous.” Borrero and Yeh (2020)
did a follow-up study, surveying 128 Samoan students from several urban public middle and
high schools in San Francisco, California. Their findings exhibited a strong correlation between
school engagement and their feelings about being Samoan. This study is critical because despite
the lack of support from educators related to cultural dynamics, having a collective group of
peers to connect with can positively affect how Samoan American students perceive their school
experience (Borrero & Yeh, 2020). The disconnect between educators and Samoan American
students makes it difficult for these students to interact with their teachers and engage in school
activities.
Cultural Discontinuity
Cultural discontinuity helps to explain the negative feelings towards school and the
educational underachievement of underrepresented students. Cultural discontinuity is the conflict
between the students’ and the schools’ cultures and how the transfer between cultures impacts
student achievement (Tyler et al., 2008). Researchers have used the idea of cultural discontinuity
to explain how underrepresented students who felt culturally aligned with the school systems
they attended managed to be more motivated and more likely to be academically successful;
however, those students who had the opposite experience were negatively affected both
academically and psychologically (Taggart, 2017). Collective worldviews, like that of Samoan
Americans, often conflict with systems of higher education, where individualism, competition,
and upward movement in social class are encouraged (Waterman et al., 2018). This cultural
disconnection between the home and school environments may cause students to experience
psychological distress that can affect their school performance (Cholewa & West-Olatunji,

18
2008). For Samoan Americans, cultural discontinuity’s impact on a student is significant, given
the vast difference to the dominant culture.
Sense of Belonging
A sense of belonging in school is one of the major predictors of educational success and
represents a significant barrier for underrepresented students. Research shows that when students
feel they belong, it is linked to greater academic motivation, success, and persistence, ultimately
resulting in higher retention and graduation rates (Bentrim & Henning, 2022). A nationwide
longitudinal study surveying first-time, first-year college students reported that underrepresented
students exhibited lower levels of belonging compared to their peers at four-year colleges
(Gopalan & Brady, 2020). Additionally, research on the sense of belonging among Asian
American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) students suggested that a more customized approach is
required to address the intersectional academic gaps experienced by AAPI students (Jang, 2023).
By focusing on the experiences of Samoan Americans and their feelings of lower belonging,
educators and institutions can improve their chances of educational success.
The othering of ethnic groups also contributes to their lack of belonging and perpetuates
the racism against these groups. Othering refers to the act of disassociating oneself from the
threat and blame in order to transfer it to a group outside their own (Eichelberger, 2007). An
example of this othering became evident with the discrimination against Asians during the
COVID-19 pandemic (Li & Nicholson, 2021). Othering can also refer to small ethnic
communities or multiracial groups that do not fit into a cultural category and are labeled as
others. This form of othering reminds them of their status as outsiders and that they do not
belong (Yeh et al., 2014). This socially constructed concept of othering impacts students’
feelings of belonging and their academic performance, which can lead to increased dropout rates

19
(Anjorin & Busari, 2023). The othering process contributes to the discrimination and prejudice
of first-generation Samoan Americans, who may already feel different and excluded because of
the academic barriers they face as underrepresented students.
Self-Efficacy
The traits typically associated with successful students in the United States may
contribute to the challenges that Samoan Americans face within the educational system,
especially since these traits may not align with their cultural values and experiences. These traits
include self-efficacy, self-motivation, and self-discipline. Bandura (1995) defined self-efficacy
as the beliefs an individual holds about their ability to achieve a particular outcome. Students
with strong self-efficacy are more likely to be successful as they typically possess the motivation
and behaviors to accomplish their specific goals (Noonan & Erickson, 2017). This research study
described two essential components needed to support students’ self-efficacy: the belief that
abilities can develop over time and the confidence in one’s capacity to achieve goals and meet
expectations. However, there is limited research on how culture affects self-efficacy. Oettingen
(1995) described that culture’s influence varies based on how individuals select, evaluate, and
integrate information from multiple sources. This study endorsed the idea that within a
collectivist society, self-efficacy is rooted in the community’s belief in an individual and their
ability to succeed in specific tasks. More recent studies confirmed these results by demonstrating
that culture has a significant and complex impact on a student’s self-efficacy (Ahn et al., 2016).
In a collectivist community, such as that of Samoan Americans, community support is a key
factor in the development of a student’s self-efficacy.

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Self-Motivation
Another key attribute that contributes to student success in the United States is selfmotivation. Research supports that self-motivation and self-discipline are positively linked to
better grades among teens (Hagger & Hamilton, 2019). Self-motivated students seek
opportunities and experiences that allow them to achieve personal goals by being engaged and
active in learning (Wehmeyer & Zhao, 2020). This study emphasized the importance of creating
a space and infrastructure that allows students to shape their own learning environments and
paths while also ensuring that educators provide support by recognizing each student as a unique
learner. Research on the intersection of self-motivation and culture is limited, making it
challenging to fully understand how cultural factors influence individual motivation levels and
educational outcomes. A study by Oishi and Diener (2001) determined that within a collectivist
society, students’ motivations are intertwined with the expectations and perceptions of the
important people in their lives, such as parents and friends. More recent studies confirmed that
motivation and the pursuit of happiness depend on culture, whereas in collectivist societies,
motivation is achieved through social engagement with values and goals (Diener et al., 2018).
Like self-efficacy, the community’s support is a major driver in developing a student’s selfmotivation in a collectivist society.
Self-Discipline
While self-efficacy and self-motivation focus on a student’s inner or mental strength,
self-discipline is the attribute that involves the execution of a physical action. Self-discipline is
associated with persistent effort to achieve goal-directed tasks (Hagger & Hamilton, 2019). This
study provided evidence of self-discipline as a predictor of long-term educational outcomes as a
result of students’ abilities to control impulses, emotions, and habits to accomplish a higher

21
objective. Self-discipline predicts academic performance over and beyond intelligence
(Duckworth et al., 2019). While intelligence predicts changes in standardized achievement test
scores, this study provided evidence that self-discipline better predicts changes in grades over
time at every level of schooling. According to Noonan and Erickson (2017), self-motivation and
self-discipline can be taught but require skilled educators willing to support a student’s
development in these areas. Navigating the academic world without self-efficacy, selfmotivation, and self-discipline creates a barrier that significantly decreases a student’s chances of
success.
The Macrosystem and the First-Generation Samoan American
The following section provides evidence of the challenges within a Samoan American’s
macrosystem. This macrosystem includes cultural code-switching, systemic racism in the United
States educational system, and the financial hardship that many first-generation Americans
endure as a result of settling into a new country. The macrosystem also contributes to the
underrepresentation of Samoan Americans in higher education due to the existing
socioeconomic, racial, and gender gaps.
Cultural Code-Switching
First-generation Samoan Americans experience cognitive, linguistic, and behavioral
shifts as they navigate through the different cultures at home, school, and work. Cross-cultural
code-switching is “the act of purposefully modifying one’s behavior, in a specific interaction in a
foreign setting, to accommodate different cultural norms for appropriate behavior” (Molinsky,
2007, p. 623). Adapting one’s behavior to navigate two or more distinct communities is crucial
to being able to experience the benefit of belonging to these communities (Morton, 2013) or
avoiding discrimination for being different (Loyd et al., 2023). Bilingual adults and children

22
practice cognitive and linguistic code-switching when required to maintain a degree of separation
between the two languages (Bosma & Blom, 2019). In contrast, behavioral code-switching
occurs through a change in communication style from direct speech to more task-oriented emails
to maximize clarity and avoid misunderstandings (Zakaria & Ab Rahmon, 2022). Other
examples of behavioral code-switching include being more assertive when speaking to American
teachers versus staying quiet when disciplined or challenged at home (Loyd et al., 2023). The
stress of code-switching on individuals with many conflicting identities compared to those with
less negatively affects their psychological well-being (Fitzsimmons et al., 2017). For many
students from underserved backgrounds, cultural code-switching is a key strategy that allows
them to navigate and access a broader range of opportunities, leveraging their unique experiences
and perspectives (Morton, 2013). Undergoing cognitive, linguistic, and behavioral shifts multiple
times a day may lead to burnout or emotional exhaustion. Another challenge within the
macrosystem that specifically affects students is the discrimination faced within the United
States educational system.
Discrimination in the United States Educational System
The United States has a long history of immigration. The first group of people who
settled in the present United States were immigrants who most likely crossed the land bridge
from Asia to North America 10,000 years ago (Stockman, 2019). Many years later, the first
Europeans migrated to North America and settled in areas that would later become the United
States. More people traveled to the New World to escape persecution, find religious freedom, and
discover economic opportunities (Stockman, 2019). During 1850-1913, nearly 30 million
European immigrants traveled to the United States as part of the age of mass migration

23
(Abramitzky et al., 2012). Millions of immigrants continue to make their way to the United
States for many of the same reasons as those who came before them.
As more immigrants traveled to the United States, new laws were established to prevent
certain types of people from entering. The United States Congress passed several discriminatory
and anti-immigration laws, such as the Chinese Exclusion Act (1882), the Immigration Act
(1882), and the Alien Contract Labor Laws (1885) and (1887) (Orth, 1907). These laws included
mental assessments given to immigrants as a form of acceptance or approval into the United
States and were used as tools to preserve the dominant society’s preferred way of life (Orgad,
2021). Over the years, people in power have used fear to define who belongs and who must leave
(Goodman, 2020). These series of actions created societal problems that proved difficult to
reverse.
Another example of discriminatory practices in the United States that have lingering
effects is redlining. In the 1930s, redlining was used by the federal government to deny access to
credit based on the demographic composition of one’s neighborhood and is a term derived from
the red shading that outlined the lowest-ranked neighborhoods occupied mainly by Black
residents (Aaronson et al., 2021). This study suggested that this practice had meaningful and
lasting effects on the development of these poor urban neighborhoods through reduced home
values and reduced access to credit. Credit access is typically used for homeownership and
business loans and has the potential to place people in a position that increases their savings and
builds wealth (Anderson, 2017). The suppression of this economic opportunity for Blacks and
people of color resulted in the denial to afford a home that would develop equity and potentially
a brighter future for their family (Aaronson et al., 2021). Some lasting effects also include access
to quality education (Burke & Schwalbach, 2021). According to this study, many

24
underperforming public schools are located in the areas redlined in the 20th century. The
economic inequalities associated with redlining have spilled over to educational inequalities
within these neighborhoods.
Redlining exposed other discriminatory practices related to educational inequalities that
persist in the 21st century. One such practice is known as educational redlining. Educational
redlining is the denial of access to quality education as a result of school district lines and
attendance zone boundaries (DeRoche, 2020). This author argued that since schools within an
attendance zone boundary are financed by the same local tax base, they should all have equal
access to the funding for various resources, such as facilities, teachers, and support staff;
however, this is not the case as the best schools are usually reserved for the wealthier families.
Even within the same school district, a student’s educational opportunity and outcome will
depend on which side of the street one lives on (Burke & Schwalbach, 2021). This study
highlighted policies such as open enrollment, which gives students enrolled in low-achieving
schools the option to transfer to a different school within the same school district to help improve
the education gap. Other public school choice options include magnet and charter schools.
Magnet schools are still part of the public school system and typically include a more rigorous
application process than charter schools, which are outside of the public school system and
independently funded (Diem, 2020). This researcher justified how access to these alternative
forms of schooling helps to racially diversify schools, which can lead to better academic and
social outcomes. In addition to the discriminatory practices that give people of color an
educational disadvantage, the United States policies related to the census and racial and ethnic
grouping also created an invisibility factor for small communities like the Pacific Islanders.

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The Invisibility Factor
The Pacific Islander population experienced institutional invisibility in the United States
until the year 2000. Institutional invisibility refers to the “lack of representation in the
compositional diversity of an institution and when institutions do not see nor account for a
community” (Vue, 2021, p. 276). Between 1990 and 2000, Asian and Pacific Islander data were
reported together in the U.S. Census, which conflated the data and gave a false narrative of the
Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander community’s needs (Hall, 2015). This author demonstrated
that the grouping of Asians with Pacific Islanders hindered the public’s understanding of the
Pacific Islander population, especially given that they only made up 3% of the combined Asian
Pacific Islander population. The disaggregation of Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander data
from the Asian population revealed many hidden disparities that would have remained buried in
aggregated data (Sowizral, 2023). Some examples by Tararra et al. (2021) and Sowizral (2023)
illustrated how breast cancer survival outcomes and prostate cancer prevalence were
significantly worse for Pacific Islanders when compared to Asians. Without these types of
studies, Pacific Islander issues remain invisible among the aggregated Asian and Pacific Islander
data. More research is needed in the Pacific Region to understand the unique issues affecting this
community.
Financial Hardship
Poverty is a barrier to academic achievement, which places many Samoan American
students in an underprivileged position. Research specifically focusing on Samoan Americans
and their experiences with poverty is limited, particularly regarding their upbringing in urban
neighborhoods alongside African Americans and Latinx communities that are often affected by
gangs, crime, and violence (Borrero et al., 2010). Samoan Americans have the highest poverty

26
rate among Pacific Islanders, with a median household income of $69,116 and a homeless
population that is seven times higher than the United States average (U.S. Census, 2020). Public
schools are seeing an all-time high in homeless student numbers, which is leading to an increase
in dropout rates and a decrease in IQ and educational attainment for these students (Wages,
2018). This research denoted that a wealthier family with school-aged children earned eleven
times as much as a lower-income family, providing them with more resources for their children’s
development and schooling than lower-income families. The financial hardship, along with many
other social disadvantages, such as teachers’ low expectations, racism, and a lack of role models
in higher education, contribute to educational underperformance and disadvantage across many
underrepresented groups (Blackberry & Kearney, 2021). Wages (2018) also noted that financial
hardship in the form of poverty or homelessness made it difficult for students to focus on their
education while their basic needs remained unmet.
As tuition becomes more expensive, the average American family finds it more difficult
to send their children to college. Over the last 20 years, tuition at the average public four-year
university climbed sharply by 141%, making higher education less accessible to marginalized
students (Hanson, 2024). This study described how going to college is a routine part of life for
students from high-income families, with 71% completing their bachelor’s degree in early
adulthood; however, for students with lower incomes, the rate fell to 10-15%. There continue to
be significant gaps in educational achievement between students from families with low income
when compared to their high-income peers. For students who come from underrepresented
communities and are the first in their families to go to college, the challenges arising from the
intersection of these three factors can be particularly concerning (Tate et al., 2015). This study
examined how students with these intersecting identities lack the structural and sociopolitical

27
support needed to graduate from college. Despite having greater access to resources, the
graduation rate for students from historically marginalized communities remains significantly
lower than that of their White and more affluent counterparts (Kezar & Kitchen, 2020). Overall,
the cost of higher education excludes students experiencing financial hardship, perpetuating their
cycle of poverty and making it increasingly difficult for them to break free.
Underrepresentation in Higher Education
People of color are underrepresented in academic leadership positions in higher
education, leading to feelings of undervaluation and a lack of belonging among these individuals.
According to a 2017 American Council of Education (ACE) survey of all colleges and
universities, 11% of presidents and 11.8% of Chief Academic Officers were people of color,
while 80% of department chairs were White (Chun & Feagin, 2020). This study demonstrated
that the barriers people of color faced when pursuing leadership positions included the denial of
tenure, the need to maintain the status quo, and different standards for people of color regarding
evaluation, compensation, and promotion. Full-time faculty, staff, and administrative positions at
the university level remain predominantly White, adding to the complexities and adverse effects
on underrepresented students’ recruitment, inclusion, and retention rates (Burke, 2021). This
research highlighted that prioritizing a diverse student body and faculty supports a learning
environment that values different viewpoints and prepares students for their careers. In addition,
Settles et al. (2019) examined 118 tenure-track faculty of color at a predominantly White
university. This study found that many of the faculty of color felt like tokens and made highly
visible to represent diversity within the university; in contrast, they also felt invisible and
marginalized as they did not have a strong sense of belonging and felt there was a lack of
recognition for their academic achievements from their colleagues. A more diverse academic

28
leadership in higher education can create an environment where underrepresented students find it
easier to connect with faculty who reflect their own backgrounds and experiences.
The ability for underrepresented students to connect with teachers who share their
identities has proven to significantly enhance their academic success and overall engagement. A
study conducted by Harvard University, the University of Arkansas, and the University of
Colorado at Colorado Springs demonstrated that many students benefitted academically when
taught by a teacher of their own race (Sawchuk, 2015). The study examined nearly 10 million
students’ math and reading test scores in grades 3-10 over 7 years. After controlling for prior test
scores, socioeconomic status, and a few other characteristics, researchers found that students
who were the same race as their teachers achieved higher test scores. Mishra’s (2020) research
attributed this improvement to the role that social networks and social support played in a
student’s experience within the educational space. This study also confirmed that
underrepresented students were more comfortable being around peers and professors who were
the same race or from similar backgrounds because of the discrimination and negative
stereotyping experienced by other peers and faculty. Establishing mentoring relationships with
same-race faculty shows an increase in the retention and degree attainment of ethnic students
(Brooms, 2017; Hund, 2020). The students in Broom’s (2017) study felt that having this
relationship of teacher, mentor, guide, and advisor was critical to their educational success. For
underrepresented students who are also first-generation students, this support, along with
additional forms of reinforcement, may provide these students with the tools needed to be
academically successful.

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Support Needs for First-Generation Students
First-generation students are present on college campuses across the United States and
face a unique set of challenges that require a specific type of support. In 2016, 56% of all
undergraduates enrolled in college were first-generation college students, and of those students,
0.05% were Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander (Troy et al., 2022). These students have
higher attrition rates when compared to their continuing-generation peers, are twice as likely to
drop out of college, and tend to report lower levels of belonging and higher levels of exclusion
(Schwartz et al., 2018). Troy et al. (2022) attributed the high attrition rates to their lack of
exposure to academic rigor, imposter syndrome, and social and financial barriers, such as food
insecurity, educational expenses, and poverty. To combat some of these challenges,
interventional programs such as intrusive advising were developed, which take a more holistic
and intentional approach to their services (Walker et al., 2023). This study explained that each
student in this type of intrusive advising program underwent an individual psychological,
financial, and academic evaluation to assess their needs. Advisers then used this information to
schedule regular contact with these students, which built relationships of trust and provided them
with the customized help they needed to complete their degrees (Walker et al., 2023). Learning
communities are another form of support that promotes a collaborative partnership with peers,
faculty, staff, mentors, and campus resources (Hill & Woodward, 2013). This study revealed that
learning communities' social and academic benefits positively impacted student retention rates.
Overall, first-generation students need targeted support at various stages of their educational
journey to increase their likelihood of graduating from college.

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Existing Strategies to Help First-Generation Students
The following section describes the existing strategies designed to support the academic
success of first-generation students. These solutions need to address the intricate psychological,
financial, social, and academic challenges that these students face. Nevertheless, efforts to
address some of the known barriers include culturally relevant teaching, culturally responsive
intervention, and various college support strategies.
Culturally Relevant Teaching
Many educators are increasingly embracing culturally relevant teaching as a means to
accommodate students from different cultural backgrounds and their diverse learning
preferences. Culturally relevant teaching is a pedagogical approach that “uses student culture in
order to maintain it and to transcend the negative effects of the dominant culture” (LadsonBillings, 2022, p. 19). This study’s findings highlighted that children have diverse needs that
should not be overlooked in the name of color blindness or equity; instead, these needs should be
acknowledged and addressed accordingly. Research supports the potential effectiveness of
culturally relevant teaching in reversing the underachievement of students of color (Gay, 2018).
This study demonstrated how this pedagogical approach validated and empowered
underrepresented students by creating an environment where they could cultivate their cultural
integrity, competencies, and academic success. As the United States becomes more racially,
ethnically, and linguistically diverse, classrooms are reflecting this growing diversity.
Consequently, many teachers are not only striving to become proficient in their subject areas but
are also acknowledging the importance of their students’ cultures and communities,
understanding that this awareness enhances both teaching and learning (Cochrane et al., 2017).

31
By adopting culturally relevant teaching practices, educators can establish a partnership with
their students that promotes a more effective and engaging learning environment.
Incorporating culturally relevant practices into the teaching curriculums can help create a
more inclusive and culturally rich environment for both students and teachers. Culturally
relevant teaching recognizes the influence of culture on teaching and learning while leveraging
students’ cultural experiences and knowledge (Civitillo et al., 2019). This study’s findings
support the integration of culturally relevant practices in the teaching curriculum and recommend
that these approaches extend beyond initial teacher preparation to become part of the long-term
development goals. Culturally competent teachers create an inclusive classroom environment
that promotes positive relationships among students and increases the students’ sense of
belonging in school (Kumar et al., 2018). This study demonstrated that while culturally relevant
practices primarily aim to support the academic success of underrepresented students, they also
create a meaningful learning environment that benefits all students. Research has shown that,
although learning environments across the United States are not as inclusive as they should be,
the academic achievement of underrepresented students improves dramatically when teaching
and learning are grounded in the cultural frameworks of students of color (Gay, 2018). Culturally
relevant teaching has the potential to create a supportive and respectful educational environment
that enhances the learning experience for every student.
Culturally Responsive Intervention
Several schools are promoting culturally responsive intervention programs to help
underrepresented students develop the skills needed to excel socially and academically. Wear
Your Pride is a culturally responsive intervention program developed and implemented for
Samoan middle and high school students in the San Francisco Bay area to help increase students’

32
connection and engagement (Yeh et al., 2015). This study’s findings confirmed that this
intervention, through small group discussions and conversations with community members,
positively impacted the students’ feelings of social support and cultural empowerment. Another
program, Black to Success, intended for Black males between the ages of 12-16, is designed to
address topics specifically affecting this population through Afrocentric mentoring sessions,
journal writing, and social modeling (Heidelburg & Collins, 2023). This study’s findings were
consistent with prior research validating the effectiveness of Black to Success as a culturally
enriched social skills program. Generic, culturally responsive, all-encompassing practices are
also available to give school leaders specific strategies to create programs that will give
educators and administrators the tools to be more reflexive and responsive to students’ needs
(Goforth, 2023). Programs that promote cultural pride empower students to embrace their
identities, creating a sense of belonging and confidence while simultaneously enhancing cultural
awareness within their communities.
College Support Strategies
Most first-generation college students are required to navigate the unfamiliar landscape
of college campuses, rules, and procedures with little to no support. There are existing programs
designed to help encourage these students, promote academic success, and ultimately help them
graduate from college. GenOne is a campus-based program specifically for first-generation
college students to help them transition to and graduate from college (Schelbe et al., 2019).
GenOne is an 8-week Summer Bridge Program that provides students with an orientation into the
university culture and prepares them with information to understand the academic rigors of
college. Summer bridge programs for first-generation students at Christian Colleges also offer
academic and social support to new incoming students (Morton & Ramos, 2023). The findings of

33
this study demonstrated that students took advantage of the opportunity to acclimate to the
campus before the first day of classes by visiting classrooms and connecting with others.
Research has shown that not all programs designed to support first-generation college students
are effective, highlighting the need for a customized approach that better addresses their unique
challenges and enhances their chances of achieving their educational goals (Bamberger & Smith,
2023). First-generation students require assistance that extends beyond the college acceptance
letter, and an increasing number of colleges across the United States are working to meet this
critical need.
Conceptual Framework
The conceptual framework for this study includes information from the literature, the
ecological model, and the researcher’s experiences (Figure 1). Bronfenbrenner’s ecology of
human development model is used to explore how the cultural assimilation experiences in the
U.S. educational system impact first-generation Samoan American students’ ability to graduate
from college. This section presents a conceptual framework that demonstrates the
interconnectedness of a student’s social and environmental factors and how that shapes
development and behavior.
Bronfenbrenner (1979) divided a person’s environment into five systems: the
microsystem, the mesosystem, the exosystem, the macrosystem, and the chronosystem. The
microsystem is the most influential level of the ecological systems theory as it has the most
significant impact on a child. For a Samoan American, the interaction with immediate family,
extended family, and the church introduces the child to the Samoan culture. The microsystem
almost exclusively guides their cognitive, social, and physical development. Since many Samoan

34
Americans leverage extended family for childcare, this microsystem only expands once the child
enters the K-12 educational system.
For many children, once they leave home for school on a more regular basis, the struggle
of navigating between the two worlds creates cultural pressures that make it difficult for them to
meet expectations as an American and a Samoan. At home, many children experience academic
and cultural struggles in an attempt to balance cultural demands and complete homework with
limited assistance. Many parents also experience their own barriers with language and
educational resources, which may stump a child’s ability to reach their full potential.
As the child’s microsystem expands to the school campus, feelings towards school,
teachers, and peers start to negatively affect their sense of belonging and, for many, their
academic work. Cultural discontinuity is also a significant factor in a child’s development as
they must learn to constantly shift between two distinct worldviews. For some, it may be easy to
separate the two worlds, but for others, achieving self-efficacy, self-motivation, and selfdiscipline is a challenge not many are able to master even into adulthood.
The macrosystem is the system that focuses on how socioeconomic, political, and cultural
elements affect a child’s development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). For many people of color, this
includes cultural code-switching to adapt their behavior to meet cultural norms in certain
situations. Another area that impacts a child’s development in the macrosystem is the
discrimination students face within the United States educational system. Many of these
problems are systemic issues that have long-lasting consequences, including financial hardship,
underrepresentation in higher education, and the invisibility factor. There are also specific
educational support needs for first-generation students that have not been sufficiently addressed.

35
Figure
1
Conceptual Framework

36
Conclusion
The literature review demonstrates that the Samoan culture instills values that promote a
communal way of living, where the good of the community comes before the individual. As an
American, an individualistic mindset is encouraged since research has indicated that selfefficacy, self-motivation, and self-discipline lead to educational success. Although elders desire
to pass on their values and traditions to the younger generations, the challenges that come with
preserving the Samoan culture make it hard for children to reach their full educational potential
in the United States. The additional challenges of discrimination, financial hardship, and lack of
support also make it difficult for Samoan Americans. The data related to the educational
struggles of Samoan Americans and other underrepresented groups cannot be ignored. Existing
strategies to support these communities are highlighted in the literature and have the potential to
drive meaningful change, one village at a time.

37
Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of this study is to explore how cultural assimilation within the educational
system affects first-generation Samoan Americans’ ability to graduate from college. Chapter
Three explains the methodology used to conduct this study. It begins with restating the research
question and continues with an overview of the qualitative design and research setting. Next, the
chapter examines the positionality of the researcher and the relevant biases, followed by the data
sources, participants, instrumentation, data collection procedures, and data analysis. Lastly, the
chapter concludes with a discussion of the strategies employed to maximize the credibility and
trustworthiness of the study, as well as the ethical considerations involved.
Research Questions
One research question guides this study:
1. How does the cultural assimilation of first-generation Samoan Americans impact their
educational experiences and their ability to graduate from college?
Overview of Design
This study used a qualitative approach for data collection and analysis. Semi-structured
interviews were conducted using 13 participants to gather data that answers the research question
related to this study. The interview protocol included twelve open-ended questions centered
around family, culture, community, and education. The semi-structured interview format allows
for a more in-depth exchange of information focused on the participants’ self-reflection and life
experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The data extracted from these interviews were analyzed
and coded to help identify common themes or ideas.

38
Research Setting
This study focuses on first-generation Samoan Americans who graduated from an
accredited college or university within the past seven years. A bachelor’s degree is required for
eligibility, as it entails a minimum of three years of educational commitment. Participants were
recruited from cities across the U.S. with large populations of Samoan Americans. Examples
include Los Angeles, San Diego, San Francisco, Seattle, and Provo. Thirteen participants were
interviewed one-on-one using Zoom video conferencing technology. To create a conducive
interview environment, participants were given best practices that advised them to prepare a
quiet, private, and comfortable space for the 60-minute interview. Most participants who were
not at work chose quiet locations such as their bedrooms, cars, or outdoor benches.
The Researcher
I am a first-generation Samoan American. My parents immigrated from the island of
Samoa in the 1970s and settled in Carson, California, which was known for its junkyards,
landfills, and oil refineries. We lived during a time when gangs and organized crime were
rampant in Los Angeles County. Despite our surroundings, my parents created a stable and
loving environment for my siblings and me. We were taught morals and values consistent with
their Samoan culture and Christian upbringing. My parents were determined to shelter us from
the chaos in the streets by keeping us busy with church and school, emphasizing the importance
of higher education very early on. I excelled while I was a student in the Los Angeles Unified
School District and ranked in the top five of my class. It was not until I started my freshman year
at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) that I became aware of the challenges I
faced, which were shaped by my unique background and experiences. Not only was I much less

39
prepared for the academic challenges as a college student, but I also realized how
underprivileged I was compared to my Asian female roommates.
My freshman year in college had a significant impact on my worldview and set the tone
for how I perceived myself and others. Imposter syndrome prevented me from joining study
groups or making friends, so I kept quiet and tried to stay under the radar, making a lot of
assumptions about the people around me based on my observations. As a science major, I
eventually landed a job in research within clinical trials. I had an affinity for the technology used
to accelerate the work and naturally gravitated towards Information Technology (IT). As a
female and Pacific Islander in a White male-dominant industry, I became aware that my journey
was not typical of other Pacific Islanders who grew up around me. The intersectionality of race,
gender, and socioeconomic class creates numerous disadvantages that cause underrepresented
students to abandon educational pursuits early.
To mitigate potential assumptions and biases, I disclosed my positionality and biases to
the participants in order to increase credibility, create transparency, and solicit candid feedback
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I incorporated multiple validity procedures by sampling more
participants than needed and using their data to build out established themes (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018). Lastly, I adjusted the interview to suit each participant by rephrasing questions
as needed and maintained a conversational tone to allow participants to openly tell their stories
and give their reflections (Magnusson & Marecek, 2015).
Data Sources
The primary data source for the study comes from first-generation Samoan American
students whose parent was born in Samoa or American Samoa. Each participant was among the
first in their family to graduate from college within the past 7 years. A semi-structured interview

40
was conducted in a manner that allowed me the flexibility to interact with the participants using
prompts, rephrasing questions, and pivoting based on the interview situation (Galletta & Cross,
2013). This type of interview structure helped me obtain rich, meaningful data to deeply
understand the problem of practice (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Thirteen participants were
interviewed for approximately 60 minutes using Zoom video conferencing technology.
Interviews took place over 8 weeks. The COVID-19 pandemic introduced many organizations to
remote work and virtual teams, causing video conferencing to become the norm and, for many,
the preferred way of communicating (de Villiers et al., 2022). The technology platform recorded
the sessions and transcribed the interviews.
Participants
The target population for this study was first-generation Samoan Americans who
graduated with a bachelor’s degree within the past 7 years. A purposeful sampling approach was
used to identify 13 individuals meeting these criteria. To qualify for the study, participants had to
have at least one parent born in Samoa or American Samoa and must be among the first in their
family to graduate from an accredited college or university in the United States.
Participants were recruited using a flyer containing the study's purpose, eligibility
criteria, and contact information. The flyer also included a QR code that linked to a volunteer
opportunity video, offering more detailed information about the study. The flyer was posted on
social media platforms such as Instagram, X (formerly known as Twitter), and Facebook. This
flyer was also sent to Pacific Islander Student Associations (PISA) at local colleges such as
UCLA, California State University, Long Beach (CSULB), and San Diego State
University. California community organizations such as the Samoan Community Development
Center (SCDC) in San Francisco, Samoan Affairs in Carson, and Samoan Solutions in San

41
Mateo County were contacted by email. Despite various recruitment efforts over a 3-week
period, only one participant responded to the flyer. The other twelve participants were recruited
through direct contact by me or through my friends and family.
Thirteen volunteers expressed interest in the study via text or email, and interviews with
all 13 were scheduled and included in the research. After each interview, I replayed the Zoom
recording and reviewed the transcript for accuracy. Once the transcript was finalized, it was sent
to the participant for review, allowing them the option to withdraw their consent or redact any
portions they preferred not to include in the study. All original transcripts were subsequently
approved for use in this study.
Instrumentation
Qualitative one-on-one interviews were used for this study. Qualitative research uses
interpretive techniques to understand how people make sense of their lives and the world around
them (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The interviews used a semi-structured protocol and included
twelve questions and probes to gather descriptive data about participants’ life experiences. This
format involved open-ended questions to create a more relaxed and conversational experience.
To ensure data was organized and refined, I took advantage of this format’s flexibility by
reviewing transcripts after every interview to capture potential themes and ideas I wanted to ask,
observe, or watch out for during the next interview (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
The main interview questions focused on family, culture, community, and education. The
potential probes helped to address key concept areas that were important to framing this
research, such as socioeconomic status, cultural identity, and support groups. These concepts
helped to provide more depth in understanding the participants’ cultural assimilation experiences
and how that motivated them to successfully graduate from college.

42
Data Collection Procedures
Interviews were conducted once approval was received by the Institutional Review Board
(IRB). The interviews took place between May and July 2024 to ensure sufficient time was
allocated to complete interviews before August. Informed consent was obtained via text or email
by each participant prior to scheduling the interview. Once the interview was scheduled, a
confirmation email with a Zoom meeting link was sent via email. The email also included an
attachment titled “Interview Best Practices,” which included guidelines and methods to enhance
the reliability of the data collected and to contribute to a positive and productive interview
experience. Live face-to-face video interviews were completed using the Zoom video
conferencing platform to allow for recording and audio transcription. Handwritten notes were
also used to capture activities that could not be captured via recording, such as changes in mood,
body shifts, or heavy sighs. Data collected from all interviews were analyzed and coded into
themes.
Data Analysis
Data collected from Zoom audio transcription were reviewed for accuracy within one to
two days of the interview. Zoom uses live Automatic Speech Recognition (ASR) to transcribe
meetings in real-time. Most ASR transcriptions are 60-80% accurate depending on variables
such as background noise and volume and clarity of the speaker’s voice (Fox et al., 2021). After
each interview, I replayed the Zoom recording and reviewed the transcript for accuracy. Once the
transcript was finalized, it was sent to the participant for review and approval. All 13 transcripts
were approved and included in the analysis and thematic coding.
Prior to coding, all identifiable information for participants was removed and replaced
with pseudonyms to guarantee anonymity throughout the coding and data analysis process. A

43
coding template in Excel was used to capture themes. Data was coded using a priori based on
prior knowledge and the literature review, which was completed in an earlier chapter. The data
was coded using open coding by assigning codes derived from the information collected across
multiple participants. This process revealed themes, enabling me to apply both coding methods
(Gibbs, 2018). Additionally, a comparative strategy involving case-by-case analysis was utilized
to organize the data and identify commonalities.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
A few strategies were applied to this study to maximize credibility and trustworthiness.
For qualitative interviews, the sample size is usually limited to twenty people since once met,
little new information is generated, and thematic saturation sets in (Vasileiou et al., 2018).
Thirteen participants were interviewed for this study. Respondent validation was used to ensure
internal validity. Respondent validation is soliciting the participants' feedback on the data or
study findings to ensure their experiences and perspectives are accurately captured (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Interview transcripts for this study were shared with participants for their review
and approval. Each transcript received approval from the individual participants before their data
was included in the analysis. Reliability in qualitative research is the ability of research findings
to be dependable or consistent, while trustworthy data is dependent on the trustworthiness of the
researcher (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As a first-generation Samoan American who graduated
from college, I was able to evaluate the consistency of the data by leveraging my positionality
and relying on my integrity and commitment to my community to ensure that the data effectively
informed this study. This personal connection not only enhanced the credibility of my analysis
but also allowed for a deeper understanding of the unique experiences faced by the participants.

44
Ethics
The validity and reliability of a study depend on the ethics of the researcher (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). A written informed consent disclosing the purpose of the study, data privacy
practices, confidentiality, and voluntary participation was provided to each participant. The
option to decline questions or withdraw at any time was repeated multiple times in the informed
consent and before and during the interview transcript review. I was the only one with access to
the raw data. All data included in Chapter Four was deidentified and codified to protect the
privacy of the participants. In addition, this study was submitted to USC’s Institutional Review
Board (IRB) for approval to ensure adherence to applicable regulations, ethical standards, and
institutional policies. This study is committed to protecting the rights and welfare of the
participants.
There are also ethical concerns when a qualitative study is done by an insider. An insider
is a researcher who is part of the group or community being studied (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
One of the core ethical issues is role conflict, where the insider is expected to act per the norms
of the group (Iphofen & Tolich, 2018). To manage this role conflict, I took a reflexive approach
by navigating between my insider and outsider identities (Yvonne & Collins, 2023). The other
ethical issue with insider research is confidentiality. To ensure confidentiality, I assigned
pseudonyms to the participants before conducting any analysis and included the data in a general
and thematic way, excluding any detail that could deidentify a participant (Iphofen & Tolich,
2018). As an insider researcher, I am aware of my positionality and ensured that every
precaution was taken to protect the participants, their families, and their stories.

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Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this study was to understand how cultural assimilation of first-generation
Samoan Americans impacts their educational experience and their ability to graduate from
college. Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model served as the conceptual framework to identify the
complex layers that influenced each participant’s human development. These layers varied from
immediate settings (microsystem) to broader societal factors (macrosystem). Given the scarcity
of qualitative studies on this subject, this research seeks to thoroughly investigate and express the
participants’ experiences, offering valuable insights into their viewpoints.
This chapter will present the study’s findings in response to the following question:
1. How does the cultural assimilation of first-generation Samoan Americans impact their
educational experiences and their ability to graduate from college?
This chapter details the research participants, interview outcomes, and findings, examining how
each layer of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model impacted the participants’ educational
experiences.
Participants
This study included 13 Samoan Americans who graduated with a bachelor’s degree
within the past 7 years. A recruitment flyer containing eligibility criteria and a link to a video
describing the study was posted on multiple social media platforms and emailed to local college
Pacific Islander groups and community organizations. Despite multiple recruitment efforts over a
3-week period, only one participant responded to the flyer. The remaining twelve participants
were contacted directly by the researcher or the researcher’s friends and relatives.
Each participant consented to take part in the interview, and the transcripts were shared
with all 13 participants for review, allowing them to verify the accuracy of the transcripts and

46
redact any information they wished to keep confidential. All participants approved their
transcripts without requesting any changes to the data from their original interviews. Table 1
displays key characteristics of the participants in aggregate, with individual identifiers removed
to ensure their anonymity. The majority of the participants were female (85%) compared to male
(15%), likely because more female participants were available and willing to take part in the
interviews. Although some male candidates were approached and expressed a willingness to
participate, they were ultimately not included due to scheduling conflicts. Data related to age
group, ethnicity, high school location, university location, and scholarship status were also
included in Table 1. University locations outside of California include Georgia, Washington,
Idaho, Texas, and Alabama. Scholar-athletes received partial or full scholarships in water polo,
softball, rugby, and football.
Table 2 includes more descriptive information related to each participant, including the
participant’s name (pseudonym), gender, age range, university research classification, university
private versus public status, and scholarship. The university research classification is based on
the Carnegie Classification of Institutions of Higher Education. This educational framework
measures diverse U.S. higher education institutions based on their research intensity designation
(Indiana University Center for Postsecondary Research, 2018). There are three categories within
doctoral universities and three within Master’s Colleges and Universities. For doctoral
universities, the categories are: R1, which denotes universities; and D/PU, which describes the
least research intense of the doctoral/professional universities. For Master’s Colleges and
Universities, the categories are: M1, which covers master’s colleges and universities with larger
programs; M2, which includes those with medium-sized programs; and M3, which encompasses
institutions with smaller programs.

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Table 1
Key Participant Demographics (n=13)
Characteristic n %
Gender
Female 11 85%
Male 2 15%
Age Group
21-25 7 54%
26-30 5 38%
30+ 1 8%
Ethnicity
>50% Samoan 6 46%
<50% Samoan (Afatasi) 7 54%
High School Location
Los Angeles County 7 54%
Orange / Riverside County 2 15%
Other 4 31%
University Location
California 8 62%
Other 5 38%
Scholarship
Full Athletic Scholarship 3 23%
Full Academic Scholarship 1 8%
Partial Athletic Scholarship 3 23%
N/A 6 46%
Note. Afatasi is used to describe someone who is half-Samoan or of partial Samoan heritage.

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Table 2
Interview Participant Information
Participant
Name
(Pseudonym)
Gender Age Range
University
Research
Classificationa
University
Private vs
Public Status
Scholarship
Nati Female 21-25 R1 Public N/A
Mata Female 31+ R2 Private N/A
Fia Female 26-30 R1 Public N/A
Mele Female 21-25 R2 Public N/A
Merita Female 26-30 R1 Public Full Athletic
Malia Female 21-25 M1 Private Partial Athletic
Polatai Female 21-25 D/PU Private Partial Athletic
Evotia Female 21-25 M1 Public Partial Athletic
Tamati Male 21-25 R2 Public Full Athletic
Seuseu Male 21-25 R1 Public Full Athletic
Vai Female 26-30 R2 Public Full Academic
Rasela Female 26-30 R2 Private N/A
Losa Female 26-30 R1 Public N/A
a University Research Classification is based on the Carnegie Classification of Institutions of
Higher Education. R1 = Doctoral Universities – Very high research activity; R2 = Doctoral
Universities – High research activity; D/PU = Doctoral / Professional Universities; M1 =
Master’s Colleges and Universities – Larger programs.

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Findings Related to the Research Question
The study’s research question seeks to understand how cultural assimilation impacts a
first-generation Samoan American’s educational experience and their ability to graduate from
college. This section outlines four major themes derived from the study’s findings to address the
research question: the challenges of growing up Samoan, the struggle between academic and
cultural identities as students enter school, general educational obstacles, and issues specific to
higher education. Subthemes associated with each major theme will be explored in their
respective subsections.
Growing Up Samoan
The first major theme addresses the key challenges faced by Samoan Americans growing
up in Samoan households, highlighting how Samoan culture shapes their priorities, mindset, and
outlook as they move through life. Being raised in a collective society requires managing a
complex set of cultural values and expectations that emphasize familial duty and community.
The literature shows that young children are raised to practice “tautua,” or service, which
benefits the family and highlights the importance of unity and mutual support (Fa’aea & Enari,
2021). Four subthemes emerged, illustrating how cultural values manifested in individuals’ lives
through various aspects such as family obligations, the pursuit of perfectionism to avoid bringing
shame to the family, practicing humility, and the effects of small-town mentality.
Family Obligations
In a communal society, obligation to the family and community involves many
responsibilities, including caring for family members and participating in communal activities.
Among the participants, four were the oldest children and had the added responsibility of caring
for their siblings while also managing other household duties. For example, Malia, the eldest of

50
four siblings, was primarily responsible for their care. While she was also expected to ensure the
house was clean, her primary role was to look after her siblings. She recalled, “My mom would
tell me that I need to figure out how to manage my time wisely between school, chores, and
sibling responsibilities because everyone is stressed.” Similarly, Polatai, the oldest of three, was
expected to assist with her brother’s laundry and help her younger siblings with their chores. As
the oldest of 15 grandchildren, she was also designated to watch over her younger cousins. She
shared, “My aunty just asked me to watch my cousins on Saturday. I’m always the babysitter.
Whenever somebody needs to watch their kids, I’m the go-to person.”
Other obligations, which extend beyond those of the oldest child, include being available
to assist with family events. Evotia was expected to be the first to arrive at family gatherings to
set up the food, help with serving, and handle the cleanup afterward. She noted, “We were
always the last to leave to make sure the kitchen was clean.” Although Mata was the middle
child, she was still expected to rotate with her cousins to assist with funerals and weddings,
which are significant cultural events in Samoan communities. These events feature traditional
ceremonies and communal feasts, requiring young adults to help with various tasks such as
cooking, cleaning, and serving. Mata described, “The pressure was different being in a faifeau
[pastor] family. Cousins had to take turns showing up to do funerals or wedding fa’alavelaves
[obligation to family]. On Sundays and weekdays, there was no leave of absence.”
Family obligations related to caring for elderly relatives frequently impact personal
decisions. For instance, Vai, an only child, recognized that teaching in other states might provide
better career opportunities and higher income. However, she chose to stay close to her family to
fulfill these important responsibilities. She stated, “Culturally, I’m staying here because of my
parents. I feel responsible, especially with them getting older. I feel like I have to take care of

51
them. I can’t imagine my life without my family.” Similarly, Losa had to balance caring for her
mother, who was experiencing health issues. Losa remembered, “I would come home and take
care of my parents, especially after college. I became that sibling that stayed home with my
parents so I could take my mom to the hospital.” The time and energy required to fulfill these
obligations can become substantial, potentially challenging other priorities, such as academic
pursuits. Caring for family members and participating in family activities are deeply rooted in
cultural values prioritizing family and collective well-being. A core principle of collective wellbeing is the expectation that each individual contributes positively to the family and avoids
actions that might bring dishonor.
Perfectionism and Fear of Failure and Family Shame
In Samoan culture, each individual is viewed as a representative of their family, village,
and island. The literature suggests that personal achievements or failures are often perceived as
reflecting the honor or shame of the entire family (Mataia-Milo, 2017). As a result, there is a
strong expectation for individuals to demonstrate a high level of self-discipline and to make
choices that benefit the common good. Tamati, an athlete whose sport was the top priority in his
family, viewed the cultural expectations as burdensome. The intense focus on his athletic
performance created a pressure that he described as “heavy.” Tamati noted, “We’re expected to
be the best. I had huge expectations of myself. Everyone had huge expectations of me. Every
time I didn’t meet or exceed them, I felt like it added negatively to my mental health.” Vai had a
similar experience, in which she expressed,
A lot of the standards that my [Samoan] mom set for me when I was growing up were
rooted in our culture, how we strive for excellence, how it has to be 110% in everything
we do, anything that your name is attached to. I was very hard on myself.

52
Tamati and Vai both faced pressure to excel and achieve perfection, which they had to address
and discuss with their therapist to overcome.
There was also pressure to stay in school to avoid bringing shame to the family. For
Mata, the pressure was especially intense because she was part of the pastor’s family and felt as
though everyone was closely observing and judging her every action. She explained, “School is a
priority [in my family], and you have to graduate; otherwise, you put shame on your family.”
Despite the limited flexibility within Mata’s family, there was an expectation for her to manage
everything. She added, “I didn’t want to put shame on my family. I didn’t want to disappoint
anyone, so I felt pressured to finish school.” Rasela withdrew from school during her junior year
but felt compelled to return. She voiced,
I didn’t want to let my family down, my parents down, my younger cousins down.
Everyone knew I was in school. They all looked up to me, and it was really hard for me
to go back home and say I didn’t finish.
For Losa, the determination to graduate was unwavering, even if it meant taking an extra
semester or year. She shared, “I knew I wasn’t going to drop the ball on that. I didn’t want to
disappoint my parents or my aunties.” The pressure to perform and ensure that each person adds
value to the family created significant stress for students to bolster their family’s reputation and
avoid bringing shame to both their immediate and extended relatives. In Samoan culture,
elevating the family name is expected to be achieved through humility rather than selfpromotion.
Balancing Humility and Self-Promotion
In cultures that highly value humility, students might be discouraged from showcasing
their achievements or self-promoting, leading to difficulties in situations where self-advocacy is

53
necessary, such as applying for scholarships, internships, or jobs. Students who practice humility
might downplay their successes or struggle with confidently presenting their skills, affecting
their opportunities and academic growth. While humility is a valuable trait that fosters respect
and collaboration, balancing it with the need for self-advocacy and ambition is crucial for
academic success.
Tamati was able to leverage his humility in a positive way by incorporating it into his
career in hospitality. He stated, “Polynesians are always giving, always giving, always giving.
That’s our culture. We give rather than take. It’s just so natural for our people to give. It comes
second nature to help another person or be there.” For Malia, while her White teammates
advocated for an increase in their scholarship, she and her Samoan teammate remained silent.
She explained, “I am just grateful to play. That’s a big thing in our culture, to be thankful for
everything. I feel like I look for the positive and the good in every situation, even when things
get really bad.” According to Mele, “I was taught to be servant-minded. Wherever I am, I ask,
what can I do for you?” Although this approach has benefited Mele in both school and her
career, prioritizing oneself does not come naturally to her. Even after graduation, neither Mata
nor Vai shared their accomplishments on social media or discussed them with others. Mata
expressed, “I didn’t post when I graduated because I felt like it was me showing off.” Vai’s
reaction was similar; she said, “I hate attention. My mom and dad taught me humility, and I think
it’s cultural.” While humility and gratitude are valuable and commendable traits, they can
sometimes prevent students from seizing opportunities that could benefit them in the long term.
Practicing humility aligns with communal living as it reinforces cultural norms and can
contribute to small-town syndrome.

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Small-Town Syndrome
Growing up in a small community can offer individuals close relationships, deep-rooted
cultural bonds, and a strong sense of belonging. However, it can also limit their perspective,
restricting their exposure to broader experiences and diverse viewpoints. The majority of the
participants who grew up in Los Angeles County shared similar experiences tied to this
upbringing, reflecting both the supportive and confining aspects of their community
environment. Given the apparent gap in the current research on this topic, this study aims to
provide new insights and contribute valuable evidence to the field.
As a Samoan American residing in an urban county, Nati described her experience prior
to college by saying, “I never left [my city]. It was just kind of our own isolated bubble. All I
knew were the four corners of [my city].” Mata noted, “Almost everyone around me was
Samoan. I hardly associated with anyone outside of my community. It was mainly my church
family. It wasn’t until I grew up that I realized the world is bigger than just this community.”
Similarly, Evotia was always surrounded by her community and church group and stated,
“Growing up, I didn’t really know anything other than my family. I went to church with them. I
did social gatherings with them. The main people and majority of the people that would come
was my family.” Rasela had a comparable experience and noted, “When I was in my city, all I
knew was the Polynesian community. I didn’t watch the news. I didn’t know anything outside of
that. I had to open up my mind to the big world when I got older.” Losa added, “I grew up with
my Samoan side. A lot of my friends are Samoans. I grew up with the Samoan culture in my city.
I never really left there.” Individuals living in their isolated cultural community may have limited
exposure to diverse ideas and experiences, which can result from their confined interactions
within the community and restricted exposure to the outside world.

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Struggling to Balance Academic and Cultural Identities
The second major theme in this study involves the struggle of Samoan Americans to
balance their cultural and academic identities when they begin school. Two subthemes are
identified: family obligations versus academic demands and using education as a pathway to
freedom from home and cultural constraints. As first-generation Samoan Americans navigate the
educational landscape and develop their academic identities, they often face the challenge of
balancing this with their cultural heritage. Family obligations frequently compete with academic
demands, leading to mental struggles that are unique to individuals raised in these types of
communal societies. This section will examine these challenges and highlight the inner strength,
grit, and determination of these first-generation Samoan American students. It will also examine
how colleges both tested these qualities and offered a potential pathway to break free from the
demanding expectations and responsibilities of their cultural background.
Family Obligations versus Academic Demands
As discussed in an earlier section of this research, obligations to family and community
encompass a range of responsibilities, including caregiving for family members and participating
in family events. When these obligations conflict with academic demands, some participants
faced difficult decisions that required compromising either their family commitments or their
academic pursuits. For example, Nati noted, “I’m always one of the first people that they call for
anything – weddings, baby showers, you name it. I think it’s because I’m a girl. It’s different for
us in the culture.” She also recalled a time during finals week when her family called to tell her,
“You need to be here; there aren’t enough girls!” Mata also attributed some of the pressures to
her gender and stated,

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I feel like it was harder for me and my sister because it was a girl thing. For all the girls
who grew up in the church, the expectation is that you are 100% in service of everything
for the church. You plan school around all these things.
Fia had a similar experience while she was in school. She recounted, “There was some tension in
my family when I couldn’t attend certain events. They were so focused on tradition that they
overlooked my needs as a student.” To address this, Fia adopted a new approach by working on
improving her communication with her family. She described, “During my first few years of
college, I had to show them what I was doing by sharing pictures of me at school.” Although it
took some time for family members to understand, Fia had to assert herself when they questioned
her absences and lack of response to messages. When Losa’s mom’s health began to decline,
Losa had to travel between the school dorms and the hospital frequently. With all the time
devoted to caring for her mom, Losa was uncertain whether she could continue her studies. She
recalled, “I didn’t know if I would have to drop out. I would bring my laptop to the hospital but
would be distracted by everything that was happening.” The pressures of balancing cultural and
academic identities can hinder students from fully concentrating on their educational goals. This
struggle can trigger a desire to use college as a means of escaping, even if only temporarily, from
the demanding expectations and responsibilities of their cultural background.
Pathway to Freedom: From Home and the Culture
College provides an opportunity for most students to experience independence for the
first time. It offers a space for students to explore new interests, ideas, and passions that might be
restricted in their home environments. This quest for personal freedom was a recurring theme
among first-generation Samoan Americans in this study. More than half of the participants
reported coming from strict family households, with their mothers being particularly stringent.

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For almost all of these participants, college was seen as a pathway to freedom from their home
and cultural obligations. Nati noted, “My mom was pretty strict. I saw college as an escape. I
was just trying to get the hell out of this house and go anywhere.” Similarly, Tamati saw college
as “a vehicle for me to leave my home and get away for a little bit.”
Mele was desperate to escape her home because “it gave me the opportunity to be who I
wanted to be.” She added, “My parents were a little bit more strict when I was growing up. So
when I moved, it was a sense of freedom. It was the freedom that I wanted.” Polatai described
her mother as “overbearing, overprotective, and nosey.” She felt her mom demanded a lot from
her, and she longed for her own space. She shared, “Once you get a degree, you get more
freedom. It will lead you to getting a job and will lead to even more freedom. You get your own
place, get to do your own things and travel.”
Mata described feeling as though she had a bipolar personality and explained, “When I’m
in school, I’m in school, and when I’m at home, I’m at home. I really tried to separate those
things. Otherwise, I would have felt really overwhelmed.” Looking back, she believes this
separation was a coping mechanism for her to switch between her different environments.
However, based on existing literature, this practice of behavioral code-switching can have a
detrimental impact on one’s psychological well-being (Fitzsimmons et al., 2017). She added, “At
home, everyone’s telling you this and that, but when you get to school, you get to choose how
you spend your time.” Growing up in a Samoan family, this sense of freedom is seldom possible
at home.
The pursuit of academic and personal freedom offers Samoan Americans a way to break
from the pressures of cultural obligations, enabling them to explore new opportunities and
perspectives. As students become more comfortable with their academic identity, they can

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leverage their student status to embrace this freedom and capitalize on the opportunities that
arise. This shift allows them to explore diverse experiences that contribute to their personal and
academic growth.
Educational Challenges
A third major theme from this study highlights the unique challenges that marginalized
students from communal societies encounter in educational settings, especially when
transitioning to individualistic or Western educational environments. This section will examine
the two identified subthemes: how these challenges influence first-generation Samoan American
students’ feelings towards school, teachers, and peers, and the impact of Samoan culture on
students’ ability to seek help.
Feelings Towards School, Teachers, and Peers
Marginalized students often experience complex feelings towards school, teachers, and
peers, shaped by their social and cultural backgrounds. For the majority of participants, this
struggle emerges as feelings of inferiority or self-doubt. This section will examine two subsubthemes: educational inferiority and physical insecurity. Most of the participants in this study
felt academically behind and believed their high school education and overall experience did not
adequately prepare them for college. The physical appearance of the two males in this study
further contributed to their feelings of inferiority and self-doubt.
Educational Inferiority
Both the literature and the findings from this study support the notion that Samoan
American students often have negative feelings towards school, teachers, and peers (Borrero &
Yeh, 2020). For some, their high school experience did not provide traditional preparation;
instead, it fostered greater self-sufficiency, prompting them to rely on their instincts to navigate

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challenges independently. Nati stated, “At [my high school], we didn’t have the hardest
curriculum. Most teachers at [my high school] were White and kind of racist.” As one of the top
performers at her high school, Nati pointed out that there was only one Black teacher, a former
student, who stood out. She added, “Everyone flocked to her because she was probably the only
teacher that really cared about us.” Despite feeling that her high school did not offer the most
robust curriculum or teacher support, she noted, “If anything, my high school did teach me how
to teach myself because, in college, there was a lot of independently based research learning.”
Mata and Fia attended two predominantly White school districts in Southern California
and had comparable experiences. Mata felt overwhelmed at school, thinking that her peers had
far greater resources for succeeding in high school and preparing for college. Mata explained, “I
hated my high school, and I hardly went to school. I didn’t like the environment…kids were way
smarter than me…I felt like I was always a step behind.” It was not until an English teacher
approached Mata during class to introduce her to the high school’s tutoring center that she began
to connect with the resources she needed for help. Mata recalled, “If I didn’t have that teacher, I
don’t know what I would have done. She really helped me out a lot. She got me with the career
center person, which I didn’t even know existed.”
Fia had the opportunity to attend a more academically prestigious high school than her
local one because her father secured a job there. The high school was in an affluent area that was
not ethnically, racially, or economically diverse. Fia noted,
I didn’t feel really connected to the staff or faculty at all. I felt like a visitor for the whole
four years I was in school. The guidance counselor I was assigned to wasn’t trying to
push me. He would sit with his feet up on another chair when I was in his office.

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As someone who works in education now, Fia is highly critical of school systems, policies, and
procedures. She understands why people of color might find higher education unappealing or
discouraging. Fia explained, “I don’t think I ever questioned my abilities or smartness. I just
didn’t think it felt welcoming. Didn’t feel like college was somewhere I wanted to be.”
Losa realized that her high school education did not adequately prepare her for
continuing her pre-med track in college. As a result, she had to retake several classes and
switched her major because she could not meet the necessary science requirements. Reflecting
on this, Losa said, “I wasn’t as smart as I thought I was. I wanted a STEM major but ended up in
social science because it was a lot easier and would allow me to graduate in 4 years.” The
majority of the participants come from low-income backgrounds and only begin to feel the
impact of their educational disadvantage upon entering college, as they face a lack of preparation
and unmet expectations.
Physical Insecurities
The findings from this study also reinforced the literature, indicating that the othering of
groups like Samoan Americans contributes to their sense of exclusion (Yeh et al., 2014). For the
only two male participants in this study, othering was manifested through their physical
appearance. Tamati discussed how Samoans are often stereotyped for their athleticism and
strength, noting that it is easy to identify someone as Polynesian because they tend to be
significantly larger than their peers. He stated, “People see my physicality first, rather than my
intellect or my emotional capacity. They only see what’s in front of them. I always felt othered
when I didn’t feel as skinny as the other guys.” Tamati explained that there are additional aspects
of his personality that only become apparent once people look beyond the exterior and get to
know him better. He explained, “I would always surprise people with how emotionally

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intelligent I am or how much of a nerd I actually am.” An experience worth noting was when
Tamati was younger and growing up in a predominantly White community; he would try to align
his interests with those of his White peers in an effort to fit in. Tamati explained, “I got into
Pokemon, even though I didn’t really understand Pokemon. I wanted the only thing that
differentiated us to be my size or how I looked.”
Seuseu grew up in a predominantly Hispanic community. During his senior year of high
school, although he did not have any Samoans or Polynesians to socialize with, he tried to
surround himself with people with similar mindsets. As the only Samoan at a large school, he
was the biggest student and often received comments about looking older than his age. He stated,
“I feel most students saw me more of an adult and less of a student. I didn’t feel left out. I just
felt different.” Since Seuseu spent most of his time off-campus earning his associate's degree
from the local community college, he was on the high school campus primarily for football
practice and did not have much opportunity to interact with other students. The process of
othering can intensify a student’s negative feelings towards school, teachers, and peers,
particularly when the difference is physical and beyond their control. Additionally, when these
students face negativity and need assistance, they often lack the skills to identify who to ask or
how to approach them.
Difficulty in Asking Questions and Seeking Help
For many first-generation Samoan Americans, the values of respect for teachers and
authority figures in education often originate from their cultural ideals and upbringing.
According to the literature, elders are highly respected in the community, and based on the
findings in this study, this respect carries over into other aspects of life, including education
(Fa’aea & Enari, 2021). In this cultural context, children are taught to obey and discouraged from

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questioning or challenging authority. The findings align with these views, as participants
reported feeling uncomfortable speaking up in class and sought alternative ways to get help
rather than approaching the teacher directly.
Malia acknowledges that many of the values from her cultural identity influenced her
academic persona. She recalled, “I would not talk back to the teacher. I would just try not to
make the teacher mad.” Even when encouraged to raise her hand and ask questions, Malia
remained silent. She shared, “I would make sure my homework was done, even if it was wrong. I
definitely struggled. I just tried to figure things out on my own.” Evotia had similar experiences.
She explained, “There were times where I could ask questions, but I didn’t. Then I ended up not
knowing how to do my homework or the answers on a test.” Evotia preferred to seek help from
classmates or to ask the teacher privately after class when the opportunity arose. For both Malia
and Evotia, these tendencies persisted into college.
Vai’s experience was similar in that she also handled everything on her own. Vai said,
“Hyper-independence is my downfall. I think a lot of cultural things have impacted my sense of
independence; like it feels like a burden to ask someone for help. Culturally, you don’t ask
questions. You just do it.” Vai explained that as a young person, she was always guided by
others on what to do. Now, as she grows older and steps into leadership roles, she struggles with
this transition because she worries about how she will be perceived. Although the findings show
that the vast majority of participants chose not to seek help from teachers and instead addressed
issues on their own or through their peer communities, each problem they resolved enhanced
their confidence in their academic identity. Many of the generic educational challenges faced by
Samoan Americans were exacerbated by the systemic issues affecting marginalized populations
in higher education.

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Higher Education Challenges
The final major theme from this study focuses on the challenges faced by first-generation
Samoan American students that are specific to higher education. Marginalized students from
communal societies encounter distinct challenges in higher education that can hinder their ability
to remain in school and graduate. The two subthemes are the underrepresentation of Samoan
Americans in higher education and the lack of knowledge about financial literacy and available
resources. This section will explore some of these challenges and specifically examine how they
impact first-generation Samoan American students.
Underrepresentation in Higher Education
The literature highlights that the underrepresentation of Samoan Americans and other
people of color in higher education is a significant issue that impacts a student’s sense of
belonging and academic success (Burke, 2021). In this study, most participants acknowledged
that White male professors predominantly staffed their institutions. Two sub-subthemes were
identified: sense of belonging and mental health issues. The lack of representation, coupled with
insufficient cultural competency and a sense of disconnectedness, led most of the participants to
question their place within the university, contributing to feelings of loneliness and mental health
challenges.
Sense of Belonging
Most participants experienced struggles related to fitting in with peers, faculty, and the
university. Mata recalls beginning her college journey with over 30 Polynesians of Samoan and
Tongan descent, but by the time of her graduation, she was the only one left. She recently faced a
similar situation while pursuing her master’s degree, where she was the only Polynesian among
2,000 graduates. Mata reflected, “How could this whole class of 2,000 people not include at least

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one other Polynesian student? It’s disheartening not to see anyone who looks like you.” The lack
of representation in higher education impacted Fia profoundly, leading to waves of imposter
syndrome. Fia recalled, “I wouldn’t see myself and would feel a lack of motivation, a feeling of
doubt like, can I do this? Is what I’m writing what they want to hear?” Fia admitted to sometimes
writing what she believed the professor wanted to hear rather than sharing her authentic
experience.
As the first person in her family to attend college on both sides, Nati considered dropping
out during her first year despite performing well academically. She felt overwhelmed and
unprepared for the college experience, partly attributing this to the lack of discussion about
college at home or during high school. Nati remarked, “I don’t think I really understood how the
education system worked, not just academically, but also in terms of having a sense of
belonging.” At her university, the Pacific Islander Student community played a crucial role in
providing her with a supportive network that facilitated connections with other Pacific Islanders.
This community played a key role in fostering a sense of belonging and ensuring she had access
to valuable resources. For Samoan Americans who come from a large, supportive community,
leaving for school can create a sense of loneliness, often causing them to isolate themselves. This
sense of isolation can be a critical factor in the decision to either continue or drop out of school.
Losa also faced doubts about completing her education, especially when her mother fell
ill, and even considered withdrawing or dropping out. During these challenging times, she relied
heavily on the Pacific Islander student community at her university for support. Reflecting on
this, she said, “Much of my support came from my Pacific Islander student community. I
attribute a lot of my academic success to that group. Having a community of people who look
like me and understand my experiences made all the difference.” Rasela had a similar

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experience. During her first year at her university, she discovered the Polynesian club, which
was primarily focused on Hawaiians but still felt close enough to her own culture to provide a
sense of belonging. She recalled, “It gave me a feeling of being back home. They became my
family throughout my entire time at the university.” The underrepresentation of both staff and
students in higher education compelled these students to join campus communities within their
universities as a survival strategy. Nearly all of the participants admitted that, without these
communities, whether comprised of fellow Polynesians or sports teammates, they might not have
graduated. Even with campus community support, being away from their core communities
sometimes led to mental health issues that were not always easy to express.
Mental Health Issues
Mental health is rarely discussed in most Samoan American households, including afatasi
(half-Samoan) households with only one Samoan parent. In this study, 77% of participants
reported experiencing mental health issues. Despite efforts to address these problems with their
parents, the conversations were often met with dismissive responses. Nati shared that discussing
mental health felt taboo, and she feared being met with comments like, “What are you sad for?
You have food on your table and clothes on your back,” feeling that her parents would not
understand her struggles. Instead of receiving empathy, she felt they would view her as
ungrateful or simply complaining, and she was frustrated by responses like, “Just pray about it.”
To seek help, Nati turned to resources at her university. After trying three different therapists,
she struggled to find adequate support due to a lack of cultural understanding. Nati noted that
therapists often advised her to distance herself from her family, which is not a viable option for
Samoan Americans. Similar to other participants who sought mental health therapy, Nati is
focused on finding coping mechanisms rather than attempting to completely escape her situation.

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Mata had a similar experience when she discussed her mental health struggles with her
uncle. She expressed that she needed a break, but he dismissed her concerns as being “all in her
head” and accused her of being lazy. Reflecting on this, Mata felt she had no choice but to “suck
it up” and now realizes she was likely experiencing a mental breakdown at that time. In contrast,
Vai was more transparent about her therapy journey. When she shared her struggles with her
mom, her mother took it very hard and felt it was her fault. Vai explained, “I had to educate my
parents about mental health professionals. It’s been a journey to break the views on how our
culture views therapy.” Growing up, Vai recalls only speaking when spoken to and avoided
speaking out of turn, as it would be seen as disrespectful. She said, “I’m trying to navigate these
generational traumas not just for myself, but for my parents as well. I don’t want to challenge the
culture. I just want to help shift it.”
For athletes who faced the additional challenge of balancing academia and sports, the
pressures they experienced had a notable impact on their mental health. Merita sought therapy in
college and worked with several therapists before finding one she was comfortable with. She
explained, “They just don’t understand my cultural background. Luckily, I was able to find a
sports therapist from the African American community who was able to relate to my issues.”
Tamati remembers mental health being a major challenge during his first and second years of
college. He shared, “I got super depressed and was suicidal at one point.” Discussing these issues
with his family was difficult because mental health was not a topic openly addressed in the
Samoan community. Tamati explained, “It’s an invisible sickness so it’s not acknowledged.
There’s a big stigma around mental health, especially within the Polynesian community.”
Eventually, Tamati found support through a campus mentor who helped him get the assistance
he needed. Most participants who faced mental health challenges were open to using mental

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health resources available to students. However, there is a need for therapists to offer culturally
relevant advice to better support them. The availability of these resources and other educational
tools is not always well-known, which further contributes to the lack of information that firstgeneration students encounter during college.
Lack of Knowledge
First-generation college graduates with immigrant parents or grandparents face a
particular set of challenges beyond those experienced by other first-generation students. This
section addresses the subtheme of the lack of knowledge. These challenges include insufficient
guidance, financial literacy gaps, resource limitations, and cultural disconnects. Coupling this
with the cultural barrier of asking questions or seeking help puts Samoan American students in a
tough situation where they have to figure it out themselves or find people or communities they
trust to guide them. Table 3 describes some of the participants’ experiences resulting from their
lack of knowledge when they entered college.
For example, after considering a career in the military, Fia decided to enroll in
community college after high school with minimal guidance. She registered for six classes,
modeling it after the number of classes she took in high school. As a result, she took on an
overwhelming schedule for her first semester and was placed on academic probation. This
situation, however, proved beneficial as it led her to meet with a counselor. Fia reflected,
“Meeting with the counselor helped me to understand the proper way to go about scheduling
classes.” Fia was able to apply that knowledge at the university level and scheduled meetings
with a counselor early on.

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Table 3
Interview Participant Response to Lack of Knowledge
Participant Noteworthy Quotes
Nati “I was planning on dropping out my first year. I was doing good
academically. I don’t think I really understood how the education system
worked.”
Mata “People assume that just because you speak English, you have the tools to
navigate things on your own.”
Fia “When I got to community college, I signed up for 6 classes. I modeled it
after high school. It was my first year, and I ended up on academic
probation.”
Malia “My academic advisor wasn’t helpful, so I would ask my teammates about
credits and which classes they were taking, and then I would just figure it out
on my own.”
Evotia “Not being financially literate was hard. I didn’t know how financial aid
worked, how to get money back, or how to budget for things I needed.”
Tamati “I would’ve loved to hear more talk about mental health. I feel like it’s one of
the silent killers for our community.”
Vai “Not knowing how to do certain things because nobody really did it before
me. I had to figure things out on my own. I had to learn that it was okay to
ask questions.”
Rasela “Being in a culture that does not focus on financial literacy is a setback for us.
How am I expected to pay for college? How am I going to finish?”
Losa “Had I known, financially, that you don’t have to go straight to a four year,
especially if you don’t know what you want to do yet…that’ll save you a ton
of money.”

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Mata attended community college and was aware of the many resources available on
campus but struggled with knowing who to approach for help. She remarked, “I think that’s the
hardest part – figuring out what to ask or who to ask. People assume that just because you speak
English, you have the tools to navigate things on your own.” Mata also voiced her frustration
about having immigrant parents from the islands who were unfamiliar with the system and
unable to assist her. She added, “I didn’t have the luxury of seeing someone else model that
process before me. I felt alone. I knew I wasn’t alone, but it felt that way.”
Vai’s transition to college was a significant shift from high school, where learning new
subjects came more naturally. She attributes her difficulties in college to the “not knowing.” Vai
recalled, “It was hard not knowing how to do certain things because nobody really did it before
me. I had to figure things out on my own and learn that it was okay to ask questions.” The lack
of knowledge of the general college experience also manifested in more specific sub-subthemes,
specifically, the gaps in financial literacy.
Financial Literacy Gaps
As noted in the literature, financial challenges were anticipated to be a significant and
recurring issue in this study (Blackberry & Kearney, 2021). Most participants came from lowincome backgrounds, and although most received financial aid to cover costs, they struggled
with budgeting skills, debt management, and understanding financial products like loans. As a
result, they found it challenging to plan for the long term while in college. Almost all of the
participants faced financial difficulties from one semester to the next, often turning to their
parents for help that was not always available. Although full scholarship recipients were less
affected, student-athletes with partial scholarships also experienced the financial strain.

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Nati acknowledged that finances were a significant challenge for her. She shared, “I
come from a low-income background, so my parents were never able to help me get my
textbooks or other expenses.” When she would reach out to her parents, her mom would respond,
“I need to take care of this household. Now that you’re out of the house, you need to be
independent.” Mata had a similar experience and remembered, “We didn’t have money; there
were too many of us.” Rasela noted that many Samoans face financial instability because the
culture does not focus on generational wealth. She struggled with concerns about completing
college and admitted, “I don’t think I applied to all the grants and scholarships available. I should
have asked for more help.” Losa also mentioned her lack of financial literacy growing up and
said, “I was taking out every single loan I could to have money. I didn’t want to ask my parents
for money. In fact, I would have to help them with the rent when I got my student loans.” She
also remembered helping her sister with tuition because her mother was on disability, and her
father was retired and unable to contribute financially. Losa commented, “Giving back to the
family is a big part of our Polynesian culture.” Looking back, she reflected that attending a
community college first and then transferring to a four-year university might have been a more
cost-effective approach.
Student-athletes with partial scholarships also faced financial difficulties. Polatai, who
had lost interest in her sport and wanted to concentrate on academics, needed to remain on the
team to keep her scholarship. She recalled, “I struggled financially and had to have a tough
conversation with my coach.” After meeting with her coach to explain her situation, Polatai was
allowed to keep her scholarship. With the support of her coach and financial aid, she was able to
complete her college education. Similarly, Malia experienced financial challenges, but her
parents discouraged her from getting a job to ensure she could focus on her studies. Malia

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admitted, “I knew I was definitely hurting their pockets at times.” While attending college out of
state, she had rent, gas, and grocery expenses. To manage, Malia resourcefully used her cousin’s
meal plan at the dorms to help with food.
Evotia, a student-athlete who also attended college out of state, found that her decision
had significant financial, mental, and emotional impacts. She regrets not thoroughly researching
colleges before making the move. She reflected, “JC [junior college] is not a bad route; it’s
actually a really smart choice. I wish I took that route to save money because I don’t think I was
really prepared for college or ready to leave home.” To manage her finances, Evotia had to take
on a part-time job. Despite receiving financial aid, it did not cover all her expenses, so she had to
ask her parents for help. She acknowledged, “Not being financially literate was hard. I didn’t
know how financial aid worked, how to get money back, or how to budget for things I needed.”
Higher education challenges for first-generation Samoan Americans include a lack of
connection, mental health concerns, and difficulties with college culture and financial literacy,
all of which can significantly impact their ability to graduate.
Summary
As children, the participants were raised with cultural values that emphasized family,
dedicating much of their time to caring for siblings and elders and fulfilling various family
responsibilities. Their actions were often motivated by family pride and the fear of bringing
shame, prioritizing the collective family name over individual recognition. When this mindset of
perfectionism and high achievement is carried into the educational environment, participants
often struggle with assimilation, finding it challenging to balance their cultural responsibilities
with academic demands.

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In high school, most of the participants felt that their schools did not adequately prepare
them for college. Coming from low-income communities, they often encountered a less robust
curriculum, leading to significant gaps when they entered higher education. While in college,
participants discussed experiences with imposter syndrome and difficulties in finding a sense of
belonging due to a lack of representation on campus. Additionally, the Samoan boys experienced
a significant growth spurt during puberty, which further impacted their feelings of inferiority and
self-doubt. As first-generation college students, they often encountered gaps in knowledge about
essential resources, financial literacy, and available support, making their educational experience
and ability to succeed considerably more challenging than that of their peers.

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Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations
This section begins with a discussion of the findings, analyzing them in relation to the
research question and connecting them to existing literature. The following section will outline
four key recommendations based on these findings and will address the study’s limitations and
delimitations. Finally, it will suggest directions for future research.
Discussion of Findings
The study investigated the impact of cultural assimilation on the educational experiences
and the ability of first-generation Samoan Americans to graduate from college. Utilizing
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems framework, this study assessed the experiences,
perceptions, and viewpoints of 13 individuals who were raised in various regions of the country.
The research identified four overarching themes that provided insight into the research question.
The first three themes were linked to the immediate settings (microsystem) of human
development, while the final theme pertained to the broader societal factors (macrosystem).
Together, these systems influenced Samoan Americans’ educational experiences and their
likelihood of graduating from college.
Finding One: Samoan Upbringing and Shaping a Collective Mindset
Growing up Samoan places a strong emphasis on family responsibility and community
connection. As young children, participants were taught to prioritize the family's needs over their
own, adopting a service-oriented mindset. This approach cultivated young adults who felt a deep
sense of duty to care for their families and represent them honorably, often with humility and
without seeking recognition. Practicing humility frequently left little room for participants to
advocate for their needs, making it challenging to set personal goals outside of the collective
community. Instead, some participants felt pressured to serve as their family’s representative in

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areas such as sports or academics, with their successes or failures significantly impacting their
family’s reputation. These attitudes and behaviors reflect the influence of Bronfenbrenner’s
microsystem, where immediate relationships and interactions within the family and community
shape an individual’s development.
A collective, service-oriented mindset can benefit the academic environment by
promoting teamwork and collaboration, creating peer communities capable of addressing
challenging issues and driving positive change. However, Samoan Americans will need to learn
how to extend this mindset to communities beyond their own once they venture outside their
home. Growing up in a close-knit community led many of the participants to experience smalltown syndrome, where the focus is primarily on local concerns and where global issues feel less
relevant. This narrow perspective can often discourage new ideas and experiences, making it
intimidating to try new things and explore places beyond the community. Many Samoan
Americans' initial experiences outside the home occur within their community, where their
parents continue to reinforce their cultural identity. It is only when they leave home for college
that their circle of influence or microsystem begins to change, allowing them to become more
curious about global events and to develop their academic identity independently, free from
parental or family influence.
A collective mindset can limit a student’s ability to succeed in an individualist society
like the college environment. To maintain their cultural identity, students often need to develop a
distinct academic identity that allows them to effectively code-switch and thrive in both settings.
Cross-cultural code-switching is “the act of purposefully modifying one’s behavior, in a specific
interaction in a foreign setting, to accommodate different cultural norms for appropriate
behavior” (Molinsky, 2007, p. 623). The ability to code-switch reflects the influence of the

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microsystem, where the relationships and interactions within their specific setting dictate when
and how these students adapt their behaviors and communication styles. Participants in this
research showed that behavioral code-switching can help alleviate anxiety and cognitive
overload by compartmentalizing various aspects of a person’s life. This form of behavioral
adaptation encourages these students to think critically and adaptively in various contexts,
potentially promoting the development of their separate identities with each ongoing interaction.
Finding Two: Balancing Family Obligations and Academic Demands
In a Western-focused society like the United States, where personal autonomy is highly
valued, most participants experienced internal conflicts when their academic ambitions
conflicted with communal expectations. Although they sought to find a balance between the two,
participants reported being raised in strict households where compromising family commitments
was often not an option. For most participants, dropping out of school becomes the first
consideration when faced with overwhelming challenges. However, the fear of bringing shame to
their families often motivates them to persevere and manage everything on their own. The shame
provides these students with a sense of determination that empowers them to persist and find a
way to graduate, overcoming any challenges along the way. Finding a balance between cultural
pressures and academic demands presents unique struggles for these students that their teachers
and peers may not understand or relate to.
In navigating these pressures and stressors, participants romanticized the college
experience, seeing education as a chance to express their individuality and discover their own
voice, but primarily as an opportunity to escape cultural obligations. The opportunity to explore
new experiences and connect with people outside their community granted them a newfound
freedom to build self-confidence and establish personal goals beyond those set by their families.

76
However, the reality quickly set in as they faced educational challenges, largely due to
inadequate mental and academic preparation when entering college.
Balancing cultural and academic identities can be frustrating, particularly when students
feel pressure from both sides. Based on this study, it often seems easier for student-athletes, as
family members tend to recognize the commitment required to excel in sports. This
understanding can lead families to excuse these student-athletes from certain obligations as they
see the potential benefits that athletic excellence can bring to the family. For academic-only
students, involving family in their academic journey is essential. One participant successfully did
this by sharing their college experiences on social media, helping family members within their
microsystem to understand the demands of student life. Another effective strategy used by
several participants was establishing boundaries through clear communication about academic
commitments, project timelines, and exam periods. Setting these boundaries helps to clarify the
dynamics of influences within the microsystem, promoting healthier interactions between the
student and their families. Both of these approaches are often easier for students attending
college several hours away from home, as making frequent trips during the week or weekends
becomes impractical. For students who live at home or nearby, coordinating with other relatives
to manage family obligations can be helpful in achieving that balance.
Finding Three: Educational Challenges of Feeling Behind and Lacking Essential Skills
Educational challenges included insufficient guidance, limited resources, gaps in
financial literacy, and inferior curricula, all of which left the majority of the participants feeling
at a disadvantage compared to their peers. Many of these issues are similar to those faced by
marginalized students who come from low-income backgrounds. The macrosystem or broader
cultural, economic, and political contexts in which these students are raised significantly affect

77
their access to quality schools, dedicated teachers, and positive mentors. Given that most of the
participants grew up in low to middle-class environments, they were able to relate to these
educational obstacles.
Students from low-income communities who excelled in high schools with less rigorous
curricula often struggle to adapt to the academic demands of R1 or R2 level universities, which
attract high-performing students due to their focus on research and education. One of these
students felt behind after having to enroll in introductory writing and science courses following
her freshman placement test at their university. The situation is exacerbated by the fact that these
courses are often disparagingly labeled as “bonehead classes” by students. While this highlights
the shortcomings of a student’s high school curriculum, it is important for students to take
advantage of the opportunity to reset academically and use that time to develop their skills and
confidence. These programs are specifically designed to help students establish a strong
foundation for their academic journey.
A unique educational challenge identified in this study involved the physical insecurities
experienced by Samoan American male students during puberty. This issue was particularly
pronounced for male participants, as they grew up in a non-Samoan community, leading to
feelings of alienation and making them feel out of place in school. Although both students
received full athletic scholarships, they also had equally strong academic identities that were
often overlooked due to their athletic stature. Additional data will be needed to explore this
finding more thoroughly.
A significant barrier to education was the participants’ difficulty in asking questions and
their reluctance to seek help, which affected both communication and learning. This behavior
stemmed from cultural norms within their macrosystem, which conditioned them in this manner.

78
Mastering this skill is essential for navigating the unfamiliar college landscape, enhancing
critical thinking, and achieving academic success. Participants relied on their peer communities
to bridge this skill gap, which many considered a crucial factor in their success. Much of this
achievement can be attributed to their attendance at Minority-Serving Institutions (MSI) that
specifically support Hispanic, Black, or Pacific Islander students. These universities offered a
supportive environment and resources that cultivated the community connection these students
were accustomed to at home.
While seeking assistance from peers is beneficial, Samoan American students also need
to learn to develop this skill with teachers, counselors, and other authority figures in the
educational space. This skill is not regularly practiced within their microsystem at home, which
may require that they channel their academic identities to embrace experiences they might not
typically pursue within their cultural context, granting themselves permission to practice this
skill as scholars. By recognizing that this ability is necessary, acceptable, and encouraged in
academia, regular practice will help them build the muscle memory needed for success.
Finding Four: Higher Education Challenges of Belonging and Knowledge Gaps
Samoan American students who move away for college also leave behind their family
communities, where they typically receive consistent emotional and physical support. This
support plays a crucial role as their identity has been deeply intertwined with their family unit up
to this point. Transitioning from being surrounded by immediate and extended family and friends
to feeling isolated can lead to a deep sense of loneliness that is difficult to manage. Most
participants reported experiencing mental health challenges during their shift from home to
college. In these Samoan communities, discussions about mental health issues were often
dismissed and minimized, with concerns attributed to laziness or met with suggestions to “pray

79
about it.” Participants who did seek professional help often struggled to find culturally relevant
therapists who were knowledgeable about the issues these students faced. Many of the
recommendations offered were based on a Western perspective and did not resonate with their
cultural values or experiences. As new generations of Samoan Americans become more open to
therapy, there is a growing demand for culturally relevant therapists who can understand and
address their unique experiences and backgrounds.
Most participants came from low-income backgrounds and reported facing financial
challenges in college. In some families, attending college was only possible if the student
secured a full scholarship, causing their siblings to consider alternative paths such as joining the
military, attending trade school, or seeking immediate employment. Participants often could not
rely on their parents or extended family for assistance. Consequently, students had to find jobs,
take out loans, and learn to budget the money they received from financial aid or other sources.
These financial difficulties intensified academic stress, as discussions about finances, much like
mental health, were often not discussed openly in Samoan households.
Upon reflection, the majority of participants highlighted the financial literacy gap that, if
addressed, could have significantly improved their ability to make informed decisions before and
during college. Within a Samoan American’s microsystem, money is not typically saved or
budgeted but is instead used to support the essential needs of the immediate and extended
families. Financial education courses should be integrated into every high school curriculum, as
it is essential for students to learn these skills before entering adulthood. Understanding the
fundamentals of budgeting, saving, and managing debt will equip students with the knowledge
they need to navigate college successfully and ultimately achieve financial stability. Since most
Samoan Americans are not expected to move out of their parent’s house until they marry, these

80
skills are often not practiced until later in life. This lack of experience makes financial literacy
especially important for Samoan American students who move away for college and may not
have their parents to rely on for basic necessities.
The findings of this study revealed how the microsystem and macrosystem of a firstgeneration Samoan American shaped their educational experience, impacting personality traits,
mental health, and overall success. Their experiences emphasize the significant influence of
family support, cultural identity, and resource accessibility in determining their paths to success.
Despite the challenges they faced, these participants were able to overcome obstacles and
successfully graduate from college by building strong, supportive communities within their
universities that nurtured their needs and empowered their success.
Recommendations for Practice
The overarching findings of this study led to four key recommendations for practice. The
first finding addresses broader societal factors (macrosystem) and emphasizes the importance of
building awareness of federal-level programs that specifically benefit Pacific Islander
communities. The remaining three findings are shaped by the student’s immediate environment
(microsystem). Based on these findings, the proposed recommendations will focus on
implementing solutions that engage the student’s family, school, and peer relationships.
Integrating all of the recommendations will offer a holistic approach to addressing the research
question, combining broader societal factors with support from the student’s immediate
environment for a more comprehensive solution.
Recommendation 1: Increasing Awareness of AANAPISI Colleges
Higher education presents specific challenges of belonging and knowledge gaps for
Samoan Americans. Participants reported struggles in transitioning from a supportive home

81
environment to feelings of isolation after moving away to college. Almost all of the participants
found connections through athletic teams or Pacific Islander communities on campus, which
offered both a sense of belonging and access to valuable resources. These networks played a
pivotal role in their decision to continue their education rather than withdraw or drop out.
Throughout the interviews, the importance of these community groups was repeatedly
emphasized, as they were key in supporting participants to persist and ultimately graduate from
college.
To ensure first-generation Samoan Americans have the support they need to be successful
in college, they need to be aware of these challenges and seek out Minority-Serving Institutions
(MSI), particularly Asian American and Native American Pacific Islander Serving Institutions
(AANAPISI) that can better equip first-generation students for college. AANAPISIs are one of
11 federally established MSI designations that must satisfy specific eligibility requirements,
including an undergraduate enrollment of at least 10% AA&NHPI (Asian American & Native
Hawaiians Pacific Islanders) students (Nguyen, 2024). Funded by the U.S. Department of
Education, AANAPISI provides resources aimed at supporting low-income, first-generation
AA&NHPI students, particularly those who identify as SEAA (Southeast Asian American) and
NHPI (Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islanders). First-generation Samoan Americans can consider
AANAPISI universities when exploring their higher education options, as these institutions are
better equipped to provide the support needed to enhance their chances of successfully
graduating. Conversely, AANAPISI universities can also actively recruit from these
communities to ensure they are reaching students who would benefit from the resources and
environment these institutions offer. Since MSI designation status may change over time, it
should be verified before applying to a specific institution. An updated list can be found on the

82
U.S. Department of the Interior website under the Office of Diversity, Inclusion, and Civil
Rights. These macrosystem-level federally funded programs are designed to help improve the
success of Samoan Americans and other marginalized groups by providing educational resources
and support.

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Table 4
Context-Specific Recommendations Crosswalk
Finding Principle and Citation Recommendation
Growing Up Samoan
Fosters a Limited
Worldview Centered
on the Collective
Although formal community-based youth
mentoring (CBM) programs are common in
the United States, one-third of teens,
primarily those from the lowest
socioeconomic quartile, report never having
had a relationship (Goldner et al., 2021).
Establish CommunityBased Youth
Mentoring Programs
The Struggle to Find
Balance between
Family Obligations
and Academic
Demands
Educators who are more culturally
competent are able to provide more effective
support to their students from diverse
communities (Fugate, 2021).
Practice Culturally
Responsive Teaching
in Areas with High
Populations of Samoan
Americans
Educational
Challenges of
Feeling Behind and
Lacking Essential
Skills
As noted in the literature review, tuition at
the average public four-year university
increased by 141% over the past 20 years,
significantly reducing access to higher
education for disadvantaged students
(Hanson, 2024).
In contrast, community college provides an
affordable alternative, presenting a viable
pathway to earning a bachelor’s degree,
especially for Students of Color and those
from lower-income backgrounds (Yu et al.,
2024).
Encourage Community
College as a Viable
Educational Option
Higher Education
Challenges of
Belonging and
Knowledge Gaps
AANAPISIs are one of 11 federally
established MSI designations that must
satisfy several eligibility requirements,
including an AA&NHPI undergraduate
enrollment of at least 10% (Nguyen, 2024).
Increase awareness of
AANAPISI Colleges

84
Recommendation 2: Encouraging Community College as a Viable Educational Option
The educational challenges encountered by Samoan Americans revolve around feelings
of being behind and a lack of essential skills necessary for success. This finding is also prevalent
among other marginalized students from low-income backgrounds due to the influences of the
macrosystem, which include poor economic conditions, disparities in educational funding, and
limited community resources. Nearly half of the participants in this study expressed that they
would have benefited from attending community college, as they felt unprepared to leave home,
lacked academic readiness, faced financial instability, or were uncertain about their academic
paths. These participants believed that starting at a community college would have made their
journey to graduation much smoother. Developing community self-awareness can help students
recognize their strengths and challenges, empowering them to make informed decisions that will
benefit themselves and those around them.
As noted in the literature review, tuition at the average public four-year university
increased by 141% over the last 20 years, significantly reducing access to higher education for
marginalized students (Hanson, 2024). In contrast, community college provides an affordable
alternative, presenting a viable pathway to earning a bachelor’s degree, especially for Students of
Color and those from lower-income backgrounds (Yu et al., 2024). For first-generation Samoan
Americans, community college is a financially wise choice, offering a cost-effective, flexible,
and locally accessible option for higher education.
To help these students make informed decisions about their future, high school
counselors must understand the unique challenges faced by their community. This awareness
will enable them to provide relevant and beneficial options, ultimately setting students up for
success. Counselors working with large Pacific Islander populations can achieve this by building

85
relationships with community leaders to gain insight into the circumstances of this student
population, including their financial situations and family dynamics. In areas with significant
Pacific Islander populations, there are community organizations such as the Samoan Community
Development Center (SCDC) in San Francisco, Samoan Affairs in Carson, and Samoan
Solutions in San Mateo County. Counselors can reach out to these organizations to learn
effective strategies for community engagement and better support their students.
High school counselors must also be equipped to support first-generation college students
by offering guidance on financial literacy, life skills, and navigating college campus resources.
Providing this information will empower students to make more informed decisions about their
academic futures. Whether students choose community college or a four-year university, college
readiness should encompass more than just academic preparation and the application process. It
should also involve equipping students with the practical knowledge and skills needed to thrive
in college and beyond.
Recommendation 3: Culturally Responsive Teaching for Pacific Islanders
Family obligations frequently conflict with academic demands, resulting in mental
challenges that are unique to individuals raised in communal societies. Participants shared that,
as children, they were discouraged from questioning or challenging authority. As a result,
effective communication skills are often not cultivated at home, highlighting the need for
educational institutions at the broader context or macrosystem level to recognize these students’
experiences and support them in finding their voice through local, county, and state-run
initiatives. Participants also spoke about using shame as a motivator to persist, though this often
came at the cost of their mental health. It is essential for students to gain the confidence and

86
skills to discuss their academic responsibilities with their families. Raising awareness within
educational settings is a vital first step in supporting this group of students.
Educators in school districts with a significant population of Samoan students should
deepen their understanding of the everyday realities of this vulnerable group by practicing
culturally responsive teaching (CRT). This educational framework aims to create an inclusive
classroom environment by recognizing and valuing students’ cultural backgrounds and
experiences as part of their learning (Gay, 2000). Educators who are more culturally competent
are able to provide more effective support to their students from diverse communities (Fugate,
2021). Advantages of CRT include increased engagement, enhanced critical thinking, and
stronger student-teacher relationships.
Culturally responsive teaching can be achieved through a variety of approaches. Teachers
can be trained through both online and in-person methods using accessible guidebooks that serve
as interactive workspaces and instructional tools for teacher preparation and professional
development (Budhai et al., 2022). Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) implemented
a Culturally and Linguistically Responsive Pedagogy (CLRP) professional development training
in 2017 through their Division of Instruction Access, Equity and Acceleration Unit. CLRP is
embedded in state and district policies, and all certified staff members are required to receive
annual training. This program is still relatively new, but over time, it is expected to make a
significant impact. There are also available online courses offered through the University of San
Diego’s Teaching for Diversity, Equity, and Inclusivity in the Classroom series. Professional
Organizations such as the National Education Association, ASCD (formerly known as the
Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development), and the Council for Exceptional
Children also offer conferences, webinars, publications, and community forums on CRT.

87
Recommendation 4: Establish Community-Based Youth Mentoring Programs
The study’s findings demonstrated that children raised in Samoan households tend to
develop a limited worldview that is primarily focused on collective values. This restricted
perspective stems from a strong emphasis on service and familial obligations, which keep these
children actively engaged with their families for the majority of their time outside of work and
school (Fa’aea & Enari, 2021). To broaden these children’s perspectives, it is essential for them
to expand their influences at the macrosystem level by exposing them to different communities
and diverse ways of life. This exposure will help them to become more socially educated and
develop a deeper understanding of the world around them. To achieve this, Samoan parents need
to be willing to allow their children to participate in programs that support more effective
assimilation as they mature.
Mentoring programs are available to connect youth with adults from diverse backgrounds
who can offer guidance and support, helping them to gain new experiences and perspectives.
Although formal community-based youth mentoring (CBM) programs are common in the United
States, one-third of teens, primarily those from the lowest socioeconomic quartile, report never
having had a mentor (Goldner et al., 2021). Some participants in this study discovered their
mentors by chance, either after being placed on academic probation or when someone noticed
their struggles and offered support. These mentors guided them and helped steer their lives in a
positive direction; without these connections, their paths could have been very different.
There are various national community-based mentoring programs, along with those
specifically aimed at Pacific Islanders. Notable national programs include the Boys and Girls
Clubs of America and YMCA Youth Mentoring Programs, both of which have local chapters in
most major cities. These organizations also offer resources, training, and support to help

88
establish new mentoring programs in areas where there is a need. Programs focused on Pacific
Islanders are primarily student-run initiatives based at local universities with significant Pacific
Islander populations, particularly in the Los Angeles and Orange County areas. Participating in
these programs can help both parents and children better assimilate into their communities by
exposing them to other cultures, diverse environments, and new people.
Limitations and Delimitations
Limitations and delimitations are present in this study. Limitations include factors outside
of the researcher’s control (Theofanidis & Fountouki, 2018). This study includes the interview
environment, the validity of the information gathered by the participants, and limitations due to
sample size and time. Although a document that includes interview best practices was shared
with each participant before the interview, I was not able to control whether a participant read or
adhered to these best practices. The interview environment did include interruptions or
distractions in the form of cell phones, pets, or children, for example. Since interviews were done
remotely, both the researcher and some of the participants experienced technical issues related to
internet bandwidth, Zoom login, or poor video quality. Within Zoom, only the upper part of the
body was visible, making it difficult for me to capture the participant’s full body language.
Graduation degrees or first-generation status were not verified. The parent or grandparent’s birth
certificate and identification card to validate the place of birth were not requested. Additionally,
some findings had to be omitted in order to maintain the confidentiality of the participants due to
the small sample size. The Samoan American community is well-connected, and based on the
narratives shared, it is often possible to discern whose experiences are being recounted. Lastly,
time constraints and scheduling conflicts affected recruitment and the data collection process.
While several male participants initially prepared to join the study, their summer commitments to

89
football and track training prevented them from participating in interviews. As a result, the study
included only two male participants compared to 11 female participants.
Delimitations are the boundaries set by the researcher for this study (Theofanidis &
Fountouki, 2018). These delimitations include using a qualitative methodology and limiting the
interview questions to the 12 listed in Appendix A. Thirteen participants were included in this
study, and interviews were scheduled for one hour. To ensure sufficient time was allocated to
complete the data collection process and analysis, interviews took place between May and July
2024.
Recommendations for Future Research
Due to time constraints, there was a lack of participation from first-generation Samoan
American males in this study, highlighting the need to understand their perspectives.
Furthermore, since the two male participants were full-scholarship athletes, I am particularly
interested in examining whether male students who focus solely on academics navigate
university life and achieve success differently than their female counterparts. Additionally, the
findings suggested a distinction between the experiences of Samoan Americans raised in Orange
County compared to those in Los Angeles County. Another related finding indicated that many
of the afatasis (half-Samoan) in this study experienced microaggressions from other Samoan
students because of their skin color. To safeguard the privacy of the participants, I was unable to
include certain narratives from the data. Factors related to cultural perspectives, social factors,
and discrimination warrant further exploration. Finally, an important area for further research is
the impact of mental health on Pacific Islander students and the resources available to support
them. There appears to be a deficiency in mental health literacy and culturally competent
counseling services on university campuses.

90
Conclusion
Pacific Islanders make up about 0.4% of the total U.S. population. However, their
distribution is concentrated in specific areas due to factors such as migration patterns, military
presence, and strong community networks, including churches, extended family, and friends.
These communal societies can enhance and strengthen their communities by incorporating
cultural values such as respect, patience, collectivism, and humility. These principles promote
local diversity while individuals contribute to the community through their traditions, art forms,
and cuisine, creating a more dynamic and inclusive space for everyone.
As a first-generation Samoan American student, it is deeply frustrating to witness that the
same barriers I faced 30 years ago continue to hold back my community. This situation is
unacceptable. For too long, my community has been overlooked, under-resourced, and
underestimated. It is time to change that. We deserve better support, better resources, and a
stronger commitment to our success. We can no longer stand by while these challenges continue
to hold us back. It is time for action! We need programs that speak to our unique needs, schools
that celebrate and honor our cultures, and policies that fight for our future. We are a community
full of potential and ready to achieve greatness.
While progress may seem slow, I remain hopeful that parents, students, and educators can
work together to implement the recommendations outlined in this study. With existing programs
at local, state, and national levels, we have a unique opportunity to accelerate the advancement of
our Samoan American students, empowering them to access the support needed for success.
Addressing the barriers identified in this study and equipping individuals with the necessary
tools can enhance their integration into the educational ecosystem. This study not only highlights

91
the ongoing challenges faced by Samoan American students but also showcases successes that
can be leveraged to help future students improve their chances of thriving in college and beyond.

92
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Appendix A: Interview Protocol and Questions
Research Question:
1. How does the cultural assimilation of first-generation Samoan Americans impact their
educational experience and their ability to graduate from college?
Respondent Type:
The target population for this study is first-generation Samoan Americans who graduated
with a bachelor’s degree within the past seven years. A purposeful sampling approach will be
taken to identify 12-15 members of this population. The selection criteria for this study require
that participants have at least one parent born in Samoa or American Samoa and graduated from
an accredited college or university in the United States.
Introduction to the Interview:
Hello, and thank you for taking the time to do this interview. My name is Gwen Sale, and
I am a University of Southern California Rossier student. I am conducting this interview to
satisfy a research requirement for my doctoral degree in the Organizational Change and
Leadership program. My study focuses on cultural assimilation's impact on a first-generation
Samoan American’s educational experience. I want to learn what aspects of the cultural
assimilation experience helped or hindered a first-generation Samoan American’s ability to
obtain a college degree. I am interested in learning what cultural barriers are hindering these
students’ ability to succeed. I am interviewing first-generation Samoan Americans, like yourself,
who graduated with a bachelor’s degree within the last seven years.
As part of the research process, I will take notes throughout our conversation. I would
appreciate your permission to record our session via Zoom so I can ensure that your answers are
thoroughly and accurately captured. Do I have your permission to record? Thank you.

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Now that we are recording, I will ask you a series of questions and would like you to
answer them as honestly as possible. Your identity will be protected, and the data I collect will
only be used for research purposes. If you are not comfortable with any of the questions, please
feel free not to answer. Also, if you change your mind and wish to withdraw your consent, you
can do that. Do I have your consent to move forward with the interview? Thank you.
Interview Protocol:
The interview protocol includes 12 primary questions, potential probes, the research
question it addresses, and the key concept associated with it.
1. Tell me about your family. [RQ; Background, Environment]
a. Explain your living arrangement.
b. What was a typical Sunday for you growing up?
c. How were chores distributed throughout the week?
2. Tell me about your experience as it relates to the assimilation into the American culture
at school. [RQ; Environment, Cultural Assimilation]
a. How would you get help if you struggled with a school assignment?
b. Who provided the school supplies at home?
c. Which extracurricular activities did you participate in? (e.g., band, sports, choir,
etc.)
3. How do you feel about school? [RQ; Environment, Academic Identity]
a. What specific teachers or subjects kept you interested? Why?
b. How many school days did you miss throughout the year (on average)? If more
than 2 weeks, why?
c. What were your favorite subjects?
d. Tell me about your favorite teacher.
4. Tell me about your community [RQ; Environment, Cultural Identity]
a. How safe did you feel in your community?
b. Where did you spend most of your time outside of school? Why?
c. How did you get from point A to point B?
5. What does it mean to be a first-generation Samoan American? [RQ; Cultural identity,
Cultural Duality, Othering, Discrimination]
a. How did that make you different from the other people around you?
b. Please provide examples.
6. What cultural events were you required to participate in because you are Samoan? [RQ;
Cultural Identity, Academic Identity, Cultural Duality]
a. How did you feel about that?
b. How did these cultural events interfere with school activities?
c. What took precedence?
7. How do other Samoans view you? [RQ; Cultural Duality, Othering, Discrimination]

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a. How did that make you feel?
b. Who did you hang out with at school? At home? At church?
8. What do you attribute to your academic success (obtaining a degree)? [RQ; Self-Efficacy,
Self-Motivation, Self-Discipline]
a. How would you describe or identify yourself?
b. What motivates you? Why?
c. Did you have a mentor or advisor in college? If no, why not?
9. What aspects of your culture contributed to your success (obtaining a degree)? [RQ;
Cultural Identity, Self-Motivation, Self-Discipline]
a. To whom do you owe your success? Why?
b. Has being a first-generation Samoan American made it easier or more challenging
for you to achieve success? Why?
10. What difficulties or struggles did you encounter while obtaining a degree? [RQ; Cultural
Duality, Academic Identity, Self-Discipline]
a. How did that make you feel?
11. What aspects of your culture contributed to the difficulties or struggles listed in the
previous question? [RQ; Cultural Discontinuity, Cultural Duality, Discrimination]
a. Do you blame anyone specifically?
12. How would you help others avoid some of the difficulties or struggles you faced? [RQ;
Cultural Discontinuity, Cultural Duality, Discrimination]
Conclusion to the Interview:
That was my final question, and I will stop recording this session now. Thank you for
taking the time to participate in this study. Do I have your permission to contact you for any
clarification that I may come across after I review my notes? Thank you. Do you have any
questions for me?
Again, thank you for your time. I appreciate your participation and hope you have a good
rest of your day.

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Cultural assimilation among Samoan Americans differs from other cultures and is shaped by the community’s unique cultural norms and practices. Utilizing Bronfenbrenner’s human ecological systems theory, this study explores how students’ immediate environments (microsystem) and their broader cultural, economic, and political contexts (macrosystem) influence their educational journeys and impact their ability to graduate from college. The research investigates the factors contributing to the adversities and limitations these students face, significantly complicating their college experience. Employing a qualitative approach, data was collected through interviews with 13 first-generation Samoan Americans, each of whom has at least one parent born in Samoa or American Samoa and is among the first in their family to earn a bachelor’s degree from an accredited U.S. college or university. The findings reveal the challenges first-generation Samoan Americans face while navigating the educational landscape, emphasizing that the cultural norms instilled during their upbringing are the most significant factor. The recommendations offer guidance for parents, students, and educators to leverage existing local, state, and national resources that can facilitate the advancement of Samoan American students.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Sale, Gwendolyn Alofaituli (author)

Core Title Cultural assimilation and its impact on educational success

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2024-12

Publication Date 11/14/2024

Defense Date 11/14/2024

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag academic identity,Bronfenbrenner,cultural assimilation,cultural identity,first-generation,Higher education,Samoan American

Format theses (aat)

Language English

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Advisor Datta, Monique Claire (committee chair), Canny, Eric (committee member), Leatutufu-Burch, Saidah (committee member)

Creator Email gsale@usc.edu,gwendolynsale@gmail.com

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Rights Sale, Gwendolyn Alofaituli

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