“Mismatched”: matching Latino/as from API 1-2 high schools to an elite public university

PDF

Download

Open document

Flip pages

Summarize

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content
“MISMATCHED”: MATCHING LATINO/AS FROM API 1-2 HIGH SCHOOLS TO
AN ELITE PUBLIC UNIVERSITY

by
Jorge Luis Torres

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

August 2011

Copyright 2011 Jorge Luis Torres

ii

Dedication
I am grateful to have undertaken this educational for it has helped me uncover
significant findings. Thanks to the support and help of my loved ones, I have been
afforded the opportunity to have pursued these necessary studies. My wife and children
are at the top of that list. I would like to thank my lovely and patient wife Alicia for
supporting me through this endeavor, I would have not have been able to pursue this
course of study without your support. I am forever in indebted to you as you shouldered
most of the burden through this process. To my son Andres, who by now understands
and endured many of hardship during this process, as he carries the responsibility of
being the oldest. Diego Kobé who stayed up with me those countless nights, while the
family slept and to Dianara who allowed me to complete my finals during my first year
by extending her arrival in to our family two days after the end of the semester. We did
it! To my parents who had little to no opportunity in their tierras Michoacánas of
“Rancho Nuevo, and “El Limon” y otros pueblos que anduvieron pasando….. and who
were courageous enough to have crossed into another world giving my siblings and I the
opportunity that they never had. They have forever changed the landscape for the
generations of Torres’ to come. In particular, I would like to thank my amá for teaching
me to do things right “si lo vas hacer as lo bien” and to my apá for instilling in me a
fraction of his work ethic that has helped to compensate and carry me throughout. To my

iii

siblings and the rest of my family who all have helped me in various ways and pulled me
through this process. ¡Gracias a todos!

iv

Acknowledgements
I would like to thank my dissertation chair Dr. Reynaldo Baca for guiding me and
allowing me to select an urban topic as my focus of study. Similarly, I would like to
thank my committee members for assisting me and aiding me through this journey. I am
appreciative and thankful for the students who allowed me into their lives and were
willing participants in this study. I would also like to acknowledge a couple of professors
that impacted my studies at Rossier. Dr. Rousseau whose class engaged me in the issues
of diversity and helped me answer many of the questions I originally came into the
program with. To the power of an institutional agent, who initially planted that seed in
me to pursue my doctorate and who saw something in me. To those agents who continue
to push that rock up the hill. Finally, I would like to acknowledge all of the high school
students who I have been fortunate to have worked with during my tenure as a counselor.
They have all shaped, taught and molded me into the educator that I am today.

v

Table of Contents
Dedication ii
Acknowledgments iv
List of Tables vii
List of Figures viii
Abstract ix
Chapter 1: Introduction Background of the Problem 1
Statement of the Problem 2
Purpose and Rationale for the Problem 5
Research Questions 8
Significance of the Study 9
Limitations of the Study 10
Organization of the Dissertation 10

Chapter 2: Literature Review 12
Cultural Ecological Theory 13
Social Capital 42
Affirmative Action 51
Latino/a Retention 63
Summary 78

Chapter 3: Methodology 89
Introduction 89
Unit of Analysis 91
Sampling 92
Data Collection 92
Interview Procedure 93

Chapter 4: Educational Setting and Research Subject Characteristics 95
High School Background 95
University Background 100
Biographical Sketches and Characteristics of Students 104

vi

Chapter 5: Results of High School Experience 113
Introduction 113
Research Question 1 113
Research Question 2 153

Chapter 6: Results of College Experience 182
Research Question 3 182
Research Question 4 203
Research Question 5 214
Research Question 6 230
Research Question 7 259

Chapter 7: Summary of Research Findings 285
High School Experience 285
Research Question 1 289
Research Question 2 296
College Experience 302
Research Question 3 302
Research Question 4 305
Research Question 5 309
Research Question 6 316
Research Question 7 326
Implications 343
Future Research 359
Limitations of Study 360
Conclusion 360

References 363

Appendixes 379
Appendix A: Comprehensive Review Factors for Freshman Applicants 379
Appendix B: High School Structured Interview Questions and Theoretical 381
Framework Alignment
Appendix C: College Structured Interview Questions and Theoretical 382
Framework Alignment
Appendix D: Student Profile 383
Appendix E: High School Structured Interview Questions 384
Appendix F: College Structured Interview Questions 387
Appendix G: A-G University Requirements 392

vii

List of Tables

Table 1 Student’s High School Demographics 96

Table 2 Student’s High School Performance Data 98

Table 3 High School College Admissions Data 99

Table 4 2005-2009 Average College Sending Patterns by High School 100

Table 5 PPU High School Feeders by API Decile Scores 102

Table 6 Family Background 110

viii

List of Figures

Figure 1 PPU First-Time Freshman Ethnic Enrollment Breakdown 101
Figure 2 PPU Cost of Attendance 103
Figure 3 Future Plans of 07-08 PPU Graduates 104

Figure 4 Student SAT Score and PPU Freshman Average Score 111

Figure 5 College vs. High School GPA 112

ix

Abstract
Cultural Ecological Theory is able to account for minority’s performance in their school
setting, given their incorporation to American society. This incorporation ultimately
leads towards disengagement in academic work for students. However, most research
does not account for the “burden of being Latino/a.” This study accounts for this burden,
given Latino/as’ experiences in API 1-2 high school settings and in a selective college.
Results indicate that these top ranked students do face obstacles despite their top class
rankings in high school and while in college.
Social Capital is said to be the actual or potential resources that are linked to a
person’s network. Often problematic for Latino/a students is the lack of social and
cultural capital found for Latino/as at low performing high schools. Nonetheless,
institutional agents can provide this access and cultural capital that Latino/as often lack.
This study attempted to uncover Latino/as experiences during their high school and
collegiate setting with respects to institutional agents that may have altered their
academic trajectories. Students were found to have institutional agents alter their
trajectories in both settings, while empowerment agents were seen in the college setting.
Affirmative action as applied to minority students continues to be the most highly
debated topic regarding the subject. Much has been said about the college squeeze that is
currently being seen at both flagships in the UC system. Namely, minorities are seen as
taking away admission slots from other more “qualified” students that score higher on

x

their SATs. Latino/a students with lower SAT scores are considered to be affirmative
action given their lower SAT credentials. This study sought to uncover student’s
experiences at one of the UC’s flagship universities who previously attended one of
California’s lowest performing high schools (API 1-2). Particularly, this study looked
beyond GPA as means of assessment in determining their “mismatched” or “matched”
status. Results indicate that students are able to obtain various forms capital beyond a
GPA.
Selective institutions have been proven to yield higher graduation rates, higher
lifetime earnings, post graduate enrollment and higher and faster graduation rates.
Latino/as have usually not been able to enjoy these benefits given their retention at these
selective universities. Negatively impacting their retention includes: racial climate,
diverse quality peer interactions and factors involving the community and family.
Findings demonstrate that students continue their pre-college interaction patterns with
similar ethnic peers once in college, while evidence of by a hostile racial climate was
evident and students were found to be connected to smaller organizations on campus.
Keywords: acting White, social capital, institutional agent, empowerment agent,
stereotype threat, affirmative action, mismatch hypothesis, selective university, flagship
university, API 1-2 high schools, low performing high school, sense of belonging,
Latino/a retention, racial climate, peer interactions, community involvement.

1

Chapter 1
Introduction: Background of the Problem
Obtaining a college degree allows young people to meet the demands of today’s
globalized and knowledge-based economy. Attending college, particularly a university,
may afford the individual several life-altering, long term advantages (Perez &
McDonough, 2008). Today’s economy demands working professionals to become
educated beyond high school. Six out of every 10 jobs in the United States involve
academic skills that can be acquired through some postsecondary education or training
(McDonough, 2004). President Obama also agrees, as he has made it his goal to provide
an “education so that every child can compete in the global economy” (Mitchem, 2009).
Precisely, it is his goal is to restore America’s leadership role by having the greatest
proportion of college graduates in the world by the year 2020. This demand has
particular significance for the future of Latino/as in America. Latino/as, some two thirds
of whom are of Mexican origin, are the largest and fastest growing minority group in the
United States (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). Here, in California, Latino/as have surpassed
their White counterparts as the largest K-12 student population in the state (Johnson,
1999). The Latino/a student population is expected to increase more than 50 percent
between 1985 and 2025 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003). The problem is that the Latino/a
college going population has not kept pace with the national growth rate (Perez &
McDonough, 2008).

2

Statement of the Problem
In California, three primary public higher education learning institutions exist: the
University of California (UC), California State University (CSU), and California
Community Colleges (CCC). This study will focus on Latino/a high school students
attending one of the two flagship universities in the UC system. Given that only about
five out of every one thousand Latino/a first-time students enroll at a UC who attend
CCC’s in California with the highest rates of transfer to the UC system (California
Postsecondary Education Commission, 2009). The UC system is a leading public
research institution (University California Berkeley Office of the President, 2003) and is
touted as the most prestigious and privileged of the three California systems. In 2008, the
UC system enrolled 6,488 Latino/a students while enrolling 13,515 Asian students and
10,634 White students (UC Statfinder, 2010). This gap continues to widen between the
proportion of underrepresented students graduating from high school and those enrolling
as new freshman. Students from underrepresented groups are less likely to be admitted to
each of the UC campuses (California Postsecondary Education Commission, 2007).
Furthermore, the California Post Secondary Commission (2004) states that while only 7.7
percent of Latino/a adults in California have obtained a college degree, 27.7 percent live
in poverty and their median household income is $36.5 thousand dollars a year. In sharp
contrast, Asian and White adults have completed college at rates of 40.9 percent and 33.8
percent, earn $55.4 and $53.7 thousand annually and Asian and White families living in
poverty include 16.5 percent and 8.9 percent respectively.

3

In particular, selective colleges provide special benefits not seen in less selective
ones. Selective institutions have shown to have access to vast alumni networks (Saenz,
Oseguera, Hurtado 2007b), large endowments (Alon & Tienda, 2005), and other
resources that help them to subsidize a significant portion of educational expenses for
students (Carnevale & Rose, 2003). Carnevale and Rose (2003) suggest that selective
colleges spend as much as four times more per student versus less selective institutions.
For instance, Williams College can provide their $65,000 per year education at a
discounted rate of $20,000, giving their students a net subsidy of $45,000 per year
(Carnevale & Strohl, 2010). Additionally, students attending selective institutions enjoy
higher graduation rates than similarly qualified students at less selective institutions
(Alon & Tienda, 2005), while also graduating at faster rates (Bowen, McPherson &
Chingos, 2009), have greater access to postgraduate studies (Carnevale & Rose, 2003)
and have higher lifetime earnings (Behrman, Rosenzweig, & Taubman, 1996; Kane,
1998). These findings have been proven over numerous empirical studies in higher
education (Pascarella & Terezini, 2005) and for minorities (Kane, 1998).
However, Blacks and Latino/as have not enjoyed enrollment rates equal to that of
their White and Asian peers at UC’s two most selective universities; University of
California Los Angeles (UCLA) and Berkeley (UCB). This gap did decrease during the
affirmative action era. Specifically the number of underrepresented students enrolled
nearly doubled from 9.9 to 19.4 percent between 1980-1990, however to a lesser extent at
UCB and UCLA given the increase in enrollment demand (Robinson, 2003). Also,

4

during affirmative action policies the six-year graduation rate at UCB gap between
Whites and minorities decreased, from a 28 percent difference in 1983 to 11.8 percent in
1992 for Black students and from 26.7 percent to 15.3 percent for Latino/a students over
this same period (Carroll, Tyson & Lumas, 2000). Nonetheless, in 1995, despite the
findings of both a UC-appointed committee and the U.S. Department of Education’s
Office for Civil Rights (1989) found UCLA and UCB in compliance with Title VI and
the ruling in Bakke v. UC Regents, the UC Regents passed SP-1 and put an end to the use
of affirmative action policies in admission to UC or any program of study (Jewell, 2000).
Almost suddenly a decrease in Blacks and Latino/as was seen at both institutions
(Robinson, 2003).
More recently, enrollment figures have not recovered from the affirmative action
era at UCB for Black and Latino/a students. In 2008, 145 Black students enrolled in
UCB versus 215 in 1995. Latino/a students enrolled at UCB also suffered a decline from
530 in 1995 to 450 enrolled in 2008 (UC Statfinder, 2010). UCLA shows similar
enrollment figures in this era as well, Blacks saw a decrease of 264 to 225, while
Latino/as saw a decrease of 799 to 746 students (UC Statfinder, 2010). Also, the
percentage of underrepresented minorities graduating from high schools and attending a
UC in California has widened (Atkinson, 2007). Similar decreases in applicants and
admissions has also been seen (UC Statfinder, 2010). These statistics are alarming given
that Latino/as became the majority K-12 population in the state, surpassing their White
counterparts (Johnson, 1999). Furthermore, Moore and Shulock (2007) found that over

5

40 percent of Latino/as eligible to attend a UC enrolled at a community college. Often, a
lack of information and lack of college planning are cited as reasons leading students to
apply to less selective colleges (Roderick et al. 2008). Overall, of the 43 percent Latino/a
college age population only 12.6 percent are enrolled in a UC campus (Moore & Shulock,
2007).
Even more, Latino/as attending LPHS designated as having Academic
Performance Indexes (API) of 1-2 in California have shown to have greater disparities in
attending either UCB or UCLA. In 2008, students attending API 1-2 schools which are
predominantly Latino/a and Black, only saw 272 and 389 students enroll at UCB and
UCLA respectively (UC Statfinder, 2010). In contrast, students attending high schools
with API’s of 9-10 saw enrollment figures of 1,510 at UCB and 1,546 at UCLA. LPHS
are characterized as predominantly Latino/a or Black, with many students qualifying for
free or reduced lunch, have higher student teacher ratios, begin the ninth grade below
grade level and have lower graduation rates (Balanz, 2009). Overall, despite the ruling of
Brown v. Board of education nearly 60 years ago, separate and unequal outcomes are
seen for students attending LPHS who are predominantly minority (Balanz, 2009).
Purpose and Rationale for the Study
This study will be qualitative in nature and will examine Latino/as attending one
of the UC’s flagships, Public Prestige University (PPU) who previously attended LPHS
that are identified in CA as API 1-2 high schools. This study will seek to identify
student’s experiences in their high school setting. Similarly, this study will also seek to

6

learn about their experiences at their highly selective college and how their ethnicity and
previous background from LPHS shapes this relationship.
The investigator was interested in finding out how Latino/as were able to be
successful at their low academic performing high schools and be succeeding at one of the
most selective public universities in the country. Research indicates that minorities
usually underperform compared to their White and Asian counterparts, even when pre-
college factors, such as grades and tests scores are controlled for (Charles et al., 2009).
One would ration that in this case these results would be further pronounced, given
Latino/as’ disadvantaged high school background. However, students from these
disadvantaged backgrounds have been found to graduate from both UCLA and UCB,
while showing improvement in their grade point averages (GPA’s) by graduation (UC
Statfinder, 2010).
Working at a LPH with a API 1 rating for the last several years has lead this
researcher to have a better understanding and appreciation for these student’s lives.
Similarly, through various professional developments and having previously worked as
an UCLA admissions reader, this researcher has also been able to account for how these
students from these LPHS are excluded from the admissions process. Despite having
similar GPA’s, similar Honor and Advanced Placement (AP) course taking patterns as
their counterparts from other high performing high schools, low performing high school
students are never given the same consideration in the admissions process at UCLA.
Mainly, because UCLA like many other selective schools places a great emphasis on

7

SAT scores, where students from LPHS tend to underperform. Having worked with
these students for the last several years, it has become apparent that these minority
students at API 1 schools are equally deserving of attending similar colleges like their
high SAT achieving peers. These students would be doing so if it were not for the lack of
resources and opportunity. It is unfortunate that many colleges give these students little
chance for success and are often excluded from attending the most selective colleges.
Instead, they are undermatched (Bowen et al., 2009) and relegated to attend less selective
colleges like the University of California Riverside (UCR), CSU’s or even community
colleges, where graduation rates and other key benefits are not seen.
Different theoretical constructs are able to shed some light into how Latino/as
from their disadvantageous backgrounds are able to navigate the culture of a selective
university. Institutional agents, as developed by Stanton-Salazar (1997) can provide
individuals who lack information or cultural capital with the necessary information
necessary to navigate institutional barriers or hierarchies. Fordman and Ogbu’s cultural
ecological theory (1986) helps to account for the psychological burden of trying to
navigate two different worlds. For Latino/as, this would include their own ethnic specific
culture and the dominant White culture found in the U.S. Similarly, other bodies of
literature have been useful in accounting for Latino/as’ experiences at a selective
university. Literature on affirmative action, as it relates to selective colleges alleges that
minorities with lower SAT scores than that of their respective institutions are being
“mismatched” and are therefore being given a disservice (Loury & Garman, 1995;

8

Thernstrom & Thernstrom, 1999). Finally, student retention theorists illuminate factors
that have been found to affect Latino/a student retention. Together, these theoretical
constructs serve to account for the role of institutional agents, institutions as it relates to
culture that they create on campus and the successful navigation of these Latino/a
students at a selective university.
Research Questions
In reviewing the literature of Latino/as in selective colleges four different themes
emerged as contributing factors towards their successful navigation of their respective
selective institutions. While the four themes are interconnected each body of literature
sought to address specific theoretical constructs. Given the scope of this qualitative
research this study seeks to generate new information about a small yet significant
population of Latino/as from API 1-2 high schools attending elite universities.
1. How does the burden of being Latino/a affect students from API 1-2 high
schools?
2. How do institutional or empowerment agents affect Latino/as from API 1-2 high
schools?
3. How does the burden of being Latino/a affect students from API 1-2 high schools
at an elite public university?
4. How do institutional or empowerment agents affect Latino/as from low
performing high schools at an elite public university?

9

5. How have Latino/as experiences at an API 1-2 high school impact their
adjustment at an elite public university?
6. How has stereotype threat affected Latino/as’ academic performance at an elite
public university, given their previous API 1-2 high school setting?
7. How do Latino/as from API 1-2 high schools, whose pre-college environments
are predominantly segregated affect their sense of belonging, given their peer
interactions, racial climate and community involvement?
Significance of the Study
While literature regarding affirmative action students exists, important gaps
remain. For instance, no literature exists that purposely examines Latino/as’ experiences
from LPHS attending selective colleges. Also, many of the literature that finds that
students are not over their heads, as the mismatch theory posits, are overwhelmingly
quantitative. This study will attempt to close the gap on this research literature. This
study will attempt to depict the stories of these students in hopes of generating new
knowledge. Research findings will help to address the need of this small yet important
population. For those interested in supporting these students, this qualitative study
should yield significant findings addressing the relationship between Latino/as’ college
and previous high school. Particularly, how these selective schools can support these
Latino/as once on campus is of importance.

10

Limitations of the Study
Given that only eight students participated in the study, the smaller sample size in
this study presents itself as a limitation. Similarly, this study used a purposeful sample of
Latino/a students. Criteria for this sample consisted of having previously attended a low
performing high school, while currently attending a prestigious public university. Given
students’ self selection, this study was also unable to control for student’s biases and
willingness to participate in the study.
Organization of the Dissertation
This dissertation was organized into seven chapters for clarity of purpose. The
first chapter consisted of an introduction, rationale and significance of the study.
Chapter two presents a review of the pertinent literature that will help to frame
each topic and research question. These various bodies of literature will help to
illuminate the lives of Latino/a students in both their high school and selective university
settings. Specifically, the theories of Cultural Ecology, Social Capital and Stereotype
Threat will be reviewed. In addition, literature regarding Latino/a students’ retention at
the collegiate level and the topics of affirmative action will also be discussed. Chapter
three will provide the methodology used in the study.
Chapter four provides a review of the educational setting and research subject
characteristics. Settings include student’s high school and university setting. Also, this
chapter will also introduce the research participants by providing a biographical sketch
and background information of each student.

11

Chapter five reveals the results of student’s experience at their respective low
performing high schools. Similarly, chapter six will uncover student’s experiences at
their selective university setting.
Chapter seven offers the various themes that emerged from the results section.
This chapter will also offer implications for high school and college stakeholders. A
recommendation of future research is also given along with concluding remarks.

12

Chapter 2
Literature Review
In an attempt to uncover Latino/as’ experiences during high school as well as
their experiences at selective colleges, this researcher reviewed the most cited theoretical
constructs found in the literature (Charles et al., 2009; Fordman & Ogbu, 1986; Hurtado
& Carter 1997; Massey & Fischer, 2005 ; Saenz et al., 2007a; Stanton-Salazar, 1997 &
Steele & Aaronson, 1995 ). These theoretical constructs will help to serve as lenses to
account for Latino/as’ experiences at a public selective university. First, an examination
of Cultural Ecological Theory will be looked at with its application to K-12 (Ogbu, 1987)
and selective colleges (Aries, 2008). While recent research refutes the notion that “acting
White” does not lead towards academic disengagement, nevertheless a burden (Ogbu &
Simmons, 1986; Rodriguez-Cazares, 2009) is seen amongst minorities. In particular, this
burden is absent from the literature (Carter, 2006; Fordman & Ogbu, 1986; Mickelson,
1990) with relations to Latino/as from API 1-2 high schools in selective colleges. In fact,
studies accounting for students from API 1-2 high schools were missing in all of the
bodies of literature. Second, an examination of the social capital literature demonstrates
that through institutional and empowerment agents, minorities can acquire and make up
for previously lacking capital that can have life altering consequences (Stanton-Salazar,
2010). This study seeks to find the impact of agents for Latino/a students. Finally,
affirmative action literature demonstrates that there are four emerging themes in the
literature: reverse discrimination, mismatch hypothesis and social stigma and stereotype

13

threat hypothesis (Charles, Fischer, Mooney & Massey (2009). Findings suggest that
little or no evidence is found for the mismatch phenomena with quantitative studies
dominating the methodology (Alon & Tienda, 2005; Bowen & Bok, 1998). As a result,
gaps in the literature include other non quantifiable measures that can be measured by
qualitative studies to generate and inform new knowledge (Patton, 2002). Findings from
the reverse discrimination literature find no empirical evidence to support their claims
(Glazer; 1976; Hernstein and Murray, 1994). Finally, evidence is found for the social
stigma and stereotype threat hypothesis, as they both account for decreases in academic
achievement. Similar to other literature, studies fail to study Latino/a students from API
1-2 high schools.
Cultural Ecological Theory
John Ogbu stressed the association between minorities’ school performance and
their perception of opportunities (1974). Ogbu attributed minority academic variability to
differences between the dominant school’s culture and language and those of minorities.
Specifically, the author found that Asian American students do better in reading, math
and verbal ability than Black, Mexican American and Puerto Rican students. Therefore,
it can be said that despite their differences in language and culture, some minorities
perform better than others. Fordman and Ogbu (1986) attribute this performance
disparity to the way that different minorities are incorporated into our society and
subsequently the consequences of this type of incorporation for their academic mobility.

14

Cultural Ecological Theory (CET) then is said to look at why minority students
perform differently given their different incorporation into American society (Ogbu &
Simmons, 1998). There are two contributing factors to the variability in minority
performance: (1) history, subordination and exploitation of the minority group and (2) the
way these groups view and respond to these barriers in different ways (Ogbu, 1987).
Ogbu (1987) asserts, it is harder for involuntary minorities (Blacks and Native
Americans) to assimilate and do well in school than voluntary minorities (immigrants).
However, Ogbu and Simmons (1998) include later generation voluntary minorities i.e.
Mexican-Americans to be involuntary minorities as well. While Mexican-Americans are
the progeny of voluntary minorities, they too have been similarly incorporated in to the
U.S. through internal colonialism.
Fordman and Ogbu (1986) extend the cultural ecological theory to address
criticisms of addressing school success among Black students and to also better account
for other minority groups. Fordman and Ogbu (1986) state that White people provide
Blacks with inferior schooling and treat them differently, impose a job ceiling and in turn
Blacks develop coping mechanisms that further limit their academic success. Included in
their modification are oppositional collective identity and an oppositional cultural frame
of reference. The oppositional collective identity is formed in opposition to the social
identity of White Americans. According to Fordman and Ogbu (1986), this holds true
because they are not treated like Americans, they see this treatment as encompassing and
enduring, mainly in economic, political, social and psychological domains. The

15

oppositional cultural frame of reference is defined as behaving distinctively than that of
Whites. This frame of reference is developed to maintain their identity thus recognize
only certain forms of events, symbols and meanings as appropriate to them (Fordman &
Ogbu, 1986). Deviating from their ethnic specific frame of reference is said to be "acting
White.” Acting White is negatively perceived and members of the minority group are
ridiculed and ostracized. However, minority members can also try to cross cultural
boundaries or to "act White.” Members crossing this boundary however, tend to suffer
internal stress or affective dissonance. This dissonance develops due to the minority
member's sense of betrayal to their ethnic group, while also perhaps experiencing
uncertainty of White's acceptance as well (Fordman & Ogbu, 1986). Hence, acting
White in school is defined as doing well academically, adhering to school norms and is
seen as a subtractive process. A subtractive process, as members of the minority group
equate performing well in school as adopting the American cultural frame of reference at
the expense of their cultural one. In turn, to avoid this subtractive process minorities are
said to resist, "put brakes" or subdue their academic performance in fear of receiving
reprisal.
In addition, the Fordman and Ogbu (1986) also extend the cultural ecological
theory to include the fictive kinship concept. This fictive kinship denotes a collective
identity for minority group members. This identity lays out characteristics of what it is to
be for example Mexican. Furthermore, this fictive kinship goes beyond physical
attributes and requires members seeking membership to include certain behaviors,

16

activities and loyalty (Fordman & Ogbu, 1986). This kinship is usually said to be in
conflict with school norms and practices. Finally, ethnic members are said to be
socialized into this kinship early on by their parents and community.
In their study, Fordman and Ogbu (1986) found that high achieving and low
achieving Black students both coped with the burden of acting White. This burden of
acting White for students posed a dilemma. The dilemma of dealing with the tension of
doing well in school with the possibility of coping with probable sanctions from similar
ethnic peers and conforming to their own cultural frame of reference. Low achieving
students appeared to have not been able to deal with crossing both cultural boundaries.
Instead, Fordman and Ogbu (1986) found that they spent time ensuring that they would
not be labeled as "braniacs" and did so "put brakes" on their studies, placed less effort in
their studies. While these students were all identified as being capable they nonetheless
were all found to be underachieving in fear of being identified as "braniacs" or a different
culture frame of reference (Fordman & Ogbu, 1986). Fordman and Ogbu (1986) did note
that one of these underachievers cited the opportunity structure as being racially biased,
thus decreasing her performance.
On the other hand, in their study Fordman and Ogbu (1986) found that high
achieving students appeared to have been able to find a way to navigate and cross both
cultural boundaries. These students appeared to be doing well academically without
sanctioning or rejection from their peers. Fordman and Ogbu (1986) found that students
used behaviors like acting silly, "clowning" acting "crazy" participating in athletics or

17

appearing not to show much effort to earn their good grades. Even more, one student
reported having developed a mutual benefiting relationship where he acquired the
services of bullies to avoid getting picked on while he in turn helped them with their
school work. Similar to the low achievers, high achievers feared being associated as
braniacs (Fordman & Ogbu, 1986). Nonetheless, while these high achievers were found
to be doing better than most of their peers the authors conclude that a missed opportunity
to do even better is missed. Chiefly, because these students are faced with focusing their
time in dealing with the burden of acting White that detracts them from their studies
(Fordman & Ogbu, 1986). The authors conclude that Black student's performance is
hampered by within factors. Namely, Black's oppositional identity, oppositional cultural
frame of reference are both encompassed by their fictive kinship system. This system
serves as a boundary between Blacks and Whites (Fordman & Ogbu, 1986).
Matute-Bianchi (1986) interviewed 35 Mexican descent (different generational
status) students and 14 students of Japanese ancestry to assess their future adult roles.
Successful Japanese students did not have to confront their culture or identity and were
perceived as successful, studious and good students by their teachers. This perception of
being good students is attributable to their parents and grandparents ability to
accommodate themselves to the mainstream culture, while becoming educated and
attaining middle class status. These new acquisitions in becoming middle class, therefore
does not restrict Japanese student’s identity by the negative attributes and experiences
that their ancestors previously faced. For this reason, Japanese students do not need to

18

call attention to their ethnicity or have to establish a more positive identity, given their
favorable reputation in their school community (Matute-Bianchi, 1986).
On the other hand, Matute-Bianchi (1986) in her study found that Mexican
descent students’ experiences are different from their Japanese counterparts. The author
found varied experiences to be particularly true for "Cholos or Chicanos,” as
“Mexicanos” appeared to maintain their identity while still crossing cultural boundaries
Crossing cultural boundaries is significant, as it allows people in a group to interact in
their own ethnic group, while also interacting successfully in the White or mainstream
culture (Matute-Bianchi, 1986). Furthermore, maintaining one’s identity is perhaps even
more important as it allows people to weave to and from groups and cultures without
having to give up their identity. Cholos or Chicano/as equated being studious (carrying
books, homework etc.) as “acting White” and therefore were in conflict with their
Chicano/Cholo identity. Matute-Bianchi (1986) states that having this conflict forces this
group to choose one over the other reference group, therefore unable to cross cultural
boundaries. These differences are attributed to secondary cultural differences that arise
after the voluntary minorities and the dominant group come into contact and is
characterized by the oppression of the dominant group over voluntary minorities. For
instance, in California the passage of SP-1 sent a message to the Latino/a community that
they were not welcomed at the UCs, as evident by the immediate decrease in enrollment
figures (Jewell, 2000). On the other hand primary cultural differences are differences
that existed prior to contact between two groups i.e. child rearing practices, that can be

19

overcome (Ogbu, 1992). These primary cultural differences in Matute-Bianchi’s (1986)
study, Mexican descent students were associated with having primary cultural
differences. Finally, Matute-Bianchi (1986) concludes that this identity students’ have
formed that resists school culture is attributed to the historical, structural forces of
exclusion and subordination by those in the dominant group. Furthermore, these students
then use this form of oppression as a response towards resisting this inequality. In other
words, voluntary and involuntary status is determined by experiences, history and not
race (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Finally, ecological theory is applicable to most but not all
minorities or the prevailing patterns within the group. For instance, Jews and Mormons
are said to be autonomous minorities, that while having a distinctive ethnic identity are
not socially, economically and politically subordinated (Ogbu, 1987).
Nonetheless, involuntary minorities are usually said to develop an opposite
cultural frame due to their subordination (Ogbu, 1987). Voluntary minorities on the other
hand accept and are content to receive the schooling and services they receive and
integrate with American norms, while still keeping their cultural values intact. In other
words, they accommodate without assimilating to the mainstream culture (Ogbu, 1992).
Also, voluntary minorities are usually unaware of their rights and compare their new
situation with their previous homeland experience (usually negative), while involuntary
minorities are cognizant of their rights and compare themselves to Whites, as a reference
group. Involuntary minorities equate schooling as “acting White” and see it as a threat to
their culture i.e. selling out (Ogbu, 1987). Specifically, this threat is consumed with the

20

notion that learning the school curriculum, norms and practices threatens their culture,
language and identity. Therefore, Cultural Ecology Theory has two foci: (1) how the
system treats minorities in terms of policies, pedagogy and returns of their investment
and (2) how minorities perceive and respond to these community forces or system i.e. job
ceiling and a historically inferior education (Ogbu & Simmons, 1998).
Ogbu and Simons (1998) state that voluntary and involuntary minorities develop
different cultural models. Cultural models are the ways that a group interprets and
understands their world that subsequently guides their actions. The four types of cultural
models are, (1) Status Frame of Reference: Is a way a group looks at a situation.
Voluntary immigrants have a positive dual frame of reference, as they based their
situation to "back home,” as they see more opportunities in the U.S. than at home.
Involuntary immigrants see their economic and social status compared to middle class
White Americans. They do not see an opportunity where one who works hard will
succeed, discrimination is a permanent feature, consider their schools as inferior to
Whites', and tend to be more critical of the school curriculum and are mistrustful of
teachers (Ogbu & Simmons, 1998).
The second cultural model is (2) Instrumental Responses: These have to do with
their beliefs about being successful in the U.S. i.e. folk theory of "Making It.” Voluntary
minorities believe that hard work in school will pay off later on. They are not aware of
the effects of societal forces that involuntary minorities are aware of. Involuntary
minorities believe that wage discrimination is institutionalized and permanent. They

21

believe that hard work and education are important but do not believe that it is enough to
overcome racism and discrimination. Similarly, Mickelson (1990) tested Ogbu's theory
that Blacks have a multidimensional attitude toward education and, thereby a lower
achievement level. This multidimensional attitude consists of Blacks having an abstract
attitude i.e. societal consensus about the rewards of educational attainment (Mickelson,
1990). The author adds that students also have a concrete attitude that is class and race
specific. For Blacks, educational efforts and credentials are not rewarded in the job
market place in the same ways as for Whites. Mickelson (1990) argues that these
concrete attitudes seen in Blacks' communities, dinner table and neighbors, all decrease
their school performance. In other words, adults and neighbors found in Black students’
neighborhoods all provided conflicting messages that contradicted their abstract attitudes,
in where education is unable to provide them with equality.
Finally, (3) Trust in White Institutions is a categorized as: While voluntary
minorities are trustful of institutions, involuntary minorities have experienced a long
history of discrimination and racism. In turn, this discrimination and racism leads
involuntary minorities to become distrustful as they receive an inferior education to that
of Whites (Ogbu & Simmons 1998). (4) Symbolic Responses and Collective Identity:
Voluntary immigrants see the culture and language as barriers to overcome, as additive
and are willing to accommodate (Ogbu & Simmons 1998). Involuntary immigrants see it
as subtractive, as they are imposed by the White culture and see the cultural and language

22

differences as markers of identity to be maintained not to be overcome i.e. if they learn
"White talk" they will lose their minority identity (Ogbu & Simmons, 1998).
There are also community forces on hand that influence the attitudes and
behaviors of these students (Ogbu & Simmons, 1998). Since voluntary immigrants came
to this country willingly, they tend to share a positive attitude with that of their
community. On the other hand involuntary immigrants hear contradictory messages from
their community about education. Members of the community tell involuntary
immigrants to work hard but then their own attitudes and comments exhibited at home
send a conflicting message of mistrust in their schools. Parents also hold schools and not
students accountable when they underperform. Ogbu and Simons (1998) also state that
involuntary immigrants have developed an oppositional collective group identity. That
is, that acting White and speaking standard English is all in direct conflict with their
oppositional culture or identity. This creates two dilemmas according to Ogbu &
Simmons (1998): (1a) conforming to school norms means acting White (oppositional)
(1b) community interpretations and disapproval of or ambivalence toward those attitudes
and behaviors. These subsequently make them feel like they must choose between (2a)
school as means of upward social mobility and (2b) the community’s view that the school
curriculum is designed to strip their identity. Thus, these mixed messages leads to poor
performance (Ogbu & Simmons, 1998).
Ogbu (1992) provides further elaboration on the reasons why involuntary
immigrants struggle with crossing cultural boundaries and therefore reject “acting

23

White.” According to the author, cultural inversion regards certain aspects as
inappropriate for minority groups which consist of events, symbols and behavior found in
the White culture. They view this culture as the enemy or oppressors and fear that by
acting White, they will lose their identity and their sense of community and self-worth.
There are also psychological pressures against acting White. Either they remain loyal to
their minority group and receive a sense of community and security or act White to
improve school performance at the cost of being exiled from one’s minority group.
While it is verbalized that they should obtain good grades there is no community and
family pressure to achieve it, also peer pressure discourages academic achievement.
Ogbu (1992) asserts that students who are successful usually employ one of eight
strategies. First, the Emulation of Whites, where students adopt White culture values
while leaving there’s’ behind. Others, Accommodate without Assimilation, where
students are able to cross both cultures successfully. Third, some students Camouflage
themselves to disguise their academic abilities to get by. Some students become involved
in Church that promotes school success. Enrolling in Private School is another way to
escape the peer pressure. Yet, other students obtain Mentors that increases their success.
Some students even acquire Protection from bullies were in return help the bullies with
their homework. Finally, some students participate in remedial & intervention programs
that sometimes aids them.
Ogbu (1992) also provides educators with five strategies to increase the
achievement of involuntary immigrants. 1) They must recognize that involuntary

24

immigrants probably come to school with different cultural and language frames of
reference and even oppositional. 2) Educators should study their cultural adaptations and
histories to understand why these factors affect their schooling. 3) Special counseling
should help them separate attitudes and behaviors that increase school success and not to
interpret it as a threat to their own culture. 4) Programs should embed “accommodation
without assimilation” “playing the classroom game” or “alternation model” so they can
see that they can cross both cultures. 5) Create more jobs, eliminate the job ceiling, and
provide better employment opportunities.
Finally, Ogbu (1992) envisions the community as having a critical role in
involuntary immigrants’ success. First, the community should teach the children to
separate attitudes and behaviors to achieve academic success from those of ethnic
identities. Second, the community should provide more examples of their member’s
value academic success just as sports and entertainment. Third, they should teach
students to accept responsibility for their performance and school adjustment. Finally,
the involuntary middle class needs to reevaluate and change their role vis-à-vis the
community. Therefore, educators and community members are potentially able to
change the trajectories of these students, given the strategies and responsibility that Ogbu
(1992) has outlined, as being able to influence students.
In sum, the way minorities are incorporated into the U.S. society has been found
to affect student performance. Particularly, minorities respond differently based on their
history, exploitation and the way they respond to these barriers. Involuntary minorities

25

have a harder time crossing into the mainstream White culture as they view this culture as
a threat to their identity or acting White. Similarly, involuntary minorities develop
different cultural models that further impede their school success:
1. Their status frame of reference views them having unequal opportunity in
comparison to White middle class Americans, while voluntary minorities often
compare their situation to back home where opportunities are more constrained.
2. The instrumental responses or folk theory of making it for voluntary is positive, as
they believe that hard work in school will have later positive consequences. In
contrast involuntary minorities are apprehensive about working hard to “make it”
in the U.S. and instead see discrimination and racism as permanent fixtures in the
U.S.
3. Involuntary minorities are distrustful of White institutions (schools), while
voluntary minorities are trustful.
4. Voluntary minorities also view the mainstream White culture as being additive
with no fear of losing their own culture. Conversely, involuntary minorities fear
losing their minority identity if they begin to “talk White.” However, Fordman
and Ogbu (1986) also found that minorities suffer affective dissonance or internal
stress when attempting to cross cultural boundaries due to their sense of betrayal
to their own ethnic group and uncertainty of acceptance from the White culture.
Community forces also provide involuntary minorities with contradictory messages about
schooling, i.e. work hard but do not trust schools. Finally, Ogbu (1992) provides

26

educators and community members with possible strategies and the responsibility to
eliminate the variability of student performance for minority students. The next section
provides a discussion on various literature that challenges the assertion of avoiding
academic achievement in fear of acting White.
Challenging Cultural Ecology
Lower tracking: primary social interactions at school with Whites.
Bergin and Cooks (2002) provide a qualitative study that interviewed 38 high
achieving African-American and Mexican-American students refuting Ogbu’s previous
assertions. In their study, they sought to find out if indeed these students avoided
achieving academically in fear of acting White. Their findings suggested that these
groups did not avoid academic achievement in order to avoid accusations of acting
White, like Fordman & Ogbu (1986) imply. Instead, spending time with White students
lead to accusations of acting White, particularly for students who were enrolled in
AP/Honor courses that were predominantly filled with White students (Bergin & Cooks,
2002). Co-ethnic group members believed that these students preferred to hang out with
Whites despite the overrepresentation of these students in their classes.
Like Bergin and Cooks (2002), Carter (2006) argues that acting White does not
signify a rejection of achievement-oriented behaviors. A qualitative study of 68 low
income Latino/a and Black students, ages 13-20 were the focus of her study. Carter
(2006) found that students who attended racially balanced schools (i.e. with White
students) and who were tracked into Honors/AP (which predominantly consisted of

27

Whites), were accused of acting White, in her study. Minorities in these classes tended to
associate with Whites given the overabundance of Whites versus minorities in their
classes. However, straddlers who were able to cross both groups were not seen as such
(Carter, 2006). Straddlers are defined as students who were able to best balance their
academic and social lives by understanding and participating in their ethno specific
culture, mainstream society and their academic environments. Importantly, Carter (2006)
also noted that Blacks and Latino/as who attended segregated schools did not face this
problem in AP/Honors, given that they had similar peers in their classrooms.
Similarly, interviewing 125 students in eleven North Catalina public schools,
Tyson, Darity and Castelllino (2004) found evidence of the burden of acting White only
in schools where race, arrogance and wealth appear to determine placement or
achievement. Particularly, Tyson et al. (2004) look at the sorting of minority students in
AP/ Honor courses, along with other programs included as being talented or gifted.
Special attention was given to schools with under and over representations of minorities
in these accelerated classes according to the school’s student body. In all, six high
schools were chosen, two middle schools and three elementary schools. In the main, the
authors argue that previous studies did not take into account the racial composition of AP
and Honor courses and the student body. Looking at these factors, Tyson et al. (2004)
found that schools with an underrepresentation of Black students in advanced courses
foster the burden of acting White. It appears that Black students attending AP/Honor
classes with similar ethnic peers, who hold similar values, are not perceived by other

28

Black students as acting White. Conversely, attending these classes in a diverse school
with an overrepresentation of White students in class is seen as such. Mainly because
there are minority students to accuse them of acting White, versus White majority schools
where co-ethnic peers are not found (Bergin & Cooks, 2002).
Language and speech codes.
Speech was seen as a key behavior that attracted further accusations of acting
White. Ogbu (2003) did acknowledge that the accusations of acting White were more
related to style and behavior but posits that the fear of acting White accusations leads
towards academic disengagement. Specifically, Carter’s (2006) research found that
Black students who did not speak the community language and spoke standard English
were ostracized by other Black students (in-group/out-group dynamics) and were not
recognized as being authentic. Bergin and Cook’s (2002) study also finds that Mexican-
American and African-American students who did not “talk slang,” “said their Spanish
surname with an English accent” or “spoke proper” and “used big words to enunciate”
were accused of acting White by similar ethnic peers. These accusations often lead
students to feel ostracized as they are ethnic identity was questioned. Therefore, it
appears that students who can speak the community language should be able to achieve
academically without being accused of acting White.
Dress style.
Followed by speech, dress styles and tastes was the second most frequent
reference to acting White in Carter’s (2006) study. Mostly, teasing occurred if students

29

dressed differently than that of their ethnic group. The author states that this is done to
maintain their ethno specific identities. Students able to keep up with the “styles of
dress” of their ethnic group, while maintaining friendships with i.e. Honors/AP classes
were able to cross both boundaries. In the same way, Bergin and Cooks (2002) found
that certain attire attracted accusations of acting White i.e. “dress like a preppie” or
“wearing a tie.”
Smart status & “looking down”.
Carter’s (2006) found that Blacks and Latino/as were seen by similar ethnic peers
as acting White when they disrespected or denigrated other members of their group i.e.
touting their smartness or “they think they are smarter than us.” Students being perceived
as disparaging others were often teased, picked on and even physically assaulted. Tyson
et al. (2004) study also found that arrogance and wealth disparity also fosters the notion
of not acting Black as students thought that many Honor and AP students believed to be
better than others. Also, Tyson and colleagues (2004) found that lower Black and White
socially economic disadvantaged students (SES) reported animosity towards rich White
kids, stating that they did not want to enroll in advanced classes in fear of being
associated as "snobs.” In other words, Black students use cultural tools available to them,
to interpret and respond to the reality of having very few Black students in advanced
courses. As a result Black students avoided these advanced classes, as they
overwhelmingly see rich and "snobby" White students in these classes. Thus, Black

30

students internalize the stereotype that they are indeed inferior and avoid taking these
classes.
To combat accusations of acting White Horvat and Lewis (2003) state that
African-American girls camouflage and downplay their academic achievements when
interacting with low achievers in concern of making their peers feel uncomfortable and
being called names. These students have found that they need to discriminate when and
not to disclose information about academics, i.e. accomplishments, aspirations, as means
to manage their academic success. This is contrast with Fordham and Ogbu (1986), as
they argue that high achieving Blacks hide their accomplishments in fear of accusations
of acting White and peer chastisement. Nevertheless, these students are still faced with
the issue of having to acting White. Finally, Horvat and Lewis (2003) assert that the
name calling that is endured is relegated to the usual "nerd" or "geek" rather than being
accused of betraying their race. Therefore, when assessing the "burden of acting White"
studies must encompass the school's structures, patterns of placement and achievement,
as school's structures shape how culture is enacted (Tyson et al., 2004).
School structures.
Precisely, Flores-Gonzalez (2005) in her study argues that students are not solely
responsible for their peer choice group. Instead, it is the school's sorting, tracking and
structuring of opportunities that pushes students into particular peer groups which limits
their interaction. She asserts that the main mechanism that segregates "school kids" and
"street kids" is done through academic tracking and extracurricular activities. Results

31

indicated that a physical and social segregation is produced that elicits a close knit group
to spend time with one another during class and in program related activities and outside
of school. The other main mechanism found was extracurricular activities, as guidelines
and restrictions were imposed that limited student participation. Factors like grades,
tracks, enrollment in classes and skill level all served to exclude certain students from
extracurricular activities. Being steered away from engaging with school kids through
tracking and denial of extracurricular activities, street kids were found to have an
increased amount of time to interact with other street kids. This increase in amount spent
with similar peers thus thrusts them more deeply into the street culture, which
exacerbates the problem (Flores-Gonzalez, 2005). Specifically, street kids were found to
have more disposable time to hang out in hallways with other street kids, start trouble and
be present when trouble started. In summary, street and school kids' interaction were
limited by the academic and social spaces that are manifested in school, particularly in
high school where this is widened (Flores-Gonzalez, 2005).
Venzant (2007) also argues that Ogbu’s cultural ecology theory fails to account
for the institutional processes found in schools that exacerbate the racial achievement
gaps. While the author agrees that some African American students seem to avoid
academic achievement (Ogbu’s argument), she believes that this is not due to the acting
White assertion. Instead, like Flores-Gonzales (2005), attributes this avoidance to
structural and institutional policies and practices employed in the school system. This
qualitative study with seven African American high school students focusing on their

32

experiences in their K-12 experience confirms this assertion. Venzant found that high
track students assimilated to the mainstream culture of school at an early age, while
students presenting a different set of cultures became outcasts. Mainly, these high track
African-American students struggled to maintain a strong Black racial identity due to the
few amount of African American students taking advanced courses. Thus, decreasing the
disassociation with these students that contributed to their feelings of isolation and
loneliness. Further, Venzant (2007) found that these students who assimilated into the
high track occurred very early on in school, which were placed in such a track, thus
increasing the likelihood of these students to interact with other high track students. A
lack of tracking policies and lack of guidance were attributed to the phenomena of
segregation and isolation (Venzant, 2007). Once students are tracked, it is difficult for
movement within these tracks, particularly students in lower tracks attempting to take
advanced classes. These lower track classes promote feelings of being inferior,
hopelessness, powerless and leaves students feeling overwhelmed to advocate for
themselves (Venzant, 2007).
In summary, Ogbu (1987, 1992) and Ogbu and Simmons (1998) all attributed the
academic underachievement for involuntary minorities due to their oppositional frame of
reference that is developed in society. While Ogbu (1987) did allude to the lower
tracking of minorities, he did not directly attribute their low performance to schooling
mechanisms. Even with Black students stating that they believe in the importance of
education, more so than Whites, they still underachieve (Carter, 2002). Mikelson’s

33

(1990) attitude achievement paradox shed’s light to this issue, as she states that Black
children were aware that their efforts in school did not always produce similar outcomes
to that of Whites. Furthermore, the collective oppositional identity that is formed creates
the dilemma of acting White and creates ambivalence in the community towards those
attitudes and behaviors. In addition, it pins Black students against doing good in school
to achieve upward mobility against the community’s beliefs that the school curriculum is
designed to strip away their culture. On the other hand, Bergin and Cooks (2002) and
Carter (2006) found that students could do well in school and navigate both cultures
without having to act White, and having to choose between their own culture and their
schools. While bothered by the accusations, they were not intimidated; in fact they
appeared to have a stronger sense of their culture and history (Bergin & Cooks, 2002).
Also, researchers like Flores-Gonzalez (2005) and Tyson et al. (2004) attributed Latino/a
and Black’s underperformance in school due to the social structures and policies found in
schools.
Selective Colleges: “Raceless”
Cultural congruity is said to be a fit or a match between a student’s values and
those of the university (Gloria & Castellanos, 2003). For many Latino/as in selective
colleges, this means adopting those of the university’s, given that all selective colleges in
America are Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs) (Kahlenberg, 2010a). At the same
time this may mean that many students may have to simultaneously give up their own
culture (Tierney, 1999). Navigating both, the institutions and their own culture has not

34

proven fruitful for many Latino/as, given their low persistence rates (Fry, 2004). Gloria
and Castellanos (2003) summarizes these series of events as a cultural cleansing of
Latino/as’ culture or raceless. This cultural cleansing is said to take place with the
expectation to suppress one’s own culture in favor of their institution, thus allowing for
the status quo of the university’s culture to remain.
In their quantitative analysis of Latino/as at selective colleges and using the
National Longitudinal Survey of Freshmen (NSLF) Massey, Charles, Lundy and Fischer
(2003) found no significant evidence of the raceless phenomena in predicting academic
performance. The authors assert that the environment in the study was in sharp contrast
with studies where raceless was found, as the environment was found to support hard
work, diligence and getting good grades. However, Massey et al. (2003) only studied
different variables at the end of the first semester of student’s freshman year. Massey et
al. (2003) assertion is important to consider given that their research did not account for
the remaining seven semesters of students’ collegiate careers.
Rivas-Drake and Mooney (2008) draw on the frameworks of Cultural Ecological
Theory (CET), Stereotype Threat and immigrant adaptation strategies to see how
Latino/as at elite colleges resolve their minority status. In adapting to these elite colleges,
authors found students assimilated, accommodated or resisted. Students in the
assimilation cluster believed that significantly lower levels of effort and qualifications
were needed to get ahead. These students also downplayed discrimination beliefs, while
believing in equal opportunity beliefs and had higher levels of engagement with Whites

35

but nevertheless also felt somewhat distant from Whites upon entering college. These
students were characterized as second generation Latino/as and beyond, while attending
high schools where 70 percent of their population was White. Students who
accommodated reported the least social distance from Whites, had the strongest beliefs
about equal opportunity and that individual effort and qualifications are needed to
increase social mobility for ethnic minorities, while downplaying structural barriers.
Those in the resistance cluster perceived the greatest level of occupation discrimination
and social distance from Whites, while also communicating skepticism about equal
opportunity. Resisters were found to be comprised of first generation college students,
underrepresented in the assimilation group and often attended segregated high schools.
In regards to perceived prejudice and academic performance, Rivas-Drake and
Mooney (2008) found that students in the resistance group reported greater perceptions of
prejudice and had lower GPA's than those in the accommodation and assimilation group.
However, the lower GPA was not attributed to perceived prejudice. Instead, the authors
report that the lower GPA was rationed to have occurred due to the skeptical but aware
view of potentially blocked opportunities when beginning college serving to protect
resisters from internalizing prejudice. At the other end of the spectrum, assimilators were
found to have the highest GPA and reported the lowest levels of discrimination (Rivas-
Drake & Mooney, 2008). This finding regarding assimilators was intriguing given that
the author's hypothesis that assimilators who tend to abandon their cultural heritage, were
expected to be ill equipped to handle prejudice once in college. A possible explanation is

36

given by Aronson and Inzlicht (2004), as students who assimilate may not be fully aware
of the prejudices therefore developing greater immunity to these threats. Students in the
accommodation group had the second best grades, while reporting more discrimination
than assimilators but less than resisters. However, grades were only observed during
their first two years in college, which fails to account for student's entire collegiate
experience. Finally, a major weakness in this study is attributed to the focus on the first
two years of these students’ academic careers. To fully account and explain how
Latino/a students adapt and navigate through their college careers successfully, their
entire four to five year career required further examination.
Building on their 2008 work that moves beyond the oppositional culture, Rivas-
Drake and Mooney (2009) use three different profiles that depict Latino/as' entering
minority status. Latino/as attending selective universities were said to have begun their
freshman year by adopting one of three identity orientations that include assimilation,
accommodation and resisters. In their study, the author's seek to uncover what changes
in academic performance and engagement, as well as extracurricular engagement may
have occurred during their collegiate experience, given their orientations. With regards
to academic performance, assimilators performed well academically, while showing a
decrease in time spent in activities i.e. volunteering and campus organizations.
Accommodators on the other hand enjoyed a faster increase over time than the
assimilators and ended up with an overall higher GPA. The authors state that this may be
due to their ability to code switch and navigate the structures of academic support,

37

amongst other possibilities. In the same way, resisters enjoyed a faster GPA increase
over time and ended up with the second highest GPA at the end of their senior years
despite earning the lowest at the end of freshman year. With regards to extracurricular
activities, resisters spent the most overall time followed by accommodators and
assimilators spending the least time through the end of their junior year. While the
authors were not aware if this group spent their time with other Latino/as they ration that
like Hurtado and Carter (1997), race conscious Latino/as seek opportunities to build
supportive networks. Rivas-Drake and Mooney (2009) dispel the notion that ethnic
group members, in this case Latino/as must disidentify with their ethnicity or become
"raceless" to successfully navigate their elite campuses, despite more salient systemic
discrimination.
However, Lopez (2005) found Latino/as to be accused of acting White by other
Latino/as and were pressured to show loyalty to their race. This, finding is interesting
given that the majority of these students had attended high schools where the student
body was predominantly White. In fact, Latino/as in the study cited that accusations of
acting White were one of the most stressful things at the beginning of their freshman year
(Lopez, 2005). However, Lopez (2005) concludes that as the year ended members of the
Latino/a group saw one another as forms of support and less as stress, mainly because of
the racial climate they experienced.
Few literature examining the acting White phenomena for Latino/a students in
university settings (Lopez, 2005; Rivas-Drake, 2008; Rivas-Drake & Mooney 2009) can

38

be found. Accordingly, and given that Blacks and Latino/as’ share similar castelike
minority features (Ogbu & Simmons, 1998), Black student’s encounters will be examined
below. In her study, Aries (2008) identified four groups, a total of 58 students: rich
Whites, rich Blacks, poor Whites and poor Blacks during their first year at Amherst
College. She found that Black students who did not hang out with other Blacks were
seen as not being Black enough i.e. Oreo, while even Whites accused them as such. Like
Bergin and Cooks (2002) and others who found accusations of acting White in the high
school setting, Aries (2008) also found similar accusations for Black students. Mainly,
these accusations were directed at students who had their dress, music, speech or cultural
stereotypes different than their similar ethnic peers. Therefore, students at Amherst were
faced with living up to their cultural stereotype to prove their Blackness or be Black in a
different way (Aries, 2008). Also, because of affirmative action beliefs and the
questioning of their academic merits, several Blacks felt they had to prove themselves.
Overall, they were still faced with the burden of not being Black or White enough, acting
White, being the token Black, and experiencing stereotypes and racial jokes (Aries,
2008). The burden of being Black or in this case the burden of being Latino/a will be
examined below, given the gap in the literature.
Selective Colleges “The Burden of Being Latino/a”
Other studies of Latino/as in elite colleges have not purposely looked to address
the issues of raceless or acting White. Instead, studies (Cabrera & Padilla, 2004; Garrod
Kilkenny & Gomez, 2004) have examined the factors that have hindered and or

39

positively affected Latino/as’ progression through selective universities. These studies
have found that despite not having to become raceless or act White necessarily, Latino/as
do pay a psychological price. For instance, Latino/as’ identity is questioned, experience
alienation and rejected by their community.
Cabrera and Padilla (2004) conducted a retrospective study of two low social
economical status (SES) Mexican heritage students (one male, one female) who had
successfully graduated from Stanford University. Both students reported that life at
Stanford was difficult. Juan experienced having to become a better student and not being
accustomed to the workload. He saw very little diversity on campus and noticed that
many of his peers were ignorant on views of affirmative action and immigrant rights, two
important views for him and felt marginalized and therefore moved back home. He often
cited being stopped by police for no apparent reason as he continued his urban style of
dress. Erandi on the other hand did not live close to Stanford and had to stick it out, as
she thought of transferring to a UC (Cabrera & Padilla, 2004). However, friends of her at
the UCs encouraged her to stay citing the opportunity she had at Stanford and also
complaining of similar issues at the UCs. She was also unpleased with the low level of
political activism until she found the Chicano/a and Latino/a student service center where
she continued working on social issues dear and near to her. Both students showed that
support of their family and networks were needed to succeed. While Cabrera and
Arellano (2004) did not purposely measure for factors of acting White or having to

40

become raceless, their retrospective study demonstrates these two student’s struggle of
being Latino/a at a selective university.
Similarly, Garrod, Kilkenny and Gomez (2004) illuminate Latino/as’ experiences
at Dartmouth College. The essays written by various Latino/a students depict the burden
of being Latino/a at selective colleges. Marissa Saldivar for instance shares the burden of
having been accused of cheating at Dartmouth. Marissa described this experience as
feeling scared, mad, frustrated and embarrassed, which led to her feeling depressed
during her suspension from school. Her close knit family ties also complicated matters,
increasing her burden of being Latina. Marrisa expresses the difficulty in deciding
whether to move and leave her family behind, moving to New York and starting a family
after graduation. While she foresees an advantaged lifestyle for her daughter via social
and financial privileges, she wonders if it is worth it at the expense of her family and
culture. Another student in Garrod et al. (2004) states that despite being immersed and
viewing his world through an American lens he is still unaccepted by White students.
Miguel provides an encounter that better depicts this burden:
“So where are you from? [Peter a typical White and wealthy Dartmouth
student]. “San Diego,” I responded. “No,” he said smiling at my
confusion. “Where are you from?” And after a short pause, “Where are
your parents from?” “Well, I’m from San Diego,” I said. “My parents are
from Mexico.” “Oh, so you’re Mexican,” he said smiling (Garrod et al.,
2004, p. 124).

Miguel states that going back home to San Diego also complicates matters and is
relegated as an outsider from his community. Miguel explains that he has to “come out”
to his parents about his homosexuality, which is at odds with his high school friends who

41

feel that he wasted his time in college, as they drive new cars and wear fancy sneakers,
while he still has his clothes from high school (Garrod et al., 2004).
Overall, like previous findings from the high school setting, authors in selective
colleges also found little to no evidence for Latino/as having to become raceless (Massey
et al., 2003; Rivas-Drake & Mooney, 2008; Rivas-Drake & Mooney, 2009). While,
Lopez (2005) found first year criticisms amongst Latino/as for being White, these
accusations tailored off by the end of the freshman year and instead used one another for
support. Also, in looking at a similar comparison group to Latino/as, Aries (2008) in
studying Black students at Amherst found accusations amongst similar peers but were
accused of doing so based on their dress, style and speech. However, these previous
authors did not account for the burden of having to cross this cultural boundary that
Latino/as must endure at these campuses. Fordman and Ogbu (1986) state that members
crossing this boundary tend to suffer internal stress or affective dissonance. The internal
stress is said to develop as a result of the minority member's sense of betrayal to their
ethnic group, while also perhaps experiencing uncertainty of White's acceptance as well
(Fordman & Ogbu, 1986). For instance, harassment, accusations of cheating, rejection
by other White students or by their community, are some examples of what Latino/as
may face in college. Next, a review of the social capital literature will be examined as it
relates to the power of accruing social capital for minorities in attempts to navigate and
overcome institutional barriers with the assistance of institutional agents.

42

Social Capital
Dika and Singh (2002) provide a synthesis of the social capital literature pertaining
to the field of education. Bourdieu (1977) and Coleman (1988) are attributed as the
founding fathers of social capital. Cultural reproduction, as posited by Bourdieu (1977)
theorizes the social reproduction of inequality attributed to the mechanisms that
maintains and reproduces inequality. Bordieu (1986) mentions three forms of capital:
economic, cultural and social and is grounded in the theories of social reproduction and
symbolic power. He defined social capital as "the aggregate of actual or potential
resources linked to possession of a durable network of essentially institutionalized
relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition" (as cited in Dika & Singh, p. 33,
2002). Assembled in a group provides individuals with the collective group's capital.
This social capital is said to be made up of social obligations between the group members
that can be converted into economic capital. Not surprisingly, the bigger one's network
the greater one's capital according to Bordieu (1986). However, the quality of that capital
is also of substance. Bourdieu also incorporates the notion of cultural capital and habitus
that are characterized in three ways: embodied, objectified and institutionalized.
Monkman, Ronald and Theramene (2005) help to distinguish these three. They refer to
embodied cultural capital as styles, manners, cultural preferences and affinities and
valued types of cultural knowledge. Furthermore, cultural capital is objectified in
artifacts and goods that we generally think of as cultural, such as literature, music, and
dance. Institutionalized forms of cultural capital refer to academic credentials or

43

educational qualifications. Overall, Bourdieu (1977) see's that those in power use their
social capital to maintain their privilege and perpetuate the cycle of inequality.
On the other hand, Coleman's (1988) use of social capital is grounded in the
theories of structural functionalists and viewed it towards the creation of human capital.
Social capital is said to be intangible and consisting of three forms level of trust,
information channels and norms and sanctions. He defines it as being inherent in the
structure of relations between and among actors, defined by its function and it concerns
structures and actors across a variety of different entities (Dika and Singh, 2002).
Particular emphasis is placed on intergenerational closure that elicits the emergence of
effective norms by having parents knowing the parents of their children's friends. His
later work also emphasized the role of parental involvement characterized by strict,
traditional values, discipline and hierarchical order and control (Coleman, 1992).
Overall, differences between the two include Bordieu's (1986) explicit reference to
the powerful use of resources in the hierarchical structure of society, while Coleman
(1988) vaguely alludes to such. Also, Coleman (1986) see's social capital as an overall
positive social control, where trust, information channels and norms are characteristics of
the community and responsibility of the family. Conversely, Bordieu theorizes that it is
society and institutions providing structural constraints that maintain the privileges of the
upper class while restricting access to minorities and lower classes (Dika & Singh, 2002).
Furthermore, Dika and Singh (2002) find that social capital is positively linked to
educational attainment (high school graduation, college enrollment) educational

44

achievement (test scores) and education related psychological factors (parent-teen
discussion, peer values). However, theoretical and empirical support is lacking between
social capital and education related factors in previous research using social capital. The
authors attribute this to the misuse of Coleman's (1988) social capital theory that does not
clearly identify the access of institutional resources like Bourdieu's (1986). Additionally,
the constraint of many authors using the High School and Beyond data and National
Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 has compromised their results, as neither
construct was designed to measure social capital. Also, methodological gaps include
Coleman's (1988) inattention to the agency of the child, where he instead emphasizes
parent’s involvement. Coleman also fails to consider race, gender and class. Possible
negative implications of joining a group are also ignored that can prove to be subtractive.
Rather, a focus on the issues of power and domination used by Bordieu and used by
authors like Stanton-Salazar (1997, 2010) can prove fruitful, as they address the links
between institutional agents, social forces and institutional barriers.
Institutional Agents
Derived from Bourdieu's social reproduction theory, Stanton-Salazar (1997)
provides a network-analytic framework that describes the problematic relationship of
minority children's access to opportunities and resources. Social capital, as derived from
Stanton-Salazar (1997), pertains to the relationships with institutional agents and the
networks that weave these relationships into units. An institutional agent (Stanton-
Salazar, 2001) can be any adult at a school who can potentially sponsor low status

45

children (Ng & Rury, 2006; O’Connor, 2002). However, Stanton-Salazar (1997) states
that the greater the congruence between homespun cultures and societal norms, the
greater the likelihood of teachers and peers to identify a student with “talent,”
communicate high expectations, while providing moral support and encouragement.
Most schools however, educate by trying to acculturate Latino/a and other minority
students into the dominant European centric point of view, therefore creating
incongruence between the two cultures (Bennet, 2001). Bennet (2001), instead argues for
a centrist paradigm that uses funds of knowledge that the community, students and
parents bring to produce a multicultural classroom. Similarly, psychologists assert that
learning takes place when new information is connected with prior knowledge (Mayer,
2008; Gredler, 2005). Currently, Latino/a students are forced to navigate both cultures
without having an identity kit or habitus. Stanton-Salazar (1997) referred to the identity
kit or habitus as instructions that are given to middle and upper class students that tells
them how to act, talk, and write so others can identify you and bring you into their group.
Stated differently, Latino/a students may lack a bicultural network that allows them to
cross cultural borders, overcome institutional barriers where they can then accumulate
and convert social capital. Furthermore, parents enter the educational sphere with
varying knowledge, dispositions, and skills according to race and class (Martinez-Cosio
& Iannacone, 2007). Upper class parents, through their socialized acquisition of cultural
capital, possess the knowledge to obtain access and resources for their children to
succeed. On the other hand, middle to lower class families (mainly lower class families

46

fall in this category) who often lack that cultural and social capital are left to navigate the
system on their own. Consequentially, these families with lacking capital are left to fend
on their own typically missing out on the educational needs for their children. Until a
multicultural classroom setting is initiated in the classroom inviting different forms of
cultural capital, institutional agents will need to intervene as sponsors.
Stanton-Salazar (1997) states that Latino/a youth are disadvantaged due to their
different identity kit (cultural capital) that is developed within the social and cultural
context in which they are members that often differ from White middle class norms.
However, they can obtain a second chance towards their development of the acceptable
identity. This acceptable identity can lead to academic success within the context of
schooling, as it is currently constructed, via institutional agents. Within this sponsorship,
institutional agents provide institutional support, regulate interaction communication and
exchange with mainstream institutional spheres via six different means: funds of
knowledge, bridging, advocacy, role modeling, emotional and moral support and
evaluative guidance/feedback (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Unlike middle to lower class
Latino/a families, upper class families do not need an institutional agent. Usually,
through their social and cultural capital, upper class families possess the knowledge to
obtain scarce resources for their children, including tutors and accessing gifted programs
(Martinez-Cosio & Iannacone, 2007). However, problematic is the ability for
institutional agents to establish trust and rapport with students, as they are often subjected
to bureaucratic policies, rules and procedures that are in direct conflict with the student's

47

needs. In fact, Stanton Salazar (1997) states that many of these barriers can be attributed
to exclusionary social forces outside of the school that permeate the entire society.
Kao (2004) applies the theory of social capital and its relevance to minority and
immigrant populations. Kao rations that people are allotted three forms of resources.
First, an individual’s relationship with another person sets obligations and expectations.
For instance, if one occasionally asks a neighbor for assistance with maintaining his
garden while vacationing and receives it, one then expects continued access to this
resource. However, minority groups tend to have fewer possible individuals to establish
obligations and expectations outside of their own same race or ethnic group. Second, the
author argues that information such as college information and financial aid are crucial to
the potential success of students. Minorities and immigrants are usually at a
disadvantage, even if they have highly educated parents, who lack proficiency in either
the language or norms of society. Finally, social norms also serve to elicit one’s social
capital (Kao, 2004). When participating in a group social norms can provide rewards for
positive behavior while also sanctioning negative ones. Kao (2004) points out that this is
especially powerful when coupled with obligations and expectations.
Overall, it appears that minorities have less access to social capital. Social capital
can also lead towards negative educational outcomes, particularly when parents engage in
expectations that work against school performance, as Ogbu and Simmons (1998) have
alluded to. Also, Kao (2004) points out that minorities who tend to have peer networks
from the same racial and ethnic group tend to have poorer educational outcomes, given

48

the highly documented achievement gap for Latino/as. Finally, Kao points out that a
distinction should be made between the potential social capital that parents and peers can
offer and the intensity of the tie between whomever is providing that capital and the
actualized level obtained. Again, parents having capital does not ensure the transmission
of it, finding the actualized level can also help researchers assess the needed tie between
provider and recipient of capital. Otherwise, social capital can become a vague concept
that can be said to be acquired by anything in the presence of parents and peers in various
settings. Thus, it is important to recognize and not cloud the important relationship
between families, peer groups and the educational outcomes of Latino/as.
In his latest work, Stanton-Salazar (2010) builds on his previous work on
institutional agents. He begins by pointing out that non parental adults can particularly
play a significant role in the lives of working class and minority students, given their
dependency. However, these working class students are often not able to be incorporated
in these social networks. In contrast, upper class and upper middle class people are able
to construct a diverse set of institutional agents who can provide them with an array of
privileges, resources, career opportunities and school achievement for their children.
Stanton-Salazar (2010) points out that while there can be institutional agents, there are
also gatekeepers who whether consciously or unconsciously serve to manufacture the
cycle of social inequality. Five characteristics of an agent are ideal according to Stanton-
Salazar (2010):

49

1. An agent should have awareness of the social structural forces within society and
their organization that provides barriers for low status students.
2. They must be aware that a person's success is dependent on them receiving
systematic and tailored provisions of institutional support.
3. One should deviate from the continued distribution of resources being allocated to
upper levels of hierarchy.
4. Agents should also be cognizant and committed to advocacy of low status
individuals, while also providing varied forms of support.
5. Individuals should also be open to the identification by the larger community of
this advocacy and agency of change.
Stanton-Salazar (2010) states that institutional agents wanting to break the cycle
of inequality are often confronted with first, social antagonisms, class and racial forms of
segregation and social distance that is found in society to permeate local institutions. For
instance, bringing a different set of culture or values often prove obstacles to institutional
support. Second, agents going against the grain often struggle to connect, given the
agendas of the institution that attempts to retain control. In turn, these institutional agents
are forced to assimilate to the dominant culture of rules and norms in an attempt to
maintain the status quo (Stanton-Salazar, 2010). Third, an eligible agent seeking to
provide change for a person may be confronted with bureaucratic and personal agendas
that are in direct conflict with trying to establish and foster relationships with its
organizational members (Stanton-Salazar, 2010). That said, the cycle of social inequality

50

can be addressed by using a framework grounded in institutional support, institutional
agents, social capital and empowerment.
While, the concepts of social capital, agents and support are familiar in Stanton-
Salazar's previous work (1997) the concept of empowerment is not. Derived from the
field of critical social work and the work of Paulo Freire (1973a; 1973b), Stanton-Salazar
further distinguishes an institutional agent from that of an empowering one. An
institutional agent then is distinguished here as one who simply has access or possesses
power, authority, opportunities, privileges and services that are valued in our society, all
which take on the form of capital to empower others (Stanton-Salazar, 2010). An
empowerment agent is one who not only change the destinies of those youth, so as to
"make it" in the system but to become an active participant against society's hierarchical
inequalities. Otherwise, Stanton-Salazar (2010) points out that what you instead have is a
continued cycle of inequality, while that low status individual makes it; others to follow
are faced with the same forces and inequalities, as the system remains largely intact. To
empower someone, one must decode the system and allow them to gain immediate access
to key resources (Stanton-Salazar, 2010). It is also pointed out that empowerment agents
to be successful, depends on the institutional support they provide and resources they
possess. Particularly, it is the resources that their position allots them and the resources
and support they are able to indirectly acquire from other agents they know that
ultimately determines the success of these agents. This is key, as Stanton-Salazar (2010)
emphasizes that empowerment can be achieved indirectly through others. Finally, it is

51

also equally important for an empowering agent to have large, quality, diverse networks
across organizational settings to accumulate social capital to provide for their student
(Stanton-Salazar, 2010).
In summary, social capital has been linked to positive educational attainment
outcomes, particularly Bourdieu’s (1977) articulation as it relates to power and
domination. Institutional agents are said to help students acquire cultural capital. In turn,
this allows students then to navigate cultural borders and institutional barriers that
accumulates and converts into social capital. Moreover, Stanton Salazar (2010) moves
beyond the institutional agent to include the concept of empowerment. Therefore, an
empowerment agent is not only one who ensures that students make it but also ensures
that students become change agents themselves.
The following section below will seek to address the literature on affirmative
action. Moreover, the literature on affirmative action as it relates to students in higher
education who are seen as being ill equipped to undertake college work (mismatch
hypothesis). That these students admitted through affirmative action are taking away
admissions slots of other more qualified students (reverse discrimination). Finally, a look
at the adverse effects of social stigmas and stereotype threat hypothesis’ will be
examined, given its negative effects on student performance.
Affirmative Action
Massey and Mooney (2007) uncovered that there are three affirmative action
programs in this country, legacies, athletes and minorities. In a study by Epenshade,

52

Chung and Walling (2004) the children of alumni or legacies along with recruited
athletes and minorities were all found to receive extra bonus points during admissions
process. For instance, looking at 30 highly selective universities, Hurwitz (2011) found
that students who had a parent attend the university as undergraduates received a 45.1
percent point increase of being admitted, all other things being equal. Nevertheless,
affirmative action as applied to minorities remains the most controversial and will be the
focus of topic here, despite the Supreme Court allowing race as one of several factors in
college admissions in Gratz v. Bollinger (2003) and Grutter v. Bollinger (2003).
Affirmative action occurs when institutional officials take concrete, identifiable,
and positive steps to include historically excluded groups in their selection pools and
adopt mechanisms that ensure their representation among those ultimately chosen
(Massey & Mooney, 2007). Specifically, “the long-standing national controversy about
affirmative action revolves around access to selective institutions, not college access in
general” (as cited in Niu, Tienda & Cortes, 2005, p. 260). The perception of students
with lower SAT credentials who are gaining access at the flagships, at the expense of
lower ranked students, is resented at higher performing schools. Parents view these
students with lower SAT scores, as less meritorious than those with lower rankings in
well-regarded high schools (Long, Saenz, & Tienda, 2010). Students and parents from
the higher performing schools argue that standardized testing is a better means of
measuring merit. Thus, given that the long-standing national controversy about
affirmative action in higher education revolves around access to selective institutions, not

53

college access in general (Niu et al., 2005) allows this paper to review three main
arguments against affirmative action below.
Reverse Discrimination
The first criticism in the affirmative action debate alleges that reverse
discrimination is in result of affirmative action, therefore lowering the odds of admission
for other better qualified nonminority students. Critics alleging reverse discrimination
however, (Glazer, 1976) have not provided data to back their claims. Specifically, critics
argue that Blacks and Latino/as indeed must be receiving extra bonuses to compensate
for their lower test scores at selective colleges (Hernstein and Murray, 1994). However,
Dickens and Kane (1999) uncover that if that assertion would hold true than Black and
White tests scores would produce a different mean given the extensive literature found
noting that Blacks score lower than Whites. Second, Dickens and Kane (1999) argue that
testing is also not the sole deciding factor in admissions. Besides Hernstein and Murray’s
assertion, others like Lerner and Nagai (1995; 1996) also conclude that Blacks and
Latino/as must be receiving preferences on the basis of their low test scores.
Nonetheless, these authors fail to provide a discussion on the magnitude of the
differences that might be expected in the absence of preferences. Others argue that
minorities are less meritorious based on their lower SAT scores than their White and
Asian counterparts (Lerner & Nagai, 1999).
After GPA, the UC system assigns the most weight to the SAT, as the most
important factor in the admissions process when doing a comprehensive review

54

(Appendix A) (University of California, 2009). While those in favor of testing do not
advocate specifically for the UC’s preference over testing they do so in a broader sense.
In particular, they consider them a rigorous measure of academic preparedness that does
not suffer from variation in grading standards across schools (Camara & Michaelides,
2005) and interpret the movement away from the SATs as the demise of meritocracy
(Barro, 2001). Race, ethnic and income gaps in standardized test scores presumably
indicate that minority students are less well prepared to succeed in college (Thernstrom
and Thernstrom, 1996). Thernstrom and Thernstrom (1997) also cite evidence from
UCB, stating that students with higher SAT test scores graduate at higher rates.
However, a large body of research indicates that grades are better predictors than
test scores (Hoffman & Lowitzki, 2005; Perez, 2002; Zwick & Schlemer, 2004) and in
the UC system (Geiser & Studley, 2003; Geiser & Santelices, 2007). For instance, while
examining nearly 80,000 students enrolled in California’s UC system during the late
1990s, several studies show that for all academic disciplines, campuses and freshman
cohorts, high school GPA is the best predictor of freshman GPA (Kowarsky, Clatfelter &
Widaman, 1998; Geiser & Studley, 2003) and also four year GPA and graduation (Geiser
& Santelices, 2007). Also, Niu and Tienda (2009) at the University of Texas A&M
found that students ranked in the third decile who met the SAT threshold and enjoyed a
265 point advantage fared significantly worse academically in their freshman year, as
they earned .021 points lower on their cumulative GPA and were 5 percent more likely to
withdraw before their sophomore year. Blau, Moller and Jones (2004) reason that this

55

may be because grades may capture ambition, tenacity and work habits otherwise not
explained by the SAT. Furthermore, Rothstein (2004) concludes that much of the SAT’s
predictive power derives from its correlation with socioeconomic background and high
school attributes. Even yet, Freedle (2003) found that the SAT was unfair and biased
towards minorities. Santelices and Wilson (2010) also confirmed Freedle’s findings
using newer test items, however these findings were not produced for Latino/a students.
Finally, Atkinson (2007) found that the SAT II tests combined are a far better predictor
than the two SAT I tests. However, these SAT II tests are scheduled to be eliminated
with the UC’s newly proposed Eligibility in the Local Context (ELC) 9% plan with the
entering class of 2012.
It has also been found that the SAT fails to accomplish its initial purpose of
accurately predicting first year college grades for Latinos. Studies have often found that
first year college grades were overpredicted for Blacks and Latinos and underpredicted
for Whites and Asian-Americans (Zwick, Brown, & Sklar 2004). In other words,
overprediction occurs when predicted first year college grades are lower than actual
grades and underprediction occurs when expected grades are higher than earned grades.
An explanation to this overprediction phenomena is that the SAT is not fully able to
predict or capture the student as a whole. Zwick et al. (2004) states that minority and
White students are likely to differ in ways that are not fully captured by either their test
scores or their high school grades. For example, a Latino and a White student who both
have the same GPA and SAT scores may nevertheless differ in terms of factors like the

56

quality of early schooling, the environment in the home, and the aspirations of the family,
all cultural settings and models which can influence academic preparation. Other
possible theories exist about the overprediction phenomena, like stereotype threat (Steele
& Aaronson, 1995), economics, or the lack of diversity and racism that people of color
are subjected to when attending college (Zwick et al., 2004).
Also, other researchers provide data to show that affirmative action is not
squeezing out more “competent” and “qualified students” (Saenz et al., 2007b; Tienda,
Alon & Niu, 2010) as some allege. In particular, Saenz et al. (2007b) found that in Texas
Whites had increased their enrollment at selective schools between the years 1994 to
2004 from 64 to 71 per 1,000 students, similarly Asians saw an increase from 122 to 177
between 1999 and 2004. While, Latino/as and Blacks decreased from 37 to 31 and 29 to
26 respectively. Similar to Saenz et al. (2007b) in a study of Texas’ Top 10% percentage
plan, Tienda et al. (2010) found that a college squeeze did exist but was partially
attributed to an overrepresentation of Asian students amongst other factors that elicit a
college squeeze. Additionally, Saenz et al. (2007b) found that the lower number of
White enrollment may be attributed to their filing status. Saenz and colleagues found that
7 percent of these students enrolled at selective universities identified as “other” and
attributed those groups to be White and multiracial.
Similarly, Smith, Moreno, Clayton-Pederson & Teraguchi (2005) also found that
indeed many of the “other or unknown” students nationwide, were White or multiracial.
Overall, the U.S. has seen a 3.2 to 5.9 percent increase in applicants filing as “unknown

57

or other” in a 10 year span between 1991 and 2001, a nearly 100 percent increase (Smith
et al., 2005). However, both studies were not able to clearly identify that these “other”
students were indeed White; as a result further empirical evidence is needed. Finally, Liu
(2002) found no logical basis to infer that White applicants would stand a much better
chance of admission in the absence of affirmative action, which is often an exaggerated
truth presumed by critics of affirmative action. In California, the UC system may also
begin to see the college squeeze debate augment, as the freshmen class of 2010 at UCB
will double their out of state incoming class to 22.6 percent (Gordon, 2010). Therefore,
UCB will also see a 12 percent decrease for Latino/a students (Kahlenberg, 2010b).
Mismatch Hypothesis
A second claim against affirmative action is that students with lower credentials
(SAT) than the institutional average are mismatched and are being set up for failure and
therefore by attending a less selective school would yield a better fit. Researchers have
found it difficult to identify students admitted under affirmative action policies in their
research (Charles et al., 2009). To compensate for this dilemma, many studies use SAT
gaps found between students and colleges and or race to estimate which students were
likely admitted through affirmative action. For instance, Loury and Garman (1993, 1995)
and Thernstrom and Thernstrom (1995, 1999) concluded that students who produce lower
SAT scores than the institution’s average graduate at lesser rates and therefore create a
mismatch. These authors construe the mismatch argument between minorities and others
students attending the same selective college.

58

On the other hand, opponents of the mismatch hypothesis construe the argument
differently and in their research compare students attending selective colleges versus
same race students attending less selective institutions. They ration that if indeed a
mismatch would occur than students would be better matched to attend less selective
institutions, as their critics state (Alon & Tienda, 2005). For instance, Kane (1998) found
that attending a more selective institution was associated with higher earnings and higher
graduation rates for students in comparison to their similar peers. Additionally, by
demonstrating that for all intervals of the SAT distribution, the graduation rates of Black
students increase as institutional selectivity rises, Bowen and Bok (1998) challenged the
core of the mismatch hypothesis. Fischer and Massey (2007) and Charles et al. (2009)
also, found that affirmative action students that had lower SAT scores than that of their
selective institutions earned similar grades and left school at lower rates than peers at
non-selective colleges. Similarly, Cortes (2008) extended their work by addressing the
non-random selection of students and conducting two-stage least squares estimation to
yield support for the rejection of the mismatch hypothesis. Finally, Melguizo (2008)
sought to find if the higher graduation rates were due to the characteristics of the
institution or that of it’s more qualified enrolling students. She finds that indeed,
attending a selective school increases the likelihood of graduation for Latino/a and Black
students.
Overall, empirical evidence to support the mismatch hypothesis has not been seen
despite claims that affirmative action students are given a disservice in attending more

59

selective colleges (Alon & Tienda, 2005; Bowen & Bok, 1998; Charles et al., 2009). On
the contrary empirical evidence demonstrates that affirmative action students graduate at
higher rates than peers attending less selective institutions (Alon & Tienda, 2005).
Attending these selective universities is noteworthy, given research that students from
disadvantaged backgrounds earn higher incomes later on in life (Dale & Krueger, 2002).
Also, because students under affirmative action provide extra services to their
communities relative to their nonminority peers unlike the labor market returns that most
people only focus on (Bowen & Bok, 1998).
Social Stigma & Stereotype Threat Hypothesis
A third argument against affirmative action is that, at a collective level it
stigmatizes minority group members as intellectually inferior (Thernstrom & Thernstrom,
1999). The authors argue that by admitting Black students with lesser standards creates
the stigma that Blacks are not academically talented. Thus, a social stigma is created if
Blacks or Latino/as perceive Whites to believe that they would have not been admitted if
not for a “lowering” of standards (Charles et al., 2009). These beliefs and anxieties are
consistent with the notion of stereotype threat that was developed by Steele and Aronson
(1995). Stereotype threat states that members of disparaged groups are prone to
underperform academically because of a fear living up to negative stereotypes about the
intellectual abilities of their group. In this seminal piece, Steele and Aronson (1995)
highlighted Black student’s underperformance on difficult tests similar to the Graduate
Record Examination (GRE). In particular, it was found that Black students

60

underperformed both when the tests were labeled as diagnostic of intellectual ability and
when the students were asked beforehand to report their race.
As well as these three arguments against affirmative action, Massey and Fischer
(2005) have uncovered a fourth possibility, the stereotype threat hypothesis that even
proponents of affirmative action admit that heightening racial stigma is a possible
negative consequence (Bowen & Bok, 1998; Massey & Fischer, 2005; Charles et al.,
2009). The stereotype threat hypothesis holds that negative intellectual stereotypes of
Blacks and Latino/as would manifest themselves by (1) internalizing the negative
stereotypes about intellectual inferiority through socialization and come to believe them.
While also manifesting itself when (2) others will externalize the stereotypes, believing
that Whites and Asians will draw on the stigma of intellectual inferiority in evaluating
them (Massey & Fischer, 2005). Thus, the internalization of stereotypes leads to a
disidentification with academic success and a subsequent reduction of work effort that
results into lower grades. While, the externalization of stereotypes creates a
psychological performance burden that increases test anxiety and undermines grade
achievement (Massey & Fischer, 2005).
Massey, Charles, Lundy and Fischer (2003) were the first study of its kind to
replicate stereotype vulnerability on academic performance outside of a laboratory setting
(a criticism about the theory, see Cullen, Hardison & Sackett, 2004) for minority
students. The authors assessed outcomes for students vulnerable to stereotype threat.
Vulnerability was identified as: (1) students who had doubts about their own ability and

61

were self-conscious about views of teachers or (2) doubted their group’s ability or
identified more with the majority. Latino/as and Blacks with one predisposition earned
significantly lower grades and failed classes at a higher rate than other minorities. While
those with two predispositions had the likelihood of failing their first term were over 20
percent (Massey et al., 2003). Since then other studies have produced similar findings,
like Torres and Charles (2004) who found that Black respondents’ grades are about four
tenths of one point lower than their White peers when subjected to the social stigma.
Massey and Fischer (2005) found that with no performance burden or
disidentification, Blacks were predicted to earn a GPA of 3.13 but at maximum levels of
disidentification and performance burden, their GPA dropped to 2.78. Charles et al.
(2009) argued that institutions, while perhaps inadvertently, highlight the poorer
performance of minority students on a very visible and widely discussed benchmark of
academic performance. Thus, Charles et al. (2009) find that the emphasis on poor
performance for minorities increases the probability of intensifying the performance
burden of minorities due to stereotype threat and the stigmatizing that their credentials
are indeed suspect. Specifically, Charles et al. (2009), Fischer and Massey (2007), and
Massey and Mooney (2007) did find that affirmative action at the institutional level was
found to have significant negative effects on grade achievement, that is, the larger the gap
between the average SAT scores of minority students on campus and the overall average
at the institution, the heavier the subjective performance burden experienced by Blacks
and Latino/as when they are asked to perform. Charles et al. (2009) found this to occur

62

because the application of affirmative action’s race sensitive criteria creates a
stigmatizing setting that undermines minority academic performance. More importantly,
as cited in Charles et al. (2009), “wise” intervention strategies employed by Steele and
colleagues were able to reduce the negative effects for students under affirmative action
policies at a selective university. Therefore, it can be said that stereotype threat allows
for design interventions that can compensate for decrements in performance of equally
prepared individuals to perform at comparable levels to those of their peers. Finally,
Charles et al. (2009), Fischer and Massey (2007) and Massey and Mooney (2007) unlike
Massey and Fischer (2005) found no evidence for the disidentification of individual
affirmative action when comparing an individual’s SAT test score with their institutions.
This may be because the students may be able to rationalize and attribute it to effort as
opposed to supposed group-specific deficiencies (Massey & Mooney, 2007).
Overall, there is lacking evidence that SAT is indeed the best predictor for college
performance. Conversely, high school grades have been found to better predict student
success once in college. No support for reverse discrimination, and mismatch hypotheses
is seen. If anything, studies demonstrate that affirmative action students have not taken
away admission slots for Whites and Asians and graduate at higher rates than their peers
at selective universities (Saenz et al., 2007b). The social stigma and stereotype threat
hypothesis however was proven to have a detrimental effect on performance. In
particular, students with one predisposition saw their grades decrease, while an even
more pronounced effect was seen for students predisposed to two social stigmas. Also,

63

the stereotype threat hypothesis shows that while initial support was seen for the
internalization of the stereotype, later research disproved the notion that students could
rationalize and attribute their failure due to effort (Fischer and Massey, 2007). The
second notion of stereotype however, was seen to occur. Both, proponents and those
against affirmative action agreed that the externalization of stereotypes in particular with
institutional affirmative action had pronounced effects for students with respects to their
grades and graduation rates.
Next, the student retention literature will be examined in the next section. First,
Tinto’s (1975) and other revisions of student persistence will be reviewed. Second, a
critique of Tinto’s theory and its haphazardly inability to account for minority students
will be provided. Third, a review of factors having a negative impact on Latino/a
retention will be assessed. Specifically, the literature review will demonstrates that
Latino/as also endure perceived and behavioral forms of campus racial climate, do not
feel attached to the overall campus culture and lack similar ethnic faculty mentors.
Latino/a Retention
Tinto’s Theory of Student Persistence
The most widely used model of student persistence is Tinto’s (1975, 1987, 1993)
academic and social integration. The concepts of social and academic integration in
college originated with the work of Durkheim’s (1951) theory of suicide. Specifically,
Durkheim posited that people most acclimated to society’s institutions would experience
less alienation and in turn be less likely to commit suicide. Similarly, Van Gennep’s

64

(1960) “rites de passage” is also key in Tinto’s theory of student persistence. The “rites
de passage” were rituals in cultures designed to move individuals from one development
stage to another (Tierney, 1992). Since then, Spady’s (1970) social integration work has
also been credited with advancing the literature on college student persistence. Spady
(1970) attempted to deal with the issues of integrating students into the life of the
institution and how colleges and students be theoretically conceived.
Tinto (1975, 1987, 1993) seeks to explain the college student withdrawal process.
Therefore, integration is described as the extent to which the student shares the norms
values of peers and faculty and adheres to the implicit and explicit structural
requirements for membership (Pascarella & Terrinzini, 2005). Tinto’s theory states that
students enter college with pre-college attributes i.e. personal, family and academic,
including dispositions and intentions with respect to college attendance and personal
goals. In turn, the intentions and commitments are altered on a constant basis through a
longitudinal series of interactions between the student and the culture of the institution
(Pascarealla & Terrinzini, 2005). Having positive experiences are then said to increase
student integration and subsequently their goals. On the other hand, Tinto (1993)
postulates that unpleasant experiences negatively affect student’s integration by
distancing the individual from the institution which in turn increases the chances of
student departure.

65

Critiques of Tinto
Cabrera, Castaneda, Nora and Hengstler, (1992) critiqued Tinto’s (1987)
framework, as they found external factors i.e. financial aid factors to be more complex
than Tinto’s theory stated. In response, Tinto (1993) included the social and academic
systems to be different than social and academic integration but did not provide a
description of this distinction that researchers can use for testing (Hurtado & Carter,
1997). Similarly, Tierney (1992) argued that Tinto’s (1987) theory of persistence
assumed that in order for minority students to be successful in college they must adopt
the dominant values of the institution (predominantly White) while suppressing their
own. In response, Tinto (1993) provided a third revision to his theory and stated that
conformity was not always associated with integration and included the concept of
membership. Specifically, membership was said to be more useful than integration, as it
allowed greater diversity of participation. Nevertheless, Hurtado & Carter (1997) stated
that Tinto’s (1993) latest revision did not clearly identify the distinctions between
membership and participation. Similarly, Tierney (1999) contends that Tinto’s model
elicits the status quo on most campuses that require minorities to assimilate to their
campuses or otherwise suffer “culture suicide.” Instead, Tierney (1999) suggests that
college campuses should welcome and affirm minorities thus allowing minorities to gain
cultural capital and also democratizing their educational system.
Similarly, Tanaka (2002) shows that Tinto's (1987,1993) original theory of
integration are no longer applicable in explaining the diverse experiences with today's

66

college student, Tanaka (2002) uses five probes to examine Tinto’s survey instruments.
In particular, Tanaka (2002) uses Voice, Power, Authenticity, Self-reflexivity and
Reconstitution. Deriving the notion of "voice" from feminist theory (Hooks,1984), it
places an end to the dominance of one culture i.e. men speaking for women. Voice is
said to validate the cultures of people of color. Power and knowledge is derived from the
notion that knowledge about culture is elicited by power (Tanaka, 2002). For instance,
this means examining what counts as knowledge, what is studied on campus i.e. great
books, ethnic studies. Third, authenticity is referred to as being able to locate each
student in his or her own time and history (Tanaka, 2002). Locating each student in his
or her own time and history would require moving away from a compertalization of
categories i.e. Chicano/a, Latino/a in questionnaires that allows students to self-report
their own culture histories. Self reflexivity is the knowledge of learning about other
cultures including the researcher's own culture. The notion is that the researcher will not
only learn about others but will also then reflect back on himself. Finally, reconstitution
derived from critical race theory (Landson-Billings & Tate, 1995) is the notion of
wanting to bring about equality and having a "level playing field.” Reconstitution asks
institutions to begin identifying ways to look at the reward and institutional structures to
yield equality for all groups.
Tanaka (2002) finds that Tinto comes up short on all five probes. He finds that
this is attributable to the survey's overly emphasis on career goals, work experience and
other factors that focused on becoming a productive member of society. Tinto's (1975)

67

survey does not examine the power relations that might elicit inequalities for people of
different color, gender, race or sexual orientation (Tanaka, 2002). Furthermore, Tanaka
finds that the survey drafted by Tinto did not account for student's multiple cultural
histories, therefore also not able to assess the college's role in nurturing student's cultural
history. Additionally, Tanaka (2002) states that scholars using Tinto's survey then fail to
examine their own social position. Unable to assess their own position, ultimately leads
scholars to fail to change the academic structures or reconstitute the structures on
campuses to better accommodate different ethnic, racial, gender and sexual orientations
(Tanaka, 2002). While Tinto (1993; 1998) does incorporate older students and
community college students, he continues to overlook racial, ethnic, gender and sexual
orientations. Therefore, Tanaka (2002) suggests a movement towards an intercultural
theory of student development, where no one culture dominates and where cultures are
continuously evolving with time. Each student is to have a voice and tell their story, and
have their cultural histories nurtured (Tanaka, 2002). Finally, this movement towards
interculturalism is not said to marginalize European Americans, instead it will allow them
to participate as equals in today's varied multicultural campus.
Racial Climate
Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey (NSF) Hurtado, Carter and
Spuler (1996) attempt to understand factors that affect Latino/as’ adjustment in their first
and second years of college. Specifically, the authors looked at individual attributes;
college structural and climate characteristics, student transitional experiences and student

68

behaviors to better understand this relationship as it pertains to the areas of academic,
social, personal-emotional and attachment to the institution. Looking at Latino/as’
attributes and behaviors is important, as previous literature demonstrates high ability
Latino/as’ high attrition rates after their first year in college, despite their high retention
rates in their first year of college (Muniz, 1994). It has also been noted that Latino/as
who have more negative perceptions about their respective campus are more likely to
perceive racial tension on campus (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). In turn, the perceived
negative racial/hostile campus climate has shown to negatively affect graduation,
academic achievement and persistence (Locks, Hurtado, Bowman and Oseguera, 2008).
Hurtado et al. (1996) found that perceptions of a hostile climate and experiences
of discrimination negatively affected attachment to the university for Latino/a students.
More importantly, the authors point out that it was the perceptions of racial tension that
was directly linked to lower levels of personal-emotional adjustment. These subtle
offenses can include the belief that Latino/as are special admits and received some sort of
affirmative action benefit. Likewise, in studying 272 Latino/as attending a heterogeneous
sample of 127 colleges, Hurtado and Carter (1997) found similar results. Specifically,
Hurtado and Carter (1997) found that the perception of a negative hostile climate in their
second year decreased Latino/as’ sense of belonging in their third year. Also, Lopez
(2005) found that Latino/a students at an elite private college in the West Coast reported
an increase in racism by the end of their freshman year. This, after students reported
racism as the least type of stress at the beginning of the year.

69

Since then, other studies (Hurtado et al., 2007; Nunez, 2009; Seymour and Hewitt
(1997) have replicated similar findings. For instance, Hurtado et al. (2007) found a
decrease of sense of belonging attributed to a perceived racial climate for Latino/as in the
biomedical and behavioral sciences (Hurtado et al., 2007). Nunez (2009) also found a
decrease in sense of belonging for second generation Latino/as over their first or third
year counterparts. While, Seymour and Hewitt (1997) found Latino/as switching out of
math and science majors due to perceived racial campus climates. Likewise, these
findings have also been replicated for Latino/as attending highly selective universities
(Aries, 2008; Hurtado, 1992; Lopez, 2005; & Locks et al., 2008), where they are more
likely to experience a hostile racial campus climate (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). Hurtado
(1992) states that selective universities represent America’s wealth and privilege are
highly traditional and are the gateway to powerful positions. Also, selective schools
often exacerbate racial tension, as they are preoccupied with increasingly becoming more
selective and enhancing their reputation instead of affirming diversity on their campuses
(Hurtado, 1992). Universities that communicate or are perceived as unwelcoming or not
student centered have been found to see an increase in perceived racial tension by
students (Hurtado, 1992).
Even yet, other researchers have also noted more overt forms of racism either
from the institution or institutional microaggressions, from others on campus or
interpersonal microaggressions and racial jokes or attempts at questionable humor
(Yosso, 2000; Yosso, Smith, Ceja & Solorzano, 2009). Johnson defines

70

microaggressions as subtle, innocuous, preconscious or unconscious degradations and
putdowns that through a cumulative burden of a lifetime can contribute to diminished
mortality, augmented morbidity and flattened confidence (as cited in Yosso et al., 2009).
In their study of three PWI selective institutions Yosso et al. (2009) found that Latino/as
experienced these different forms of microagressions despite an absence of questions in
the researcher’s interview protocol pertaining to microaggressions. These racial offenses
are said to cause Latino/as immense stress, particularly when they confront the
microaggressor leaving victims feeling drained and decreasing their enthusiasm (Yosso et
al., 2009). Again, Tinto’s (1993) theory of student departure fails to account how
students of color account experience campus racial climate.
Indeed, two of the most selective schools in the UC system have recently
experienced racial hostility. Tensions flared up at the UCSD in 2010 when an off campus
party attended by several UCSD students mocked Black History Month by hosting a
“Compton Cookout.” Males attending the Compton Cookout were asked to wear chains
and cheap clothes, while women were asked to dress as “ghetto chicks” (Stetz, 2011).
Subsequently, other incidents pursued on campus that continued to ignite the racial
tensions as a noose was found in the university’s library, a KKK-like hood was found
over the Dr. Seuss statue on campus. More recently, an unauthorized email was sent to
all students with the N-word in all capital letters. Similarly, in a recent incident at
UCLA, a White student posted an online rant mocking Asian students. Specifically,
Alexandra Wallace openly mocked Asians stating that “they should not be using their

71

phones in the library” and that “they go checking on everybody like the whole Tsunami
thing”, while also suggesting that they should “use American manners.” UCLA was
unable to take any discipline action against Ms. Wallace citing that “no student code of
conduct was violated” (Gordon, 2011). Lastly, two investigations by the Office of Civil
Rights are currently underway at the University of California Irvine and the University of
California Santa Cruz, as allegations of discrimination against the Jewish community
have been seen on their campuses. (Schmidt, 2011). Also, UCB is currently under a
discrimination lawsuit filed by a Jewish student (Schmidt, 2011).
Diverse Quality Peer Interactions
Previous researchers (Chang, 1996; Chang, Astin & Kim, 2004) have shown that
diversity has yielded positive interaction across racial groups and educational outcomes.
For instance, Chang (1996) found that diverse campuses noticed an increase in cross
racial student engagement. Also, educational outcomes such as cognitive, social and
democratic outcomes were significantly correlated with interactions across race (Hurtado,
2003). Recent studies have found the importance of quality cross racial interactions,
defined as positive and meaningful interactions that take place (Gurin, Dey, Hurtado &
Gurin, 2002; Locks et al., 2008; Saenz, Ngai & Hurtado, 2007).
For example, using two longitudinal databases Gurin et al. (2002) found the
importance of informal interaction amongst diverse peers independent of instruction. The
authors found that informal interactions accounted for higher levels of intellectual
engagement, self assessed academic skills and increased citizenship engagement and

72

racial/cultural engagement for all groups of students. Similarly, Locks et al. (2008) found
that at ten public universities, the quality of interaction with diverse peers has a stronger
effect on sense of belonging than the total amount of time students spent socializing.
These findings are important, as they signify that frequent contact or mere presence of
diverse peers is not sufficient.
However, Saenz (2005) found that college students tend to continue their pre-
college patters of interaction during college, whether having previously interacted with
homogenous or heterogeneous groups. In looking at 10 different predominantly White
universities (PWIs), Locks et al. (2008) examined the relationship between different
measures of interaction with diverse set of peers before and during college on Latino/as’
sense of belonging in their second year. Nevertheless, Locks et al. (2008) found that
students of color who interacted with diverse peers (White students) before college were
most likely to do so in college and therefore had a greater sense of belonging at PWI’s.
This finding was also replicated by Saenz et al. (2007a) in their study of various racial
groups at nine public universities with students completing first and second year surveys.
However, it was found by Saenz and colleagues that Latino/as were significantly more
likely to report higher positive interactions than Latino/as. This effect is even more
pronounced given the amount of college students who come from segregated high
schools (Orfield & Lee, 2006). Looking at Latino/as at a large public flagship
Midwestern University, Zurita (2005) found that a major reason Latino/a students
stopped out (leaving college with hope of returning) had attended segregated high

73

schools. Finally, Saenz (2005), states that despite student’s segregated pre-college
experiences, universities providing curricular and co-curricular activities can increase
positive cross racial interactions for these students. Similarly, high schools appear to be
able to offer opportunities for students to have experiences and develop skills with
diverse peers in their postsecondary setting that make it more likely for them to engage
diverse peers in college (Saenz et al., 2007a).
Community Involvement
Hurtado and Carter (1997) uses Tinto's (1993) latest revision of his student
integration theory that includes "membership" useful in their study of Latino/as in
college. Particularly, this membership went beyond participation or non-participation in
activities or groups. Instead, membership was used by the authors to see how students
made sense of their environments by membership in multiple peer groups that aid them in
obtaining skills needed to be successful. Attinasi states that groups and activities in turn
serve the dual function of meeting student's needs and connecting students to the larger
campus, (as cited in Hurtado & Carter, 1997). For instance, in their study, Hurtado and
Carter (1997) found that students who frequently discussed class material outside of class
felt a greater sense of belonging in their third year of college. Also, membership in
religious and social-community organizations was found to be the most significantly
related to student's sense of belonging. However, it is important to note that members of
ethnic student organizations (social community) did not have significantly higher sense
of belonging than non members. Furthermore, students who belonged to culturally

74

related groups and reported a higher sense of racial-ethnic tension had relatively higher
levels of belonging than nonmembers.
Nunez (2009) also concluded that Latino/as who are more familiar with diversity
issues, report more social and academic connections and engagement are also more likely
to experience a hostile climate even while feeling a sense of belonging. This paradox is
explained as Latino/as develop a critical consciousness by engaging in activities that
challenge existing social conditions as means to engage in their college experience on
their own terms (Solorzano, Ceja & Yosso, 2000). Nunez (2009) also found that
participation in sororities and fraternities had significant but weaker effects on student's
sense of belonging. Nonetheless, Latino/as who take diversity courses and access
intercultural capital can find a welcoming space to address issues of isolation,
discrimination and stereotyping (Solorzano et al., 2000).
Rivas-Drake (2008) found that critically conscious Latino/as at a selective college
saw themselves as having a pivotal role in their communities to address the social
inequalities and to help others. Their academic achievement in association with the
desire to help others was key. While these students all felt that being Latino/a was a
central aspect of their identity, they also identified with specific Latino/a ethnic
communities and organizations. Likewise, other studies have found Latino/as to find
refuge by participating in student protests, community service related work and religious
activities at 4-year private institutions (mostly liberal arts colleges) (Cerna, Perez &
Saenz, 2009). In a study at a public mid-western flagship Zurita (2005) found that

75

Latino/as were able to increase their sense of belonging by feeling part of the Latino/a
culture. Overall, studies show that a low sense of belonging to the overall college
environment may not necessarily increase a student's departure (Cerna et al., 2009;
Zurita, 2009). Belonging in small social networks versus a feeling of belonging to a
larger overall campus environment can be important to Latino/as’ persistence.
Additionally, the research presented below finds that Latino/as are able to benefit from
having their families involved in their collegiate life
Family Involvement
Also, as part of criticisms of Tinto's theoretical framework’s inability to address
diverse students, Hurtado and Carter (1997) found that Latino/as’ ease of separation and
maintaining family relationships are key aspects in transitioning to college. The authors
ration that Latino/as may be becoming interdependent while not yet entirely independent.
In addition, family support in the first year was found to be a positive factor in increasing
personal-emotional adjustment (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). In other words, Latino/as do
not have to disassociate themselves from their family as Tinto (1987) believed. In
studying Latino/a college students who on average lived two hours away from home,
Zurita (2005) also found the majority of students did not receive parental support. In
particular, these students reported not having their parents visit them on campus,
compared to their Anglo peers, while others reported not being financially supported
when initially going away to college. Zurita (2005) concludes that this placed students at
a financial and emotional disadvantage, while also feeling guilt and disappointment thus

76

increasing their visits back home. The author attributes this lack of parental support from
Latino/a parents to due to cultural capital and social class, as they had poor English
language skills and had irregular working hours.
Other important familial factors have also been shown to affect Latino/as’
retention in college. In addition to parents, siblings and other family members were
found to also provide support and encouragement that positively affected Latino/as’
persistency in college (Nora, 2004). Conversely, Nora, Cabrera, Hagedon and Pascarella
(1996) found that Latino/a and African American women who take care of family
members were 83 percent more likely to stop out than their peers without similar
responsibilities. Other studies have found that working also constrains the chances of
Latino/as persisting and graduating from college. In a study of nearly 3,000 students,
Longerbeam, Sedlaceck and Alatorre (2004) found that Latino/as were significantly more
likely to work and work longer hours than other ethnicities. These students attributed
working to “personal or family obligations” while non-Latino/as reported “networking”
as the major reason for working (Longerbeam et al., 2004). Below, a review on faculty’s
involvement ability to positively influence Latino/a retention will be discussed, albeit the
few amount of Latino/a faculty.
Faculty Involvement
One final theme found in the literature that showed a strong predictor toward
retention for Latino/a students was faculty involvement. Hurtado et al. (1996) were
amongst the first researchers to find that the perception of a student centered faculty and

77

administration and opportunities to interact with faculty eased the academic adjustment
of Latino/a students. In the same way, these authors found that resident advisors,
academic counselors and upperclassmen eased this transition. Nunez (2009) reports that
faculty interest had statistically significant positive direct effects on sense of belonging
for Latino/a students. The impression of faculty interest in students’ development is
among the strongest predictors of Latino/as’ sense of belonging.
With a sample size of nearly 100 Latino/a/a students at a Southwestern research
type I institution Gloria, Castellanos, Lopez, & Rosales (2005) found that perceived
mentorships from faculty resulted in an overall positive perception of the university.
Authors therefore, argue that formal mentorships should positively affect the demography
of Latino/a students. However, possible mentorships through Latino/a faculty or
administrators is severely limited at only 2.9 and 3 respectively (Gloria & Castellanos,
2003). Nonetheless, faculty can serve as mentors in helping students navigate the higher
education system by being role models, providing mentorships, alleviating feelings of
alienation and marginalization (Hurtado & Kamimura, 2003). Overall, retaining Latino/a
students requires a culture on campus that is inclusive of their own experience(s) and
builds support mechanisms around the barriers they embark on (Hurtado & Kamimura,
2003). To “feel at home” Latino/as must maintain contacts within the university i.e.
peers, faculty and outside of the university i.e. family (Hurtado & Carter, 1997).
In summary, Tinto’s (1993) integration theory unfortunately is not able to fully
account for Latino/as’ unique sense of belonging in navigating their collegiate

78

experience. Despite various revisions from Tinton’s (1975, 1988, 1993) theory of
integration, several researchers have criticized him for postulating that Latino/as’ must
adapt to PWI’ while leaving their own culture behind (Tierney, 1992; Hurtado & Carter,
1997). Tinto is unable to account for the campus racial climate that Latino/as face,
particularly at selective colleges (Aries, 2008; Locks et al., 2008; Lopez, 2005). It has
also been found that Latino/as can persist in college by belonging to smaller networks on
campus that they can identify and be supported in versus having to belong to the larger
campus that Tinto asserts (Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Rivas-Drake, 2008). Similarly, other
factors like pre-college diverse peer interactions with Whites were shown to increase
sense of belonging for Latino/as in college (Locks, 2008) as was the finding that
faculty/mentors also can alleviate the feelings of marginalization for Latino/a students
and in turn increase the likelihood that they persist and graduate (Hurtado et al., 1996).
Proceeding this section, a summary of all the theoretical constructs will be provided.
Additionally, this next section will address this study’s main focus with the specific
research questions it will attempt to attend to.
Summary
So far, the different theoretical theories of Cultural Ecological, Social Capital and
Latino/a Retention have been reviewed. This next section will provide an overall
summary of these different theoretical bodies of research, while providing the specific
research questions that this study will address. Specifically, students from LPHS or API
1-2 high schools are absent in the literature from all of the different constructs. Even

79

more, each body of literature was found to have gaps in the literature that this study will
attempt to address.
Burden of Being Latino/a
Cultural Ecological Theory (CET) is said to account for minorities’ performance
in school settings based on how they were incorporated into American society. Ogbu
(1987) found three types of minorities in this country. Jews and Mormons are considered
autonomous, while they are distinctive in culture from society they are not considered
socially, economically and politically oppressed. Voluntary immigrants are said to be
those minorities who have willingly came to this country in hopes of greater prosperity.
Similarly, voluntary minorities are said to have a positive dual frame of reference. This
positive dual frame of reference takes place when voluntary minorities compare their
situation to that of “back home” and one that is usually less desirable to their current state
in the U.S. While, voluntary minorities might experience discrimination, racism and
other forms of oppression they tend to overlook these barriers in favor of greater
opportunity experienced in American society. Finally, voluntary minorities are said to
accommodate or integrate the American culture while keeping their culture intact.
Conversely, involuntary minorities are said to develop different cultural models
than voluntary minorities due to the subordination and experiences by Whites (Ogbu,
1987). Specifically, these cultural models include the beliefs that schooling will not
provide them with equal opportunities. That involuntary minorities compare their
situation to that of White Americans. While also being exposed to discrimination and

80

racism in their communities that communicate skepticism about social mobility also
develops a different cultural model. Lastly, voluntary minorities develop a cultural
model that fears that they will lose their culture if they learn “White talk” (Ogbu &
Simmons, 1998). This poses a dilemma for involuntary minorities, as they equate doing
well in school as “acting White.” Involuntary minorities are then said to have to choose
between acting White and doing good in school or remaining loyal to their similar ethnic
group. Thus, Ogbu and Simmons (1998) find that Black and Mexican-American students
purposely underachieve in school in fear of being accused of acting White from similar
peers.
Since then other studies have challenged the acting White theory. Studies have
found that socializing with White students instead, leads to accusations of acting White
(Bergin & Cooks, 2002; Carter, 2006). However, these studies found that for Blacks and
Latino/as, accusations by similar ethnic peers of acting White were due to the
overrepresentation of Whites in their Honors and AP classes (Bergin & Cooks; Carter,
2006; Tyson et al., 2004). Not speaking the community language or pronouncing their
Spanish surname in Spanish also lead to accusations of acting White for Latino/as
(Carter, 2006). Similarly, different attire or dress styles (Bergin & Cooks, 2002) and
“smart status” or the feelings of students touting their smartness over others (Carter,
2006) elicited accusations of acting White. Finally, Flores-Gonzalez (2005) argues that
school structures and policies are to blame as they segregate students at an early age into
lower tracks. Thus, these tracks place “street kids” with other “street kids” steering them

81

away from other high achieving peers or “school kids” and ultimately pulling them
further into the street culture and away from an academic one.
Similarly, Rivas-Drake and Mooney (2009) found that Latino/as do not have to
assimilate or become “raceless” in order to achieve academically in selective colleges.
Other studies in selective colleges agreed with high school studies, that dress, style and
speech elicited accusations of acting White and not academic achievement (Aries, 2008).
Lopez (2005) found some evidence that accusations of acting White were evident but did
taper off by the end of the school year and did not articulate what lead to these
accusations. Overall, these studies found that voluntary minorities i.e. .Blacks and
Latino/as did not avoid academic achievement in fear of being accused of acting White
(Aries, 2008; Rivas-Drake & Mooney, 2008; Rivas-Drake & Mooney, 2009). Rather,
dress style, language, “smart status,” lower tracking and school structures lead to
accusations of acting White in both, selective colleges and high school settings.
However, while these previous studies found that voluntary minorities did not
avoid academic achievement in fear of reprisal from their similar ethnic peers, these
studies did not account for the burden associated with being Latino/a. For instance,
studies in selective colleges have found that Latino/as felt marginalized, depressed,
harassed, and experienced family issues that further accentuated their negative experience
at selective colleges (Cabrera & Padilla, 2004; Garrod et al., 2004). Fordman and Ogbu
(1986) find that despite some minorities being more adept to cross into the dominant
culture and others may be less able in doing so, all suffer affective dissonance. This

82

dissonance develops in result of feeling a sense of betrayal to their ethnic group and fear
of not being accepted into the White culture (Fordman & Ogbu, 1986). For example,
Garrod et al. (2004) demonstrates that a Latino/a at Dartmouth despite viewing life
through an American lens and assimilating into the White culture was still unaccepted by
White students. Therefore, this study will attempt to address: How does the burden of
being Latino/a affect students from API 1-2 high schools? While also asking the same
question during their experience at an elite public university: How does the burden of
being Latino/a affect students from API 1-2 high schools at an elite public university?
Social Capital
Bourdieu (1977) and Coleman (1988) are attributed to be the founding fathers of
social capital. Social capital is said to be actual or potential resources that are linked to a
person’s networks. Bordieu’s (1977) use of social capital is said to better account for the
inequities found with minorities and lower class individuals, as he theorizes that upper
class individuals maintain their privilege by restricting other’s access. Authors like
Stanton- Salazar (1997) have found that institutional agents can provide the access and
cultural capital that minorities may lack. These institutional agents for example may help
minorities acquire the knowledge (cultural capital) of what is needed to be admitted to a
selective college i.e. AP/Honor courses, SAT preparation courses. Therefore,
institutional agents are said to be institutional gate keepers that can perhaps offset
minorities’ lack of cultural capital that is more often found with White upper class
individuals. In other words, institutional agents can help individuals accumulate cultural

83

capital and access to social networks that can in turn be converted into social capital that
allows individuals to better navigate cultural borders and institutional structures.
Stanton-Salazar (2010) further articulates that it is not enough for institutional
agents to provide access and opportunity to individuals lacking cultural capital. While
institutional agents providing this form of capital can have positive life altering
consequences for these individuals, little to no effect will be seen in the hierarchical
social structures that reproduce these inequities and thus remain intact (Bourdieu, 1977).
Therefore, an empowerment agent is one who not only allows minorities access to key
resource towards positively altering their paths for the better but to also actively
participate against society's hierarchical inequalities (Stanton-Salazar, 2010). Thus, this
study will attempt to answer the following question: How do institutional or
empowerment agents affect Latino/as from API 1-2 high schools? Similarly, this
question will also be asked given student’s collegiate experience: How do institutional or
empowerment agents affect Latino/as from API 1-2 high schools at an elite public
institution?
Affirmative Action
Affirmative action occurs when institutions take identifiable steps to ensure the
representation of historically disadvantaged groups in the selection process (Massey &
Mooney, 2007). Affirmative action as it applies to minorities in higher education has by
far been the most controversial. Reverse discrimination, mismatch hypothesis and social
stigma/stereotype threat hypothesis are the three most common forms of affirmative

84

action criticisms. Reverse discrimination advocates argue that affirmative action policies
that actively pursue less qualified minorities displace more qualified White applicants.
However, Saenz et al. (2007b) uncovered that White and Asian students continued to
increase their enrollment at selective colleges, while Latino/as and Blacks continue to
decrease. While Texas did demonstrate that a college squeeze was seen, the lower
number of Whites enrolling at the state’s selective colleges was attributed to an
overrepresentation of Asian students (Tienda et al., 2010).
Other critics of affirmative action allege that students with lower credentials (SAT
scores) are over their heads and would yield more positive results at less selective
colleges, mismatch hypothesis. However, empirical evidence suggests that Blacks’
graduation rates increase as selectivity rises (Bowen & Bok, 1998). Similarly, Charles et
al. (2009) research found that students earned similar grades and left school at lower
rates.
Evidence for the third argument has been found for students who experience
social stigmas (Charles et al., 2009). The stigma is said to occur when Latino/as and
Blacks believe that they would have not been admitted unless their college would have
lowered their admission standards. Finally, evidence was also found for the stereotype
threat hypothesis (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Stereotype threat hypothesis is said to occur
when negative intellectual stereotypes of Blacks and Latino/as manifest themselves when
they (1) internalize the negative stereotypes about intellectual inferiority through
socialization and come to believe them or (2) when the belief that others will externalize

85

the stereotypes, believing that Whites and Asians will draw on the stigma of intellectual
inferiority when being evaluated (Massey & Fischer, 2005). However, very little
evidence (see Massey & Fischer, 2005) was found to suggest that the internalization of
the stereotypes leads to a reduction of school work or disidentification (Charles et al.,
2009; Fischer & Massey, 2007). Authors like Massey and Fischer (2005) and Charles et
al. (2009) found that the externalization of stereotypes creates a psychological
performance burden that increases test anxiety and undermines grade achievement. For
instance, Charles et al. (2009) found that the larger the gap between Latino/as’ and
Blacks’ SAT score and the institution’s average the larger the gap in academic
achievement. Charles et al. (2009) attributed this to the institution’s application to
affirmative action policies as being stigmatizing towards minority students.
Overall, despite researcher’s ability to demonstrate that Latino/as’ are not being
mismatched at selective universities, virtually all research has been quantitative (Alon &
Tienda, 2005; Bowen & Bok, 1998; Charles et al., 2009). No research to this author’s
knowledge exists that seeks to address the mismatch hypothesis from a qualitative
approach. In addition, no study has purposely sought to establish if Latino/as’ from API
1-2 schools are being mismatched. Finally, beyond graduation rates and GPAs found in
previous studies (Alon & Tienda, 2005; Bowen & Bok, 1998), this study seeks to identify
other non quantifiable factors that can further inform mismatch studies. Given this gap in
the literature, this study will ask the following research questions: How have Latino/as
experiences at an API 1-2 high school impact their adjustment at an elite public

86

university? In addition, with evidence of stereotype threats from institutions (Charles et
al., 2009) this study will also ask: How has stereotype threat affected Latino/as’ academic
performance at an elite public university, given their previous API 1-2 high school
setting?
Latino/a Retention
Selective colleges boast higher retention rates for all students (Bowen & Bok,
1998). Nevertheless, Latino/as tend to have lower retention rates than White and Asian
students (Massey et al.,2003). Perhaps, Latino/as’ lower retention rates can be attributed
to outdated retention theories that force minorities to assimilate into the culture of the
universities while giving up their own (Tinto, 1993). Instead, Tierney (1999) postulates
that institutions should affirm minorities while Tanaka (2002) advocates for a movement
towards an intercultural theory of student development, where no one culture dominates
and where cultures are continuously evolving with time.
Several themes in the literature were found that accounted for Latino/as’ poor
retention rates: racial climate, diverse quality peer interactions and factors involving the
community, family and faculty. These bodies of literature indicated that hostile racial
climates in college, whether perceived or behavioral, decrease student’s sense of
belonging which in turn decreases student retention (Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Yosso et
al., 2009). Similarly, studies found that Latino/as do not have to necessarily feel like they
belong to the larger campus environment, as Tinto (1987) proposes. Latino/as’ sense of
belonging can increase by being involved in smaller social networks on campus i.e.

87

religious, ethnic or social community (Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Rivas-Drake, 2008).
Involvement from faculty was also found to be positive factors in increasing student
retention for Latino/a students (Gloria et al., 2005; Hurtado et al., 1996;) while, familial
responsibilities tended to decrease student retention (Longerbeam et al., 2004; Nora et al.,
1996). Finally, diverse peer interactions have yielded positive educational outcomes
(Chang et al., 2004) and were also found to increase sense of belonging, particularly
quality interactions (Locks et al., 2008). However, it was found that students tend to
have similar pre-college interaction patterns in college (Saenz, 2005). For students
attending segregated high schools who do not have White peers on campus this often
means that they frequently have difficulty interacting with their peers in selective
colleges (Locks et al. 2008; Saenz et al., 2007a), given that all selective schools are
predominantly White (Kahlenberg, 2010a). Despite Gonzalo Mendez’s attempt to
abolish the segregation of Mexican families in Orange County, CA the Mendez v.
Westminster ruling has had little impact 65 years later.
Literature examining peer interactions have not examined whether students from
API 1-2 high schools also experience a lower sense of belonging once in college (Saenz
et al., 2007a). However, most API 1-2 high schools are often segregated (California
Department of Education, 2010). Similarly, literature examining Latino/as from API 1-2
high schools have not been studied in relations to their experiences with campus climate
and their sense of belonging on campus. Thus, this study will ask the following question:
How do Latino/as from API 1-2 high schools, whose pre-college environments are

88

predominantly segregated affect their sense of belonging, given their peer interactions,
racial climate and community involvement?

89

Chapter 3
Methodology
Introduction
In this chapter the methodology used to ascertain the relationship between
Latino/as who previously attended LPHS, defined as being API 1-2 and their current
selective university is outlined.
This qualitative study used purposeful sampling and interviewed eight Latino/a
upperclassmen from LPHS (API 1-2) in the research study. All students were in their
second year or beyond, as two students had recently graduated. Open ended structured
interviews were used during the interviews. The study will pool from students attending
one of the UC’s flagship universities, Public Prestige University (PPU). All students in
the study attended the same university. The interview schedule adapted from Rodriguez-
Cazares (2009) was used to reveal how Latino/as from LPHS cope with their
environment at a LPHS. In addition, Rodrigez-Cazares (2009) interview schedule was
also included in the college focus interview.
Embedded in Rodriguez-Cazares' (2009) interview schedule are different
theoretical constructs that allow the researcher to use as a lens in conducting the study:
cultural ecological, social capital and stereotype threat (Appendix B and C). For
instance, Fordman & Ogbu’s (1986) cultural ecological lens provides this research the
ability to determine if indeed Latino/as at an elite university suffer from a psychological
burden, given their Latino/a status. The social capital framework will attempt to explore

90

the relationship between networks and institutional agents for these LPH Latino/a
students (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). In addition, the affirmative action literature will help to
address other possible outcomes not yet studied for Latino/as from LPHS given their
“mismatched” status and determine if stereotype threat indeed affects their performance
(Steele, 1995). Finally, the Latino/a retention frameworks will be used to determine how
these students sense of belonging is affected at PPU.
Finally, this researcher also included interview questions from previous studies to
address Latino/as from API 1-2 high schools’ retention at their selective institution.
Specifically, the research questions of Aries (2008), Epenshade and Walton-Radford’s
National Survey of College Experience (2009), Massey’s and Charles National
Longitudinal Survey of Freshman Fourth Wave (2002), Bowen and Bok (1998) and
Charles et al. (2009) were used to address peer interactions, racial climate, stereotype
threat (internalization and externalization) and Latino/as’ community involvement.
Together these constructs allow the researcher to address a population of Latino/a
students previously never studied, while also addressing their experiences at LPHS and at
an elite university. Experiences at a high school that can prove to be problematic for
Latino/as and the effects that institutional agents can have for these students. In addition,
experiences can also create an academic mismatch, encounter the burden of being
Latino/a and discover relationships of their peer interactions and a racial climate at a
selective university.

91

Unit of Analysis
This research study consisted of students that previously attended API 1-2 high
schools while currently attending one of the UC flagships. All students in the research
study attended the same university. PPU has an enrollment of 26,000 undergraduate and
13,000 graduate students. Their undergraduate student population consists of 38% Asian,
34% White, 14.7% Latino/a and 9% other. PPU was chosen, given its selectivity that is
characterized as having higher than average test scores on the required incoming
freshman SAT test that predicts first year college performance and its lower admission
rates than most universities. Secondly, PPU participates in the state’s Eligibility in the
Local Context (ELC) program that increases the chances of being admitted at one the
UC’s selective campuses. In particular, ELC guarantees the top 4% of high school
student’s admissions at one of their campuses (University of California, 2009). While
not guaranteeing admissions to their choice school, students identified as ELC from their
high school enjoy an admissions rate difference of 60 percent versus 20 percent
(University of California, 2009). Therefore, students from LPHS who are designated as
ELC have a greater chance of being admitted to a public university, where class rank is
given more weight than private universities in the area. To be sure, the area’s most
selective private university indicated that they did not enroll any students from California
public high schools that attended low performing high schools with an Academic
Performance Index of 1 (API 1-2) (A. Bonilla, personal communication, April 10, 2010).

92

Sampling
This qualitative study used a purposeful sample of eight Latino/a students. The
goal of this study was to acquire in depth, rich information about its participants. All
participants were in their second year in college or beyond and were on track to graduate.
Three students were beginning their junior years, two students had recently graduated,
two were sophomores, while one was beginning his fourth year in college but was
classified as a junior. Furthermore, students in the study all previously attended LPHS,
schools with API 1 or 2 indexes. Students were identified through Latino/a
organizations/clubs on campus and through counselors working at LPHS. Since this
study will draw upon the experiences of Latino/a students at a selective university, only
students who matriculated from high school directly to PPU were interviewed. Finally,
since this study is only interested in student’s views, no other personnel were
interviewed.
Data Collection
A brief 5 minute student profile questionnaire was given to students to collect
historical and background information, given their contexts at PPU and their respective
high schools (Appendix D). Data collection was primarily conducted through face to
face interviews. However, both sets of interviews with Angela were conducted through
Skype, a live video conferencing website. In particular, two audio taped interviews were
conducted with all students’ consent. These interviews ranged from 51-164 minutes in
duration. The first interview was shorter in duration given the interview schedule and

93

focused on their high school experience obtaining their historical and background
knowledge (Appendix E). The second interview focused on student’s collegiate
experiences at PPU and was typically longer in duration (Appendix F). Next, interviews
were transcribed to further provide examination of student responses. Once interviews
were transcribed, responses were coded to develop themes that emerged from the data.
The interview schedule used was adapted from Rodriguez-Cazares (2009).
Rodriguez-Cazares' interview schedule has been previously used in applying the theories
of Ecological, Stereotype Threat and Social Capital. Nonetheless, slight variations in the
schedule were needed to be done given the specificity of the research. Specifically, the
interview questions used by Rodriguez-Cazares (2009) in his previous research only
pertained to high school students, versus the duality of this research examining both high
school and student’s collegiate experience. That being said the interview types that were
conducted were open ended structured interviews. This allowed the researcher the ability
to have a predetermined sequence and questions with all of his subjects.
Interview Procedure
Conducting a pilot study is an ideal way to retool and improve the interview
schedule with similar college students. First, in preparation for the pilot interview, this
researcher used Tierney (1991) and Schein (1985), as both articles provided useful
guidelines and interview strategies. In addition, Patton (1987, 2002) and Kvale (2007)
proved valuable in producing a successful pilot interview. The interviewee selected for
the pilot study was a recent graduate of UCLA. The interview questions used are

94

attached (Appendix F). Interviews were audio taped and later were transcribed.
Similarly, the structured interviews with the rest of the research participants were
approximately the same in duration, were conducted at the place of choice for the
interviewee, and were also transcribed. All eight participants were then interviewed after
the initial pilot interview, once certain issues and interview questions were clarified.

95

Chapter 4
Educational Setting and Research Subject Characteristics
A description of the research participant high schools and university is presented
below. Various data about the student’s high school settings are examined. High school
data includes student demographics and performance data. Similarly, PPU is described
given it’s student population and performance data. Lastly, student biographical sketches
are also provided to provide individual characteristics, similarities and differences
amongst the group.
High School Background
In California, all public schools are assessed via the Academic Performance Index
(API). API is primarily determined by statewide testing that includes two assessments:
California Standards Test (CST’s) that include the four core academic subjects, and the
California High School Exit Exam (CAHSEE) that requires students to pass before
graduation. High schools are then scored in a scale of 200-1000, with 800 being the
minimum desired target of the state for all schools. Similarly, schools are compared to
all other schools across the state and receive a ranking between 1-10. The highest
performing schools receiving a ranking of 10, while the lowest receive a 1. All eight
students interviewed attended public LPHS, five attended highs schools with an API 1
ranking, while the remaining three students attended API 2 schools. Also, two students
attended the same high school but graduated in different school years, which can account
for different subtle indicators in a school’s performance.

96

School characteristics and performance indicators were collected from the
student’s respective high schools. Data collected reflects the student’s graduating year at
their respective school. Most of the school data was retrieved from their respective
school’s School Accountability Report Card (SARC). Although, Zenith High School’s
SARC was not found either through the California Department of Education or the
district’s or school’s website. Only Zenith’s API score and SAT score were able to be
retrieved from the state’s website. Also, Libertad High School’s data was retrieved from
the 2008-2009 school year, a year after Marcela’s graduation. Neither, Libertad or the
district archive older versions of schools SARCS. Finally, several schools within the Los
Angeles area are reflected in the study, including schools within different school districts,
and geography.
Demographic data reveals that students attended schools with an average student
body of 3,241 students, summarized in Table 1 below.

Table 1
Student’s High School Demographics
High School
Student
Body
Free &
Reduced
Lunch
Minority
Students
Suspensions
La Campana 3,375 83% 99% 205
Libertad 4,540 76% 100% 562
Rosas* 2,885 70% 93% 517
Rosas** 2,689 78% 94% 226
Step Up 1,718 45% 99% 285
Traditional 3,384 59% 93% 851
West 4,097 64% 99% 328
Zenith*** n/a n/a n/a n/a
Total Average 3,241 67.8% 97% 425
*Damian 07-08 **= Adam 08-09 ***= Missing Data

97

Fremont was the most populated of the schools at 4,540 students, while Step Up
had the smallest student body at 1,718. Similarly, students attended schools where on
average, 67.8 percent of their peers qualified for free and reduced lunch. California
schools offer free or reduced-price lunches to students whose family's income is at a level
about twice that of the federal poverty standard. For instance, in the 2007-2008 school
year families making less than $38,203 dollars a year (based on a family of four)
qualified for free and reduced lunch. Table 1 summarizes data on school’s free and
reduced populations.
The student body in all high schools mostly appeared to be made up of ethnic
minority students, 96.74 percent on average. Moreover, most campuses were heavily
comprised of other Latino/a students. The only other significant group found at these
student’s schools were Blacks. Step Up was found to have a 45 percent Black student
population, while Traditional had 28 percent. Finally, school suspension data reveals that
on average these high schools suspended 425 students within an academic school year.
La Campana High School reported the fewest amount at 205 suspensions, while
Traditional had the most at 851.
School performance data in Table 2 below, shows that Rosas High School had
the highest API score at 635, while Fremont had the lowest at 516.

98

On average, schools had a 591 API score. Graduation rates varied per school, as
La Campana had the highest graduation rate at 92 percent, while Rosas graduated 65.30
percent of their seniors. Overall, the seven high schools averaged a 74.7 percent
graduation rate. Other high school achievement data indicates that overall, 20 percent of
students at these high schools scored proficient or advanced in their English CST exam.
Likewise, only 7 percent of students scored proficient or advanced in their CST Math
exam combined. The CAHSEE that is initially given to students in the 10
th
grade and is
used as a benchmark by the state to measure performance, indicates an overall average of
48.9 percent pass rate amongst the schools. West and Traditional had the lowest pass
rates at 21 percent each, while Rosas 07-08 boasted a 68.50 percent passage rate.
In terms of college performance data, schools averaged an 1197 combined SAT
score out of the possible 2400, Table 3 provides a summary of this data below.
Table 2

Student’s High School Performance Data
High School API
Graduation
Rate
CST English
Proficient or
Advanced
CST Math
Proficient or
Advanced
CAHSEE
La Campana 621 93% 23% 11% 66%
Libertad 516 68% 13% 1%
34%
Rosas* 630 65% 23% 8% 69%
Rosas** 635 70% 26% 14% 70%
Step Up 601 85% 22% 3% 63%
Traditional 567 69% 14% 9%
22%
West 584 73% 19% 3% 21%
Zenith*** 576 n/a n/a n/a n/a
Total Avg. 591 75% 20% 7% 49%
*Damian 07-08 **Adam 08-09 *** Data unavailable

99

A 162 SAT point spread separates the highest and lowest achieving school.
Finally, the biggest disparity of all data amongst schools was found in the amount of high
school graduates who completed the UC’s college preparatory requirements or A-G
requirements (Appendix A). West High reported that 100 percent of their students
completed these college preparatory courses; whereas Traditional only had 19 percent of
their seniors complete these requirements. However, it is to be noted that high schools
are usually able to freely and independently report their A-G completion rates which are
later submitted to the state. This may account for the great disparity in reporting amongst
the high schools, in particular West’s.
Finally, Table 4 below, offers high school to college average sending patterns for
all the schools that these students attended. Data were taken from the last five years
available, 2005-2009. West had the most amount of students attending the Universities
of California, while Zenith sent the most students to the CSU system and Rosas had the
most students attending community colleges. It should be noted that high school student
Table 3
High School College Admissions Data
Student SAT A-G
La Campana 1258 22%
Libertad* 1096 29%
Rosas 07-08 1235 42%
Rosas 08-09 1252 31%
Step Up 1161 87%
Traditional 1204 19%
West 1206 100%
Zenith** 1167 n/a
Total Average 1197 47%
*Only latest available data was 08-09 **No data available

100

populations varied by high schools, see Table 1. Libertad and West had the most amount
of students, while Step Up and Rosas had the least amount of students attending their
schools.
Table 4
2005-2009 Average College Sending Patterns by High Schools
High School
University of
California
California State
University
CA Community
Colleges
La Campana 16 44 126
Libertad 27 89 125
Rosas* 25 52 213
Step Up 13 53 185
Traditional 22 62 210
West 33 83 122
Zenith 30 95 167
Total Average 27 68 164
Note: Adam and Damian graduated from Rosas in two different years

University Background
PPU is a highly ranked major national public university, offering a wide variety of
undergraduate, master and doctoral degrees. Academically, PPU prides itself as one of
the top research universities in the world. Barron’s (2010) profile of American Colleges
describes PPU as “most competitive” having highly competitive admissions, typically
requiring high school applicants to be ranked in the top 10 to 20 percent of their
graduating class. This highly competitive admissions process usually requires , a B+
grade average and median SAT scores between 1310 or 29+ on the ACT. Indeed, PPU’s
2010 admitted undergraduate class consisted of students who had an average GPA of
4.25, average SAT of 2035 or ACT composite score of 30. Also, the majority of students
having taken 5 or more A-G (college preparatory courses) beyond the minimum

101

requirement, while most students took 7 or more Honors/AP courses during their final
two years in high school. Overall, in 2010 out of 57,670 applicants only 13,088 students
were admitted and ultimately 4,636 first time freshmen enrolled.
Demographics.
In the fall of 2010, 4,636 first time freshmen enrolled at PPU, comprised of 1,779
Asian or Pacific Islanders, 1,359 Whites, 742 Latino/as, 296 Foreigners, 240 Unstated/
Unknown, 194 Blacks and 26 American Indian (Figure 1).
Figure 1: 2010 College Enrollment by Ethnicity

Source: UC Statfinder (2010)

High school API.
In the fall of 2008 (latest data) first time freshmen enrolled at PPU from API 1-2
high schools included 389 students, 397 from API 3-4, 443 from API 5-6, 669 from API
7-8, 1,546 from API 9-10 schools, while 602 students attended private high schools
(Table 5).

102

Source UC Statfinder, (2010)
Undergraduate study.
Students were enrolled in the following colleges: Social Sciences 40.8%, Life
Sciences 21.9 %, Humanities 13.2% Physical Sciences 7.6%, Engineering 7.2%
International Inst. 4.2%, Arts and Architecture 3.3%, TFT 1.4%, Nursing, 0.2%.
Cost.
The cost of an undergraduate education at AU has doubled within the past ten
years. Figure 2 provides a visual below. In 2001-2002 the total cost of attendance was
$15,024, while the projected cost in 2011-2012 will be over $30,000. This includes
$11,124 in student fees, $13,734 in room and board, while other miscellaneous fees make
up the rest.

Table 5
PPU High School Feeders by API Decile Scores
Student SAT
API 1-2 389
API 3-4 397
API 5-6 443
API 7-8 669
API 9-10 1,546
Private High School 602
No API 67
Out of State/Foreign 33
Total 4,146

103

Figure 2: Cost of Attendance

Future plans of graduates.
Students who graduated in 2007-2008 reported the following future plans. The
majority or 45% of graduates reported wanting to work full-time. While, 35% wanted to
enroll in a graduate professional school full-time. Students also reported wanting to work
part-time, at 6%. Another 5% included travel/preparation for grad school/internship as
possibilities. While the remaining 10% consisted of the following plans: 3% graduate
school part-time, 3% additional undergraduate course work, 3% volunteer, 1% military
and .5% raise a family. Figure 3 provides a snapshot of student future plans.

104

Figure 3: Future Plans for PPU Graduates

Biographical Sketches and Characteristics of Students
Students participating in this research study all previously attended low
performing high schools. Also, all students matriculated into PPU directly from high
school. Interviews with students were conducted in the fall of 2010. Biographical
sketches are provided below to provide a glimpse of these student’s backgrounds that
provide similarities and differences amongst one another. Included in these sketches are
student’s family background, parent’s education, high school/college GPA, SAT score,
major and level of participation on campus.
Angela
Angela is 20 years old and is currently a Junior at PPU. Most of Angela’s family
comes from Central America, half from Guatemala, while the other half from El
Salvador. Angela’s mother was born in El Salvador but raised in Guatemala. Angela’s

105

father was born and raised in Guatemala. Neither parent has completed high school.
Angela was born in Los Angeles and is the oldest child out of four. She began her
schooling in Pre-School and plans on becoming the first in her family to graduate from
college. Angela attended Libertad High School, a school that she describes parts of her
school as falling apart, where desks break easily and graffiti is commonly seen. She
earned a cumulative GPA of 3.8 in high school, and received an 1100 on her SAT.
Currently, Angela has earned a 2.1 cumulative GPA in college and is majoring in
English, while also double minoring in Spanish and Chicano/a Studies. She is highly
involved on various campus organizations and clubs. Some of her leadership roles
included chair, senior clerk and coordinator.
Adam
Adam has lived all of his life 19 years in the same neighborhood of. His parents
are of Mexican descent, where most of his family originates from. Adam is the oldest in
his family and only has one younger sister. Adam, along with his mother is the second
member in his family to have graduated from high school and will be the first to graduate
from the university.
Unlike most of his peers Adam did not attend his local high school and instead
attended the neighboring city high school, Rosas High (08-09). He mentions that while
he was not sure why did not attend his local high school he also attended the feeder
middle school to Rosas High. Here, Adam accumulated a 4.2 GPA, while taking several
AP/Honor courses and earned a 1660 total SAT score. Currently, Adam has not decided

106

what to major on but is planning on selecting History as his course of study. Adam
reports earning a 2.5 cumulative GPA at PPU. Adam is said to not be involved in
campus organizations or clubs.
Marcela
Marcela was born in Mexico and moved to the U.S. at the age of 2. Marcela
comes from a family of eight and has 5 other siblings. Marcela indicates that she has an
older brother who graduated from PPU and a sister who attended California State
University Los Angeles and a younger brother who is still in high school. Neither of
Marcela’s parents finished high school. Marcela began her schooling in pre-school,
indicating that she received bilingual instruction till her 5
th
grade year, where instruction
was delivered in Spanish and work turned in was in English. Having purchased a home
in the eve of her 9
th
grade year by her parents, Marcela was forced to attend West High
School not knowing much about the school or city. Marcela finished her high school
career with an overall GPA of 3.3 and earned a SAT score of 1550. At PPU, Marcela is
currently earning about a 3.4 GPA, is a third year Junior and is majoring in Chicano/a/o
Studies. Marcela is highly involved in various campus organizations, while also holding
various leadership roles.
Damian
Damian is 21 years old, a Mexican native who came to the U.S. at the age of 1
and half. Similarly, both of his parents were also born in Mexico. Damian began his
schooling in pre-school and is the first in his family to finish high school. Neither of his

107

parents completed high school. Damian attended his local high school, Rosas (07-08).
Damian accumulated a 4.3 GPA, while earning a 1550 SAT score. Overall, Damian has
earned a 2.8 GPA at PPU and is majoring in Math/Physics. Unlike, most of his peers at
PPU Damian does not qualify for any state or federal financial aid. Damian is considered
to be an AB540 student, legislation that was introduced in 2001 that allows
undocumented students to pay in state tuition. In other words, Damian must find
untraditional ways to finance his education. As a result, Damian has had to take time off
from school occasionally to save up money to finance his studies. When in school,
Damian also finds himself working on weekends. His commute and financial hardship
does not allow Damian to be actively involved on campus.
Catalina
Catalina came to the states at the age of 14, was born in the United States but was
raised in Guatemala. Catalina was the only student in the study to have received her
primary schooling in a different country. She began her instruction at Traditional High
School during the second semester of her 9
th
grade year. Catalina was placed in the
English Language Development (ELD) program upon entry at Traditional. ELD is given
to students who are learning English as their second language. Academically, Catalina
earned a cumulative GPA of 4.0 and an SAT score of 1800. She earned a total GPA of
3.02 at PPU and graduated with a B.S. in Biology this past summer. Catalina is the first
in her family to graduate from college, neither parent finished high school. Catalina

108

participated in a couple of organizations on campus but is not highly involved like
Angela, Graciela or Marcela.
Oscar
Oscar was born in Los Angeles, while both of his parents were born in Mexico.
Oscar has two other siblings, both whom also attended college. His brother graduated
from Cal State Los Angeles (CSULA) and his sister is currently enrolled in Wellesley
College. Neither parent finished high school. Oscar attended Zenith High School, his
neighborhood school. At Zenith, he earned a 4.0 cumulative GPA and described having
taken mostly Honors and AP courses. He scored 1080 out of 2400 possible points on the
SAT. Like Catalina, Oscar was a recent graduate of PPU, having graduated in the Spring
of 2010. Oscar completed a total of 4 and half years, having entered as a freshman in
2005, while earning a 3.3 total GPA. Oscar earned his bachelor’s degree in Chicano/a
Studies. Given his commute, Oscar stated that he was unable to participate and be
involved in as many organizations as he would have liked. Nonetheless, he participated
in a few organizations/events.
Graciela
She is a 20 year old student of Mexican heritage, born in Los Angeles. Both of
her parents were born in Zacatecas, Mexico. Having had her parents divorce, Graciela
was the only student of the group that was raised in a single parent home. Neither parent
completed high school, her older sister and Graciela were the first in their family to
complete high school. She states that her older sister has earned her Master’s degree

109

from Pepperdine, while also receiving her Bachelor’s degree from the University of
California, Santa Barbara. Graciela attended her neighborhood school of La Campana
but mentions that she attempted to go to the better high school in the district but failed to
be chosen in the lottery process. At La Campana, she earned a total GPA of about 3.9.
Her designated course of study at La Campana is described as mostly Honors and AP
courses, while also having taken college courses at her local community college.
Graciela states that she scored about a 1500 or so on her SAT. Graciela is currently in
her 3
rd
year at PPU and is earning a 3.0 overall GPA, while majoring in Psychology,
minoring in Chicano/a Studies and taking prerequisite courses for medical school.
Graciela has a busy schedule given her various commitments to the different
organizations that she is involved in on campus. Like Angela and Marcela she also
highly involved on campus organizations and has taken on various leadership roles.
Velasco
Velasco is 19 years of age and was born to parents of Mexican heritage. Velasco
was born in Los Angeles and began his schooling at the age of 2. He comes from a
family of four and has one other sibling. Velasco is the only member of the cohort to
have a parent attend some college (father). His mother only completed middle school.
Velasco attended his home school of Step Up, where he earned a cumulative GPA of
4.33, took mostly Honors and AP courses and scored a 1470 on his SAT. Currently, he is
earning the highest cumulative college GPA of the group, at 3.6. Velasco is currently in
his second year as a sophomore and is majoring in Communications. Velasco has really

110

not participated in much of the different campus organizations but has recently landed a
radio internship.
Overall, student background characteristics are summarized in Table 6 below.

The data shows that three students had siblings who attended a university. The
majority of the students were all born in the United States. Only Catalina obtained her
primary and secondary schooling in Guatemala, while the remanding two students came
to the United States at an early age and acquired all of their schooling here. Lastly, only
one student had a parent whom obtained some college and another who completed high
school. All other students’ parents had less than a high school education.
Student individual SAT scores are also revealed in Figure 4 below, indicating that
students on averaged scored 1473 out of 2400. However, Oscar was the last student in
the group to have taken a previous version of the SAT that was scored on a 1600 point
scale. Nonetheless, Oscar and Catalina appeared to have scored the highest scores,
Table 6
Family Background
Student
Sibling
Attended
University
U.S. Born
Parent
Education High
School
Adam No Yes Yes
Angela No Yes No
Catalina No No** No
Damian No No No
Graciela Master’s Yes No
Marcela Bachelor’s* No No
Oscar Bachelor’s Yes No
Velasco No Yes Yes***
Total 3 5 2
*Two siblings attended **Came to U.S. in 9
th
grade ***Father attended some college

111

missing an equal amount of 520 points. Angela scored lowest on the SAT score with
1100 points. The average PPU freshman scored 2035 on their SAT.
Figure 4: Student SAT Scores/PPU Freshman Average
1660
1100
1880
1550
1500
1550
1080
1470
2035
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
Score
SAT STUDENT SCORES

*Oscar’s SAT score was out of 1600 points, while the rest of the group was 2400

Student high school and college GPA’s are summarized in Figure 5. Data
indicates that students had an overall GPA of 3.975 during high school but only 2.96
during college.

112

Figure 5: College vs. High School GPA
Adam Araceli Catalina Damian Graciela Marcela Oscar Velasco
Total
Average
GPA High School 4.2 3.8 4 4.3 3.9 3.3 4 4.33 3.97
GPA UC 2.5 2.1 3 2.8 3 3.4 3.3 3.6 2.96
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
3
3.5
4
4.5
5
Cummulative GPA
College vs. High School GPA

Note: Students receive extra points on their GPA’s in high school by taking AP/Honors

113

Chapter 5
Results of High School Experience
Introduction
A total of eight students participated in the high school focus cohort. The cohort
consisted of four males and four females of Latino/a heritage. These Latino/a
participants showcase their individual high school journey at a LPH. This results section
was divided by research question presented in this chapter. A look at their high school
experience mediated by cultural ecological theory will be looked at first.
Cultural Ecological Theory
Research Question 1
How does the burden of being Latino/ affect students from API 1-2 high schools?
As previously stated in the literature review, Cultural Ecological Theory is said to
account for minorities’ performance in their school setting, given their incorporation to
American society. Cultural Ecological Theory also makes a distinction between two
different types of minorities. Voluntary minorities are said to have come willingly to the
U.S. in hopes of a better life. These voluntary minorities may indeed suffer
discrimination and racism in school but ultimately may overlook this treatment, given
their positive dual frame of reference. This dual frame of reference for voluntary
minorities allows them to compare their usually unfavorable situation back home to their
more positive one in the U.S. On the other hand, involuntary minorities usually do not
have a positive dual frame of reference given their lack of “back home” comparison. In

114

addition, involuntary minorities develop negative beliefs about schooling, given their
oppression and discrimination by Whites. Ultimately, involuntary minorities equate
doing well in school to “acting White” and disengage from school in fear of reprisal from
their peers (Ogbu & Simmons, 1998). More recent research however, challenged the
notion of acting White and instead found that other behaviors lead to these accusations.
Specifically, not speaking the community language or not pronouncing their Spanish
surnames in Spanish (Carter, 2006), dress styles (Bergin & Cooks, 2002), touting their
smartness over others (Carter, 2006) and school structures and tracking (Flores-Gonzalez,
2005) all lead to accusations of acting White.
Nevertheless, these previous studies did not account for the burden and difficulty
associated in being Latino/a. Fordman and Ogbu (1986) found that students suffer from
affective dissonance, in where a sense of betrayal to their ethnic group develops, while
fear of being unaccepted from the White culture also develops. Some students reported
feeling marginalized, depressed, harassed and experienced family issues at selective
colleges (Cabrera & Padilla, 2004; Garrod et al., 2004). Next, the results section will
provide an examination of how the burden of being Latino/a affects students from low
performing high schools (LPHS).
Four out of the eight students described feeling o.k. with attending their
respective high school. Angela and Adam both stated that many of their friends from
middle school would be attending, which made the move more comforting. For instance,
Angela stated,

115

I mean, everyone else in middle school was going there, so I felt fine.

However, Adam explains that his high school was not his home school. Adam
began attending a nearby middle school outside of his local school district. Similarly,
Velasco’s parents offered him to attend a different high school nearby with a better
reputation. Rather, Velasco commented that he made the decision to attend his local high
school,
Like, I actually told my parents, I think I can get anything from that high
school than I could have in [City Gate] or [Ganas]. And, you know, I said
like, I think it will just make a better story that I went to a better college
out of that school.

Like Velasco, Oscar also had a positive perception of his high school upon entering his
ninth grade year, despite knowing that his local high school was inferior to other high
schools. When asked why he did not chose to attend another school that was perceived to
be better or had a better reputation, he stated that he already knew what he had to in order
to get into college. Oscar stated the following,
I was in the Honors program at [South Middle School], and so I was in all my
Honors classes. I had like people from the Early Academic Outreach Program
come to us and talk about, you know, the A-G requirements. So, I pretty much
knew what I had to do. And I felt like if I fulfilled all my requirements and kept
my GPA up, regardless of the school I went to, I would go to a good college.

Graciela on the other hand, had knowledge that her local high school had a bad reputation
and attempted to attend a higher performing high school in the district but was denied.
Graciela ads,
Well, there was always like a stigma behind like La Campana, like it was
all about like -- my sister didn't want me to go there. She went there, and
so she saw a bunch of like gangsters and you know the stigma behind it,

116

like it's ghetto, like classes are poor and like teachers don't even really
teach …. definitely not my first choice, and not my mom's choice either.

Catalina and Marcela both had moved into the local neighborhood upon entering high
school. Marcela mentions that her parents purchased a home in the city of West forcing
her adapt to a new city, school and classmates. Catalina had a similar experience, as she
began her ninth grade year at Traditional High School not knowing any English and
studying in U.S. schools for the first time.
When asked to describe the school, six students reported favorable comments
about their high schools and having an overall positive experience. However, all students
were quick to point out some of the disparities in their schools and also illustrate how
they took advantage of their resources and made their experiences favorable at their
respective high schools. Adam points out how he was ultimately successful being in the
Avid and Honor and AP classes, while also mentioning that students who did not
participate in these programs were not successful, he stated,
Oh, I would say it’s a good -- it depends on what kind of student you are.
Because I was, should I say like, a good student. So, I actually took
advantage of like, all the opportunities we had. Like, I took the AP classes
and the Honors classes. And I was in AVID. But for like kids that are just
there just, like, I guess, troublemakers, or like kids just trying to get by in
high school, you’re not going to get anywhere if you go to Rosas.

Likewise, Damian attributes students’ success on peer relations, teachers and classes
students takes,
Because I know a lot of people say it's a bad school. But it's not
necessarily that. It's just who you hang out with that makes it bad. If
umm you just take the good classes, take the good teachers and they're
going to help you out, do whatever you want to do.

117

Marcela describes her high school experience as “different,” noting that having a school
advocate was key to her success. Marcela talks about an incident in school where she
was given a bad teacher and attempted to have her class changed but was not allowed.
Below, Marcela discusses how she had to bring in a parent to have her class changed.
Because, like I was placed in a chemistry class in my 10th grade … And,
like the lady, she just showed videos on T.V. and stuff. But, it was like
chemistry videos, but like they were really boring. And, so then I told my
dad. I was like, "Dad, like I don't like this teacher.” And then, you know.
And, he was like, "Why?" And, I told him, "Well, she just shows videos
on T.V. and I don't like that because I'm not learning, and it's a really hard
class and I want to learn … So, he went to go talk to the counselors and to,
I don't know who, and then the next day like they switched me over to
another class. So, that's why I'm saying like you do need someone like, I
guess, older to advocate for you. Because, when I went like the counselor
was like, "Quit school.” But, when my dad went, like they were like, "Oh,
okay.” you know, "We'll do it.”

The final two students, Oscar and Velasco, both indicate that is up to the student to
determine their success. Oscar stated that,
So, there's different programs and activities that you can get yourself
involved in. So, if you keep busy and maybe look for opportunities, you
should seek to capitalize them and take advantage of them.

Velasco stated that,
It depends on the type of student. I mean, if the student really wants to go
to college, it’s completely possible. They have a great AVID program,
which helped me a lot. But, I mean, I’m sure any high school -- I mean, I
don’t doubt there’s a better high school out there that probably can prepare
you better.

However, Velasco also follows up with mentioning that he only had four classes that
really prepared him for college,

118

There -- you know, there’s great people, but there was never -- there was
only like -- you know, just like, at least four classes that I can name that
actually were actually college preparatory classes that prepared me. I
would -- if they can find like, a better high school, then I would seek to go
to that one. I mean, if it’s not out of their way. But otherwise, Step Up is
a great school.

The remanding two students described the school as being negative, with very little if
anything positive being said about their schools. Angela, for example, when speaking
about her high school began to talk about its physical attributes and its shortcomings,
I guess the school looks prettier on the outside than it really is because it
looks like a community college and it's like brick and it's really nice. But,
that's only the front of the school. But, then when you go to back of the
school, it's like the [unintelligible] are really bad. There's no real green
anywhere. Like, there's no plants … There's tagging inside of the
buildings also. Like, you know on a daily -- on a weekly basis, they paint
over like any graffiti or anything. And, one time like I actually saw
someone set fire to the wall of the school. And, there were just so many
coats of paint that it didn't even get to the wall. Like, the fire was put out
before it got to it because of all the coats of paint it had.

Angela was later redirected to comment on the academics of the school, commenting on
her struggles to participate in AP and Honor courses. Specifically, Angela reported that
being a non magnet student hindered her academically, as she noticed that she was being
tracked into basic college preparatory courses not being offered AP and Honor courses.
Rather, only magnet students were taking the AP and Honor courses since only magnet
teachers offered these courses. Angela illustrates her point by commenting on her
observation,
Well, I was at the track school and for 3 years, I was on C-track - my first
3 years. And, something I really noticed was that all the magnet students
were taking the AP courses but everyone else wasn't. And, the reason for
that was because all the magnet teachers were the ones teaching the AP

119

courses … They were the ones taking the AP courses, and everyone else
they weren't because the smaller communities had a theme or something,
and Huminatas for the arts, so they would basically only maybe take art
classes or English and the basic Spanish and A-G requirements.

Graciela also described her high school in a negative light. She reports that students are
responsible for looking for resources and have to do much of the leg work if they are to
be successful at La Campana High. Graciela makes her point with the following
comments,
A lot of teachers are not teaching. They're just pretty much sitting there
and giving you handouts. I would definitely be like, well, if you want to
learn -- if you want to learn, like if you want a good education, don't really
come here, but. It's definitely like the school, if you really want to like --
you know, pursue a higher education after high school, definitely you
would be doing that on your own. You have to look through the resources
… In terms of like economically and resources, like they're not informing
us. They're you know, all these resources are hidden and we pretty much
have to go and like look for them, and um, yeah.

All students reported taking Honor/AP classes during high school. However, five
of these students shared some of the difficulties they had to endure in their initial
attempts to take AP and Honor courses. Oscar for instance, talks about how he realized
that that he was not identified as being talented and therefore not being offered Honor
courses till the beginning of his 7
th
grade year. He noticed that two of his friends whom
he deemed, as not being smarter than he was, receiving Honor courses. Oscar then talks
about how attempted to advocate for these Honor courses on his own,
So, I remember thinking to myself, "Maybe they all got good test scores,
you know.” Because I mean I had straight A's and they didn't have
straight A's. So, it didn't make sense to me for them to be in the Honors
curriculum. And I remember I wanted to go talk to my counselor about it,
and they just told me like, "Well, so what," you know … I went home that

120

day and I told my mom … And I remember they went -- my parents came
and they -- I remember a call in one of my classes like they looked up my
transcripts and they saw that I had good grades and that my test scores
weren't bad, so they decided to put me on the Honors curriculum, but only
because my parents went. I mean otherwise I wouldn't have had the
opportunity to do so.

Velasco also shares his late arrival to the Honors curriculum in middle school and
discusses how it altered his trajectory,
And I always get mad because of that, actually. 'Cause like, I guess, you
know, I just did very -- I think I did low. Yeah, I got, like, normal,
mediocre grades, I guess … In middle school is when they put me in the
magnet program because they showed that I was doing well in classes.
But, I thought like, I mean, I guess -- I guess I’m a little bit upset about
that because only because -- I guess 'cause I got grades … Why not when I
was in elementary school did they put me in the Gates program? I’m
pretty sure I would have succeeded through there. It's like, if it was never
for the magnet class, I would have never discovered the other classes and I
would have never probably gone to PPU.

However, Velasco shares some of the psychological difficulties he encountered when
entering the Honors program as a middle and high school student.
I mean, I remember for a while, I didn’t feel like I belonged. Middle
school, I mean, I didn't -- I look back on my transcripts and I did well. I
got A’s. I didn’t feel that at the moment. I just thought I was just getting
my grades and going. And freshman year, I had the same attitude where I
didn’t think I could be a top ten student or anything. But -- and I saw, you
know, all of these kids around me. I was, you know, next to like, kids that
were like, the smart ones in my middle school. And I was like, oh, man.

Velasco, later adds that as he progressed and enhanced his class ranking and his self
efficacy,
Yeah. At first, yeah, I was like, you know, what am I doing with these
kids? Like, I was like, I don't -- whoa, I never saw myself as something
like that -- as one of those top kids who got like, you know, a gold sash or
something because they were that Honors like in middle school. And so, I

121

was, you know, slowly going up. And it wasn't -- I really -- you know, I
started high school like, I think at number twenty-something. Then I went
to thirteen, and ended in six. And it was when I saw I jumped from like,
number twenty-something to thirteen; I was like, oh, wow. I can do this. I
can break into the top ten. And so, I just started pushing myself to do it.

Being in the ELD program, Catalina did not begin taking AP/Honor courses till
her 11
th
grade year. Having taking the large majority of classes with other ELD students,
Catalina did not have much opportunity to take other coursework with native students.
Catalina shares some of the discomfort of being one of the few ELD students taking her
first AP class and not knowing any of the other AP students,
S: For example, ELD students, we knew each other. And going to an AP
class, it was just with everyone else. But the difference there, was not
belonging in the group, so maybe people knew each other from outside
classes, from maybe their English class or their Bio class. And we didn't
have that much … I didn't know the kids, and like, they were in the same
grade as I was, and I didn't know them.
R: “But they kind of knew each other?”
S: “They knew each other, yes.”
R: “So, how was that? Yeah.”
S: “It was -- I guess it was kind of -- it wasn't a negative thing, but I would
have wanted more people, or to know more people, because it's not that
nice to just be the kid sitting at your table by yourself. But, once the class
starts, and you have to do group work, and everything starts just falling
into place, I think that you start forgetting about that.”

Angela also talks about her struggles getting placed into Honor classes in middle
school. Angela states that she was placed in an Honors English class in the seventh grade
but was later not given the course, as she moved middle schools during that year, she
explains below,
And, then I was taking out of the Honors when I was there. And, my mom
went with me because she got mad. And, she was like why isn't my
daughter in Honors? And, they're like oh we don't have her - her

122

transcripts haven't come in yet, and you know we can't place her in a class
that we don't know - we don't think she's ready. And, then my mom kept
coming back and back, and she was just getting ignored. And, I didn't
take Honors at all in seventh grade.

Even after she was placed into Honors English in the 8
th
grade Angela shares her
frustrations with the educational system, as she talks about being removed once again
from her Honors English class,
And, then in eighth grade, they made me take - they put me in the Honors
class, right? And, I was really happy. I'm like finally I'm taking Honors
English. And, like I was just - after two weeks of being in there, they just
took me out. And, they were like “sorry there's overcrowding.” That's all
they said. And, I'm like “but I need to take that class.” And, they just
took me out like nothing. And, then I was like okay. So, then they - and I
think it wasn't until the second semester of eighth grade they put me back
in that class - in Honors English. But, it was like crazy for me because
like - she was like way ahead, and like the English class I was taking
wasn't at that level. So, like it took up - like I had to worker harder to
catch up when I finally got put back in Honors in eighth grade.

Marcela shared that she was initially placed in regular classes upon her arrival at
West High School. Later, after her counselor realized that she belonged in Honors and
AP courses, Marcela shares that her regular Biology teacher wanted her back in her class,
She was like, "You know, we really need you over here. We really miss
you, and blah blah.” And, that was like, "Okay, but I'm already over here
so...”

Finally, despite seven out of eight students having been in an Honors type
program by middle school, three students reported having difficulty to obtain these Honor
type classes during high school. These students found themselves having to advocate for
themselves in order to take these rigorous course of study. Aside from being in the

123

Humanitas program and not being offered these rigorous classes, Angela further
elaborates on some of the struggles she endured while at Libertad High School,
I wanted to take AP English in my junior year also, and my counselor was
like, "Oh, you're not ready. You shouldn't take it.” And, I'm like “but I
want to take it. Like, why are you not allowing me to take it?” And, he
just said that he didn't think I would fit in because it was mostly magnet
students … And, then they never let me take Spanish. I wanted to take
French originally, but they said that was for magnet students and that most
Latinos that say they speak Spanish don't really speak Spanish, so I should
take Spanish 1, and I don't want to take Spanish one my sophomore year.
And, they still made me to take it. And, then when I placed out of that
class, they still didn't take me out. They still kept me in there.

Angela then figures out how to navigate the structures of the high school system, as she
shares how she fooled administration into taking the AP Spanish test, despite only being
an 11
th
grader,
And, then my junior year, I lied and said I was a senior because they
wouldn't let me take the AP Spanish test because I wasn't a senior. So, I
lied and said I was a senior and they allowed me to take the test, and I
placed out of Spanish. But, my junior year, I still took Spanish two; and
my senior year, I still took Spanish three, even though I passed the AP
exam with a four.

Another student mentions his struggle at the beginning of his 9
th
grade year to take the
college preparatory classes, Oscar comments how he was not given the required biology
class,
And I remember my counselor had me up for life science, which is the
class where I told you I watched the movies. And I remember like being,
"No, I want biology. You know, like I don't want this. You know, I want
a biology class.” And she was like, "Well, there is nothing we can do
about it. All the biology is taken up. There's no more space.” And I was
like, "No, I want biology, you know.” And they were like, "No but you
need this like life science or life skills class, you know.” And I was pretty
adamant about trying to get the biology class but I really couldn't. I don't

124

think there was a space you know. This was when I was still in middle
school trying to talk to my counselor.
R: Oh, just like on paper.
S: Yeah, before I was actually a freshman.
R: And it was already somehow full.

Fortunately, Oscar later adds that he did end up being enrolled in the Biology course at
the beginning of the school year. Graciela, also provides an example of how she had to
“fight” for her classes and be a self advocate,
And so I was taking AP classes, but definitely, like in terms of my classes,
like I had to fight for them. I had to self like -- just advocate for them,
myself. They weren't assigning me to AP classes. I had to ask for them,
and depending on how my grades were the previous year, that was how
they determined if I was capable of handling an AP class.

Students were also asked if they acted the same at home and at school or with
friends. Six of these students reported they acted differently. Adam reported that he was
more outgoing at home. He mentions that he was a bit shy at school but later felt more
comfortable, as he progressed through high school, as he saw the same students in his
AP/Honor courses. Angela and Graciela both reported that they acted differently in that
they had responsibilities at home. In particular, both female students were required to
help out with household chores, such as cooking and cleaning. Angela, reported that she
was “antisocial” at school, as she had no friends and was the only student reading a book
under a tree during elementary school. The excerpt below captures the different
dynamics of Angela’s behavior, as she describes herself being loud at home while talking
to very few people at school,
At school, I was the nerdy girl who rarely talked to people, anti-social and
was only in her little click. But, in - at home, I'm loud. Like, my siblings

125

hear me because they're like oh shit! Like, she's on top of her shit! But,
she's doing everything right. Like, at home - like even my dad like he
even treats - like at some level he treats me like - sometimes I think he
treats me like a superior since he like - my dad he only went to - like the
highest level he did was ninth grade. My mom, the highest level she did
was fifth. So, it's like wow. Like she's getting an education, so at some -
like at some level, I think like everyone was like you know she's like -
sometimes I felt like I was the head of the house at home. But, at school I
was just like the quiet one, anti-social. I never talked to anyone.

Graciela also shares that she had two different sets friends during high school, her
AP/Honor friends and her friends that she hung out with during lunch. Graciela points
out that she did not hang out with her AP/Honor friends because she saw them as cocky
who looked down on all other students. Nonetheless, Graciela was able to maintain
friendships with both groups, as she was able to change her way of being accordingly.
Graciela offers an example of how she navigates her home and personal life,
Yeah, I mean, like I think for example, here we are, I mean, this is not
how I talk all day every day, you know, if I go back home and I'm talking
to my brothers and I throw Spanish in there, slang, and joke around, so I
kind of use -- some people adjust to that environment --

Despite being able to navigate different worlds, Graciela also shared some of the
difficulty when bringing some of the new knowledge to her lunch friends that she had
gained in her AP/Honor classes,
Academic language, yeah. And using that, like I would apply it, like what
I learned, to like -- with my friends somehow. I would bring up different
words and like, yeah, I was stigmatized by them. They're like, “oh, you
think you're all that now, like, because you speak like you know a bunch
of words, like whatever, like you think you're better than us kind of thing.”
And I'm like, “no, this is what it means, I want you to use it. I want you to
like have this knowledge that I do and I'm sharing it with you kind of
thing.”

126

Marcela also describes having two different types of groups during high school. She
describes being treated differently by her Avid friends and her AP/Honor friends. She
commented that her Avid friends were please to find out that she was enrolled in
AP/Honor courses, while her AP/Honor friends questioned why she was enrolled in the
Avid program. The following comment highlights the dynamics of both worlds,
So, because I had like I didn't have like the higher -- So, you know how
when you're going to apply to UCs they give you like that ELC number
(given to the top 4% of each graduating class)? I didn't get that. And, all
of my friends did who were in Honors and AP and -- But then, with my
friends who were in AVID, they were like, "Oh, Marcela, you're really
smart because you're in the AP and Honor classes.” But, then when my
friends who were in Honors and AP, they were like, "Oh, you're in AVID?
Why are you in AVID?" You know. So, I feel like I even acted different
amongst them just because like, for some people, I was the smarter one
because I was in these classes. And, for some of the people, they were
like, "Yeah, she doesn't have like the best GPA and she doesn't really
know math.” and, you know.

Furthermore, Marcela then talks about other dynamics that she encountered when she
began working in a more affluent city nearby. Here, Marcela got reprisal from both sets
of friends,
I felt like they were like, "Oh, Marcela, you're from West.” Like, my
friends, you know, they went to [Suburbia] and to [Mall High School].
They're like, "Oh, you're from West. Like, aren't you scared of getting
shot or whatever?" They were just like kind of like, "Oh, because we live
in Suburbia and it's such a better community.” and like I was from West.
So, yeah. It was kind of different. But, then over there, they were like,
"Oh, you're working in Suburbia? What? Like, you know, you have all
your Suburbia friends who like wear Hollister and like Aeropostale and
stuff.” And, it's just like, "Well, they're just my friends, but you know."

Oscar also reported acting different at school but rationed that his behavior at
school was to seek more attention, given the lack thereof at home. Nevertheless, during

127

other parts of the interview, Oscar and Velasco both commented that they both
intermingled with various groups of friends during school. Oscar offered this comment
about the various groups on campus that he was able to hang out with,
Well, I would hang out with like the rockers and the skaters. That's pretty
much where I hung out. So, that was like my primary domain. But I
mean I also did academic decathlon and I would hang out with those
[unintelligible] a lot of the time too. So, I mean lunchtime was a time for
like sort of mingling. Like when you like see what was going on.

Velasco also noted that he had two sets of friends, the ones during lunch and outside of
school, while also keeping his AP/Honor friends.
Yeah, like lunch time. Like, when I was in classes, I hung out with, you
know, the kids I was in class with, made great friends with them. I still
keep in contact with them. But the ones -- you know, the close ones, you
know, the ones that are going to be like, the best man at your wedding?
Those are the ones that I hung out outside during lunch outside of classes.

The final two students reported that they did act the in the same way at home and
at school. Damian explained that it was difficult for him because he was never really
home. He comments that he found himself being at school most of the time, playing for
his soccer team at Rosas required him to stay late and wake up early, since he lived
outside of the area. When Damian did have time, he reveals that his friends from the
neighborhood were “fading away” given that he was never there. Finally, Catalina,
shared that she did not see any reason to be any different at home or school.
Four out of the eight students reported being teased during school for getting good
grades. Damian and Oscar both report more subtle teasing than the other two students,

128

Graciela and Marcela. Damian reports that he was “teased” more than anything, with
many of them coming from his soccer teammates. Damian commented below,
Well, it would be like these smart asses and like that, "Why don't you go
read a book?" or something like that. Stuff like that, but not to the point to
like they were being insulting. I kind of took it as a joke for me, myself,
too, not as a form of insulting.

When asked if he was teased outside of soccer, Damian responded that his smartness
would be pointed out only during his elementary school years. He adds that some of his
neighborhood friends would catch on that he would make Honor roll and make comments
like “Oh, you're smart,” or “Oh, you're a smart one.” When asked how this made Damian
feel, he states that it became reinforcing, as he provided the following remarks,
I kind of believed it. You know, because again, I didn't take it as a tease, I
just took it as a compliment. I kind of believed it and things just kind of
just started getting a lot more, I don't want to say easier, but just a lot more
natural, whether like just reading a book can -- I hate reading, but I always
could do it, you know. Math was something I, like I enjoy doing, so math
just kind of came natural.

Oscar similarly reports being teased during high school. Oscar reported that
students would be jealous of the “great relationship” he had with his teachers and referred
to him as “ass kisser.” When asked how these comments would make him feel, he stated
that it did not bother him much,
Well, I mean I didn't really care to be honest with you. It didn't really
affect me all that much. Because when I had -- for every person that
teased me, I had ten people who didn’t. So, like if I couldn't speak up for
myself I had someone speak up for me.

Also, during a different part of the interview Oscar also shared that he had different types
of students on campus and how they would make fun of his book bag that resembled a

129

messenger bag. Specifically, he shares this commentary highlighting some of the teasing
about his bag, being referred to as a “selling weed” and a “Jehovah’s Witness,”
And I remember like I was so embarrassed about using … because it was
like a laptop bag. I didn't want to use it because I felt like, that's a thing a
girl would use, you know. So, I would use it like a briefcase because it
had like a briefcase handle. So, I would use it like a briefcase and like
they would make fun of me and be like, "Oh, there goes a Jehovah's
Witness," or they would be like, "Oh, that's where he carries all the weed
that he sells."

Oscar also shares that this type of teasing even spilled out into the streets of his
neighborhood, as he was called a “stoner,”
And they would call me stoner and like, "There goes the stoner.” And like
they would scream it like from wherever they lived, you know. And like
people would just look in the street. And I hadn't never, ever done any
drugs. It was just so funny because like they would make fun of me you
know. But that's just to show you that like I hung out with all kinds of
people.

On the other hand, Graciela and Marcela report more overt forms of teasing
during their high school years. For example, Graciela and Marcela mention how their
two different sets of friends stigmatized them during high school. Graciela shares an
encounter with the friends she hung out with during lunch, as she attempted converse
about some new found knowledge with her peers only to be chastised,
“Like, did you know that this did this,” but they'd make fun of me, they'd
be like, “we don't care about this,” like. I'd be like well that -- I was just
kind of like, “okay, fine, whatever” … Because I did see that like you
know, I was trying to bring in my knowledge into my group of friends, but
at the end of the day, it kind of seemed like I was sounding kind of
condescending, and so I tried to not do that. And so I tried to kind of like
keep it simple sometimes.

130

Graciela then comments on how her AP/Honor friends treated her less than, given her
non-AP and Honor friends that she hung out with,
In my AP classes I was just seen as like, oh, you're the dancer, or you
hang out -- you don't hang out with us, you're probably dumb, like you're a
little -- you're less than us kind of thing. They did perceive me as like,
you don't know anything kind of thing, like definitely because I was
hanging around with other people. Yeah.

Marcela also had a similar dynamic at school with her Avid and AP/Honor friends.
However, Marcela describes even more complex sets of reactions from various
classmates with regards to her PPU acceptance. Marcela found her Avid friends
questioning her loyalty to the group,
“Oh, Marcela, like you're smarter. You know,” whatever. And, when I
went into PPU they were like, "Wow, like are you even going to talk to us
anymore?"

Versus her AP/Honor classmates who deemed her as unworthy,
But then my friends from like Honors and AP, they were like, amongst us
all, they were like, "She didn't even have an ELC number.” And, they're
like, "No she didn't."

While, her close friends celebrated her accomplishment,
But then, my friends were like, "Oh yay!" You know.

Finally, the people who did not know her also were incredulous upon hearing her
admittance to PPU,
But then other people, like the people that weren't my friends like who I
just knew, I knew they were just kind of like, "What? She got into PPU?"
So, I mean, yeah, I guess I was teased for not having a 4.3 like everybody
else.

131

The remanding four students reported that they were not teased during high
school. Angela and Catalina both reported that students would not tease them; instead
they were both seen as assets to their school communities. In the commentary below
Angela shares how students would protect Angela and her best friends,
In high school like - they were like, “oh, she's the smart one.” Like me
and - well, like the three girls in my group. There was the valedictorian,
the salutatorian, and me right. So, they were always like “oh, no, you're
the three that are going to get us somewhere one day.” Like, all my
friends would always like joke about them. They're like, “no. Hell no.
You don't mess with Angela because she's going to make it one day.”

However, Angela mentions that she was particularly teased during her elementary school
years, with the teasing occurring less often during middle school. Angela talks about
how she did not want to be “objectified” by the boys in her class, as she was approaching
puberty and instead opted to read silently during lunch hours. Angela shares her
experience below,
And, they were the ones getting all the attention from the boys. I'm like I
don't want that. I don't want that attention. I don't want to be the school
slut. I'd rather be by the tree reading my book. And, people were always
like – “oh, you know you'll have puberty one day and you know” - they
were just like. I don't know, they would just like mess with me. Like, you
know “why are you so anti-social. Why are you such a freak? Like why
don't you talk to people?”

Angela further explains how the teasing did not affect her as much during Middle School,
as she developed friendships with two other girls, as she comments,
And, in middle school it was more of like - it wasn't like as much. I mean
I didn't really care about it because they were just like - oh, you know
“here comes the nerd squad” because, well, my 3 friends who we
graduated together in high school, like they were my friends in middle
school. And, we were always together. And, they're like “here comes the

132

nerd squad.” And, I was just like whatever. You know? I don't care what
you say kind of anything. But, I think it was also due to with the fact that
my other 2 friend were the like biggest nerds in school so it was kind of
like we were a little posse of people and like - they didn't bug me as much
in middle school as they did in elementary school because elementary
school was kind of like - I don't know it was just weird because the girls
were hitting puberty. The guys weren't. And, then being the anti-social
nerd wasn't as popular, I guess, with people. They were just like “you're
just a freak - like play sports, do something. Don't read a book under a
tree. That's just weird.”

Finally, Angela shares that the teasing almost became nonexistent as “hombres” joined
her inner circle.
I started talking to more of the guys in my classroom and in middle school
I only had female friends. Like, we were an all girls group. So, I mean,
usually women, like I felt like we were always more picked at because it's
like no one could defend us … I started talking more to hombres, and I felt
a better connection with the male population. And, then it grew from like
three women to like it was six of us and ten of us and there were mostly
hombres and just three mujeres. And, when that male element got added
to the group, that's like when the teasing stopped.

Similar to Angela, Catalina was also seen as an asset by her peers. She comments on
how one of her classmates who had not shown up to class during an assigned group
project offered her protection after he finds out that Catalina covered for him,
And he was like, "You know what, Catalina, you're so good.” And I was
like, "Yeah, whatever, you just wanted my grade.” And he was like, "If
you're ever in trouble, just let me know, because I have homies.” And I
was like, "Okay, so now I am protected from everyone else in school.”
But, yeah, it was that kind of thing.

The final two students reported that they were not teased for getting good grades
during high school. Both students reported feeling supported by their peers. Velasco
offers commentary suggesting friends’ support below,

133

I'm very happy to have friends that supported me to getting good, high
grades. It was -- yeah, like, they supported me a lot when I was like, yeah,
come on. Get the good grades. Get a B.

Adam also reported a similar response when speaking about teasing. Adam stated that
his friends from both AP/Honors were o.k. with him being in AP/Honor classes and was
never teased. Finally, Velasco did suggest that while he was not teased, he believed that
other students may have been. Velasco believed that some students would hold back
academically in fear of being chastised; he offers the following comments,
But a lot of students were. A lot of other students were. But I know a lot
of students who won’t raise their hands, ask questions, or will not be so
motivated because I think they will be made fun of by their friends, trying
to be smart or something.

The majority of students reported not having any conflict with friends and
schoolwork. Students were specifically asked how their schoolwork related to their
friends. With the exception of Marcela and Graciela, all other students stated that
schoolwork did not affect their academic performance. For instance, Catalina, Oscar and
Adam all reported their schoolwork as not being in conflict with their friends. Oscar
offered a straightforward reply, while offering an insight about his leadership role in the
group as he felt that others followed him,
I didn’t really care to be honest. I felt like my closest friends molded
themselves around me.

Catalina offered a similar comment, as she stated that she “wasn’t trying to fit in,” she
explains her comment below,
I never tried to fit in. It was -- I had friends because they were like me, or
because they liked me for who I was. And I liked them for who they were.

134

And it was never a matter of trying to be someone else, so they would like
me, and having to sacrifice my school work to fit in and be cool and all
that.

However, when asked about how her friends would react to her when she would decline
an offer to “ditch” class, she commented that turning her friends down was difficult.
Catalina offers her comments below,
And many times, saying no is kind of -- can be dangerous, in the sense
that other people might not see it the way you do … But I think that
saying no also means that maybe that person wouldn't like you, or maybe
you're going to -- maybe one time of ditching class will not hurt.

Catalina then shares that her friends would make side remarks after declining their offers,
S: No, no. I mean, people would just say, "Oh, you're boring," or, "Oh,
whatever.” But there wasn't anything that would -- that was threatening or
anything like that.
R: But they would say like little side remarks.
S: Yeah. Or, many times, they would come and they would be like, "Oh,
it was so much fun not going to class.” “It's just 45 minutes.” I'm like, "It
doesn't hurt to be sitting down there doing your work."

Angela and Damian also did not find much conflict between their schoolwork and
their friendships. They both suggested that they had the same friends in their classes,
although Angela specifically talked about her friends that she hung out with, while
Damian referenced his AP/Honor friends. Nonetheless, both found that having their
friends in their classes be of help. Damian commented,
I was surrounded by that group of people that were just kind of expected
to do their school work; I was kind of just expected to do school work,
too.

135

When Damian did not have the energy to complete his work, given his various activities
and long commute, he stated that having a supportive network motivated him to complete
his work, he comments,
And even though I'm like, there were times where I didn't have like the
time or the energy of doing it, but knowing that I could rely on someone
that was not maybe on something that day, who I can talk to and kind of
get a little bit of answers from, then, yeah.

In the same way, Angela comments that all of her friends were in the same classes and
they would all sit in the same table and help each other out. Angela also adds that they
would even help each other out, as she provided her friends with answers to tests. Angela
rations that she did this because she cared about her friends and did not want them to be
retained (i.e. 9+ or 10+), she provided the following commentary,
I was like, I kind of feel bad now. So, I'm like you know - you know what
if I affected their lives that way. But, it was like you know I don't want to
go behind either because they were my friends, so I didn't want to be that
person who's a 9+ or a 10+.

The final student, Velasco, agreed that school work did not conflict with his
friendships on campus. However, he was aware that friends can positively or negatively
influence a student to do well in school. Velasco illustrates,
I mean, having friends made you love to come to school, which means you
love to do the work. And I mean, yeah, if you don’t have friends, it really
sucks, your high school career. It’s sad. Some kids really are like, alone.
I don’t know whether they choose to be, or they just have a hard time
fitting in. But having friends really helps you enjoy the school life.

Velasco then adds how he had various friends on campus,
R: Okay. And you had various ones, like AVID, lunch friends?

136

S: I had the library Yu-Gi-Oh! (trading cards game) kids who would hide
in the corner somewhere, have a duel with them. And yeah, they were
fun, too, to hang out with. Yeah. There was -- that’s where one of my
really good friends. Her name was [Marilyn]. She was one of the, those
kids and I took her from there to hang out with me. And then she was in
the AVID program, too. And she was the student that I helped in the math
class that I took an interest in.

Marcela and Graciela were the only two students who expressed a negative
relationship between school work and friends. During the interview, Graciela shared that
her friends that she hung out with would discourage her to do her homework, wanting her
to spend time with her, she provided the following statement,
A lot of the time I had to say no to them, like I can't go out, or -- and I was
still given like -- I was still stigmatized for that, too. “You're always
doing homework, blah blah blah, like you're such a like school girl now,
like, what is that? Like you know, like you don't hang out with us
anymore,” like, I don't know.

Graciela states that the reason that she found difficulty between her friends and school
work was because she cared about both,
But my friends did matter, like I did care for them. At the end of the day,
they -- I don't think they saw that, just because I was so absent a lot of the
time. Like, yeah, like sometimes even when like, when I was starting to
take these classes, I wouldn't see them that much because I was so busy
like doing work, or doing stuff -- doing stuff for my education, and so I
was pretty absent from like hanging around -- like starting to hang around
-- like hanging around with them, so they would notice that and they
would be like, “you don't come around anymore” kind of thing.

Marcela also expressed having difficulty fitting in with her friends and doing her school
work, as an initial student at West. Marcela mentions that she was influenced by her
peers, which lead her to drinking and doing drugs in the 9
th
and 10
th
grades. Marcela
provided the following remarks,

137

Like we all used to do like a lot of drugs and it was just because.

Despite having other friends that did not do drugs, she found herself succumbing to the
pressure,
Like, obviously, like a lot of my friends didn't do it, and that was the cool
thing to not, like the thing, to not do, just because like I was dumb. You're
like, "Why are you doing that?" But, with my other friends it was like,
"Yeah, it's cool. Like, let's just like, let's just go drink at my place. My
parents aren't there.” You know? So, yeah.

The same six students who reported having no conflict between friends and
school work also reported not having to feel that they had to choose between being
popular and getting good grades. Angela stated that her friends were revered and given
an elite status, she commented,
But, in high school I don't really think so just because the fact that I was
getting good grades made me like - like me, [Martha], and [Isabella] were
like the queen bees of the group. It probably has to do with the fact that
we were also the only three women in the group, but we were also the
three smart ones in the group, and it was more of a glorification like -
everyone's like, “oh, watch out” you know? “Here comes the varsity
scholastic team from decathlon. Like, watch out.”

Damian also shared how he had one common interest in his two sets of friends, his soccer
teammates and his AP/Honor friends.
My friends were either people that were on the soccer team, or people that
were in APs and Honors classes, so the people I hung out with also got
good grades, or were just -- we had that soccer in common.

Oscar suggested that he was able to recognize the importance of schoolwork over
friends. While his friends offered him to go out he opted to stay home and do his
homework. He felt that his schoolwork was permanent while his friends were not. Oscar

138

also added that his friends would understand if they were his “true friends.” Velasco
mentioned that he was friendly with everyone, suggesting it as a possible reason why he
was never teased, he stated,
And you know -- and I was friendly with everybody, so, I mean, I guess
that helps a lot too. If you’re friendly with them, they’ll like you.

Graciela and Marcela both suggested that it did affect their overall performance.
Graciela shares that her education did suffer from time to time, as she had to make time
for her friends, particularly when she had not seen them in a while. Graciela made the
following statement,
Yeah. I would give up some of my -- you know, and some of my
responsibilities that I had on campus, just because like, I mean, I felt that
that was the only way that they could see that I still cared about being their
friend. And it sucks that they couldn't like understand that I was busy and
like, it just sucks that you know that they couldn't have been
understanding, but yeah.

Marcela also found herself having to choose between getting good grades and being
popular with her friends. Marcela states that she would have to choose between studying
for her Chemistry class that she was struggling with or meeting her friends who would
offer her to go to “Taco Bell” or “Starbucks.”
All of the students reported having heard the phrase “acting White” during high
school and cited various reasons leading to the accusations. However, language was the
most cited response amongst the group that led to accusations of acting White. Angela
for instance stated that certain sayings led to accusations of acting White, she stated,
Saying, Oh my God or Oh my Gosh. Or, what's that word? Like, totally…

139

Two other students reported that using a sophisticated vocabulary also lead to
accusations. Graciela shared an incident of how she was accused for acting White, as she
hangs out with a friend,
So like we were talking and stuff, and he was like -- he was just so
puzzled, he was just like, huh, like -- and he was just kind of like, you're
so White. And I was like, what? I was like, what do you mean, White?
And he was like, yeah, the way you talk. And I was like, I'm not White,
first of all, I'm just educated.

The second most cited reason for accusations of acting White were dress and
mannerisms/behavior. Here, Damian describes certain clothing that attracted these
accusations,
To me, it kind of just, acting White is kind of wearing preppy White
clothes. Like, with the [unintelligible], I kind of heard it was White
washed, not acting White, but more White washed … The only thing I'm
referring to is like the brand they wore, like Hollister, Aeropostle, stuff
like that.

Adam disclosed that he was accused of acting White due to his mannerisms and his
lighter skin color,
Maybe my mannerisms, I guess. Like, most kids were being, like I'm --
'cause how I remember is like, a lot of the Mexican kids -- or boys -- were
like, tough. Or like, they dressed in baggy clothes. Or -- they were dark
skinned, or they had like, a certain haircut, like the buzz cut or whatever.

Students also cited other various reasons for possible charges of acting White.
For example, acting White also meant to be “stuck up,” certain types of music, “having
an identity,” “good schools that had White people,” or “having knowledge.” Students
also included “shopping at Trader Joe’s or Whole Foods,” “being successful,” enjoying
“anime,” stereotypical “cheerleader on TV” and “any pop culture outside of Latino/a pop

140

culture” as being White. Five students reported not having to deal with any charges of
acting White in high school. These students reported it being a non-issue.
Only three students were accused of acting White by their peers. Graciela spoke
at length about the accusations. She shares that the acting White accusations surfaced
when her friends believed her to be condescending and touting her smartness. She would
attempt to bring in new and sophisticated language from her AP/Honor classes. These
charges of acting White are detailed below:
I was already like -- I was starting to adopt to sophisticated words and so
just using that amongst like my peers and stuff, it just kind of like, oh,
wow, wait, you're -- what's going on now? Like -- that's where the stigma
that I was getting from my friends as well. Like, oh, you're kind of
looking down on us kind of thing.

Graciela later adds that she began labeling her AP/Honor classmates as acting White, as
they belittled other non-AP students in school. “It’s as if they were feeding into like this
White culture” Graciela adds, she shares her other comments next,
I'd be like -- like who talks about their people that way, you know? Like,
who like belittles their people like that? Like, they're so White. Like they
would -- like explicitly would say like “I hate being Mexican or I hate
being this,” like because of these students, like they -- you know, this is
the kind of stigma that I have because of them. And so they were always
trying to appropriate like another identity and like, I definitely did like
label them as like, oh, White.

Later, Graciela suggests that she began feeling like she was acting White; given the
sophisticated vocabulary that she was using that was used by her AP classmates to
ridicule others. Graciela shares this struggle,
Like they were using this language, and I was just kind of like, yeah, they
might be -- I don't know. It -- just because I labeled them as White,

141

because of their behaviors and I felt like I was starting to adopt that, and
like I was given -- I was being told from my friends that like you know it
was just kind of like this White thing. And so I started to associate that,
my behavior to theirs kind of thing, and like I was just kind of, maybe I
shouldn't be this way.

Subsequently, Graciela then felt she had to “hold back” from speaking like her AP/Honor
friends, as she did not want to be like them. When asked how she came to terms with
being in the AP classes and hanging out with her lunch friends, she stated that she never
found any resolve. Graciela commented,
Yeah. [laughs] I don't know if I ever resolved it. I think that just
understanding like the bigger picture of why I was doing it, like why I was
taking these classes. I don't know, it's tough, because like I don't think I
ever did. Like I always questioned it, like -- yeah, I don't know. I don't
think I ever had that moment of resolving that. It was just a constant battle
of like both, and never being able to figure it out. I don't know. It was
just -- it's tough.

Finally, Graciela was also accused of acting White by her family. Graciela mentions that
shopping at a non-traditional neighborhood Latino/a market like Trader Joe’s or Whole
Foods lead to accusations.
Like, I'd be like, oh yeah, can we go to Trader Joe's? And he'd just kind of
be like, what? And we would go, like we've gone, and he's just kind of
like, you're so like “ya te crees” kind of thing. Like you don't like to shop
other places but here now? Like, why all of a sudden?

Marcela was also accused of acting White by her peers. Marcela explains that
different dynamics existed in her local high school and in the city of Suburbia, where she
worked. Marcela explains that her friends at West believed that acting White meant
wearing clothes from American Eagle, Hollister or wearing boots made by “Uggs.”
While, her co-workers often wore clothing from the aforementioned, Marcela explains

142

that her West friends did not like when she spent time with her Suburbia friends and
would question her decision. The following excerpt illustrates Marcela’s point,
Like when I started working in [Suburbia] and like my friends were like,
"I have [Suburbia] friends?" I was like, "Oh yeah, I'm going to go hang
out with my coworkers.” And I was like. "Oh yeah, you know.” And
they're, "Oh, your [Suburbia] friends?" I'm like, "Yeah, they're from
[Suburbia].” You know, I would even be like. "Yeah, my [Suburbia]
friends, you know?" And, a lot of them were like more like more like
privileged I guess. But some of them like lived in like apartments like
smaller than a house, you know, so it's just kind of like...

When asked how she was able to deal with both sets of reprisals, Marcela stated that she
did not have much problem with it, “it was like whatever.” Marcela shares that other
people were not so well equipped to handle such accusations. She states that her friend
of darker complexion who enjoyed wearing clothes from Hollister had a harder time
adjusting. Marcela offers an example of the comments that her friend received from
others when wearing these types of clothing,
“Oh yeah, that shirt just doesn't go with your skin.” And, I would be like,
"What?" But, I would always be the one to like, "What the heck? Like,
you're dumb.” You know.

However, Marcela was also charged with being too Mexican or being a “beaner.”
Marcela explains this relationship below,
But then, I would hear it amongst my friends or around classmates like,
"Oh, you beaner.” But, it's so -- Even in high school, I think a lot of us
are kind of like, "What?" Like, so if we dress this way we're like acting
like we're Whitewashed but then, you know. Because, like my friends,
like they're always like, ahhh… You're so Mexican, you know.” I'm like,
"Yeah, I am Mexican.” So, yeah.

143

The last student, Adam stated that he was not accused of acting White by his peers.
However, when asked what he did not enjoy about being Latino/a he stated that he did
not like having to prove he was Mexican. Specifically, Adam stated that his lighter skin
color and mannerisms often resulted in others thinking he was White. Adam made the
following comments,
Maybe my mannerisms, I guess. Like, most kids were being, like I'm --
'cause how I remember is like, a lot of the Mexican kids -- or boys -- were
like, tough. Or like, they dressed in baggy clothes. Or -- they were dark
skinned, or they had like, a certain haircut, like the buzz cut or whatever.
And I didn’t have any of that. I didn’t wear baggy clothes. I always had
my hair longer than other guys. I didn’t have the dark skin or the
moustaches.

When asked if getting good grades led to accusations of acting White, seven
students reported that it did not. Marcela responded “No. Okay, no that I never heard.”
Oscar also agreed that he had never heard that earning good grades meant being White,
he stated
No. That wasn't ever brought up because there was no White people. We
had no point of reference for White people.

Although, two students reported that while they were not accused of acting White for
earning good grades, others may have. These students suggested that their group of
friends were supportive. Below, Adam shares how other students may have suffered
from accusations of acting White,
S: Yeah, I think it was -- I think because my friends were more accepting
of stuff like that, but I’m pretty sure other groups of people would have
used that stuff.
R: But not so much from like -- that you have direct contact with.

144

S: Yeah. I mean, yeah. Those kinds of kids. Like the kind of kids were
like, the cholos hung out with. I think that was a phrase that they would
use. Because I knew some kids like that. And I’m pretty sure that they
would have resented the like, high grades because -- as being like, they
would have saw that as like, acting White, whatever.
R: But again, nothing that you necessarily saw directly or kind of dealt with?
S: No. Not me. No.

Velasco commented that a checklist existed for Latino/as in order to be considered part of
their ethnic group. He illustrates his point below,
Or, if you listen to, you know, Pedro Infante (Mexican Singer) or
something like that, I guess, you know, there’s a checklist. Okay. Ten
points… So, yeah, I don’t think grades were a part of it. This is more of
your interests and how you acted and talked and stuff … I’m sure it
counted for people, but for my group of friends, no. That wasn’t on the --
no, that wasn't on the list.

Finally, Angela shared that earning good grades was only associated with being White if
students also attended schools known to be populated with White students. Angela
stated,
The good schools like [Affluent High School] or like - I can't think of
White schools right now. But, just in general like that was definitely
associated with - or [Rich High School] there you go. Oh, going to
Beverly Hills or El Camino - most of the people who go there are White
and they get good grades like that in that sense then they did associate
good grades with White people, but in the sense that just because I have
good grades not necessarily.

Five out of eight students reported having to give up something about their
ethnic/racial identity in order to do well in school. Three of these students reported
having to give up something with regards to language. Graciela and Damian felt that
they had to give up their Spanish during school. Below, Damian talks about his little
brother whom he feels is losing his Spanish through his K-12 experience,

145

The only thing I can think of was, obviously because it's English; I mean,
everything is English based, you know, like the Spanish language. I
know, for a lot of my friends, and even my little brother and sister, they
barely, if not, hardly speak Spanish, especially the youngest one, where
she kind of habla con acento [speaks with an accent] how would you say
like a pocho. They speak in very broken Spanish. That’s the only thing I
can think of.

Graciela also commented that she felt like she had to give up her Spanish during school.
For instance, Graciela provided and example during her college admissions process that
required her to talk about the world that she came from. Graciela explains that she
initially wrote this personal statement in Spanish that was better able to fully articulate
and capture her experiences growing up in a household with domestic violence.
However, when she wrote this statement in Spanish, various teachers suggested for her to
revise it in English, she commented below,
So, I wrote that in Spanish, and then I just wrote, but like you know, like
when I did that, like and I was showing it to my teachers, like they're like
“no, you need to change it in English.” And it didn't sound the same to
me in English, you know? And I was like, this is my personal statement,
this is how I -- I feel that it has to be in Spanish. So, I ended up translating
it, so I still kept the Spanish, so I translated it in English, but I mean, just
kind of like an example, of how I can that. Like I felt like I had to give up
that Spanish part of my personal statement.

Angela also shared that she had issues with enunciating certain words in English. She
stated that she had a “thick accent” and would avoid those words by pronouncing them in
Spanish. Angela also mentions that she even encourages her mother who also has an
accent to speak English, regardless. Nonetheless, Angela realizes that having an accent
when speaking English is an issue, she commented,

146

Like certain words I kind of avoid because I have a thick accent when I
like say it. It's like, yes, I'm being so - I know. I know. But, I try - like I
would try to avoid that so people wouldn't notice it. And, I'm like you
know I shouldn't be ashamed of it - like, I always tell my mom “you speak
English. You just have an accent. You know? Don't be ashamed of it.”
But, even like myself when I do have - like when I know that a word is
going to give me an accent I avoid it because I don't want people to be
like, oh, [unintelligible] whatever the term is … or I would just say it in
Spanish because it was like less weird to say it in high school than to say it
with your thick accent. Like, definitely an accent is not a good thing.

Two other students also reported feeling like they had to give up something about
their ethnicity in order to do well in school. Adam for instance, initially discussed that he
did not feel like he had to give up something to do well in school. However when asked
about his relationships with friends back from the neighborhood, as he did not attend the
local high school, Adam stated that he felt left out. Adam provided the following
insights,
I did kind of feel left out in my neighborhood, 'cause like, some of the kids
-- most of the kids knew each other. And then only my neighbors would
ever like, ask me to come out, or like, to hang out or whatever. So, yeah, I
did feel like I missed out on that like, stuff. Like, earlier on, I would play
in -- like, in the street with them and stuff. But then later on, I wouldn't --
I didn’t even like -- it was just like a, hey, when we saw each other, like in
the yard or whatever. And then, I’d spend most of the time hanging out
with kids in Rosas.

Marcela also provided an initial response of not having to give up something about her
race to do well in school. However, Marcela later added “mujeres” were expected to help
out with household chores, such as cleaning. She adds, that these household
responsibilities would be in conflict with her schoolwork, as they would take precedence
over homework. Marcela shares her thoughts,

147

Like a lot of times we hear it was just kind of like, "Oh, when I get home I
have to clean up. So, then after that I did my homework.” You know? If
anything, I heard that, but not like the other way around. To give up, it
was mostly like you had to like, I guess, do your responsibilities which
came out of your culture, right? Like, these things that were instilled on
us, like [madam/mujeres], was because of our culture, but, so then,
homework came second. But, you were still expected to do good in
school.

Finally, some these students also offered other reasons that they felt they had to
give up in order to do well in school. For example, two students felt like they had to give
up their culture, while one student mentioned that they felt like they had to give up
“Mexican Music.” Damian comments on both subjects, as he provided these comments,
Obviously, if -- when you're surrounded by people that kind of hear
different music, you're not going to listen to the same like kind of, I guess,
Mexican music. Even though I enjoy it, but like, I was just more into like
Hip Hop, rock, in English than Spanish. In Spanish, there's basically the,
like Spanish rock, like, you know, like Tri, Caifanes, Jaguares [Spanish
Rock Groups]. So, I guess you do give up some of your Mexican heritage,
and now that I think about it, I -- you don't really learn much from it
either, unless you kind of do a project on it.

Damian later also adds that only certain customs continue to be practiced in his family,
while others may be “fading away.” Damian commented,
Here, you don't really practice it. I mean, we still do the Dia de los
Muertos [Day of the Dead]. My Grandma does a pan [bread] for El Dia de
los Muertos and stuff like that. For important holidays, I guess, yeah, we
still do it, you know. But as far as the traditions and customs, they are
kind of just, kind of not intentionally, I mean, I’m not trying to push them,
but they are just kind of fading away.

Angela also provides an example of how some of her classmates had to give up certain
parts of their culture to do well in school. Angela stated that she had friends who wanted
to participate in a Mariachi group or Folklórico (Mexican ballet) but were unable to do

148

so, as the school did not offer such programs. Instead, Angela explained that these
students would then join other extra-curricular activities that the school offered to include
in their college applications. Angela shares her thoughts,
I felt bad for them because it's like they really you know - they really
wanted to do Mariachi. You know? They really want to play that
instrument, but they're stuck with a saxophone. Or they really want to do
Folklórico but all they offer is modern dance/jazz. So, I feel like that in
sense, some students did have to give up some cultural things for our
school. Because they're like you know Folklórico is not going to look
good on your application but [MESA] will.

The three students who reported not having to give up part of their ethnicity in
order to do well in school were Oscar, Velasco and Catalina. Catalina stated that “it was
never about being Latino or not being Latina.” The researcher then asked Catalina if her
Spanish language may have been something she may given up, given her previous
schooling in Guatemala. Catalina stated that she felt that she did not have to give up
Spanish, as she saw that it was asset to learn English, she commented below,
Well, it's not like I had to give up Spanish, because I needed my Spanish
to learn English. And obviously, it was different, but I wouldn't say that I
had to give up something, in order to get something else. It was -- I think
it was a matter of both of them going together, because obviously, I had to
know a language to get the other one. And yeah.

Oscar also reported not having to give up parts of his culture to do well in high
school. However, Oscar did state that at his predominantly Latino/a/Mexican high
school, it was about “how Mexican you were.” Here, Oscar provides examples of the
different types of Mexicans that resided at Zenith,
I mean everyone is Mexican, but there's some people who are more
Mexican than others you know. Like, you know, there's like, "Well, he's a

149

wetback," you know, “that fool’s a chunt” [derogatory term for recent
arrivals from Latin America], you know. “That fool goes to Vaqueros
[Mexican night club] or La Flor Rosa [Mexican night club] off of the
[boulevard].” You know, like there's always people who are going to be
more Mexican, you know.

Oscar also adds that there is a hierarchy between the different types of Mexicans. For
instance, those just coming from Mexico who do not speak English are viewed upon, as
less than. According to Oscar it was not about being White at school versus how
Mexican or not one was. Oscar illustrates this below,
So, I mean there is a division. I'm not going to say there isn't, there is.
And I would argue that there's a hierarchy based on how Mexican you are
and how not Mexican. It's not White; it's not Mexican. I would say that.
But there is never like racial tensions between the Mexicans. You know
it's just how much more Mexican you are than someone else. It wasn't
like, "Oh, I hate those Mexicans.” Like there was none of that going on.
You know there was just like a range of how much more Mexican you
were than someone else I guess.

The final student, Velasco also agreed that he did not have to give up certain parts
of his heritage in order to do well in school. Velasco stated that he had to give up the
mentality of being overly proud of his heritage. He explained that certain students on his
campus were overly proud of being Mexican, which led to racism and fights on his
campus. Velasco shares his thoughts below,
That whole proud shit. 'Cause that leads to racism and a lot of fights, I
think. I think that’s like, a lot of -- when you’re too proud, you distinguish
yourself, and you don’t see yourself as a human, but more as a club or
something. And yeah, the people -- I notice people who were very proud
of that shit.

Velasco also did suggest that he had friends whom did have to give up something to do
well in school. Velasco stated that one of his friends Jesenia really did not like her family

150

because she wanted to explore other types of music that her family did not approve of.
Velasco also talks about another friend Mario, whom is of dark skin and is often accused
of acting White. Here, Velasco shares the complexities and the expectations that are
found amongst his peers.
Like, it almost makes us hate our -- not our culture, but the kids. It’s the
young teenagers. Not the older people. It’s the younger people that we
hate a lot. Our generation is what we hate a lot. And, it when it’s like,
you’re not being White. You’re not being Black, not being Mexican.
Good. It's like, again, you know, he has the same kind of mentality that I
have where it’s like, you know, I’m not here to -- I’m not your Mexican.
I’m not going to be on your checklist. Like, you know, it’s me and what I
want to get out of it.

All students, with the exception of Catalina expressed difficulties about being
Latino/a. For instance, Adam stated that he had difficulty proving he was Mexican
because of his lighter skin and mannerisms. Angela talked about how she felt like an
outcast at her predominantly Mexican populated school, as she was one of the few
students from a Central American background. Angela commented,
It was always hard for me to kind of make that connection with people
because you know they would be like, oh, well you don't know what
you're talking about. “You're Salvi-Guatemalan.” “Oh, you're
Guatemalan.” “Oh your Chapina.” So, I definitely was always reminded
that I was Central-American, and it always made me kind of feel like less
than everyone else.

Damian spoke about being undocumented and not being able to qualify for financial aid.
Kind of being an AB 540 student, whether it's being Mexican
undocumented, which kind of does kind of make it a little bit of a struggle,
because obviously, you're driving around, you don't know if you get pulled
over, if they're going to take away the car, or how you're going to be able
to kind of the get the cash for school, when you can't really get, how
would you say, like a job, without it being like getting paid under the table

151

or something like that. So, that's basically the biggest obstacles for me,
are just those.

Yet other students saw some of the discrepancies in their culture that promoted
sexism or homophobia. Oscar provides an example of how the treatment of women is
unfair. Oscar commented below,
I don't think women get the credit they deserve you know. Like I just
think that they're dichotomized you know. They're either seen as like
either like a virgin or a whore and there's like no middle ground for
women you know. So, I think that the expectations are just absurd for
women when men can do whatever they want.

Oscar also points out how men are expected to be “macho” or otherwise suffer ridicule.
Oscar illustrates,
Yeah, I mean there's tons of things that are difficult. I mean I think the
thing that I find most troubling is like a sense of machismo. I wasn't a
very -- and still I'm not like the manliest of men you know. And like you
get dogged for that, you know.

Marcela also expressed that sexism was difficult to deal within her culture. However, she
acknowledged that sexism was not an issue in her household, as her dad was able to cook
and clean for himself. Nonetheless, Marcela expressed that many of her friends were not
so lucky, she commented below,
But, I know with other friends like they're always like, "Oh, I have to go
home because I have to go clean. Because, you know, my mom's not
home. So, I have to go clean and do my dad's laundry.” And, I'm like,
"What? Like, okay.”

Marcela also commented that homophobia is another difficulty found in her culture.
Marcela shared in the second interview that her father had trouble accepting that her older
brother was gay and blames it on their religion’s influence. Marcela offers her insights,

152

Probably like our culture, how it's really like religion in -- Our culture is
influenced by our religion. So, it's like different stuff like that. Like,
there's still like a lot of homophobia.

Graciela shared that not having the resources, living in a segregated community and
having attended inferior schools was difficult. Graciela mentions that she particularly,
has had to catch up at PPU. Graciela shares her experiences,
Definitely you know like just coming from like a school that like didn't do
much for me, and you know, just growing up in like a community that's
solely Mexican, and we're so -- not just so Mexicans but like Latinos, like
yeah, you don't have like a great school there because like money. You
know, it all becomes like money, like, if your community has a lot of
money, like if you're like high up in like the social -- like if you have like
high social status, like yeah, you're bound to have more money, your
community is bound to have more money, and so therefore your school
becomes a lot more efficient and a lot more resourceful and whatnot.

Velasco also found some difficulty with being disadvantaged in comparison to his peers.
However, Velasco shares an experience at PPU, where students were asked to share out
prior travel experiences. He commented that for once he felt out of place,
It was really -- man. I was really bummed out. I was -- one of my classes
for history was a TA discussion. Like, all right. Let’s introduce
yourselves, and just name a place you’ve been to. Europe? Africa? You
know, they were saying they went to Australia this summer. I went to
Brazil. I went to Korea, Japan. And like, well Velasco, what did you do?
I went to Mexico. Like, it was like, I felt like, oh, my God. All these kids
go to all places. And I just -- for that moment, for once, I felt like just
slouching down in my chair a little bit.

Catalina was the only student who did not express difficulties being Latino/a.
Catalina stated that she was “not even aware about her heritage because she had not been
with people from different cultures/ethnicities.” Catalina came to the U.S. at the age of
14. She also stated that she was proud of her heritage “from the pre-Hispanic

153

civilizations to the Spanish influence.” Finally, Catalina summed up her beliefs about
being Latino/a by comparing her heritage to that of a tree, she commented,
I feel that culture and heritage are like a tree’s root; you can do anything to
the trunk, the branches, the fruits, but the roots won’t change, and taking
away the heritage I have is like killing the tree I am.

Social Capital
Research Question 2
How do institutional or empowerment agents affect Latino/as from low
performing high schools?
Stanton-Salazar (1997) has stated that institutional agents are gatekeepers that can
alter a student’s life destiny. Institutional agents can provide individuals access to social
networks or other agents that help them better navigate institutional structures. These
institutional agents for instance, can provide individuals with cultural capital or
knowledge that they may lack that in this instance may be needed to navigate the college
going process. Ultimately, agents can help individuals acquire cultural capital and link
them to social networks that can be converted into social capital. Additionally, Stanton-
Salazar (2010) added that being an institutional agent is not sufficient. Institutional
agents should not only help individuals successfully navigate social structures but also
encourage individuals to affect and change the hierarchical structures that produce
societal inequities (Stanton-Salazar, 2010).
When asked to describe their schools, six out of eight students reported their
schools as generally positive. However, all six students were able to point out their

154

school’s shortcomings, also. Two of these students pointed out that “other students” not
in Honors/AP did not receive the same favorable treatment as they did. Damian shared
that he had heard that “other students were being discouraged from taking AP/Honor
classes.” Adam added that students in the general education track were not as successful,
he commented,
But for like kids that are just there just, like, I guess, troublemakers, or like
kids just trying to get by in high school, you’re not going to get anywhere
if you go to Rosas. It’s not a school that, if you just show up, you’re going
to succeed. You know what I mean?

Despite being in the Honors track, Marcela commented how she was initially ignored
about changing her chemistry class until her parents came to speak with the counselor.
Marcela recommended that students should have a good relationship with their parents.
She clarified that this was needed so parents could advocate for the students, since school
officials ignored student requests. Marcela commented below,
And, so then I told my dad. I was like, "Dad, like I don't like this teacher.”
And then, you know. And, he was like, "Why?" And, I told him, "Well,
she just shows videos on T.V. and I don't like that because I'm not
learning, and it's a really hard class and I want to learn.” So, he went to go
talk to the counselors and to, I don't know who, and then the next day like
they switched me over to another class. So, that's why I'm saying like you
do need someone like, I guess, older to advocate for you. Because, when I
went like the counselor was like, "Quit school.” But, when my dad went,
like they were like, "Oh, okay.” you know, "We'll do it.”

Velasco commented that “if the student really wants to go to college, it’s completely
possible,” adding that his school had a great Avid program. He also recommended for
students to attend a “better high school if possible.” Despite believing that any student
can succeed at Traditional, Catalina also expressed concerns,

155

I'm not going to say awesome and great, but they're good. And I guess
that it's pretty much the same as other high schools, in the sense that, oh,
yeah, we go over the same classes, and all the classes you take are good
for you to go to college. I would just say that the quality of the classes
might not be as high as other high schools, because maybe we don't have
as many resources, or maybe our teachers are not as good as other
teachers. But I think that if you try hard enough, you are able to go -- like,
get through high school and go to college.

Oscar also expressed that Zenith was an overall good school with various resources and
opportunity but commented that it was up to the student to take the initiative,
And I think that the education you'll get out of there depends on how
much you're willing to put in you know. We have all kinds of programs
… So, if you keep busy and maybe look for opportunities, you should seek
to capitalize them and take advantage of them.

Only two students reported their respective high school as being negative.
Graciela reported that the administrators are not servicing the needs of their students,
while failing to link them to services on campus,
I think that they feel that like it's a hierarchy, and like they have to -- I
don't know, play this role as an administrator, like I'm better than these
students and blah blah blah. Like kind of like just belittling instead of like
-- students, and I think they forget a lot about who they're serving and like
servicing to and like -- and that gets in the way because I mean, the
systems supposed to be created around like our needs, and I don't think
they're doing that. In terms of like economically and resources, like
they're not informing us. They're you know, all these resources are hidden
and we pretty much have to go and like look for them, and um, yeah.

Angela commented that she was not able to take Honor/AP classes, as she was not in the
right track and had an overall difficult time being placed into the courses, even when she
demanded them.
Six out of eight students described the adults at their schools as generally positive.

156

Marcela for instance shares commentary about her award winning teachers who earned a
scholarship, while another was recognized as the best teacher in the city,
The teachers, like we have really good teachers. My 10th grade teacher
actually got California Teacher of the Year. His name is John Stewart.
He's like an author. And then, my 11th grade History teacher got like a
$25,000 like reward last year for being like an outstanding like teacher in
like the city. I don't know if it's like the state, but like she got like a really
big thick diploma thing.

Yet, four of these students also reported having bad teachers, through either personal or
secondary accounts. Here, Marcela shares other teachers who were not as acclaimed,
But then like the Chemistry teacher that I had like I couldn't stand her, you
know. Like, she just made me really like really like sad and stuff. So, it's
really...Yeah, there was actually a teacher also, he was my coach for cross
country. He was an Algebra II teacher, and he got like arrested for like
sexually harassing or like supposedly like having sex in the classroom or
something. Like they just fired him. So, you know, it's very like it varies
a lot.

Next, Catalina talks about her school Counselor and why she found her effective,
Ms. Williams was always on top of my stuff, and she always, she knew
my name, and she was -- she would often say, "Oh, this semester, we're
doing these classes, because you want to just meet whatever requirements
were there for college," for me to meet. So, she was always trying to help
me.

Two other students reported not taking bad teachers, but heard that other students
did. Adam believed that he avoided bad teachers, given his participation in AP/Honor
classes, he shares his thoughts below,
Oh, I really liked my teachers, all of my teachers. But I think that was
also because I had the AP teachers and the Honors teachers. 'Cause I
heard a couple of stories of like, some teachers are just -- like, in regular
classes that were just unacceptable, I guess.

157

Similarly, Damian stated that he had heard about students not being encouraged to take
AP/Honor courses, although he never experienced it himself. Damian reported the
following,
So, as far as administrators, I would also get a lot of like biased stuff from
an administrator, not saying that they're lazy, they weren't really helping;
kind of, also, discouraging some students from taking APs and Honors.
So, that's from what I've heard.

Only two students reported perceiving the adults on campus, as negative.
Graciela states that she finds that teachers have a big impact on student’s trajectories,
particularly pursuing college. Graciela offers her thoughts,
Like -- if you're performing well in school, it will encourage you -- you
will actually go like, yes, I am deserving of a higher education, yes, I can
handle it. And so when students aren't seeing that like they're progressing,
or they're failing classes, that's very discouraging to them, and so you
know, like the teachers have a big impact on that. And if they're not doing
the right things, and if they're yelling at students instead of teaching,
they're like -- they're not even teaching like, students are not going to want
a higher education.

Graciela also ads that teachers are not sensitive towards student needs. She states that
teachers were not willing to work to extend deadlines for her, despite having various
commitments. Graciela reported,
I was very very involved in school, but I also had a job, and I was also
living in under a single parent household. So, in terms of like not being
able to finish some of my assignments, or like, not being able to take the
tests, exams, whatever, they weren't sensitive to that, because I mean --
they just, you know, a lot of them are White teachers and not culturally
sensitive. And so they weren't able to understand that I wasn't able to
finish the assignments because of my job, or because of responsibilities, or
because of issues.

158

Aside from her struggles with enrolling in rigorous coursework, Angela also expressed
frustration with meeting some of her physiological needs. Angela commented that there
was usually only one bathroom open during lunch that was frequently monitored by two
security guards. She reported that these guards would not open up any other bathrooms,
despite only having 5 stalls. Angela also stated that these guards were also an asset at
times as they were able allow students access to the library or certain classrooms during
lunch.
All eight students reported having taken Honor and AP courses during high
school. Five of these students reported having taken these courses at the beginning of the
9
th
grade year, with most of them being tracked right into these courses after middle
school. Oscar for instance, stated “I was pretty much tracked into the Honor courses.”
Adam also shares how the next thing after being in the Honors program in middle school
figured he would simply continue with similar coursework during high school,
In the beginning, my -- like, I was already in like, the Honors classes, so I
figured the next step, like -- and in middle school, I was in like, the Gate
program. So, I just figured the next step in high school would be to take
the AP classes or the Honors classes.

It was also noted that with the exception of Catalina, all students had taken Honor
courses by the 8
th
grade year. In fact, Adam and Marcela reported having been in an
Honors type program in elementary school, with Marcela as early as the 2
nd
grade.
Damian also believed he may have been in a gifted or talented program in primary
school, but could not confirm it. Catalina, the only student who actually studied in
Guatemala through middle school did comment that her educational system in Guatemala

159

did not offer any Honor type programs and that all students took the same courses.
However, when asked what type of school she attended, Catalina pointed out that she
began private school in the 2
nd
or 3
rd
grade. Catalina stated that public schools were
overcrowded and further articulated the instability of teachers in the following passage,
The private schools are better than the public ones. So, in my school, the
public one, that was happening, in the sense that we, or many kids weren't
going to have a stable teacher, or they were just trying people, like
whatever. They didn't have one person, like all the time there. So, in the
private school they did. So, that's why my parents chose to send me to
private school.

In addition, Catalina also shared that she was labeled as “gifted and talented” in high
school. Only Angela and Graciela found themselves having to advocate and demand
AP/Honor courses, despite being in Honor type courses in middles school.
Nevertheless, all students reported having been encouraged by someone to take
Honor/AP courses during high school. Marcela and Graciela reported having been
encouraged by their older siblings who were in college. For instance, Graciela who
found it difficult to obtain these courses mentions that it was her older sister that asked
her why she was not taking rigorous classes. Graciela reported,
Well, I definitely -- my sister was like -- she -- it's funny, because like I
don't know, like she pretty much channels a lot, but she does -- she did
take AP classes, and she was like -- but she did take AP classes, and she
was like, you need to be taking these classes as well.

Velasco and Angela both found that a best friend encouraged them and helped them
along the way. Both students reported that these friends had a high ranking in their

160

respective class and were top students. Here, Velasco comments on how his friend
Jesenia helped him,
I was motivated to -- with the help of a student named Jesenia. She really
helped me a lot, too. And I realized, I can actually be a top -- you know,
one of the top ten students in this class. And that pushed me to just get a
lot more A’s.

Three other students mentioned that college preparatory and outreach programs
encouraged and advised them to take Honors and APs. Damian reported that initially it
was her counselor that recommended him to enroll in the Avid program, where they then
were advised to take these classes thereafter. He reported below,
After my first semester, ummm my counselor I think it was Ms. Keller,
she was the one that told me about Avid and help me get in to Avid and
Avid class and then from then on through Avid I got all the Honors and
APs.

Oscar also reported that and outreach program from the UC system had informed him to
take advanced coursework, to better his GPA,
And they also told me that, you know, when you have Honors classes,
they look better on your GPA because you get an extra point. So, that was
also a big, big -- something big that I looked into, in my classes you know,
like to make my GPA better.

Catalina mentioned that being tracked into the Honors/AP, as she initially began taking
classes in the ELD program. Catalina reported that it was her teacher that made the
recommendation for her to skip an entire year of ELD, which allowed her to take an ELD
class that would meet a year of the UC’s English requirement. Catalina shares this
recollection below,

161

"Oh, you don't have to go through advanced ELD, because you don't need
to.” Because she said that the way that I express myself, especially in
writing, was not -- was better than intermediate, and was even better than
advanced. So, she talked to Ms. Taylor for her to make an exception and
accept me in Seminar. So, I skipped one whole year of ELD.

Four students stated that they felt that someone supported their Latino/a heritage
during high school. Damian mentioned that his soccer coach, who also happened to be
one of the deans there, inspired and motivated him. Particularly, Damian discusses that
had a connection with his coach because he had also gone through a similar situation
given his AB540 status. Damian stated,
But he kind of had the same situation I'm in, where he was undocumented
when he went to -- I think he want to [unintelligible], then he went to
LMU, and then got his Doctorate or whatever. So, his situation kind of
inspired me. He would always tell me, you know, don't give up. Even
though you don't have papers, I know it's going to be tough for you;
shouldn't give up.

Two other students, Adam and Marcela reported that their Avid teachers supported them.
Both students commented that their Avid teachers encouraged them and supported them
throughout their stay in high school. Specifically, Marcela shared that her Avid teacher
had high expectations for all students, as she encouraged Marcela to apply to UC schools.
Marcela then adds that her Avid teacher also had high expectations of all students,
despite not having the best of grades; she shares this insight below,
Like, he really like pushed students. He was like, "I know you're not
stupid so just do it.” You know. And, like one of my friends who like
was doing really, she had like a 2., barely enough to apply to Cal States.
She went, she did the EOP program at CSUN, and now she's like doing
really good in all her classes. Like, all of her professors say she's like
amazing, you know. But then in high school, like her teachers would

162

always complain to her mom, you know. So, he just really kind of knew
us. He really knew that all of us like had something.

When asked if anyone supported Catalina’s Latino/a heritage, she explained that many of
her teachers and friends supported her. Aside from Damian, the three students did not
articulate how these teachers supported their Latino/a heritage, as they only reported
being supported as students.
The other four students felt like no one at school supported their Latino/a heritage.
Angela for instance, shares that she did not have a connection with any of her teachers,
despite having good teachers during high school. Angela shares that when she was
recently asked about what teacher had inspired her, she could not think of anyone.
Angela offers her insights,
Besides myself and my friend, I don’t think so. Especially, because we
didn't have any Latino teachers there. So, it wasn't like I could tell - like
all our female teachers were Korean or Japanese. And, they were really
good teachers and they could teach, but you know there wasn't that
connection. And, like a little while ago in one of our general body
meetings because I'm in general body meetings because I’m in MEChA
they asked us who was the teacher that you know that had connection
with, that inspired you to do something, and I couldn't think of anyone.

Velasco and Graciela reported that they were supported as students but not their Latino/a
heritage. Velasco offers his insights, while also believing that it was not important for
schools to support student’s ethnic background,
Just as a student, I guess. I don’t see why that matters. No. Yeah, I had a
lot of support, just to get me into school. Yeah, because I was a student at
that high school.

163

Graciela felt otherwise and suggested that many students had identity issues during high
school,
Maybe, just as a student, maybe not as a Latino student or -- I -- there's a
lot of like identity issues at our school. Although we are predominantly
like Latino, like Latina, population there, but not as a Latina. I didn't even
understand like that identity myself. Just because I hadn't seen that
difference between the students, like I felt like I was like everybody else,
there wasn't a difference there. I can definitely say that like I didn't have
an identity -- I didn't acknowledge -- or I didn't perceive or have an
identity there. I was just a student

Oscar also suggested that his Latino/a identity was never a factor at Zenith because
everyone else was Latino/a. He reported that he did not feel “Mexican” until he began
schooling at PPU, he commented,
Well, everyone in the school was of Mexican heritage. So, I -- nobody
ever brought up the fact that we were Mexican. I mean maybe we brought
it up because of the condition that the school was in was because we were
Mexican, we would jokingly say. But nobody particularly said, you know,
"You have to do this because you're a Latino.” Nobody said that. We
didn't even know we were Latino/a, because everyone was Latino. So, it's
just kind of like the master status when you're at the school. So, nobody
really talks about it. I didn't feel like a Mexican until I went to PPU.

Likewise, when students were asked how the school supported students of
Latino/a heritage, the majority reported that they were but only as students. Specifically,
six of these students reported that students’ Latino/a heritage was not supported. Adam
and Catalina did suggest that they did support students, but did not provide a concrete
example highlighting how the adults supported student’s heritage. For instance, Adam
stated that the school has to, given that Latino/as are the majority on campus. Adam
commented,

164

I think they're -- they are supportive of it because they know it’s like, the
majority of their school. They have to -- they don’t have to, but they do
like, support these like, lower -- like, because they know that these are the
majority of the kids that go to your schools. They have to support them. I
guess that’s why, yeah. Sorry.

Catalina offers a similar insight suggesting that the school should be supporting students
of Latino/a heritage given the significant amount of students on campus,
-- A high percentage of the population at Traditional is Latino, so there is
no way that they can just ignore us. They would be ignoring 80% of the
students. So, I think that there's a lot of help from teachers, from other
students, from older students and people who are having clubs, and
organizing activities. So, I think Traditional does a good job on trying to
reach for students to do something good and to support them.

Upon talking to students about students who tend to do well at their respective
high schools, three out of the eight students reported that any student was able to succeed.
These students were overall optimistic about their success and attributed their outcomes
on the individual. Catalina shares her insights,
I think that, as long as you did your work every single day, and everyone
was good. There wasn't really a prototype of student, who, "Oh, he's
doing good.” It was -- anyone could do good, from just the smartest kid in
math, to the one who wasn't that bright. Yeah, I think the teachers always
gave opportunities to turn in homework late, to make up for exams. So,
there was always a chance to -- there was no excuse to not get an A or a B.

Velasco shares a similar ideology, as he suggests that it is up to the individual “to want to
learn.” However, when asked how other students would be able to attend a school like
PPU who may not have participated in the Avid program, he recommended an outside
source,

165

R: “Or students who did want to learn, but maybe AVID, hey, was too
full? How would they make it out? Like, how would they attend the
school like you -- or how would they have -- I mean, ever –?”
S: “Counselor, outside -- like, College Summit.”
R: “Some other kind of resource?”

Velasco however, continues and alters his response placing the responsibility
once again on the student to advocate for his or herself,
S: “Yeah. And it's -- after that, it’s just dedication. Going to your college
or career center and demand, demand, demand. And it can be done easily.
I mean, I think about it now. Like, honestly, I really don’t think I needed
maybe the AVID class.”

Five other students responded differently, as they recognized that other factors were
important to their success. Oscar found that only top students in AP/Honor courses did
well or top students in general, as other students “are not given any attention.” Oscar
shares,
R: Why is that? Why would you say that?
S: Because they knew to take those classes.
R: And what about, let's say students who were maybe in the regular,
general track, or even Special Ed, or ELD. I'm sure they had an ELD
program as well.
S: Nobody -- I don't think there was any particular attention given to those
classes. I mean there's teachers putting in work, but I mean it was just
hard because those students didn't have their mind set on an education. At
least not as far as I was concerned. I mean I was in some of those classes,
and I mean I was in a class like that and there's like a kid smoking weed
into his backpack you know … I think that the students who were tracked
into the Honors curriculum were kind of -- you know they wanted to
pursue their education. And even if they didn't, there was someone who
wanted them to because their test scores showed something, or their GPA
was showing something. So, anyone else who wasn't on the Honors track,
you know, was just kind of like lost I think. Because I would honestly say
that the students that dropped out the most came from the classes that were
not Honors or AP.

166

Angela offers a similar insight, as she shares how only students that were ranked in the
top 10 percent or so received most of the support and attention. Here, Angela talks about
how she recalls the college counselor as being one of the only people on her campus that
offered assistance to all students,
But, definitely, like -- the only one that I think didn't like, I guess
discriminate against anyone was the college counselor because sometimes
like the top 10% of the school would be pissed off because she wasn't
paying as much attention to them. And, she's like well you know I'm
trying to help this student with her community college application.

Nevertheless, Angela shares her frustrations, as she did not receive much help or support
despite being in the top 5 percent of her class. Below, Angela talks about other top
students in her class receiving the extra help, while she did not,
Yes. And, then she came and pulled him out of class so they could like
work on stuff - like work on - like you know these are the classes you
should be taking your first you know quarter at PPU or your first semester
at [unintelligible] college when you decide to go there. But, for me like I
didn't get that attention. And, I was in the top 5% of the school.

Damian provided a similar response as he stated that students had to be placed in a
“positive atmosphere,”
I think that students that did well were the students that were, kind of put
in that, sort of like you said, that atmosphere, that positive atmosphere.
Where, if you were kind of in there, then you were kind of involved in
more stuff, like say, even if it's a club, like a community service club, you
were more involved in stuff, so it would kind of make you more of a -- it'd
just create more of a positive vibe, or that positive vibe just kind of leads
you to one specific college.

Finally, Graciela and Marcela also stated similar responses, in stating that students who
were in the AP/Honor courses. Graciela provided her response below,

167

They were the ones that were filtered into the college oriented path.

All students found support in school with their schoolwork, with the exception of
Graciela. These students reported a variety of people providing them with assistance.
The four students, Adam, Damian, Marcela and Velasco who were enrolled in Avid
reported teachers in the program helping them out. These students in Avid reported that
they had tutoring that was strategically designed to help them on a weekly basis. In this
example, Velasco demonstrates how the Avid tutoring was set up,
So, yeah, I would go through -- to -- oh, in AVID, we had tutors. We had
tutors from PPU. We would go to these things every Tuesdays and
Thursdays, we would have tutoring. We would get in a group based on
our classes that we need help on for the day. And, White board, we have a
question, and we answered them asking more questions. You don’t give
them answers, you know, like a tutor. And that’s how we did it.

However, Marcela who was also enrolled in Avid did not confirm if tutoring was
embedded in her Avid class, as she reported receiving help from her Avid teacher.
Marcela like other Avid students also reported receiving help from others on campus.
Damian articulates that it was his Avid peers that would get together and study, as many
of his friends were enrolled in the same classes. Damian elaborates on his Avid peers,
If we had a test that same day, then [unintelligible] and all the people that
were in our class that were in Avid, you'd get together and kind of review
the stuff. And same thing if we had a math test of something like that,
then it was like that. As far as kind of, that's the only way I would really
get help.

Other Avid students also sought the help of their peers and other teachers at school.
The three non-Avid students also sought help from others. Angela stated that she
mostly sought help from her Salutatorian friend for help with her Math class, while she

168

provided her help with English work. Angela also added that she did occasionally
receive help from her Academic Decathlon teacher. Catalina and Oscar responded by
saying that they would ask the teachers for help. Although, Oscar exclusively only asked
the teacher for help, as he would like to hear the information directly from the teacher,
Oscar describes his rationale,
I went directly to the teacher. I didn't ask any of my peers even though I
thought they knew the answer, I'd rather hear it from the teacher directly
because I didn't want the teacher to think that I was copying. But I would
always go directly to the teacher and I would find out what time they
arrived at school. And they were like, "If you want to come in during like
-- you know at seven, because school started at seven-twenty five and
work on your homework, then I would do that. So, I'd also go directly to
my teachers.

Graciela was the only student unable to receive help with her schoolwork during
school. She responded that she had to teach her shelf during school, she elaborates,
For schoolwork. No one, actually. I would read my book and teach
myself how to -- the material. When it came to history, no. I just --
whatever. I always just Bs’ed that class. Those classes. But in terms of
like other classes, I would teach myself. Math, I would read and do
practice problems, and that was my way of teaching myself. Looking in
the back for the answers and seeing if that matched up, and if they didn't, I
knew I was doing something wrong and I had to go back and you know
like figure it out. Yeah, definitely, teaching myself. My sister didn't help
me.

When asked why she did not approach teachers, Graciela stated that the teachers were not
sensitive and did not make themselves available. Graciela provides her commentary,
They were insensitive. They were never -- they never presented the fact
that they were available. They were just in and out of school, and like “I
came here to do my job and now I'm leaving.”

169

Graciela continued to add that she did not seek help from students because her teachers
did not facilitate that kind of structure in class and was not aware of it,
We aren't taught to work collectively in the system. For my classes, we
never worked together. It was all like, you show up to class, yes take
notes, whatever, but there's -- like the curriculum itself like the teachers
would have, like didn't facilitate like a group kind of work in a class. So, I
never understood like yeah, maybe working in groups would help, you
know, or working with other students. Maybe they know something,
maybe I don't. I only learned that like towards the end when I was going
to the community college course -- like taking those classes, and I was
seeing people like -- they would even come up to me, and be like, hey, you
want to work on like this, you want to work together? And I was like, oh,
that's effective, yeah, like definitely

Finally, Graciela adds that her upbringing may have also contributed to her
individualized approach in approaching her academic work. In particular, Graciela
commented that she was taught to work independently and not ask for help, she reveals
this below,
And also that's -- it kind of goes back to how I was raised. You do things
for yourself, you don't ask people for help. Like, you work hard for what -
- you work hard on your own, like you work for yourself. Yeah, like
whenever -- yeah, the education too, like I was never taught to like work
together, but definitely I would say that comes from like how I was raised,
you don't ask people, like -- I don't know. I mean, you just pretty much do
things for yourself, like, -- and not just -- and it's all for me. It was just
kind of like, okay, I got to do things on my own. I got to teach myself.

In the same way, all students reported having different people to go to when they
needed personal advice. Five students reported asking different adults in their respective
high schools. Only, Oscar, Angela and Graciela sought personal advice from people who
were not teachers. Oscar stated that he asked his parents or older brother. Angela
reported that she obtained personal advice from her salutatorian friend because “she knew

170

everything.” While, Graciela sought personal advice from her older sister who was
enrolled in the university and had college knowledge.
The majority of the students reported that they believed others thought they were
less intelligent. These six students all shared examples detailing their accounts.
Although the degree to which these others felt they were less intelligent differed amongst
the students. Oscar for instance indicated that it did occur during high school but “more
in college.” Marcela also commented that her friends from the neighboring city of
Suburbia, which was more affluent than West. Velasco and Damian also commented that
others did believe them to be less intelligent and provided an example when others
perceived them to be less intelligent. Velasco shared that White customers were often
surprised to find out that Velasco spoke English with fluency, as he helped his uncle with
his gardening business. Velasco commented,
They’re going to assume I don’t speak English. They’re going to assume
I'm some immigrant and that maybe talking slower helps. I laugh. It’s
kind of funny sometimes. But, they’re like, “oh, dónde [where]” -- you
know, like, they try to speak Spanish. I'm like, “oh yeah, and my uncle’s
over here.” And like, “oh, do you need help with cutting the tree”? Like,
“oh, my God. You speak English very well.” “Yes, I do.”

Damian also shares that he too has been perceived as less intelligent, but was only able to
recall a single incident. Damian mentions that his ex-girlfriend’s father who was White
questioned and discouraged him to take AP Calculus, believing that Damian was over his
head taking such a course. Damian explains his encounter with the ex-girlfriend’s father,
He kind of said, "Don't you think that's a little bit too tough for you?" And
I was like, "No, it's actually going to be pretty easy.” You know, I just

171

need to put time into it, and that's it. You know, but that's the only person
I can think of that has ever kind of brought me down for being Mexican.

Angela and Graciela shared that others thought they were less intelligent.
Graciela was also able to describe an instance when an administrator questioned her
intelligence. Below, Graciela talks about the hardship of asking for letters of
recommendation from school staff, as one administrator is shocked to find out that she
was applying to colleges,
Like they were just kind of be like, “what, you're applying?” Like, you
know, like you know, “what are you doing?” … and they were just kind of
like, “what, like why are you asking me this? Like, you're not applying to
college, are you?” “Like, really?” Like, and like even then, just even the
fact that I asked him, like yeah, like they questioned it, but the quality of
their letter of rec. also reflected that. So, they didn't really care for it, like
they just wrote bullshit.

Angela shared multiple instances when others thought she was less intelligent. For
instance, she mentions that her Mexican friends believed she was dumb, as she lacked
information about their culture. In this instance, Angela talks about how she lacked
knowledge about her Mexican friends’ food, as she stated,
When it comes to like talking about like Mexican food or anything like
that. Then, yes, I felt like I shouldn't be dumb when it came to that. Like,
people - you don't know what Chilaquiles [Mexican dish] are? Like that.
Yes, I felt dumb.

Angela then adds that during class students would question why she was taking an
Honors class despite being a non-magnet student. Angela stated that her friends believed
that she was undeserving in taking Honor classes, as she shares,
When I switched to C-track, since I was taking classes with magnet
students, they were like, oh, you're Latino but you're not in magnet. So,

172

they're like why are you in this class? So, sometimes I felt like just
because I wasn't a magnet school Latino that made me different because I
was in Humanitas, oh you’re in regular school. That definitely - like I
thought they thought I was dumber because of that

Angela also stated that in this same class the teacher also made her feel less intelligent.
She mentions that her English teacher was perplexed to find out that Angela was reading
a book not assigned in class, given her affiliation as a non-magnet student. Angela shares
her encounter with her Honors English teacher,
Because, she was like my English teacher- she was surprised when I
bought - when I brought Invisible Man to class and I was reading it. She
was like, “oh, but aren't you in Humanitas. Where did you get that book?”
I'm like “it's called Barnes & Noble’s. I know where the store's at.”

Only Catalina and Adam reported not believing that others accused them of being
less intelligent. Adam commented that the majority of his high school was comprised of
Latino/as, which may have been one of the reasons why people did not perceive him to
be less intelligent. Adam shares his insights,
I never felt that. Not in high school. Because I -- because of the majority
being -- yeah. But here, most of my friends are Latino, so I don’t feel the
judgment.

Catalina also shared that she did not think others perceived her as less intelligent. She
suggested that intelligence was not attributable to race or ethnicity. She points out that
intelligence is individualized, she explains below,
No… No, I don't think that whatever your race or ethnicity is, it's a
measure of intelligence. And even as individuals, we all have different
types of intelligence. It's not like only smart people, or yeah, only smart
people go to school, or only smart people get to be engineers, like that. It
doesn't translate.

173

Finally, all students commented on how they were able to receive guidance
throughout the college application process. It was noted that seven students received
guidance from an adult at their high school. Four of these students received assistance
from their Avid program. Marcela shared that her Avid teacher forced her to apply to UC
schools. Marcela also suggests that she had made up her mind that she was going to
attend Mount St. Mary’s College and probably would have not attended PPU if her Avid
teacher had not encouraged her. Her Avid teacher demanded all students with a 3.0GPA
or higher to apply, Marcela commented on her encounter,
If you had a 3.0 or higher it was mandatory for you to apply to a 4-year
college. And then, I was like, "Well, I don't want to apply to UCs just
because I'm already --Well, I was supposed to go to Mount St. Mary's
College, and I had already gotten accepted. And, he was like, "If you
don't apply to PPU or to UCs I will fail you.” And, he told everybody. He
was like, "If you all don't apply to UCs and you have a 3.0 or higher, I will
fail you and you will not be in my class.” And, we knew he was serious.

Marcela also shared that it was her brother who also encouraged her and supported her
throughout the college process, as he had attended PPU also. However, Marcela
discussed that her older brother and sister never explicitly told her what to do, as they
guided her through questions and suggestions. Marcela discussed her relationship with
her older brother and sister,
And, I would tell him and he was like, "Oh, okay.” You know. He would
always like check up on me and he's like, "Oh, well, what are you going to
do volunteering?" You know? And, I'm like, "Oh, in this.” He'd go,
"Okay.” So, he would always like hint stuff at me like, "Maybe you
should enroll in community college, you know.” It's like, "Okay.” So,
then my sister would be the one to take me to enroll in community college.
So, I think both of them. But, like they never told me what to do.

174

Velasco shared that he had participated in a College Summit program during the
summer through Avid, which trained him to become a college peer counselor. Here,
Velasco learned about the college application process that would ultimately help other
students,
But you get this title of being called a peer leader. And what you can do
is, you help your own peers go through the college process. And I realized
how privileged the AVID kids were knowing the information, 'cause when
we had to help -- this was something out of AVID -- when we had to help
other kids into the college, it was, all right. Have you done your SATs?
Have you done your FAFSA? And they look at you like, what? You
know, have you done your Common Application? Your UCs?

Adam also mentions that he was able to receive valuable information through his Avid
program, he reported,
S: But it all started with -- in ninth grade when I joined AVID, like, I just
thought I’d make the commitment, just like, to Avid. Because I had heard
good things about it before. And then I joined because I wanted to be part
of every -- I didn’t really know too much about it before that, except that it
helped kids get into college. That’s all that they would advertise to us
about AVID. But --
R: That’s where you got a lot of the information about college things?
Okay.
S: Yeah… And then -- so then, with AVID, like, , I wanted to succeed, so
then I took all of those AP classes. And then I was -- I knew which
classes I had to take for the like the ADG requirements or whatever. And,
then... Yeah, so...

Adam was also able to report that he initially had chosen Stanford, as his choice school
coming into his 9
th
grade year. When asked how he had arrived at that conclusion, he
commented that it was the type of information that he received in his Honor classes while
in middle school, he stated,

175

R: How did you like, get that information? You know, 'cause I don't think
most ninth graders kind of would know, coming from like -- you know,
your area, like, you know what I mean? Like –
S: Yeah. I guess it’s because I watch a lot of TV. Or also because, in the
Gate program, we would talk about stuff like that in middle school. It was
either that or Harvard. Those are like the biggest schools I knew of back
then.

Damian also found the Avid program very supportive when applying to schools
and ultimately deciding to attend PPU. Being a non-resident and not qualifying for
financial aid Damian shared how he struggled deciding what school to attend. Damian,
adds that his Avid teacher was instrumental in him attending, as he thought about not
applying to universities and attending the local community college,
But just the fact that I worked so hard in high school, to kind of give up
and go to a junior college, basically anyone could get in. So, he was kind
of -- that's his kind of -- that was his pet peeve, that I worked so hard in
high school, to end up at a junior college, yeah. And he was telling me
that there would be more ways and the scholarships and stuff like that, that
I could get to pay for the school. And I took it, and other, like all --
everything he said, I kind of took it, but it still wasn't hitting me, at the
time.

Damian also commented that his coach was also supportive and “was there” all the time
to help him through the college process. Damian states that he was able to “inspire” him,
as he was also once an AB540 student, he stated,
He would always tell me, you know, don't give up. Even though you don't
have papers, I know it's going to be tough for you; shouldn't give up. I
mean, there's always other ways, other roads. So, he was always there,
kind of inspiring me and telling me not to give up. For example,
especially like junior year when I would do all the college apps, and then
senior, when I would get all the acceptance letters, or the rejection letters,
then -- I mean, he was always there. He was always -- and he was
Hispanic, so he kind of knew the situation and everything that was going
on. And the thing was like, I guess he also knew other students. HE had

176

been there for a while and he had known other students in the same
situation, and he had seen them kind of go through college in the same
way. So, he was kind of inspiring me, basically.

Non-Avid students reported receiving assistance from their teachers or
counselors. The researcher asked Catalina how she was able to apply and ultimately be
admitted to PPU, after Catalina shared that most of her peers in the ELD program were
only set on obtaining their diploma, she shared,
My parents, every time they talked about school they were like we didn’t
have the chance to so you have to make it and for them, they didn’t make
me work they didn’t make me think about money they were just like only
responsibility was to go to college and don’t get stuck on a job that is like
ours. So I think that having that background of people that wanted to go
beyond that I think that is good also I think that many people in Latin
American countries move to the U.S. because there situation isn’t that
good and for my parents it was like that also but at the same time it was a
decision that they made because they didn’t want their kids to get stuck
there have good opportunities here to go to college and do better than
them.

The researcher then asked if there was something in particular that her high school had
done to support her in being admitted to PPU. Catalina responded by stating that
Yea, here at school just teachers in general many teachers were told me
ahh your um smart you are going to college or you have to take advantage
that you like school so I think that my parents and family thus were
important but also coming to school and knowing that people trusted from
[Ms. Williams] who was my counselor who told me you are doing good
are you applying to school to a university so having that constant reminder
that this is not it, that you have to go beyond…

Oscar informed that it was his AP English teacher that assisted him with
completing his personal statement to complete his UC application. He mentions that he
was aware that the personal statement portion of the application was critical in the

177

process. Hence, Oscar was appreciative of the opportunity to complete his personal
statement in the 11
th
grade. Oscar commented,
When you apply to PPU or [Public Prestige University 2], everyone looks
the same on paper. Everyone has the same test scores; everyone has the
same GPA. The only thing that sets you apart is in reading your personal
statement because that's your interview. So, like I felt like, you know, if
my personal statement was written well, then I would get into the school
that I wanted to get into. And because that teacher made us write those
personal statements, and because I was able to get an A on it, I felt like I
would get into the college that I applied to, and I did.

Similarly, Angela also spoke about receiving help with her personal statement.
Angela mentioned that she was recommended to intern at the Children’s Hospital by her
college counselor, whom she admired. It was at this internship that she was asked to
work on her personal statement for her college applications. However, Angela mentions
that while her college counselor was helpful she was also always busy, she commented,
And the college counselor because I mean she was really busy, but like
she would post - she would like have like a huge poster, and she would put
all of the deadlines on there. And, it was right outside the college center
door. So, all I had to do was go to the college center and the deadlines
were right there. So, I mean she couldn't tell me like basic days, but she
had the sign up. And, she was like you know it's the first thing you see.
You can't miss it, and she always had the deadlines up there.

Ultimately, Angela commented that it was her friend that played the biggest role in her
navigating the college process. Angela said that her Salutatorian friend would help her,
as she had an older sister who was in college and had gone through the process. Angela
reports,
But, I mean - I mean the reason like my friend, the salutatorian knew
everything also was because her sister was already in college. So, her

178

sister had already gone through the process, so like everything that she
knew was because of her sister, and that's how I found out everything also.

Also, two of these students Oscar and Damian reported having been encouraged
to specifically enroll at PPU, as early as the 3
rd
grade. Here, Oscar shares how his 5
th

grade teacher was signing his album, while encouraging him to attend college,
"Oscar, you're going to do great things. I can't wait to hearing from you
when you attend a prominent university.” And I'm like when I was in fifth
grade, I didn't even know what the word prominent meant, you know.

Oscar also adds that his 3
rd
grade teacher also had encouraged him to apply during a
fieldtrip to PPU,
But I mean like that in its self kind of motivated me to like, you know,
"Well, I have to go like a university that she thinks is prominent," and I
kind of instilled that in my head. So, I mean that, coupled with a field trip
that I went to when I was in third grade with that Jewish teacher. He went
to PPU, and he took us on a field trip there you know. And he told us
about the whole application process and how there was a stack of papers
that was this big.

Damian stated that his 5
th
grade teacher was the first person to introduce him to PPU. He
reported that his teacher was well respected and encouraged him to attend college. He
shared,
"Oh, you should actually go to college," because he was known to be like
the best student from the elementary. He was known to get like the best
students from the elementary. And he kind of -- I remember one day,
where he kind of wrote the letters PPU, and he said, "I went to this
University," and he said, like, "Did anyone know what this stands for.”
And I thought about it, without having hearing anything. Like, I thought,
Universe of Public Prestige. And ever since that day, it's been like I want
to go to PPU.

179

Graciela was the only student who did not receive support from any adult on
campus. She shared that she wanted to attend a school in the east coast, as she wanted to
“go far away.” She mentioned that she was tired of the responsibilities that she had and
simply wanted to get away, she stated,
I just wanted to go to the east coast, just because like I was just so like, I
had enough of La Campana, like I had enough of like the responsibility.
Like, I was just so much like -- I just wanted to get away. Like I -- it was
just tough like four years, like, I just wanted to scapegoat it all, I felt like
moving away would be a solution to that. Yeah. I don't know if I wanted
to like -- if I just want to detach myself from like -- I don't know. It was
just weird.

Graciela then comments on how she was able to acquire information about the college
application process through her AP/Honor friends in class,
It was a different process, like, and the reason that I was able to apply to
these schools, or that I knew about these schools, was because of like the
AP kids. Like they were always talking about what you call the Common
Application, and you have to do that for the private schools, and I'd be
like, oh, I need to do this too. You know? Like, they're doing it, I have to
be doing it, too. I was trying to like -- you know, get off of what they
knew somehow. But like, I didn't know the process of it though. Like I
didn't know like when applying to like -- I knew that -- I was starting to
get familiarized with like the Common Application

She then talks about how she lacked information when applying to selective schools that
required interviews, she reported,
But in terms of like what's after that? Like, what we do like after that?
Like in terms of interviews and stuff, I didn't know about that. Like, I
didn't know how important they were or how to prepare for them. And I
know they are like pretty like important, and I did get interviews, and I
didn't know until like I got here that like when you get an interview --
when you're given an interview, it's like you're pretty much in, and it's just
like the interview that you need to like succeed in. I didn't know that.
Like, I didn't go to my interviews because I thought they were optional.

180

Didn't do that. I don't know if that's probably why I didn't get in to some
of them.

Graciela later adds that she did attend one interview with a Rice representative. Here, she
provides an example of how Graciela was ill prepared when going to the interview, as she
was asked to comment on a movie she had recently seen,
And he'd be like, “oh, so have you -- like, what do you think about it, like”
-- or he was asking very, very like specific questions about like the
literature -- or like the historical aspect of the movie or like Beowulf itself.
And I was just like, what? I don't know what to say, like -- I was just like,
“what do I talk about.” And I was just answering what he was asking me,
but like, he was asking me like, oh, like why – “why Rice?” Like, I didn't
expect that either. Like, I didn't expect these questions, you know? I
didn't know how to prepare for them, and I don't know. I was just kind of
like, uh. Yeah. I didn't know how to articulate myself. I didn't know --
you know, like professionalism, like I didn't have that. Like, I wasn't
prepared for it.

Lastly, Graciela also reported that her sister was important in helping her navigate the
college application process. She reported that her sister would take her to the local
community college where she was studying, which lead her to want to take college
courses. She reported,
Mm-hmm. I think just having like my sister kind of go through high
school herself first, and going to community college, so I was definitely
like -- I knew that my priorities were like a college education, like that's
where I had to go. And so, I remember like throughout high school, like
as a junior, my sister was attending [Community City College], and she
would take me with her.

Once on campus she was able to establish contacts and support from the college
counselors at the community college, even though they specialized in helping college
students, she shared,

181

S: At a community college, at [El Limon College]. And so I knew that
like -- I kept taking classes there like all through high school, so after that.
And so I knew that when it came to like college applications, that they
were like a resource there, and I can go there. And so I was able to do that
because of like I was able to identify the different resources that I had for
myself, and I knew that I had that support system at home, and then I had -
- I had it elsewhere, like I had it at [El Limon]. Like I knew -- like there
are certain like counselors there that were willing to work with me –
R: At [El Limon]?
S: At [El Limon], yeah, even though they were just you know trained to
work with transfer students. So, yeah.

182

Chapter 6
Results of College Experience
Introduction
This section of results was comprised by eight students, similarly like chapter 5.
Again, the same eight Latino/a students were interviewed in this results section. These
interviews took place at different time than the high school focused interviews. The
analysis of the results section was organized by research question. This section will
highlight student’s experiences at an elite public institution, given their previous low
performing high school (LPH) setting. The burden of being Latino/a results will be
presented next.
Cultural Ecological Theory
Research Question 3
How does the burden of being Latino/a affect students from API 1-2 high schools
at an elite public university?
Like research question number 1, this section will look at the burden of being
Latino/a. However, unlike the first research question, this section will look exclusively at
student’s experiences at their selective college. The burden of being Latino/a is said to
come occur despite student’s ability to acclimate or not, to the White culture. Ogbu
(1986) found that minorities and Latino/as (Rodriguez-Cazares, 2009) experience
affective dissonance or psychological disdain. At selective colleges students described
this disdain as feeling depressed, harassed, and marginalized. The psychological stress

183

that students suffer occurs due to the feeling of betrayal to their ethnic group, while also
feeling a fear of being unaccepted by the White culture.
Only four students reported feeling excited upon coming to PPU. Velasco, Oscar
Adam and Catalina all reported being excited when they began their collegiate career, but
Adam mentioned that PPU was not his first choice. Angela and Graciela also mentioned
that they had preferred to have attended other schools. Angela stated that her dream
school was Stanford and would have attended Pitzer but had already committed to PPU.
Graciela indicated that she wanted to attend an out of state school and move far away
because she knew that she would end up having to work at PPU. Damian expressed that
he was concerned about having to pay for school; he was unsure what would happen after
the first quarter or so. Damian talks about his financial hardships,
I kind of went there, not really sure if I was going to stay the whole four
years. So, at first, I was just kind of like I was there just to be there. I
didn't really -- the thing is, I figured, I got a scholarship -- I got a couple of
scholarships, just to cover like the first quarter and second quarter. And
after that, I figured I was going to make enough for the whole year,
including the scholarships, and paying off the rest. And then, after that, I
don't know, I was just there kind of just to be there, just too really
experience.

Marcela responded that she was okay with going to PPU. While both Oscar and Catalina
expressed being excited in attending PPU, they shared that they were shocked upon
arrival. Catalina specifically, mentioned that she was apprehensive given her lower test
scores and uninviting professors,
I think that it was a shock first of all just going to PPU knowing that I was
with the best kids than like around in the state and other states. Knowing
that taking tests that I haven’t done as well as I thought I have, that was a

184

shock cause here in high school I got strong A’s and A pluses. But going
to PPU and not doing that good was a shock. Another shock maybe, the
whole system here in high school you become familiar with your teachers
and you get to know them at another level but here in college you have
professors and you have a chance to go to office hours but most of times
they don’t remember your name and they don’t want to see you there.

Most students, six, reported that they did not have more than one high school friend
attend PPU. Adam stated that most of his friends attended either “El Camino or Santa
Monica College.” Only Damian and Angela reported having one friend from their
graduating class also attend PPU. Marcela shared that about 10 or 12 students from her
high school also attended. Velasco reported that four of his friends came to PPU.
On asking students to describe PPU, half of them stated that it was academically
challenging, while one other student reported it as prestigious and welcoming. Adam
states that PPU was challenging as he elaborates on the differences between high school
and college,
It's a challenge. It's not high school anymore. Well, it's only for like high-
achieving students. Like you have to want to do well to do well here. So,
you can't just get by like we did in high school.

Three other students were able to report on some of the shortcomings of their prestigious
school. “A bubble” is how Angela described her school, as she compares the inequities
and disparities between her hometown and PPU. Additionally, Angela reports discomfort
as she is unable to see other Latino/as on campus, “unless you take certain classes that
other Latino/as take.” Angela further elaborates that she has difficulty relating to other
students who have not experienced living in a community like hers, she reported,

185

Like it's, it's harder for me to like make a connection with you know
someone whose White, not because of their race but because of their
background. Like they had different experiences than I did so, unless
they're poor and White and they came from South Central, like I can't
connect with them.

Angela continued to explain that she was able to create groups in her Pre-Calculus class
that was heavily populated by other Latino/a students. However, Angela did not have the
same success when taking classes in her English major, which was heavily populated
with White students. Angela reports attempting to connect with some of her White
classmates, but reports difficulty in obtaining their acceptance, that also has a negative
impact in her academic performance. Here, Angela discusses feeling tokenized by her
peers and being treated indifferently by her classmates,
They would bring up, “oh, you know did you see -- did, did, you know did
you go, like see this movie of something” and I'm like “well I can't afford
to go to movies around here.” Or they would say “oh, did you go to this
person's party” and I'm like, “well I wasn't invited, you know.” They don't
know me. And, it's not because I'm anti-social 'cause I've tried like
making those connections but it's, you know, people do see me as like the
token brown girl in English class. Like, it really does come down to that.
They do recognize that I'm Latina. They do recognize that my accent
comes out sometimes when I'm speaking in English. And I mean, I've
heard people talk about me in my classes. So, that's really discouraging
and I'm like, who can I really talk to. Who can I really trust that they're
not going to, you know talk about me. They're not going to be saying
these things about me behind my back.

Marcela also found some discrepancies between majors as she describes the
campus as “divided” and states that “we all go to a different school.” Particularly,
Marcela states that she experiences a different culture when she enters the south side of

186

the campus that houses the math and sciences majors versus the north that houses the
humanities and social sciences. She offered her insights,
So, if I got to the outside, it is just like a different environment. Even the
conversations among the students, they are talking about homework and
classes and stuff. And over here it is more different. So, I would say, it
varies on your major. Like students are really different based on their
major … It is really different. And there are different social classes, too.
There are students here who are like homeless. And then there are
students who live in that mansion, the sorority, and they have a maid. So,
it is like really different.

Graciela also commented on the differences between the south and north side of campus.
Graciela described the north side as being welcoming, having trees, a beautiful garden
“it’s like really nice, you want to be there.” The south side of campus was described as
“dry, you see everyone smoking, stressed out, “like it’s just such an unhealthy
environment.” Graciela was also able to offer particular commentary on both sides of
campus as she was the only student to have taken classes in both areas, Chicano/a Studies
and having taken her medical school prerequisites. Graciela stated that she uses her
experiences in both areas and tries to bring other students in to the spaces and resources
that she uses to help other students become more successful. Graciela offers her insights
when working with students majoring in the math and sciences who become discouraged,
"I did this, and like I came in. I've taken these classes and this is how we
do it. Like, this is what you need to be doing to like succeed.” Yeah, so
bringing in that like experience and like to have utilized all these resources
to do well in these classes like.

187

When speaking to students about having to change to fit in once at PPU, three
students reported that they did not have to change to fit in. Adam stated that students
were more friendly and similar to high school, he stated,
Yeah, I think you have to -- like I mean just playing around, you could
talk to any -- like here, kids are not like all stuck up or anything. So, it's
kind of like high school in that you can interact with just about anybody.
You could just talk to everyone or whatever.

Velasco similarly found that he did not have to change to fit in, he answered,
No, I didn't really have to change myself. I found new styles to wear, but
not because I was forced to, or felt like I had to. Just like, "Oh, wow, I
like that style.” And look at the clothes here and trip out. Because you're
seeing kids from all over the cities, and you're like, "Oh, I like their style.”
No, I didn't really have to adopt -- adapt to anything, or adopt any new
way of speaking.

Catalina, Marcela, Oscar Graciela and Angela did find that they had to change
certain things about themselves in order to fit in at PPU. Catalina and Oscar spoke about
using a more sophisticated vocabulary. Catalina found that she “needed to be more
educated” when she expressed herself, as other students used “big words.” Coming from
ELD classes, Catalina reported that she had to catch up, she said,
I think that for me it was about trying to become more educated when I
expressed myself because I would be talking to a couple of people and
they would use big words and I came from an ESL program and I’m not at
your level. So for me it just was about catching up and being able to build
on my vocabulary and not a way to fit in but maybe for them not to see as
the one kid that could talk.

Oscar also found himself using different language, as he noticed that his vocabulary grew
after reading more books. He also points out that this new way of speaking “is not

188

speaking White” but “speaking right.” Oscar also adds that he changes the way he speaks
in different environments, here he distinguishes between home and school,
If I'm going to be speaking to my mom, I'll be speaking like, you know, in
Spanish, you know. If I'm going to be hanging out with my friends I'm
going to be talking in, you know, ghetto speak and like, "How are ya
going to tell me homeboy, why you gotta do that?" you know, like, "Awe,
you trippin' boy.” Like, it's just different as opposed to like if I'm in an
academic study group or I'm in this interview, I'm going to try to hold a
different kind of composure, change my voice, and make it suit whatever I
think it is. So, I think I just talk different depending on the context that
I'm in, you know.

Marcela mentioned that she also found that her language also changed, specifically using
more gender neutral language, she stated,
Like I don’t say “guys,” I say [unintelligible] or you all. Like stuff like
that. Like language like that. But I think it is just like, when you are – a
lot of my friends, too, they adopt to their own college experience. They
will talk their own way. It is kind of like when you go live in the bay and
you are going to come back saying, “Hella,” or stuff like that. You
language is bound to change.

Graciela also found that her language changed by using gender neutral language
with her friends. She also adds that her way of thinking also changed, as she stated “like
I feel like I have to be like this feminist, this “mujerista” whatever, like kind of like bad
ass like against patriarchy kind of person.” Graciela also reports that her MEChA friends
expect her to be a “mujerista” and challenge patriarchy, given her experiences growing
up in a single parent home and a domestic abuse household. Graciela comments on the
difficulty she experiences being in relationships with other men and with others,
Like, it has been very problematic in terms of like my relationships with
like men and like just like relationships in general.

189

Graciela further elaborates on how she is conflicted between the expectations being
placed upon her by her MEChA friends, as being a “Chicana” and being “angry,”
Because, like I've never really like talked about how like I was expected to
be this way because of my experiences. But, yeah, it's funny because it's
funny how like I'm labeled as like in angry, like Chicana because of my
experiences. But, it's like I'm not angry nor am I a Chicana. Like, why
are you calling me this? Like, but then like they keep telling me this.
Like, they keep making me think that I am.

Angela also initially stated that she had not change in order to fit in at PPU when
asked. However during the interview Angela provided several accounts of how she had
to adopt different ways of speaking and interacting. For instance, Angela mentioned that
she felt that her Spanish accent would be known when speaking in class and was
therefore highly conscious before speaking in her mostly White English classes. Also,
Angela mentioned that upon one of the first initial summer orientations she felt judged
and belittled because she was Latina. Since, Angela explains that she avoids those types
of events where she believes that she may be “confronted.”
Students were then asked to comment if they felt that they were juggling two
worlds, between home and school. Six students reported feeling like they were juggling
two different worlds, at home and at school. Oscar said that he majored in Chicano/a
Studies because he felt that he was not accepted by the dominant White culture in the
U.S. or in Mexico, as he commented in Spanish “Ni de aquí, ni de allá.” Oscar stated
that this is why he majored in Chicano/a Studies, to seek clarification in this grey area, he
commented,

190

Especially being a Chicano, because you feel like you don't really belong.
You're like, I'm not really Mexican because I'm a Pocho when I got to
Mexico. And, I'm not really American because I'm just a Mexican here,
you know.

Damian and Angela felt that they spoke two different languages, English at school and
Spanish at home. Both students also reported feeling like they were losing their Spanish
fluency. Damian reports that he speaks to his younger siblings in Spanish because he has
seen his younger sister speaking a broken Spanish, as he states,
Ya habla el Español bien mocho [She speaks Spanish very brokenly].

Angela also clarifies that her Spanish language “is her culture.” She then states that
Spanish is not encouraged on campus, as she provides an example of how her peers react
when she initiates conversation in Spanish,
So, when I speak Spanish it will be like, “you're not home. You don't
speak Spanish” and I'm like, “nooooo, I want to speak Spanish,” you
know. And then they're like, “no, no, no. It's pointless.”

Angela also reports that she is troubled by her new found accent that she has gained since
attending PPU, she states,
PPU has definitely made me gain an accent when I speak Spanish now.
Like, I'm losing my Salvadorian accent and it's just becoming like -- I
sound like a White person trying to speak Spanish. I'm like, that is not
right at all. That's why I'm like -- that's why like -- I was talking to my
peer counselor and I'm like I want to switch to Spanish minor, because I
need that. I need my language. It's definitely like my culture. That's my -
- you know, that's who I am. That's one of my identities.

According to Angela, people also notice and ridicule her for speaking Spanish with an
accent, she reported,

191

And at home, like -- when I go home, that's the biggest mockery I have,
like, what the hell's going on with your Spanish. Like, that's not Spanish,
and then -- There's some like different -- like difference because exposures
to like other people that are Latino too. Like, I've seen that difference as
well where they're losing their language. And I think it has a lot to do
with the fact that, you know, there, there isn't really a space where you can
talk Spanish.

Finally, recognizing that Angela is losing her culture through language, she attempts to
convince her friends to speak Spanish on “Brown Thursdays” but is unsuccessful,
And that's also something I was telling some of my friends, like, you
know, we should have like -- like we have brown Thursday's at sc -- here
at PPU where we're supposed to like show our pride. But it's failed
repeatedly for the past two years. But I'm like, you know, on Brown
Thursday's we should speak Spanish. I'm like that way -- you know, that's
the designated day to speak Spanish. But, that's also failed.

Marcela and Graciela reported a different kind of “juggling of two worlds” as
they comment on the difficulty of sharing their new knowledge gained at school with
members of their neighborhood. Graciela commented that when she challenges ideas or
certain notions she is labeled as being “angry” and is ridiculed by her family members.
Below, Graciela provides an example on how she struggles with expressing her new
knowledge gained at PPU and challenging notions back home,
Like, I would challenge her and like challenge what people were saying.
And, they were just kind of like, "You need to relax. Like, why are you so
like, dang, like why are you so angry now like all of a sudden?" And, it's
like, "Dude, like well you need to do something about it. Like, I can't
believe you're so like you're conforming to this, like conforming to the
system blah, blah, blah.” And, like, I was just kind of like ridiculed back
at home for being who I like, who I kind of wanted to be. So, yeah.

Graciela also found language to be different at home and at school. She described the
language at school as being very “sophisticated,” “flowery” versus at home where the

192

language is like high school and describes it as “like a bunch of chisme [gossip].” She
also points out that she is aware of not being able to use certain words in different
situations and refers to it as “code switching” she reported,
Like, I can still do the same, but I think it's called code switching or in
terms of like language and stuff. Because, like I know I wouldn't be using
certain words back at home with my friends like.

Marcela also reported having difficulty talking about her experiences and knowledge that
she has gained in college. She explains that she does talk about college with her friends
who attend a community college because she does not want to appear as being “snotty.”
Marcela later adds that she also has difficulty talking about her experiences with her best
friend who attends the University of California, Riverside (UCR), she replied,
So she has a different experience than I do, but I feel like, I will be like,
“Blah, blah, blah, this is not,” just because she is in college doesn’t mean
that we have the same experience. So, I’m just like, I’m not going to talk
to her about college. But then it is awkward because then it is like what
do we talk about now. We are in different worlds now.

Marcela also provides another example of being able to share her college life with others
back home. She talks about the difficulty of sharing her new found knowledge but being
unable to communicate it with her boyfriend at the time,
It was really difficult because my first year I had a boyfriend who wasn’t
in school, and it was kind of like I was learning all of these things and I
wanted to share them with somebody but I felt like I couldn’t share it with
him, not because he wouldn’t understand, because I didn’t know how to
go about it without making it seem like this is what I’m learning. I wanted
to share with him, but not impose it on him, what I had learned. But I
never learned how to do that.

193

While Damian did not explicitly state that he was “juggling two worlds” in a later part of
the interview also shared that he downplayed the notion that he attended PPU when
speaking with others about the school he attended. Damian replied,
Sometimes I'll just say PPU, sort of like whatever. It's not like -- I don't
take -- like me, myself, I don't take pride in bragging about it, that I'm
going to PPU. But -- and yeah, I have gotten the whole, "Oh, you must be
really smart if you're going to PPU.” Especially to like, people that I'm
barely meeting, and I tell them, "Oh, I go to PPU.” And they say, "Oh,
you must be really smart then.” Stuff like that, I do get it.

Three students reported being the same person in both environments, at home and
at school. Velasco replied that he did not experience a two lives of sort but was rather
appreciative of having the opportunity of being a student, as he noticed many of the
janitors or workers being Latino/a, he commented,
It's just like, I just walk by and just look at them, and I can't really describe
it, but just this feel of like, I really should appreciate where I am right
now, and yeah, just know easily, it could have been me in those shoes
right there, and it's just like appreciate that I'm schooling, and not labor,
like my parents.

Adam also agreed that he was the same person in both at home and school. Catalina
replied by stating that she did not felt “comfortable in her own skin.” In fact, Catalina
stated that she was aware that she spoke English with an accent but was comfortable
accepting that fact. Catalina also added that she does not hide the fact that she is Latina,
she commented,
You see me out there and you can tell I am Latina, but I am not hiding part
of what I am as an individual. Having to put a mask to please others is
something that just does not fie me, it is something I would not be happy
doing.

194

Students were then asked if members of their families were vicariously living
through them, five of them reported feeling such. These six students all stated that they
felt like they had to achieve more than their parents previously had. This also included
Damian and Oscar who were unsure if someone in their family was living through them,
but did agree that their parents wanted them to achieve greater successes than they had
achieved. For instance, Oscar explains the difficulties that his father had to endure while
growing up in Mexico,
I mean, my dad grew up in El Rancho [a ranch], so, I mean, I would say
he really didn't have an education. He told me he would go to school, but
the school was like five miles away and he had to walk barefoot wearing
like a potato sack as his clothes, and that just really put things into
perspective for me. So, I don't know if he's living vicariously through me,
but I know that he wanted us to have the opportunity to have what he
didn't, you know.

Graciela also mentioned that her mother did not have the opportunity back in her native
Mexico to pursue and education. Graciela states that she feels like her mother is living
through her sister and her. She adds that it would be “a slap in the face” if she does not
succeed, she articulated,
I feel very pressured sometimes. Like, I feel like if I don't succeed in
terms of like my career or whatever or my education, like I would be kind
of failing her. It's just I really take into consideration like her hard work.
Like, all throughout her life like from like raising us, like having to work
like night shifts, like 12-14 hour a night like hour like shifts.

Catalina mentioned the expectations set by her family, being the first in her family to
attend college,

195

I’m the first one to go to college and to graduate, actually. So, they see
me as the one that is going to go to professional school, as the one who is
going to be something great in the near future.

Catalina also talks about the pressure of these expectations,
It does put a lot of pressure because to a certain extent they don’t
understand the whole process that you have to go through to get further in
life.

Students also expressed the difficulty of having these set expectations by their parents.
Here, Marcela expresses some of the difficulty with regards to her father’s request of
pursuing a more lucrative career,
I talk to him about it because he is like “no pues mejor te averías metido
en Real Estate” [you should have chosen Real Estate], you can make
money, or go where you are going to make money,” And I’m like, dad, I
don’t care about the money. Obviously I need to pay for my stuff, but that
is not what matters.

Velasco was the only student having reported feeling like no expectations were set forth
by his parents or other family relatives.
All students in the study also reported having their friends or family viewing them
differently after attending college. Velasco and Oscar both described being careful when
speaking to friends, as they did not want to appear as they were “showing off” or
“flaunting” that they were PPU students, Velasco stated,
But always, there's some sort of like I feel like -- I never try to flaunt
anything to them. But I'm always worried that maybe I'm coming off that
way; that, always showing off he’s got an education he's going to a school.
And it's like, I -- it's just always in the back of my head, I try, you know,
hard not to do anything.

196

Oscar also described his run-ins with his friends, as they would tease him implying that
he was better than them, as his friends would call him “muy chingon,” [badass] he
commented
So, they would always ask, "So, what are you doing?" I would just say,
"Oh, I go to school.” You know. And, then they would be like, "What
school do you go to?" I'm like, "Oh, PPU.” you know. And, they'd be
like, "Oh shit.” It's like, you know, George Lopez, "Uyyy ha, muy
chingon.” I didn't even like saying it, you know. Like, I kind of like felt
like embarrassed saying it for some reason, because I felt like it would
make them feel bad, you know.

While Marcela did not explicitly mention that she also felt being uncomfortable
with reporting that she attended PPU, she mentions that her friends would assume that
she was “super smart.” Below, Marcela describes that her friends automatically assumed
that she was “super smart” by simply being a student at PPU,
I think it is definitely found, a stigma, I don’t know if it is a stigma but if
you are at PPU you are super, super smart. And I’m like, I don’t know
any Algebra 2; I don’t know any math at all. But then when I was taking
stats and I was telling them, oh my god, this is such a hard class. They
were like, “No, like, you are at PPU. It’s not a hard class. Just do it.”
And I’m like, “if it was only that easy.”

Marcela also reported that her friends view her as “feisty” when she interjects or provides
feedback. In this example, Marcela provides an example of how her friends react after
she expresses her viewpoints. Marcela found herself having to interject when her friends
did not want to provide outreach to students; stereotyping students who looked like
gangsters, she commented,
They are like, “I wasn’t going to say anything because I knew you would
say it.” They are kind of scared of me. They are like, “Your are a little
bear, feisty.” And I’m like, “yeah.”

197

Angela expressed that her step dad would put her in a “pedestal” and felt that she
had “emasculated” him as the head of the house in the family. Angela commented,
You know, she's at PPU. Respect what she says. It's like, you know, now
they see me like -- they, they've put me on a pedestal.

She then goes on to share that being on this pedestal makes it difficult for her to succeed,
given the expectations. Angela commented on how she was unable to tell her mom that
she was previously dismissed from school,
And like, my mom has no idea I was dismissed. Like, I cannot -- I can't
tell her that, until I graduate and give her like -- I already, I already told
my friends that if I do minor in Chicana and Chicano Studies, you know,
during the graduation, during the Chicana graduation, Chicana and
Chicano graduations, they allow you to speak for like two minutes. I'm
like, I think that's the perfect point to tell mom I was dismissed but I
graduated. You know, but, ya, she has no idea. Just because they put me
on that pedestal like you can't mess up, you know.

Angela further elaborates that her family see’s her as an asset being the only “mujer”
(woman) in her family to have attended college. Subsequently however, she also states
that this heightens and places the burden on her to succeed.
Other students also talked about differences in how their family or friends viewed
them different after attending college. For instance, Catalina spoke about how her high
school friend felt like uncomfortable and unable to talk to her, as she felt “all fracasada”
(distraught) did not attend college, had a baby and was working at a “minimum wage
job.” Graciela mentioned the difficulty in speaking with her dad, as he viewed her
differently after bringing in her new found knowledge at home. Damian, like others,
mentioned how his family looked up to him, with his younger sister in the third grade

198

now planning on attending PPU. Finally, Adam mentioned that it was the financial aid
process that took a toll on him and his family, as they lacked information and were
unaware about the process. Ultimately, Adam shared that this took a toll on his mom and
states that they would argue as to what he had to do in school and stuff.
No evidence was found for students being teased in college for getting good
grades. All students reported that they did not experience any teasing of any sort for
getting good grades. Most students reported saying that it was encouraged to get good
grades. Angela for instance shared that her and her friends had an agreement to obtain a
“collective GPA of 3.5.” Velasco and Graciela mentioned that it was no longer like high
school, where the teasing can be found.
Students were then asked to talk about accusations of acting White on campus.
Two students mentioned that the Greek system, sororities and fraternities were
considered to be acting White. Specifically, Graciela stated that the structure of the
Greek system is what makes it White, she comments,
The thought, like the structure of it, like is what makes it White. Like, it's
a very White like thing to be in. It's like you're participating in the Greek
system. Like, I think being part of that is very discouraged.

In addition, Graciela mentions that accusations of being White are dependent on the
group of friends a student has. Graciela for instance states that her MEChA friends
discourage her to be White. Instead, it is encouraged for students to “embrace your
culture” and “use your language from back home” and “not speak formally.” In addition,

199

Graciela states that it is required for her and her friends to be consciously aware of how
Whiteness has attempted to colonize them. She provides an example,
And even in the education system, how is that happening in terms of like,
you know, wiping out the like Spanish like the whole bilingual learning.
Like, eliminating that. That's a sense of like trying to colonize our
students like through their Whiteness.

Marcela similarly questioned if participation in the Greek system would lead to
accusations of acting White. However, she stated that she was unsure, as she talks about
a classmate who had both White and Latino/a friends. Marcela shares her thoughts,
You will see like a brown face in the White sororities and it is just kind of
like … but then it is weird seeing like a brown girl in a White Kappa
Delta. And even I have looked, oh wow, she is in one of my classes, I
didn’t know she was in a sorority. And it’s not like I am saying, oh you
are acting White, but it is like, oh, that is interesting. You are in my
classes and you are in a White sorority.

Angela also spoke about the acting White accusations in length during the
interview. She stated that she accused others of acting White, given their behaviors
during their summer orientation. For example, Angela stated that these students held
stereotypes about her and other Latino/as who grew up in the inner city. Angela shares
some of the misconceptions below,
"Well, you know, I went to school in [Rich High] and, you know, I'm a
Latina and I'm not pregnant.” That -- like literally they were like -- that
really pissed me off in orientation when they told me like, “oh,
congratulations you're from the inner city. You went to Fremont and
you're not pregnant.” I was like -- 'cause -- like, when I -- with my first
school day at PPU was, if you're Latina and you don't have a child you
should be proud of yourself.

200

Since then, Angela adds that she has not seen others acting White, particularly because
she avoids these types of confrontations. She commented below,
It has to do with the fact that I avoid those kind of confrontations by not
going to specific events that I know that, you know, perhaps people who
are involved in the Campus Wide Programs Office won't go to, then I
won't go to that, 'cause I'm like I don't, you know, I don't need that kind of
exposure like it's not worth it.

Damian offered a different response to the acting White accusations on campus.
He shared that he considered Latino/as who created or participated in clubs that had a
primary focus centered on the Latino/a culture as acting White. Damian responded,
And I think -- the only thing like I see as Whitewash, is just how some
frats and sororities and clubs and organizations, they kind of stick to the
whole Hispanic roots and songs and culture and dances and stuff like that.
R: They stick to that, you mean?
S: They create clubs on just -- based on that, like a culture, a dancing club,
like a folklorico club [Mexican ballet], stuff like that.

The remanding four students reported that did not see any acting White accusations in
college. Adam reported that everyone in college was there to excel academically and
students that were getting by had already been eliminated, he stated,
No. I don't think it's an issue here because like I was saying, like
everybody's here to do good. Like I think you'd have eliminated the kids
that are here just getting by. Well, at least the kids I hang out with are all
trying to do good. I think if -- yeah, like --.

Velasco reported the acting White accusations as a high school thing and found it missing
on the college campus. Similarly, Catalina reported that it was only a media thing, where
she saw acting White as how “cheerleaders acted and talked in certain ways.”

201

Finally, half of the students reported that they did not have to give up something
about their ethnic/racial identity in order to do well in college. Velasco for instance
commented that PPU did not “want him to sacrifice anything” rather “they want
diversity.” Adam also reported that race did not matter and did not have to give up
anything, he stated,
No. I think here like everybody's expected to do well because they did so
well in high school or before. So, it doesn't matter what your racial
background is. It's just as long as you can get a good grade here or do
well, it doesn't really matter.

Catalina also concurred and felt that she did not have to give up any part of her ethnicity
to do well in college. Marcela also believed that she did not have to give up anything
about her ethnicity, even though she had been encouraged to participate in other groups
that were not “colored.” Suggesting that if she would have joined one of these groups
she would be giving up something about her ethnicity, she commented below,
No. I haven’t. I felt like, not that I have been questioned why I haven’t,
but some of my friends are like, well why don’t you try to join something
else, just not with student of color. And I’m like, why would I? But I
have never had to give it up.

The other four students, Angela, Damian, Graciela and Oscar felt like they did
have to give up something about their ethnicity in order to do well in college. Oscar and
Graciela stated that they spoke differently in different contexts. For instance, Oscar
stated that he spoke differently at home versus in school. Graciela also commented that
she spoke more “professionally” and “formal” during school and was questioned as to
why she spoke in that manner at home by her sister. Graciela adds that this difference in

202

language stems from having to change in college, given that she has to engage in
conversations with college professors and alike, she stated,
And so, like I think in terms of that like I had to kind of let go of like some
of my informality for the sake of like, you know, being able to establish
these like kind of conversations with, you know, professors or like higher
like up people that will, you know, benefit me in a sense somehow.

Graciela also adds that she is cognizant about not giving up her roots and has her friends
to thank, as she feels supported by them. She reported,
I think a lot of it has to do with a niche. I'm telling you like the group of
friends that you have and then that kind like, you know. When you have
that support like just from even like peers, like that's good enough. Like,
you don't have to change that much.

Damian also referred to language as something he had to give up but specifically stating
that it was the Spanish language he had to give up. He shared that he was forgetting his
Spanish language since English was the dominant language on campus. Damian
elaborates,
I mean, sometimes, yeah, I'll get stuck, because I'll go weeks and weeks
without really speaking Spanish, except at home. So, I'll get stuck every
now and then, and I'll forget how to say a word specifically.

Angela provided a different response, feeling like she had to give up part of her
Salvadorian/Guatemalan heritage on campus despite participating in a heavily Latino/a
MEChA organization on campus. Angela stated that while MEChA encouraged and
welcomed students of Central American backgrounds she felt like she has had to let go of
her background. Angela commented,

203

I feel like I've had to let go of my Central American background even --
because I can't preach it as much, you know. I'm Central American and
I'm a Mechista y que [I’m a Mechista, and what].

Social Capital
Research Question 4
How do institutional or empowerment agents affect Latino/as from low
performing high schools at an elite public university?
Usually it is said that White upper class individuals posses the knowledge and
networks that allow them to move freely between structures and systems that ultimately
afford them positive outcomes. However, social capital theorists like Stanton-Salazar
(1997) posits that institutional agents can provide life altering effects for individuals
lacking these networks and knowledge. These institutional agents are individuals that
work at institutions that have the cultural capital or knowledge that can help others
successfully navigate the system. Similarly, these agents can help individuals increase
and diversify their social networks of people that are connected to various institutions.
Ultimately, these agents are said to act as gatekeepers being able to provide or not
provide individuals with life altering outcomes given their stature in the various
hierarchical structures that exist. Furthermore, Stanton-Salazar (2010) adds that it is not
enough for agents to connect individuals with networks and cultural capital. He suggests
that institutional agents become empowerment agents that encourage individuals to affect
the hierarchical structures that reproduce the inequities for lower class individuals.

204

When asked to describe teacher’s on campus most students reported them as
being good instructors and supportive. For instance Adam shared his thoughts on the
teacher’s he has had,
Oh, the teachers here are very nice. Like I approach like all of them.
They're very approachable and stuff. And then they're always willing to
like help you with anything because that's what office hours are for. I
learned to take advantage of office hours.

In the same way, Angela mentions that professors are very supportive of her busy
schedule as she is involved in various campus activities, she states,
Most professors I've had are very understanding. Like if I -- I like ask for
extra office hours because I'm having academic difficulty, or if I don't
understand something, you know, they're usually very reasonable. Like, I
actually have like a reputation of getting a lot of extension on my papers
because I'm very involved, like in community service and community
actions.

Marcela also stated that she has been fortunate to have had good teachers in her
Chicano/a Studies major and could not find “any teacher I haven’t liked.”
Students also elaborated on some of the reasons why they enjoyed certain
professors. For instance, Velasco, Adam and Angela all stated that they enjoyed having
discussions in class, when describing classes they enjoyed. Angela stated that she
appreciated that her English teacher wanted to obtain student feedback during class.
Particularly, in a large class of 300 students, she commented,
I don't like Victorian literature but I really enjoyed that class, just because
the professor was very engaging, like he wanted to hear us. What we had
to say. He would make us read a passage or a poem and then tell us, so
what do you think about that.

205

Velasco concurred and stated that he found a lot of discussion in his English and
Communications class. He enjoyed his communications class so much that it propelled
him to major in communications. Students also found teachers had high expectations of
them, when describing teachers they found to enjoy. Oscar stated that his teacher’s
expectations were “through the roof”; while Velasco stated that his teacher “expected
great things.”
Nonetheless, all students were also able to report cases of bad teaching at PPU.
For instance, Catalina and Graciela spoke about this subject in depth, as they felt that
they were not supported in classes. Catalina stated that teachers were more interested in
their research than teaching. Additionally, Catalina who majored in Biology, mentioned
that when she attempted to obtain help from her professors they would tell her to “figure
that out yourself.” Catalina shares her thoughts,
When you go and don’t understand something and you want someone to
tell you what to do, umm they tell you ohh “you have to figure that
yourself.” I think that’s not what you are expecting.

Later during the interview she stated that she would obtain help from her professors as a
last resort after she had exhausted help from the Teacher’s Assistant (TA) and tutoring,
she stated,
It was easier to ask the tutor rather than the professor. I would ask
someone to get an idea and in case if my professor would ask something
else I would get a certain background on it. But I think that was mainly it,
in the case my tutor or TA didn’t know, I would go to my professor and
just risk it (laughs) whether I got an answer or I got more questions, but
yeah.

She also described her teachers’ expectations as almost being unrealistic.

206

In college they just expect you to understand the material and do great in
the midterm and final but they do expect you be responsible and come to
class and ask questions and keep up with the reading.. that’s what they
say (laughs).

Graciela also found that she had a hard time approaching her professors. She
shared that she had only approached 1 or 2 Chicano/a Studies professors “because they
were easy to talk to.” Graciela adds that she would use office hours with these
Chicano/a/o professors to talk about her future and career and not so much about the
subject matter, she commented,
I don't think I would really utilize them for the topic or for the class, more
about for like my personal growth in terms of like my future like grad
school and like talking to them about that … And so, that's why like I'd
rather use my office hours another way. I utilize the professors in another
way.

Graciela added that she was able to establish a personal relationship and receive extra
help in one of her White professors in her science classes. She commented,
It was actually like a research class. And so, we did research in genetics.
And so I was doing it for and what not. But, that was like a smaller
setting. It was like just like 10-15 of us, which was easier for me to like
have established that relationship already with him. So, yeah.

Later during the interview Graciela compared this previous relationship to her AP
Calculus class professor that did not support her. However, Graciela also described a
negative experience with her Jewish professor,
And, like I remember trying to approach him. He was just not nice about
it. Like, he just didn't care like, especially, you know, I look like I am
someone of color and I am of like mujer and stuff. And so, taking that
into consideration like definitely like, you know, you do feel it. Like, you
do acknowledge that different treatment in those kind of like classes.

207

Ultimately, Graciela described that the level of support in class affected her academic
performance, she replied,
It really sucks, because like you don't feel that support. Like, you don't
feel like you belong there. And so, it discourages you to like -- It does
make a difference in like how you're learning the material in that class or
how you're performing in that class, definitely. Just because like, you
know, like when you feel supported in that like in one of your classes or
you feel like really like motivated about it or like encouraged like or, you
know, that you like that topic and like you're supported in that, you know,
class. Like, you're bound to do a lot better.

Other students commented on isolated cases of incidents where they encountered
bad teaching and feeling unsupported in class. Oscar commented that he had one teacher
that had no real agenda in class and provided personal stories irrelevant to subject matter.
Oscar shares his experience in class,
Like, I remember he said that he started his own like, you know, company
where people had like some kind of debit card and, you know, they could
send money to Mexico or wherever they were in Latin America. And, it
seemed like a pitch for his company a lot of the time that he was talking,
you know, like. And, I just didn't really like that, you know. I was just
like, "Oh my god.” Like, I just feel like he's just trying to justify why his
company is so great and so awesome and that he just really didn't care
about it.

Damian also spoke about his unpleasant experience with a professor who taught out of
the book. It turned out that Damian had taken this course twice, as he had earned a D
grade initially. Damian attributes his low grade to the teacher’s style of teaching. Below,
Damian talks about how his teacher would lecture out of the text, as he had his students
follow along section by section,
Sometimes, like he would like rehearse some paragraphs from the book,
and use the same pictures from the book, and kind of just go section by

208

section. It was like the chapter, then like subheadings, and the mini-
subheading.

Marcela shared that one of her Chicano/a Studies teacher, who happened to be the
department chair, appeared to be more interested in her research and improving her career
instead of focusing on students. Marcela even stated that this professor was a good
teacher but was not student friendly and felt awkward when approaching her during
office hours. Marcela contributed,
And it’s not that she was a mean person, she was a good professor, but she
wasn’t student-friendly. And it was just because she was about academia
and research and her own stories and making her name known out there.
So, in terms of her, as a professor I was able to talk to her, but then when I
went to go talk to her in her office hours, it was just really awkward and
was like….

When asked if students felt like PPU supported them as students, seven students
felt that it did. Students cited different outreach services as being supportive. Adam,
Catalina, Marcela, Oscar and Velasco specifically stated that the Summer Bridge
Programs Office (SBPS) were instrumental in supporting them as students. The SBPS
program is an undergraduate retention program serving about 6,000 students on campus
who have had a historically disadvantaged background. Velasco mentioned that SBPS
had everything, he commented,
Yeah, the SBPS program is great. They have tutors. They have anything
you need on campus, it’s right there. If you want counseling, if you want
like psychologists, like they're right there. I was aware of -- yeah, the
many resources that they have available to use.

Oscar also shares that the SBPS program had amazing counselors that provided him with
academic counseling. In particular, he also shared that his Chicano/a Studies counselor

209

was particularly good, referring to her as “his mother at PPU.” In this excerpt, Oscar
provides an example of his counselor’s academic guidance, while also feeling
comfortable to talk to her about personal issues,
She would tell me what classes were available, what classes coincided
with another one. She would tell me, "We're offering a new Day of the
Dead class, you know, so would you like to take that this Fall?" you know.
And, I'm like, "That sounds really cool.” you know. Like, not only does it
knock off like this GE requirement, but it will also go towards like my
Chicano Studies class. So, it was really cool. And, whatever I needed
help with or whether it was like academics or my own personal life, I
could go to her for that.

Adam also reported that he was supported through the SBPS program, he commented,
They do a lot of stuff for us. I'm also in this program called AEP
[Academic Enrichment Program], and that -- it's for like minority students.
And we get free tutoring and free counseling and stuff, so that really helps
out and I try to take advantage of that as much as I can. And I just think
having programs like that shows that they're trying to support us.

Catalina mentioned that she was supported by a variety of people on campus, she
felt supported by her counselor, chemistry teacher and tutoring services through SBPS.
She mentions that she felt supported by her chemistry teacher, as she knew Catalina by
name in class and felt that someone was acknowledging and listening to her. Catalina
also mentioned that she was later able to obtain a letter of reference from her in hopes of
volunteering at an event in Mexico, she stated,
So, keeping up with your professor, I think that up to now that I graduated
I think that it is something that we should all do cause maybe we really
didn’t like the class or maybe we struggled a lot but just knowing that
someone knew you and that someone could say something could say
something nice about you. I think that it’s really good and having or
filling out an application for a job and just not struggling just trying to

210

think that someone knows but just knowing for a fact that knowing this
professor that I met 3 years ago is going to say something nice about you.

Catalina then stated that after this encounter with her professor she began establishing
contact with other professors, she replied,
So, what I do is that I every now and then, I email then and I’m like “I was
in your chemistry 17 class and just wanted to say that I was in your class,
that I graduated or that I stayed in the sciences or something like that.”

Catalina provides her rationale for establishing relationships with her professors below,
I did it with this professor and then I did it with about 3 more professors
but I would just do it to …. Having them remember me just in case. But
yea but I think that when you have a personal connection with a professor
I think it makes it easier the whole contact rather than just writing to your
professor and saying that I was in your class I went to your office hours
they would be like “ohh o.k. let me look at your file or look at.”

Similarly, Marcela acknowledged that the SBPS services were part of her overall
support network that she received. However, Marcela mentioned that she mostly
received her support from the CWPO followed by SBPS and her counselor at the
Chicano/a Studies department. In addition, Marcela also mentioned that it “was a tricky
question” when asked if PPU supported her. Apparently, Marcela was undecided if it
was PPU, the institution that provided her with the support or the programs. Particularly,
because Marcela had explained earlier that the CWPO office was a student run/student
led department with a focus on student retention and community projects. Marcela
elaborates,
That is a trick question, because it is not really PPU like administration,
like Jack Hall, like it mostly the people in this office and the Community
Wide Programs Office and then the people that I have approached at SBPS

211

or my counselor, my counselor from the Chicano/Chicana Studies
department.

Marcela also mentioned that it was her older brother who had graduate from PPU who
linked her to her Chicano/a Studies counselor. Although, she also acknowledges that her
older brother may have had a more difficult time when he attended, she explained,
My brother had a harder time, I know that. Just because he stayed a fifth
year and I know he was on academic action. So, I don’t know if he was
subject to dismissal, but he was going through a lot of personal stuff. But
I don’t know if it had to do with – because I know his first year he was
involved in like a Christian group kind of thing. And then he completely
changed. So, I don’t really know what happened with that. But I know he
probably had a different experience. But I think for me, yes, it was also
like, “Oh, hey, don’t forget to talk to Erika.”

In addition, Marcela mentions that she recalled that her older brother would ask her
things that would challenge her identity and elicit her experiences as a “high school
student.” Marcela shared some of these conversations with her older brother,
And just because he would always ask me these things and I was like,
okay, why are you asking me that? Why do you want to know about my
identity, blah, blah, blah. And he would go, I want to know how you are
as a high school student. Oh, okay, leave me alone. But then when I got
to college I was like, ah, okay.

Consequently, Marcela now also finds herself asking her younger brother similar
questions with experience as a teenager, validating his experience,
Well, like little things, like I will ask my younger brother, I’m like, more
about his sexuality. “Do you like girls?” And he is like, “Maybe, I don’t
know.” “Do you like boys?” And he is like, “No, I don’t like boys. I
know I don’t.” And I’m like, “Okay, well you know that is okay if you
like boys,” because my older brother is gay. And he is like, “Yeah, I
know, but I don’t like boys.” Okay, “Well, how do you feel like my dad
treats you differently than he treats me?” And he is like, “Well,” and little
things like that.

212

In the same fashion Graciela also felt somewhat divided when answering the question
about PPU supporting her. She mentioned that she was partially divided, feeling
supported by the CWPO office but unsupported by the administration and certain
professors. Below Graciela comments on why she feels supported in the CWPO office,
Partially yes, and I say that just because like the students here. I guess
being a part of like a student-run, student-led kind of population here, that
has definitely -- Like, I do feel that support. I do feel like we humanize
each other. We understand each other. Like, we're students and, you
know, we kind of have come from like the same kind of upbringing. And
so, we definitely do like try to comfort each other and try to support each
other. And, I definitely do feel that from like that student population.

Graciela then adds why she does not feel support from the school’s administration,
That's partially like the whole like campus climate that's going on. They're
just not very supportive of students. They're just not, you know. I mean, it
is at the end of the day it's a system. It's all about the money. It's all about -
- They're not really here to work for the students. They're really just here
for their own like paychecks, definitely. I don't think so.

Damian initially stated that PPU did not do a good job in supporting him, implying that
he had spoken to the counselors but not PPU per say, he stated,
I mean, not PPU specifically, because I remember I talked to, like, I guess,
someone that's directly from PPU. I mean, I've talked to the counselors, if
you want to call them, like PPU.

However, Damian quickly then adds that he was supported by PPU after receiving
clarification about the question, as he initially appeared confused. Damian adds that he
felt supported by the school’s scholarship offerings and being able to pay in state tuition
through state legislation AB540. Damian also mentions that through the SBPS office,

213

students are supported through academic tutoring. A group on campus called Support for
Undocumented Students (SUS) also is said to support Damian.
Only Angela felt like PPU did not do a good job in supporting her. While
Damian, Graciela and Marcela all battled over who supported them as students, Angela
was clear that it was the CWPO office that did so. In fact, Angela mentioned that she
considered the SBPS office part of administration that was unsupportive. She mentions
that counselors at SBPS did not care, as she had to change counselors seven times.
Angela details her thoughts,
So, I consider PPU administration like SBPS. I don't -- they're not
supportive at all. They -- I don't know -- like I've had sessions with
different counselors. I've had to switch counselors seven times and then I
just stopped going. I haven't used their services at all since my second
year because I never felt like -- I, I just never felt like they cared and it
was kind just like, “why couldn't you just do that.” “Like why can't you
just get that A.”

Angela goes on to add that the counselors at SBPS were not sensitive to her difficulties
back home as her father was in the process of deportation, while her mother was out of
work with cancer. Not till she found a peer counselor through the CWPO office is when
she felt like someone cared and felt supported. Angela states that her peer counselor
helped her set goals and felt like he understood what she was going through. Angela
commented,
They were trying to set -- help me set goals. And I just -- that was the first
time I felt like someone really cared. Someone really understood what I
was like talking about. It wasn't until -- it was the Community Program's
office definitely and that's -- I think that's the biggest support on campus
but not a lot of people know about it.

214

Affirmative Action
Research Question 5
How do Latino/as experiences at a lower performing high school impact their
adjustment at an elite public university?
Massey and Mooney (2007) defined affirmative action when institutions take
identifiable steps to include historically disadvantaged groups in the admissions process.
Critics of affirmative action allege that students with lower SAT scores are being
“mismatched” and are over their heads and would be better off at a less selective college
(Thernstrom & Thernstrom, 1995; 1999). Evidence however, has not been found
suggesting that these students are being mismatched (Bowen & Bok, 1998; Charles et al.,
2009). Nonetheless research in the mismatch hypothesis has exclusively been
quantitative. This next section will look to provide an analysis for these students from a
qualitative approach by asking students their thoughts and insights about the topic.
All students reported gaining something new when what other students from
similar backgrounds and what they themselves had gained from attending PPU. Five out
of the eight students reported that giving back to their community was important, Angela
commented that students “gain nothing” if students are not involved and will only receive
the “title of PPU.” She also adds that being involved also leads students to be aware of
resources, she stated,
You take initiative to get exposed to the community that is PPU. Maybe,
you know, Student Council is the way to go. The undergraduate student
counsel is the way to go, but I think that if you actually, you know, take
advantage of the resources that are on campus, 'cause there are resources.

215

Angela further states that by being involved you are also able to develop leadership skills,
while also again mentioning the wasted opportunity for students who are not involved,
You gain, you know, the knowledge of knowing how to, you know,
delegate tasks, how to be a leader. Like, you can really develop as a
leader here. But, if you're not involved, then you can't. I think it's literally
a waste of four years if you don't get involved in any way.

Catalina similarly talked about being able to give back to her community, realizing the
importance. She reported that her community service in high school was done because it
was required but in college she found it to be rewarding, she stated,
I was doing a bigger thing I was impacting more people than I thought I
was. And it was just about self satisfaction and knowing that not as a
student but as this person that wants to help you were already making a
difference. So I think that besides the whole getting my degree and all
that I was able to see that this higher level than high school I was able to
make a difference and working with the community and being able to help
people.

Marcela the third student who spoke about giving back to the community, mentioned that
it was important for her to go back to her community with hopes of encouraging others to
seek a higher education. Here Marcela, shares her insights about the importance of
giving back to her community,
For me it was a lot of like, I don’t know, like leadership. And for me it is
that commitment to go back to West or communities like West and show
students that yes, it is hard, budget cuts and everything, but in the end your
education, nobody can take that away from you.

Two students specifically mentioned that they became conscious about
community conditions through their experiences. Graciela shared that “PPU is the
perfect place to see the differences amongst different populations.” Specifically, she

216

mentioned that while she was aware of some of the differences in society, she was able to
gain a better understanding for the causes once in college. Graciela commented,
But like I just didn't know what to call things. Like, you know, I didn't
know racial profiling was, you know ... So, like you do become very very
conscious here, a lot more conscious. You become more -- I think that
you start to become more -- You start to like analyze a lot of things more
critically and you start to challenge things.

Graciela also further states that at PPU she felt more empowered to become politically
active, something that she never thought she would do. This, as opposed to high school,
where Graciela states that high school students do not organize and are not politically
active. When asked why this was so, Graciela suggested that high schools are highly
focused on standardized curriculum, she commented,
They're only being informed about the standardized, you know, like
educational like institutional like kind of knowledge that they need to be
thinking about. I think they're so like K-12 centric and that's it. Like,
nothing else beyond that like. They're not giving us space or like to talk
about other things outside of the traditional like system like topics outside
of like your math, science, whatever, like history.

Graciela suggests that high schools should be providing students with topics relevant to
the Latino/a community, she stated,
Like, there are like students that are undocumented there. Like, why aren't
they talking about those things? Like, why aren't they being like why
aren't they targeting those students and helping them like or why isn't it a
topic that we're talking about or why aren't we talking about immigration
there or how, you know, that is affecting their families? Like, why is it
affecting their families? What can they do about it? They're not being
informed about these issues.

Angela also felt that high schools were not adequately servicing their
communities, while also becoming cognizant of community conditions. Like Graciela,

217

Angela mentioned that she was aware about the conditions suffered by her community
but stated that she never acknowledged them. Angela mentions that she did not realize
that not all students were given the same opportunities in high school to succeed. She
states that she realized this doing outreach at a local high school, where she found out
that students were being ignored at the college center and not being given SAT fee
waivers. Angela provided her comments,
Like, “oh shit,” you know, they're being ignored at the college center.
They're not getting those fee waivers for their SATs. They're not being
told when deadlines are and you know there's a reason for that.

Oscar also offered a similar spin on education, as a whole and the lack of a critical
pedagogy. He commented that he was fortunate to have been able to develop his critical
thinking skills while at PPU. A skill that Oscar recognized as being privileged enough to
have received, despite believing it should be a requirement. Oscar commented,
I mean, the ability to critically think, you know. I think that's essential in
anybody, you know. And, it sucks that it takes like an institution of higher
education to be able to do that. And, I mean, while being at PPU, like I
felt privileged being there, you know. Even though like, you know, an
education like that shouldn't be a privilege. It should be like a right I
think.

Oscar then talks about Paulo Freire and his critical pedagogy that talks about using more
culturally relevant approach to teaching. For instance, Oscar suggested that the SATs for
example were culturally biased towards Latino/as, he commented,
The SAT doesn't ask us, What's a tamale? you know. It will ask like,
What's a banister? I didn't even know what a banister was, you know.
The banister is like the railing up stairs, right? And, I mean, like if you
ask like a lot of kids that who go to Zenith they won't know what it is
because they don't live in a 2-story home, you know. And, like or they

218

don't know someone who lives in a 2-story home, you know. Whereas,
opposed to someone who's more privileged from a different background
will know that answer.

Velasco and Adam both mentioned that they had met new friends and met new
kinds of people, as things they had gained by attending PPU. However, Velasco also
added that he was glad to find out that he was able to compete with other students in
college. Apparently, his Avid teacher had told his class that they were not prepared to
handle the rigors of college, he stated,
I mean, my AVID teacher, Ms. Chamberlain, told us, "Look, you guys are
going to go to universities. You guys haven't been prepared to go, and it's
just a hard truth. Like, you guys are going to struggle."

Velasco commented that he initially did struggle with the rigor of PPU but not to the
extent that his teacher described. He mentioned that because of his Avid teacher’s
warning, he was able to prepare himself mentally for the rigor that awaited him, while
also taking advantage of the school’s summer bridge program. Velasco shares his take
on being underprepared for college and realizing that he was able to compete with his
more academically advantaged peers,
It was just a good feeling that it's -- it can be done. Everything can be
done. It is just studying. There is nothing that they have that I don't. You
know, and if they may have taken better classes, that would have prepared
them for it, there's always tutoring time to learn. So, that was a really
good relief to learn.

Aside from mentioning the importance of community service, Catalina also
reported that she was exposed to variety of careers and options. She states that once at

219

PPU she realized that it was not just about earning her bachelor’s degree but was
encouraged to pursue graduate study. Catalina expressed,
It’s not just about just graduating from college anymore its moving
beyond that. It’s not getting your B.A. or B.S. it’s just, you have to start
thinking about am I going to graduate school and am I going to
professional school. I think it changes your perspective and pushing you
more, knowing that you’re part of this small community and knowing that
you are one of the few ones that made it to college and it’s a sense of just
for you to try if you already made it why not go beyond.

Catalina also stressed that while in high school she was limited to other careers and
opportunities. She found that this changed once at PPU, as she was not only exposed to
different fields but was also given the tools, she elaborated,
When you’re in high school you think about being a lawyer or a doctor but
knowing that you can get a Ph.D. or you can be a professor or knowing
that you can do research. Just knowing that it’s not just a linear thing that
it’s not just a doctor or the lawyer or whatever else just there’s so many
other things that you can do. So I think that going back to your question I
think that going to from this small school to a bigger thing it just provides
you with many other options and it gives you not only the options but the
tools to work towards those options.

In total six students also described experiencing a graduate going culture on
campus, in various parts of the interview. Marcela stated that she was fortunate to
have participated in the Graduate Mentor Program (GMP) that was able to
provide her with guidance and help calm her anxieties about graduate school.
Marcela spoke about the GMP below,
It’s a very scary thing to talk about graduate school, especially because my
older brother has not gone through that process. He came to PPU, so
although PPU was unexpected for me, once I got here he was able to guide
me and graduate school I’m just like what is going on!? GRE’s, letters of

220

recc… like all this stuff that I was like what is going on? But thankfully I
found the GMP office and they are helpful.

Similarly, Oscar shared similar insights about the graduate going culture on campus. In
particular, Oscar stated that PPU focused on having its graduates attend post graduate
school. He elaborated and stated that this culture of attending graduate school was
fostered by professors, TA’s, counselors and other students. Oscar offers his insights
below,
PPU is an institution that focuses on having its graduates do post-
secondary work. This is encouraged by Professors, TA’s, Counselors and
even the students themselves. Almost everyone I knew that went to PPU
is doing some kind of post-graduate work. The information is always out
there and readily available, whether it is via email, plastered on the walls,
or some kind of flier announcing some kind of graduate workshop.

Two other students, Velasco and Graciela also commented on the graduate going
culture on campus. Velasco stated that he was not even thinking about going to
graduate school until he noticed that other students on campus were applying to
graduate school. While he initially just came in with hopes of completing his
Bachelor’s degree, he now hopes to attend graduate school. Velasco’s graduate
school response is also found at length when answering questions about his career
goals and aspirations in this section. Angela also found that the post graduate
culture was “exciting to see,” stating that “everyone is trying to do their GRE and
all of the seniors I know are trying to go school post PPU.” Finally, Graciela also
stated that there was a graduate going culture but to a lesser extent. She
articulated that she found this sort of culture mostly with White and Asian

221

individuals, as very few Latino/as and Blacks graduate from PPU. Graciela
stated,
I’ve seen predominantly White and Asian individuals who are the majority
here but I’ve the seen the Latina/o and Black/African students graduate
but in very little amounts. It’s usually the students that stick together, that
have throughout worked on retaining each other, those who have been
invested in their community and understand the importance of these
degrees.

Finally, two other students Damian and Catalina reported that they had gained
networking skills. Damian commented that he realized rather quickly the importance of
networking. When asked what the difference between the networking that took place in
his high school versus PPU, he stated that the network in high school was limited to
academics. Damian replied,
I guess, at Rosas was just basically about academic; like, grades and
scheduling of classes and stuff like that, or if you could get into a class or
something like that.

On the other hand he described the networking at PPU as being more dynamic and broad,
he stated,
I guess, when you network, you just kind of network a little broader, like
if you want to get an internship and stuff like that, then you can talk to
someone, and they'll talk to someone else, and just it kind of makes it a
little broader for … And you can also network into getting a job, getting
that internship, getting into the research program and stuff like that, to get
your kind of resume a little bigger.

Catalina also found that networking as a key resource that she had gained, while at PPU.
Below, she references the ability to obtain reference letters the day she decides to apply
to graduate school,

222

I think that I have also been able to meet people that maybe if tomorrow
I’m applying to professional school they know me and they can say
something good about me.

These eight students were then asked what their high school friends may have
missed out on by attending less selective universities. Most students responded by saying
that PPU had offered them a better education. Oscar stated that his friend who ended up
at CSULA and studied film school believes he would have received a better experience at
PPU or USC. He reported that his friend had similar grades like he but acknowledges
that he “was a little more lacking in his path than I was.” Even though Oscar states that
this friend was able to receive internships and had a good experience, he also wondered
what his outcomes would have been if he had attended a more prestigious school with a
better film school. Oscar commented,
I just feel like he missed out on the opportunity that maybe like have a
better like chance at like having, you know, like a better film like
background or education or anything like that.

Catalina also felt that the couple of friends who went to a CSU could have received a
better education while also missing out on having greater competition. While she
acknowledges that she was not too fond of being in a competitive environment, she also
realizes that it was a necessary evil. Catalina stated that they could have had their
education upgraded, she commented,
They probably having that much competition and having and I mean I
didn’t like it but it was good up to some point but I think that they I don’t
know how it feels like going to a cal state but I think they could have been
part of a bigger thing of and maybe having their education being upgraded
I guess to a bigger school like a UC.

223

Adam reported that he had heard that “CSU’s were at a lower level” while also believing
that the rigor and curriculum at PPU were superior.
Marcela, Angela and Velasco felt like they are able to receive better resources at
PPU than at a less selective university. Angela for instance mentioned that she has seen
that businesses target PPU or PPU2, as she has seen various internships offered to
students. Specifically, Angela shares that she has seen the television channel FOX offer
students internships. Angela stated,
I want to say like just, just because there's people that target like PPU or
[Public Prestige University 2], for certain businesses, or certain -- you
know, they're just like -- there's more -- like I've seen more internship
opportunities here, like I know Fox comes here and picks up interns and
other people, you know. They have -- there's just like a lot of events that
go on where they try to like pull you into a career.

Angela also points out that this is not necessarily the case at community colleges, where
scheduling conflicts may attract very few working students to college fairs, she reported,
Like my friends say “oh, you know there is a college fair, you know, at my
community college but I didn't go to it. It was too late and I have to go to
work.” And I'm like, “well shouldn't they try to cater to time of the day
when most students can attend” and then he was like “no,” I had a friend
who went and it was a complete failure, like no one showed up. Like
really, it was maybe like 20 students, you know out of how many that go
to a community college?

Marcela stated that one of her friends who attended the University of California Riverside
(UCR) was unable to join different clubs or activities that resembled her interests in film
and writing. Additionally, she commented that the summer SBPS program was also
another example of having better resources over other less selective universities. Velasco
also stated that the CSU’s provided fewer resources than PPU. However, he also

224

acknowledged that it was about the experience and being able to meet new people instead
of the school. Velasco stated that students were at a disadvantage because they would
miss out on the dorming experience, therefore being unable to meet new friends. Velasco
shared his thoughts,
But just going to a Cal State, maybe some resources aren't that much
available. Maybe they don't get to have the dorm experience, like Cal
State. A lot of them commute to -- I know my friend, Ashley, goes to
Long Beach, she's commuting, so she's probably missing out on making a
lot of friends, more than she is already. So, yeah, I think it's not so much
the school, rather like the environment of how many of their friends are
going with already.

Damian specifically spoke about the prestige that PPU had. He believed that his friends
had missed out on the prestige that PPU offered versus less selective schools. Damian
shared that people are pleasantly surprised when they hear that he is attending PPU, as
they congratulate him. Damian stated,
I think the -- obviously the prestige, because you're going to PPU, it's
tougher -- it's a tougher school to get into, so you're going to get the
prestige. And the reaction -- when you tell someone, "Oh, I'm going to
PPU," and they're like, "Oh, wow, really? Congratulations.” And again,
that's just from my perspective, because I've never told anyone, "Oh, I'm
going to UC Riverside," or, "I'm going to UC Davis, or UC Merced.

Graciela believed that her peers were missing out the networking that took place
at PPU. Graciela stated that at PPU, students of color were able to tackle on important
issues and give back to their communities, while also having the facility and space to do
so.
Like, a bunch of people of color like coming to unite and doing something
about it. Like, really like targeting like issues and really doing something
about them, going out to the community and really doing something like

225

significant and like efficient. Having, you know, just I know it's a very
like it's a very special like theme to have at like an institution like this
because it's so like, you know, it's such a White institution.

However, Graciela also acknowledges that administrators have attempted to take away
their space and funding. Additionally, Graciela stated that PPU was also able to provide
her with various research opportunities, given its focus and priority on research, where
CSU’s do not emphasize. Finally, Graciela also mentioned that PPU provided her with a
much better education in comparison to the community colleges. As Graciela was able to
compare the education she received at the community colleges, while also having her
older sister attend there first. Graciela shares her thoughts on the community college
experience,
Like, I remember taking them (classes) and it's still kind of a joke. Like,
you know, they don't really teach you how to like, you know, do like write
and like it's just kind of like you get by kind of thing. It's very high school
like. I remember when I was taking those classes like we had to write a
paper. I wrote that paper like hours before. I got full credit for it. Like,
they didn't like check over it.

Seven out of the eight students found that prestige is what differed in earning their
diploma at PPU versus other less selective schools. Here, Catalina shares her experience
on what earning a diploma meant,
Well at school they just tell us for example having, that you attended PPU
that you graduated, not only attended but graduated from PPU, that is a
big thing. Not everyone gets accepted and not everyone attends PPU and
not everyone graduates from PPU.

Catalina also adds that her school’s prestige carries on to other countries and continents,
she replied,

226

I think that the whole prestige and the whole having that PPU logo is
recognized pretty much all over the world. I think that it’s a great thing
it’s not just academically knowing that you graduated from there but
knowing that if you go to Japan, or if you go to South Africa you go to
anywhere in the world and you say “Oh I attended PPU” they’re going to
recognize that. So yea.

Damian recognized that despite not being able to use his diploma and obtain legal
employment, given his AB540 status, he shared that earning a degree from PPU was
more prestigious. Damian stated,
I don't -- for me, because I'm stuck in the whole situation where I'm an AB
540 student, even if I get a diploma from PPU, I'm not sure what I'm going
to do with it … I know, going to PPU, and getting a major from PPU, it's a
little, again, more prestigious. And it might give you that edge, if you're
going up with someone that got the same degree from a less prestigious
school, and you're going in with the same person, with a degree from PPU,
and I don't know, maybe that will give you the edge of getting selected,
for I don't know, a special position or something.

Oscar, Graciela and Marcela all agreed that prestige is what their diplomas will
afford them over less well known universities. However, these students also
acknowledged that while the name of their diplomas carried significant weight, it was
also the experiences and what students did with their collegiate experience that also
counted. For example, Oscar stated that experiences mattered and taking advantage of
one’s opportunities that also was substantive, despite not being able to take advantage of
them himself, given his commuting experience, he said,
And, like I said, it's what you make of it, you know. Like, some people
don't even like take advantage of the opportunities that they have at PPU.
I didn't take advantage of a lot of opportunities that I had there, you know.
And, there's a lot of stuff that I missed out on that I should have
capitalized on but I didn't.

227

Oscar also acknowledged that the element of prestige was heavily drawn upon public
perception and that he could not specifically draw the conclusion that a CSU diploma was
indeed inferior to his PPU degree. Graciela agreed with Oscar that prestige is what
separated her degree from a more prestigious university than a lesser one. Graciela
specifically articulated that it was the research opportunities in particular that she was
able to take advantage of that enriched her experience at PPU. Graciela commented,
You are getting trained differently I think. In terms of like we are a
research institution and I think that's why we've been like very like well-
known. And so, like being able to like a student like being able to partake
in these like research experiences, like it does like give you that hands-on
like learning. And, I think it's less about -- No, it's actually, it is true
though. Like, the diploma like the name, yes. Like, it sells like. But,
along with that, like a lot of it has to do with like your experiences within
like behind that like degree.

Angela also acknowledged that earning a degree from PPU was prestigious.
However, Angela mentioned that she did not care about having a degree from a
prestigious school. Rather, Angela was gracious for being able to find her passion in
community work. Angela provides her insights,
I don't really care about like my major or my diploma, like. It -- like
literally, I think, coming to PPU helped me find my passion, which is
working with the community and I'm going to be one of those weird
people that goes back and actually helps instead of, you know, “oh, I made
it, peace.” Like, I don't want to be that. I want to go back and help and I
hope that I don't change that about myself, by being here. Because, you
know, sometimes like I said, you do forget because you're in the
Westwood bubble and you forget.

Adam was the only student that failed to mention the prestige factor as being the deciding
factor in earning a diploma from PPU, as opposed to other less selective schools. He

228

mentioned that by earning a diploma he was demonstrating that he was indeed a good
student. Adam stated that he had made the right choices in high school to allow him to
be admitted to and continued making the right choices once in college.
Finally, students were also asked if having attended PPU had changed their
career, goals or aspirations. Seven out of the eight students indicated that being at PPU
affected their ambitions later in life. Oscar stated that by being at PPU he was able to
participate as an academic advisor, something that he is interested in doing in the near
future. While Marcela came in with the notion of wanting to become a history teacher
she now wants to affect and change policies at the state and federal level. Adam
mentioned that although he does not anticipate going to graduate school, attending PPU
has “kind of like opens my eyes to like all the other things that I could do once I've
graduated.” Angela shared that she now realizes that she wants to work with students,
something that she never imagined doing. Angela commented that through PPU she has
been able to understand high school student’s situations that have been brought forth
through their environments. Angela commented,
You know, the attitude's that students had when I attended high school,
you know they weren't just born with that. It was that, that idea was, you
know, molded into them, either through media, either through -- you
know, the school they went to, because I know a lot of schools ignore, you
know, RAZA students in, you know, their campuses.

For Catalina and Graciela, attending PPU has reaffirmed their decisions to
become medical doctors. Catalina mentioned that she wanted to drop her Biology major

229

but did not do so knowing other people on campus that had made it to medical school and
or who were taking similar coursework, she stated,
Taking classes and knowing people who are already in medical school or
volunteering just reaffirmed for me what I wanted to do so for many
people it switches their mind and their goals but for me it was the opposite
which is reassuring me that I was doing the right thing.

Graciela similarly stated that seeing other people of color being admitted to medical
school and having professors of color have reinforced her decision to pursue a similar
career. Graciela also mentioned that having been able to participate in community
outreach and giving back to the community has made her realize the importance of her
contributing to the system.
Velasco commented that attending PPU made him realize that he to can attend
graduate school. Velasco shared that he initially was just thinking of completing his
bachelor’s degree but realized he could also attend graduate school after finding out that
undergraduate degrees did not mean much and that other students were attending
graduate school. Velasco stated,
They told me, you know, "Yeah, like once you get your Master's, they're
not going to look at what you did for your Bachelors at PPU.” So, in my
head, I went, "Oh.” So, now I'm like, "Well, maybe I can take this into
law. I mean, maybe I can -- something.” And even now, because at first,
I wasn't thinking graduate school. I was just thinking, you know,
undergrad, and again, radio, and you know, I mean, that's good for me. I
don't need to do much.

Velasco also adds that students talking about going to graduate school and seeing the
graduate program on campus have encouraged him to attend graduate school.

230

But, then I'd be like, I could be a lawyer, graduate school, I'm like, this
could be even better. This could be for my more benefit … students talk
about it. I mean, PPU, themselves have a great graduate program. And
so, you're kind of like -- like, you're walking to your GEs and you look
over, and there's the Law School right there, that you look at, and you're
like, "I'm here already.” Like, it's just right there. So, it just seems so
much easier to get to it, when it's right there for you.

Damian was the only student who did not have his careers or goals changed by attending
PPU. He stated that he had his mind set on earning a Ph.D. and becoming a professor,
while in high school. When asked how he had arrived at that conclusion at such an early
age he mentioned that he was able to do so through his Avid program. Damian replied,
So, in AVID, we'd do the whole College Fair, and stuff like that, College
Night. And you do research on a specific college, and I think once I just
decided to throw that in there, and it was probably for a private university.
We did Stanford, and I just looked up different things about their
Bachelors or Masters, and Doctors, and PhD’s.

Stereotype Threat
Research Question 6
How has stereotype threat affected Latino/as’ academic performance at an elite
public university, given their previous low performance high school setting?
A second criticism that critics allege about affirmative action is that students may
suffer social stigmas/stereotype threat hypothesis. Social stigma evidence was found for
students who met one of two criteria. First, students who doubted their ability and were
conscious about their teacher’s views or doubted their group’s ability appeared to be
affected by the social stigma. In addition, students were also said to be affected by the
social stigma if they identified more with the majority were found to significantly earn

231

lower grades and fail classes at a higher rate (Massey et al., 2003). In addition, evidence
for stereotype threat hypothesis was also found. The stereotype threat hypothesis is said
to occur when negative intellectual stereotypes of Latino/as manifest themselves when
they believe that others will externalize stereotypes. Particularly, this manifestation for
Latino/as comes about when they believe that Whites and Asians will use that stigma of
intellectual inferiority when being evaluated (Massey & Fischer, 2005). Thus, the
externalization of stereotypes creates a psychological performance burden that increases
test anxiety and undermines grade achievement (Charles et al., 2009). Charles et al.
(2009) uncovered that the larger the gap between Latino/as’ SAT score and the
institution’s average the larger the gap in academic achievement. However, Charles et al.
(2009) attributed the large gap to the institution’s application of affirmative action
policies, as stigmatizing towards minorities.
Three students majored in Chicano/a Studies, Marcela, Oscar and Graciela.
However, Graciela shared that she was double majoring in Psychology, while also taking
her prerequisite coursework for medical school. Two students, Damian and Catalina
majored in the math and science fields, as they majored in Math/Physics and Biology
respectively. Angela’s concentration of study was English while also double minoring in
Chicano/a Studies and Spanish. Velasco shared that he had decided on studying
communications. Adam was the only student that was undeclared but mentioned that he
wanted to pursue a bachelor’s in History.

232

For the most part students reported doing well in their classes. Velasco shared
that he had a B+/A- average in his classes, despite having an overall 3.6 GPA. Adam
stated that he was doing “pretty well” estimating being between C and B grades. Catalina
reported that she ended up doing better in her third and fourth years, as she was initially
“shocked” and experienced some family issues in her second year. Nonetheless, Catalina
states that her success in her later years were attributed to becoming familiar with the
expectations of class and networking. Catalina commented,
You learn how to expect things you know how to read a syllabus and say
o.k. I have to read three chapters this week, but many times we didn’t
really cover the three chapters so you are able to get the hang of it and you
are able to say I need o.k., I need to study this much for this class but not
so much for the third class, cause it doesn’t seem so much work. And also
towards the third and fourth year you start getting some of your professors
you had in the lower division courses so you look at the class and you’re
like its professor x oh I don’t want to take him again. So you start looking
at another professor or class also if you know people who have taken the
class you talk to them it’s just a networking thing but if think that I did
better in my last two years than my first two years.

Marcela also shared that knowing about the Pass/No Pass option for courses was useful in
maintaining a high GPA. Marcela mentioned that she had an overall 3.4 GPA but alluded
that taking certain science classes with the Pass/No Pass option has helped her, she
commented,
And I have taken all of my science courses, like I learned to take them
pass/no pass. So, that is why I guess my GPA doesn’t get into that.

Marcela explained that she learned about the Pass/No Pass option but only after she
ended up dropping a course her first semester, where she could taken advantage of this

233

option. Below, Marcela shares that it was one of her brother’s friends who explained this
Pass/No Pass option initially to her, she stated,
And then I dropped it and during the winter break one of my brother’s
friends was like, “Oh, how was your first quarter?” And I was like, “Oh, it
was good, but I dropped a class.” And they were like, “Oh, been there,
done that.” I was like, “Yeah, I just didn’t want to get a bad grade.” And
they were like, “You should have taken it pass/no pass.” And I was like,
“Okay, I didn’t know that.”

Oscar reported that he could have done better in school. Oscar commented that
he did the best he could with what he had. Specifically, Oscar cited his commuting and
feeling like he had to stay at home to satisfy his mother affecting his academics. Oscar
stated,
So, there were times where I was like, "Man, I wish I was living on
campus.” But, my mom kind of didn't want that. And, I just feel like
there's a strong sense of family, you know, like not only in Latino families
in general but mine in particular. And, my mom kind of didn't want me
away, so I felt like it was fairer to her for me to stay, you know? And, it's
something that I kind of regret now.

When asked to clarify why his mother wanted Oscar to stay at home he also explained
that it was monetary, as neither him nor his parents understood the financial aid process
and feared taking out loans. Oscar commented,
I would say it's mostly monetary reasons, because, I mean, like I think
because we never like my parents never took out loans, they didn't really
understand the concept of it, they just thought I was taking a lot of money
and I was going to owe it. They don't know about the low interest rates or
repayment, and I didn't either, you know, and I was just really scared
about taking a loan out you know.

Most students shared that there were other Latino/as in their classes. However,
four of these students who found other Latino/as present in their classes were taking

234

coursework in Chicano/a Studies, where the majority of students tended to be Latino/a.
Three of them majored in Chicano/a Studies, while one pursued a minor in the same
field. Graciela, Angela, and Oscar found their majors to be highly segregated, as they
noticed different ethnicities in their classes. For instance, Angela who was double
majoring in English stated that there were no other Latino/a students in her English
classes, while it was almost exclusively Latino/a in her Chicano/a Studies classes.
Graciela who also doubled majored in Psychology stated that her classes were highly
concentrated with Persian students and also mostly Latino/a students in her Chicano/a
Studies courses. Oscar described his Chicano/a Studies classes as being 90-95 percent
Latino/a, while only seeing about 10-15 percent Latino/a in his Sociology classes.
Marcela who also majored in Chicano/a Studies, reported a high concentration of other
Latino/as in her classes.
Adam, Velasco and Damian were the only three students who commented that
there was other Latino/a students in their classes. When asked, Adam reported that there
were a good amount of other Latino/a students in his classes, he stated,
A few that I can -- like my classes are pretty --. I guess because they're
GE's still - I'm still taking GE's - there's still a lot of mix like of all races
and even majors, or whatever. But, yeah, I can say there’s a good amount
of Latinos in my class.

Damian also agreed and replied that there were other Latino/a students. But when asked
to clarify how many out of the typical 200 student class, he estimated that about 20-25
students were Latino/a. Velasco was a bit more brief with his commentary, as he only

235

provided a brief “yeah” answer agreeing that there were other Latino/a students in his
classes.
Catalina was the only student who took classes outside of Chicano/a Studies that
found very few Latino/a students in her Biology classes. After asking her what the
percentage of other Latino/a students in her classes, Catalina stated that it was less than
10 percent and as a result found herself with other Latino/a students establishing the
“Brown Row,” as means to support one another. Catalina replied,
I would say about 10% I’m exaggerating wait, I just remembered being in
a lecture hall with 300 people and being with my friends in one row and
we were the Brown Row. All the Latinos in that class would sit at that
row we just knew each other so we were about 12 people, so that’s not
even 10 percent (laughs).

When Catalina was asked how this “Brown Row” came to be, she replied,
Well this is my fourth year and I had been with this program called
[Friends Providing Support] for Students in the Sciences and it’s just a
networking program by PPU and I got to meet a lot of people there who I
would see in my classes. I’m telling you about a couple of people came
from there and also I used to volunteer for an organization called [CFM]
which is just volunteering for Latino community in health and other
people were friends of my friends and that’s how we met and we just
managed to be the 10 or 12 people sitting in that same row in class. But
yea, it was a thing of four years it wasn’t just my first year and just being
with them.

When asked what type of student did well at their University, students alluded to
those who worked hard, managed their time, used their resources, and attended tutoring.
Yet, Catalina mentioned that it was students who were adequately prepared in high
school that fared better in college. As an example, Catalina talked about how she was

236

only taught the “five paragraph system” in high school that ill equipped her for college,
she commented,
Teaching how to read not just telling your students oh read 3 chapters or
60 pages. It’s about knowing how to read. Also writing, I didn’t have to
take a remedial class for writing, but for me just to think that I had to write
an 8 page paper, that was a lot. And for me it’s not because I can’t write,
it’s because I didn’t have the tools to express myself, I didn’t. I just knew
the 5 paragraph system and that you introduce whatever topic you are
going to talk about, you explain it then your conclusion.

Catalina further elaborates on her high school experience short changed her and did not
adequately prepare her academically,
For me, it was just about thinking why didn’t we do this instead of having
free time and why didn’t we get harder things and maybe not harder but
things that you can remember. Things that will make a difference but it
was just worksheets, and extra credit and free time now and then. So, that
does hurt in the long run.

Oscar also agreed that having been better prepared in high school could have helped him
in his classes. Specifically, Oscar stated that he would have felt more comfortable
speaking out in class and being able to argue his point and disagree with his professors,
he stated,
Well, I think that first of all it would seem easier. I don't think I would
have been as intimidated of professors because I'd feel like, you know, I
could hold my own if I were to disagree with them about something.

On the contrary, Damian believed that anyone could be a good student at PPU manage
their time well, Damian commented,
Anyone that manages their time, and applies themselves to the material,
then they can succeed. I mean, I don't feel like any other person is better
off than anyone else, just because they're coming from a different school.
If they just know how to manage their time, then they're going to do well.

237

Nevertheless, in a different part of the interview Damian commented that he was unable
to take AP Calculus in high school due to scheduling issues his senior year. Unable to
take AP Calculus in high school was a set-back, Damian reported, forcing him to retake
Pre-Calculus at PPU. Graciela also described not being adequately prepared during high
school. Graciela stated that she believed that she was a good writer coming into PPU but
quickly found out that her “flowery” style of writing that she learned in high school did
not transition to college writing. She also adds that even after spending an entire week on
re-writing one of her initial papers, she ended up earning a “C,” she commented,
And so, I took it to like tutoring. I took it to people and I rewrote it and
stuff and I still got a C on it. And, I was like this is not working for me.
Like, I was just miserable. I was like I can't. Why can't I write? Like,
writing to me like I think writing has really like, I don't know, followed
me in terms of like it's really taken a toll on like my performance here I
think. It really sucks.

Students were then asked if they believed others perceived them to be less
intelligent due to their heritage. Five students believed that others did not perceive them
to be less intelligent. Adam for instance replied,
No. I don't think so. I think race doesn't play a big deal, a big part in it.
It's just everybody's trying to do good, so it doesn't matter if you're Latino
or not. If you're the smartest kid in class, somebody's going to want your
help you know.

Catalina also agreed with Adam and stated that she did not believe others perceived her
to be less intelligent because she was Latina. Damian also concurred with Adam and
Catalina but stated that the individual was able to control those perceptions. Damian

238

suggested that as long as one does not believe that they are less intelligent then others
will not perceive as such, he shares his thoughts below,
I don't think so. I think if you don’t think you're less intelligent, then other
people won't. So, it's basically, like if you portray yourself as being as less
intelligent, then other people are going to see that you're kind of shy, timid
and stuff like that. And yeah, I'll stay quiet when I don't know the answer,
but if I know the answer, then I'll speak out.

Marcela stated that it was more due to her Chicano/a Studies major and not due to her
race, that others react indifferently upon learning about her major. Marcela replied,
Like, things like neuroscience and astro – I was at an astro something and
he was like, oh, what is your major? And I am, “Oh, Chicano Studies,”
and he was like, “Oh.” But I think it is also because of my major, it is not
really because of my race or whatever. It’s mostly like, “Oh, what are you
doing?” I’m reading. I’m like, what are you doing? “I’m doing some
problems, blah.” I’m like, okay.

Velasco also did not believe that others perceived him to be less intelligent because he
was Latino. However, he stated that others did perceive him not to be able to speak
English when he helped his uncle with his gardening business, he stated,
I don't know if it's really -- because I look Latino, or just maybe
sometimes maybe the way I'm dressed, or how I, you know, how I present
myself. No, I mean, the only experience is just when I guess I'm
gardening but I don’t they think I’m dumb but they just assume I don’t
speak English, but no. But, no. No, I don't think so. I've never
experienced that, fortunately.

Oscar, Angela and Graciela did believe that others perceived them to be less
intelligent. Angela and Graciela both shared that they experienced feeling less intelligent
in their non-Chicano/a Studies classes. Angela mentioned that she is not encouraged to

239

speak about her race or identity in her English class, while being encouraged in her
Chicano/a Studies major. Angela shares her thoughts about her English classes,
They’re like, kind of like, oh well you know, your experience doesn't
apply here. That's basically what I've come across. You know, your
heritage -- unless you're -- they're like, “oh go to an ethnic English class.
That's where it applies. I'm like, “no, you apply race, identity everywhere.
What are you talking about,” but. That's what I mean.

Graciela revealed that others believed that she had been admitted by “chance.” She also
stated that other students outside of her niche did not ask her for help, assuming that she
did not have the correct answers in class. Graciela reported,
And, like I don't see a lot of other students approaching me for like help.
Like, you know, usually when you see people like asking like, you know,
if a White person has a question like they don't get it like they won't ask
me. Like, they'll ask like someone that looks like they would know the
answer. Or, like your typical, you know, like they would ask within each
other, like a White person and a White person, or they ask an Asian person
or someone that, you know, looks like they would be able to answer those
questions for them.

Oscar also provided a similar answer like Graciela in commenting that his
roommate believed he had been admitted only due to affirmative action and not his own
merit. Oscar replied,
I remember like the roommate that said like, "Oh, like, you were able to
get in here because of affirmative action, huh?" I remember him saying
that. I was like, "No.” I'm like, "affirmative action isn't even in place
anymore.” You know, and I told him that was like eliminated in 1999 I
think, like because of the Bakke case or something like that. So, I was
like, "No, like there's no affirmative in the University of California, you
know, because it was ruled to be unconstitutional.” And, he was just like,
"Oh, okay.” But, I remember that being something that bothered me.

240

Velasco also commented on the affirmative action topic in another other part of
the interview. Velasco for instance mentioned that his White girlfriend has told him that
he had been admitted to PPU and earning a scholarship solely because of his ethnicity, he
commented,
She's like, "Man, it sucks, like, you know, you got it -- you're getting
scholarships because you're poor, and you're Latino, and I'm going -- you
know, you got to PPU. You know, I'm going to [Breezy Community
College]."

Velasco goes on to state and agree with his girlfriend stating that other people do not
have the same opportunities as Latino/as, as they minorities receive “free passes.”
And it's like, "Yeah, you're right. That really does suck.” And it's like,
and I'll ask, you know [his girlfriend], "Do you think I don't deserve it?"
"No, I think you do deserve it. I just think that it was selected.” I'm like,
"Yeah, that's true.” And I agree, like it's kind of unfair to do that to people
that are just like you. Like, yeah, why feel like her, who are actually kind
of held back because they don’t have the same opportunities of us. I
mean, it seems kind of strange. Some people are just like why, you know,
like we're supposed to go to college, but when you're not -- because they
have money. But not every White person is rich. So, it's like, there's a lot
of free passes for minorities, that I don't always agree with all the time.

Velasco also commented that this topic has been discussed amongst his friends.
Particularly, Velasco states that the conversation has been that minorities attend PPU
because they want to diversify the campus despite their good grades and being good
students, he commented,
"Yeah, we're here because we're diverse, and so they want diversity.”
Yeah, like we -- like a lot of us know that. Yeah, we have good grades.
Yes, we're great students. But another bonus to add, was that we had color
on our skin. That was discussed.

241

In addition, Marcela and Angela also noted that others have doubted their
admissions to PPU. Marcela stated that other students are in disbelief upon hearing that
she earned less than a 3.5 GPA in college, while still being admitted. Angela shared that
she had to defend her test scores during her first day in orientation. Also, Angela
comments that students do not believe that she is meritorious in being admitted to PPU.
She states that others have told her that she was only compared to other students in her
local high school and not the overall application pool. Angela commented,
When I am asked what high school I attended and I respond Libertad, I
have gotten responses such as “oh you know you were only compared to
the students at your school, not all students who applied.” I know that
means that they do not believe I deserve to be at PPU, or that I did not
deserve my acceptance letter.

When asked what they would tell people who believe that he was taking away
seats from other White or Asian students, Velasco stated that he felt that he was not
taking someone else’s spot. However, he did believe that it was a bit easier for him to be
admitted to PPU. Velasco also stated that there should be a more “equal and random”
admissions system, Velasco elaborated,
I don't think I am taking a spot. I'm not taking a spot, because I deserve
this spot. I just think that, yeah, I understand that it was slightly a little
more easier for me to get in the school. But then, I go, "Well, look around
me.” I'm like, "There's a lot of Caucasians behind me.” So, it's like, I
think I deserve this spot. I mean, so -- but I mean, yeah, it does suck. So,
that's why I think there should be a system where it's a bit more equal and
random, almost.

Marcela stated that she would tell other students that “Prop. 209 is in place, so there is no
affirmative action.” Graciela responded by describing her experiences and stating that

242

she had done everything that she could have done, while also differentiating her
experiences with other students. Particularly, Graciela stated that she had to undertake
responsibilities that normally parents did, have a job during high school, and other
responsibilities in her household that others students do not face, she commented,
Like, I had a job. Like, where in the real world, like when in high school
did you participate in like the real world? Like, did you have a job? Did
you have responsibilities outside of school? Like, you know, like did you
do like things that your parents do? Like, did you like take upon any
responsibilities that they have that, you know, that they had to take upon
themselves? Like, I don't think you did. I had to take up some
responsibilities myself that my mom couldn't handle.

Graciela also added that she has had to defend her admissions at PPU to other students.
She states that students often ask her what her SAT and GPA scores were like or what
activities she was involved in. Graciela describes that when she replies and mentions her
results, students are often surprised by her “less than impressive resume.” Despite an
attempt to defend her status as a student on campus, she states that these students feel
they are not persuaded, she commented,
But, like, you know, I've done other things. You know. I had to work. I
had to have a job like since I was 15. I had to do this, this, and that. And,
like, it's still not good enough for them either. Like, it's sad, because they
don't understand. Like, they don't know what a job is like. They think of
a job is like, you know, something like something chill, like something
you don't really have to do, like effortless kind of job. But, it's like, you
know, you can't always get people to understand or to like validate you in
general when they're lacking that, you know, knowledge.

Oscar responded by stating that allowing a minority with a lesser SAT score would
“enhance cultural diversity on campus and improving racial relations on campus.”
Similarly, Oscar added that affirmative action provides “a level playing field” for less

243

advantage people who “do not have the cultural capital.” Finally, Oscar commented that
the summer program that he participated are also needed for disadvantaged populations,
as it provided him an essential transition to the university. Here, Oscar provides an
analogy of his transitions services recommendation,
Even just giving somebody like affirmative action, it's like that or like
that, what they say, you know, like, you know, it's like if someone's been a
slave all their lives, you know, they've been shackled in chains and you
can't just put them in a race, you know. Like, you have to transition them.

Finally, Angela also shared her thoughts about potentially taking away
other spots from students with higher test scores. Specifically, stated that she did
not have the same opportunities afforded to her than her more “meritorious” peers
with higher SAT scores. Angela responded,
I tell them the unfortunately the educational system is not equal/fair to all
students because we all do not get the same books, the same
teachers/administration/or staff, and most of us do not experience the same
kind of home life/ the same community environment, so yes maybe
someone who went to [better high school] did not get into PPU with better
SAT scores, but I was able to get those 600 scores at Fremont high school.
A school that did not offer me the same tutoring the student at [better high
school] got, or the same prep courses they could afford. I say that the fact
that I have been at PPU for 3 years now is my personal accomplishment
and therefore proves I did deserve my acceptance letter, especially coming
from a school with very limited resources, a school with a long history,
like the notorious [infamous gang] started at my high school, versus
[better high school]who has movie stars who attended there.

Five of the respondents stated that they had been told that people similar to them
did not do well in school. Velasco for instance stated that he had been told this through
many of the programs he had participated in both high school and at PPU. Velasco stated

244

that he heard this through his Gates Millennium Scholars Program, Avid, and SBPS.
Velasco commented,
The thing is, is that it's always people who want to help you, tell you
you're not going to do well in school. That's what I've realized right now,
actually. Like, the GATES scholarship that's supposed to make us feel
empowered, told us "You're not going to make it.” AAP says you're not
going to make it.

Oscar also agreed that this is what he heard in college but attributed it to his poor
educational studies that he received. Oscar described it as going from the “worst public
school system in US to one of the prestigious.” As a result, he stated that Latino/as do
struggle initially and end up having to adjust their first couple of years in college. Angela
also reported being told that students like her did not do well in school. Angela
commented that there were two versions being told of why other Latino/as did not do
well in school. She stated that the blame is not placed on the individual per say, in her
Chicano/a Studies classes, as other outside factors are to blame. On the contrary, her
other classes blame the individual and attribute it to a lack of effort, Angela commented,
It's all these other factors that played into the, you know, the reason that
your' re not at, you know, the reason why not everyone here is
Latino/Latina or African American. Compared to other classes where it's
like, you know, they -- you know, you didn't try hard enough. You, you
know, you're promiscuous and you had a child.

Graciela reported that others had not told her explicitly that she would not do well in
school but did see it implicitly. She stated that certain teachers have low expectations of
her, she commented,
It's just kind of like, "Oh, well, let me like try to help you like.” You
know, you're not even that maybe you won't make it, but I'll still try. Like,

245

I'll still try to help you kind of thing. Or, how do I explain this? Alright, I
think like their expectations of me are less. That's what I kind of am
trying to get at.

Catalina also mentioned that she had not been told directly but did mention that she was
aware about certain stereotypes. Catalina stated that Latino/as “don’t make it” or do
things “half way,” she said,
Well maybe but not to me directly. I don’t know for some reason we
Latino just carry that stereotype that we just don’t make it or we just do
things half way. But us not being intelligent I don’t think so, not
personally I’ve just heard it.

Three students reported not being previously told that people like themselves did
not do well in school. Marcela, Damian and Adam all reported that they were never told
that they would not do well in school. Marcela expressed that she heard positive
messages, such as going to graduate school. However, Marcela mentioned that she
primarily heard this through teacher’s assistants, as she stated that “they are students to,
so they know what we are going through.” Damian and Adam both responded by stating
that they personally had never been told that students like them did poorly in school,
however, they did not articulate if they knew that stereotype existed.
Students were then asked if they would avoid a class that they would do poorly in
even if they found the class interesting. Six students reported that they would not avoid a
difficult course.. Students who reported that they would not avoid a difficult course
included, Damian, Catalina, Graciela, Marcela, Oscar and Velasco. Catalina stated that
she was aware about interesting courses that were difficult and “took them.” Damian

246

commented that for him it was about the experience, particularly because he was paying
for all of his education. Damian replied,
No. I mean, I'm paying for it. So, if -- I'd better get the best experience I
can possibly get. And I think that for all the hard work that I'm putting
into it, the hours of work, I want to get the best experience from it. So, I'm
not going to cheap out and take an easy class just to get an easy A.

In addition, Damian was asked if he knew about the Pass/No Pass option that PPU
offered that might potentially improve his GPA. Damian stated that he was aware about
the option but had never taken it, as he would rather find out what he earned in class.
Damian commented,
But I personally, I'd rather know what level I'm at. If I got a C, then I
know I'm at the level of a C. If I got a B, then I know I'm at the level of a
B. If I got an A, then I know I'm at a level of an A. And if I got an F, then
I know it. I did horrible, and I need to step it up next quarter.

Graciela stated that she was all about learning and growing and would not avoid a certain
class due to it being difficult. She said,
Yeah, I would. Because, I'm all about like learning. I'm all about growing
and, you know. If it's something I'm interested in.

Graciela also offered that it was usually the professor that made her not want to take a
class, she stated,
It's usually always like the professor that like makes it not something that I
want to take.

Oscar also stated that he would not avoid a difficult course.
Marcela and Velasco did state that they would avoid a difficult class but attributed
it to having a poor quality teacher and because they were not prepared initially. Marcela

247

stated that she would avoid a class if it were interesting but mentioned that it would only
be due to a poor quality teacher and not difficulty of class. Here, Marcela shares a
specific example of a teacher that she has been warned about from her peers,
The subject is interesting. But he sucks, like he is a horrible professor.
And I’m like, I don’t want to take that class because I don’t want to take a
professor that I don’t want to – like I know I probably will have to just
check harder in the class, but like I don’t want to be surrounded by – if I
am going to be paying for this class, I don’t want to be with a professor
that I don’t like. It’s not because it is hard. If not, I would have never
taken stats. But I took it.

Velasco also commented that he did avoid a certain class knowing that he might have
done poorly in. Velasco stated that he had avoided his communications class but stated
that he did so because he was not prepared to take it at that time, as he had to improve his
study habits. Velasco stated,
Like, yeah, my communications, I could have taken it my winter quarter.
And I decided not to, because I don't think I was prepared at the moment.
I had to still improve my study habits. And so, not avoid it, just postpone
it until I feel I'm ready to take it. But if a class, yeah, if a class is being
like, "Oh, this class is really difficult," and I'll be like, "Well, let's see what
else I can find.” So, I take that one.

Velasco later also added that he was also strategic about avoiding his communications
class, believing that it would have dropped his GPA, while also decreasing his chances of
being admitted to his major. Velasco also points out that he has no problem in taking
difficult courses once being admitted in his major, Velasco shares his thoughts,
It's really more of just like I need to get my good grades, so I can apply to
Communications, and after that, I'll take any class. I mean, because the
thing is, to get in, it's competitive. Once I'm in, then bring it on.

248

Only Adam and Angela reported that they would avoid a course if it was difficult.
Adam for instance shared that he had avoided a math class, opting to take a statistics
class instead. He shared that his counselor suggested him to take the statistics class if he
was not good at math, he stated,
But they said that if math isn't your strongest subject, you should just take
stats because that's the one that everybody takes. And I just decided to
take that.

Angela shared that she now stays away from any class that has to do with math or Greek,
as she had previously failed these courses, which also caused her to be dismissed from
school. Angela replied,
So, now even if it's, you know, interesting. If it says anything about
ancient or Greeks over, I'm, just a -- or, I look at the class description and
if it has anything to do with math I don't take it.

When asked if any of the stereotypes surrounding math had anything to do with it,
Angela suggested that it also was a contributing factor, as many other Latino/as had
dropped the course according to a friend, she replied,
I mean -- like during winter quarter I really wanted to take this
astrophysics class but then they were like -- it was coming from a girl in
my class. She happened to be of Korean descent. She was like, “oh, you
know, I took that class last year and, you know, all the Latinos dropped
that class.” So, I was like, I'm not taking that class anymore. But it
seemed really interesting but I'll just say, I don't want to risk it.

Three students stated that they did not believe that others thought that they would
do poorly on standardized testing. Catalina responded by saying that “we all have about
an equal chance.” Similarly, Adam stated that doing poorly on standardized testing faded
with an increased amount of education one had, he commented,

249

I think the farther you get into education like the less something like race
would define you I guess.

Damian replied by saying that he did not believe others felt that he would do poorly on
standardized testing but attributed it to having others believing that he would do well on
his SAT in high school. Damian replied,
Yeah, I took the SATs. I guess, because of like I was one of the top ones
in the class, they expected me to do well. They expected me to get it. So,
they weren't very -- saying, "Oh, you're going to do bad.” They were just -
- I was -- I already took the test, and everyone just kind of expected me to
do well.

Marcela responded by saying that she was unsure what others would say. Marcela
alluded to graduate entrance examinations, stating that she had not gone through that
process yet to make such an assertion.
Three students reported that they felt that others believed that they will not do
well when taking standardized tests like the SATs. Oscar stated that he personally felt
like he would not do well when taking such tests. Oscar commented,
I don't know about others, but I know that I feel like I won't do well. I just
don't like that kind of test taking. I mean, others can have their own
informed opinions about how well Latinos perform, and if they want to
include me in that bracket, well, then they're free to make that assumption.

Oscar was then asked if he felt like he was also included under the assumption with other
students who do not perform well in standardized tests. Oscar responded by saying that
he had never heard anyone explicitly state that he will not do well when taking tests.
However, Oscar shared that he was aware about research and professors mentioning that

250

Latino/as did not do well on standardized testing. Oscar stated that these tests were
culturally irrelevant, he stated,
You know, it's not particularly culturally relevant to us. And, I think it
stems a lot from that, you know. Like, I mean, there's a certain language.
There's a certain like lingo that's associated with these tests the way that
they're, you know, created and crafted.

Velasco also mentioned that he had heard from others that he would not do well on tests.
Velasco cites his experience with the SAT, stating that he did not do well on it.
Therefore, Velasco agreed and stated that people were right in believing he would do
poorly on tests. Velasco replied,
I didn't do good on the SATs. So, if they say I won't, then they had a
point. I'm just bad with tests, period.

Velasco also mentioned that while he did poorly in multiple choice tests he did rather
well on writing portions, earning perfect scores. Graciela suggested that even her friends
did not believe that she would do well when taking the Medical College Admission Test
(MCAT). Graciela shares her friends’ unsupportive reactions upon hearing that she will
take the MCAT,
Even like my friends are just kind of like, "Oh, dang, you're going to take
that MCAT?" Like, just like you know the tone like wow, like you're
going to take it like. Although, you're not going to do well if you know
that kind of thing.

Graciela believes that her friends react indifferently upon hearing that she will take the
MCAT because they themselves are not going to take it. Furthermore, Graciela states
that her friends are not going to take the MCAT because they themselves believe that
they will not perform well on the test, she commented,

251

Yeah, because they're not doing it themselves. Like, they won't do it.
They're not even doing the kind of things that I'm doing, like the types of
classes I'm doing because they know that -- They feel like they can't do it.
Like, they know they're not going to perform well, and so they kind of like
project that.

Nevertheless, Graciela acknowledges that despite her friends not being able to
have the knowledge to guide her through the medical school application process, she is
motivated by their encouragement. She also shares that she is motivated in becoming a
medical doctor one day, as she sees the insensitivity by current medical system, as she
helps her mother navigate the healthcare system. Finally, Angela stated that because she
stayed in her “little bubble of friends” that consisted of people of color, she did not get a
sense that Latino/as did poorly on tests. She clarified that this was perhaps attributed to
her group of friends that were supportive and encouraging. Angela also added that she
purposely avoids other non-colored people in fear of reprisal. Angela’s comments imply
that she purposely avoids White students attempting to avoid possible confrontations
involving stereotypes. Nevertheless, Angela did not specifically state that she felt like
others feel like she would do poorly on standardized testing.
All students disagreed with the comments that Latino/as are “unintelligent” “lazy”
or “give up easily.” Catalina, Velasco and Damian commented that the same could be
said about other races i.e. Whites, Asians and Blacks. Damian for instance stated,
I mean, you could say the same thing about African Americans. You
could say the same thing about Caucasians. And you could even say the
same thing about Asians.

252

Catalina provided a common stereotype of Asian students that illustrated her point about
making overgeneralizations of certain groups,
It’s like saying all Asians are smart, that’s not right. I know lazy Asians.
Those comments are not educated enough.

Four other students, Angela, Graciela, Marcela and Oscar provided plausible reasons for
the assumption that Latino/as may be “unintelligent” “lazy” or “give up easily.” Angela
for example stated that people are often discouraged which may ultimately cause them to
give up. Angela see’s this happening to her 16 year older brother, who has been
discouraged several times and has accepted his fate at a community college instead of
attending a university directly. Graciela mentioned that Latino/as are often not aware
resources and therefore do not utilize them, which ultimately decreases their chances for
success. Oscar cited a poor public school system for a lack of upward mobility. Marcela
also cited a poor high school education as means for higher unemployment rates amongst
Latino/a community along with a lack of current jobs, as reasons for being unemployed.
Six students agreed that Whites and Asians discriminate, however to different
degrees. Graciela believed that she was a threat to Whites and Asians, as they would
belittle her if she earned high marks in class. Graciela commented,
Like if you're doing better than them, they'll try to kind of like be like,
"Well, why did you do better than me? What did you do different?" Like,
they'll try to kind of like belittle like you. Yeah. It's really sad.

Adam suggested that Whites and Asians might discriminate against Latino/as, as they
may be lacking examples of Latino/as who have made it PPU. Adam clarifies his point
below,

253

Just because maybe the only Latinos they would know are Latinos from
their high school that didn't actually come to PPU, so maybe they're
discriminating us because that's the only image they have of the kids that
didn't actually make it.

Angela stated that she found a high degree of discrimination from these groups. Angela
shared that she has been told that she has been discouraged by Whites and Asians.
Angela commented,
Just with, you know -- some people will tell me, you can't do it, you know,
That's more of what we do. Yeah.

Damian shared that he often finds White people in disbelief when they find out he is a
PPU student. Damian offered an example while working at a car dealership, as he takes a
potential White customer for a test drive,
And I'd just go on a test drive. And then on the road, I'd, you know, be
having small talk, and "Oh, do you work here full time?" Like, "Well, sort
of, only on the weekends. I go to school.” It's like, then they ask. And I
tell them, "I go to PPU.” And he's like, "Oh, really, you go to PPU?" With
a little sort of --And sometimes they'd just be like, "Oh, really, you go to
PPU?" And other times, like, "Oh, really?" Like sort of, disbelief.

However, Damian also shared that there were other White and Asian students that were
supportive and did not discriminate. Marcela cited that she was discriminated upon
telling White and Asian students that she was involved in MEChA or finding out that she
was a Chicano/a Studies major. Marcela stated that students would react indifferently
upon hearing about her activities and major. However, Marcela also stated that she was
unsure if the indifferent reactions that she received were due because of her race or
because of the actual activities. Oscar stated that Asians might not be discriminative of

254

Latino/as per say, Whites. Specifically, Oscar stated that White people tend to be
colorblind assuming that all people are treated equally.
So, they tend to operate under the assumption that we're all human beings,
you know, like there's no race. But, they've never experienced race, you
know. They've never had somebody follow them in a store because, you
know, they're brown or something or for whatever reason.

Oscar also added that White people’s master status also makes it difficult to see other
groups’ struggles, he stated,
They're like kind of like the master status, and they just can't like relate to
other people. And, they're like why can't you be just like us, you know?
Like, I just feel like that attitude sometimes, I do like, "Dude, it's easy.
Look...” I mean, and it's just because, you know, their race is the master
status and they've never experienced race as like a Black person has or a
Latino has or an Asian has, you know.

The final two students Catalina and Velasco did not agree that Whites and Asians
discriminated. Catalina stated that it was the individual that discriminated and not the
group. Catalina highlights her point below,
I would say that the group itself. I think that discrimination comes from
individuals not the whole group. And for me I haven’t truly experienced
discrimination from people like that specially at school.

Velasco agreed that all groups discriminated but had “never met a racist White person.”
In fact Velasco stated that Latino/as were the most racist people he ever knew. He adds
that it is isolated cases that over generalized and are used to blame an entire group,
Velasco commented,
I think you just -- they piss you off at the moment, so you're going to say
something about it, and blame the entire race for one person's mistake.

255

Similarly, students were then asked if Blacks discriminate against others. Three
students agreed that they did not discriminate. Catalina provided a similar response when
being questioned about both White and Blacks discriminating against others. Catalina
stated that only individuals discriminate and not groups. Damian also used the same
example when talking about White people’s reaction upon hearing that he is a student at
PPU. However, he states that Black people praise him and are more supportive upon
finding out he attends PPU, he stated,
Oh, good job.” You know, they don't really see -- they don't really
discriminate, but it's more -- and again, this is from the feedback that I
worked at, when I was at the dealer and going on the test drives. They'd
be like, "Oh, really. That's really cool. What are you majoring in?"
They're a little bit more interested, rather than just, "Oh really?"

Oscar believed that Mexicans discriminated more against Blacks than Blacks against
Mexicans. He stated that as a result he noticed a Black “flight” of sorts as families
moved out of local neighborhoods once predominantly populated by Blacks. Oscar
commented,
I think Mexicans discriminate more against Blacks because, I mean,
Compton and Watts are becoming predominately Latino ghettos now and
not particularly Black ones. I think there's like Black flight, you know.
And, I think a lot of the Blacks are going to [Inland City] now, and I think
that's the new like area where like Black people populate.

Five other students reported that Blacks did discriminate against others. Adam
replied similarly about both Blacks and Whites discriminating, believing that Blacks
based their perceptions solely on their exposure to Latino/as in high school. Angela
responded by stating that she saw more discrimination amongst the Black community. In

256

particular, Angela believed that it was more based on gender, as males discriminated
against other Black females who are not “voluptuous.” Angela stated,
They, they see more of a voluptuous female isn't as attractive as a not so
voluptuous female I would say. Like they AKA White female.

Angela also felt like every race discriminated, however was unsure to what extent.
Marcela also agreed that Blacks discriminated but was unsure to what extent. Marcela
rationed that they did at PPU, given that there were middle class and poor Blacks from
different neighborhoods. Marcela commented,
Look the thing is, here at PPU, there are two different types of Black
students. There are the students who lived in [Good City 1], [Good City
2], and then there are students who lived in [Rough City]. So, I don’t
know if you have noticed that, but there are like the middle class Black
students and then the low income Black students. So, I don’t really know.
I don’t know if they discriminate. I mean I am pretty sure that they do but
I wouldn’t be able to give you an example.

Velasco stated that Blacks discriminated like everyone else but only noticed it in high
school and not in college. Graciela also agreed with Velasco in stating that they all
people discriminate in general. Specifically, Graciela mentioned that discrimination
takes place when people feel threatened, she stated,
I think we discriminate just in general when we feel threatened or like -- I
think so. Even us, like when we feel threatened by like Whiteness, like
we'll discriminate it. Like, we'll criticize it. You know, we discriminated
it like from us, from who we are just in general. Yeah.

Five of the students reported that they believed that their evaluation would be
affected if teachers held stereotypes about them. Angela shared that she was fortunate
once to have been on the positive end of that evaluation, as the Teachers Assistant (TA)

257

in the class once moved her grade up to an “A” grade. Angela stated that this was only
because the TA knew her situation and was familiar with her. Additionally, Angela
commented that often that is not the case with many Latino/a students, as they are
perceived to be lazy, lacking study or not having worked hard enough. She adds that
Latino/as are often faced with difficult situations and adversity at home, Angela
describes,
Like when they [Latino/as] suffer academically it's not because they're
dumb. It's not because they study -- didn't study enough. It has to do with
the fact that they had a lot of personal things going on, like you know, my
family is going through financial crisis and it's affecting me. Or, you
know, my mom's, you know, has health conditions. Or my father has
health conditions.

Damian, Graciela and Oscar also agreed that their performance would be affected if
teachers held stereotypes about them. Marcela stated that she was “pretty sure they did”
but was unable to provide a specific example as to how her performance would be
affected.
Adam, Catalina and Velasco felt that their performance would not be affected if
their professors held stereotypes about them. Adam stated “no I don't think professors
stereotype like that.” Catalina replied by stating that professors have to ethical, she
commented,
You have to be ethical I think that maybe I don’t think so I don’t think it
would affect me.

Velasco believed that every grade he received was fair and that professors’ stereotypes
did not affect his evaluation. Velasco commented,

258

If they did, I wouldn't have notice, because every grade I've got, I think
was fair. So, if they do, they hide it very well. So, I mean, I don't think
so. You know, they're allowed -- I mean, they're allowed their opinion,
regardless.

Finally, all students reported that students’ evaluation would be affected if they
held stereotypes. Velasco mentioned that indeed, students would be limiting themselves
when carrying stereotypes. Oscar provided an example of Latino/as’ performance being
affected by their own racism against professors, who may not be in line with their way of
thinking. Oscar described his comments below,
It's possible. I mean, if a professor is, you know, kind of very chill and
wants everyone to like, you know, be fair and then you have a racist
student that holds stereotypes and they're all just thinking, "I don't like that
professor.” Because it's not in line with the way they think. So, I would
say yeah. And, this could be, I mean, a Latino. It could be like, you
know, like a Nativist, you know hard core what they consider Chicano and
this is all stolen land Aztlan type of thing, you know, which I don't
particularly agree with, you know.

Graciela alluded to certain stereotypes that students might get trapped into believing i.e.
Asians believing that they have to do well in math and science, she stated,
Like, these stereotypes like, you know, I'm Asian. Like, I have to be
doing well in my science and math classes. Therefore, like I got to like do
better than these other people. Like, I'm expected to do better than like
you’re White or you’re like other kind of person. Yeah.

When asked if Graciela was expected to uphold stereotypes at school, she mentioned that
she was expected to be an “angry Chicana feminist.” She states that she is often highly
conflicted about her identity due to this expectation, she adds,
Like, I doubt myself a lot in terms of like who I am. Like, it really does
like -- I think that stereotype does like confuse me sometimes as to who I
am and who I should be and so yeah. It's really, it sucks. It's very

259

conflicting. Like, it's very problematic. It's unhealthy too, because it's
like why should I have to be like, you know, like struggling so much to
like know who I am?

Graciela, Angela, Adam and Damian also agreed that students’ evaluation would be
affected if they held stereotypes. Catalina also agreed with most of her peers in stating
that other students would be affected but clarified that she would not be affected in her
evaluation, as she personally did not believe those stereotypes. Marcela also added that
while it can increase a person’s stress levels it can also empower one to do better.
Latino/a Retention
Research Question 7
How do Latino/as from low performing high schools, whose pre-college
environments are predominantly segregated affect their sense of belonging, given their
peer interactions, racial climate and community involvement?
Retention rates of Latino/a students in college have been problematic. Diverse
quality peer interactions, racial climate and factors involving the community, family and
faculty have all been identified as factors that can negatively impact the retention rates of
Latino/a students. For instance, Hurtado and Carter (1997) found that students do not
have to feel like they belong to the larger campus. Instead students can feel like they
belong, as long as they are involved in smaller networks on campus i.e. ethnic or
religious affiliations (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). In addition, literature noted that student’s
sense of belonging decreases, which in turn decreases their retention when a perceived or
behavioral hostile climate exists (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). Finally, Saenz et al. (2007a)

260

found that students attending segregated high schools with no White peers present have a
difficult time interacting with their peers in selective colleges, given that the majority of
students at selective colleges are White. Participants in this research study all attended
high schools with segregated high school populations, predominantly all Latino/a. This
section below will provides student’s sense of belonging given their previous segregated
environment.
These Latino/a students were asked to compare their interaction with other
ethnic groups in high school versus college. Only Catalina mentioned that her
interactions in high school and college were about the same with other people of
different ethnicities. Catalina stated that she had Asian and Filipino students in her ELD
classes. She also stated that although they did not share a language initially in their
ELD classes, they were able to interact with one another. Catalina stated,
It was the same in college we had Latinos but we also had so many other
people like a variety so it was about the quality of interaction cause if you
are ESL you don’t get that much it’s just through a few words or pointing
at things but in college it is different it was different for me.

Later, Catalina was asked if not having White students in high school affected her once at
PPU. She stated that she usually did not classify people by groups i.e. White or Asian
and therefore did not have a negative impact once at PPU.
For me it didn’t because I’m not used to classifying people oh they’re
White or they’re Asian or their Latinos so they’re just a different group
that you start to socialize with its not traumatizing or anything it’s just
different.

261

All other students reported having increased interaction with different ethnicities
and race of students at PPU. Velasco mentioned that he had a lot more interaction in
college as “there was only two Asians and one White person in my high school.”
Additionally, Velasco mentioned that it made college a lot more interesting and special,
he stated,
It just made college just a lot more interesting. I was a very -- it's like, I'm
-- it's a good factor that I wanted to go, is seeing other people and just a
variety of more students, with just -- it just makes everything special, I
guess.

Velasco also added that leaving his old neighborhood meant that he was “making
something out of his life,” he replied,
It just means that you know, you're out of -- you're taking the steps to get
out of Step Up out of these places; to -- and make something out of your
life, before you come back.

Velasco also shared that he had a White girlfriend in high school and through her also
met other White students that made his transition easier once arriving at PPU. Marcela
also noticed that she had undertaken more interactions with other students, however
mainly Southeast Asian students. Marcela stated that Southeast Asian students had
similar backgrounds as her, given their underrepresented status in college, she
commented,
But they are different – not that they are different than the other Asians,
but it is still different. Because a lot of them come from the immigrant
communities and stuff.

262

Damian mentioned that he has had interactions with various different ethnicities, as
classes tend to have a variety of “Latino, Caucasian and Asian students.” Adam
described his experience at PPU as a “culture shock” he stated,
But it was kind of like a culture shock because like I wasn't used to being
around so many like White people and Asian people. And especially so
many like foreign students because there's a lot of Asian kids that are like
from like--.

When asked how he adjusted to the new shift of ethnicities at PPU, he stated that he was
tolerant of all people with different backgrounds and accepted the diversity, he replied,
Well, I'm like tolerant of like everybody here, so it was kind of easier to --
and plus, I was like open to making new friends and like talking to people,
getting to know people. So, it wasn't too much of a hassle. I just let it
happen. Like I just accepted that there's so many other people here, so it
was easier to accept that.

Angela also agreed that her interactions with other students of different races and
ethnicities had increased at PPU. Angela stated that this was due to the majority of
students being White and Asian. Angela highlights her point by providing an example of
very few Latino/as at career fairs hosted on campus,
When I go to really huge events maybe out of you know the 700 attendees
there might be 20 Latino Latinos.

Graciela and Adam also stated that their interactions in college had increased with
students of different backgrounds but attributed it to the majority of White and Asian
students on campus. She also mentioned that her high school was all Latino/a and did not
have any interactions with people outside of her ethnicity. As a result, Graciela states

263

that having interactions with Whites, Blacks and other ethnicities was difficult. Graciela
shares her struggle with interacting with other groups,
Just because I don't feel comfortable, I don't know how to talk to them.
And, a lot of that has to do with like I never dealt with it like back when I
was in high school or whatever, prior to coming here. Even like with
people of color, like people other than like me, like people that are like,
you know, like your Black students. Like, I don't know how to talk to
them. Like, you know, like it's just I never did it back then. I'm still
learning the process now like so, and it's very limited like to be honest.

Oscar stated that he interacted with anyone that talked to him but did not necessarily
initiate conversations with others.
Similarly, students were then asked to talk about how much they had learned from
students of different ethnicities and backgrounds at PPU. All students reported having
learned from different students on campus. Angela for instance shared that she had
learned how many other students on campus had many more resources during high
school than her. Angela provided an example of her high school resources below,
I’ve really seen like how their educational system was different. How
they had more resources, either because of the schools they attended. Like
they had a complete series of Shakespeare. That still blows my mind.

Angela also expressed that she learned that many other students “learned about people of
color through the media.” She provided an example of an intern at Fox that had shared
with her that the media indeed filtered their news. Specifically, this friend of Angela told
her that they would not report certain negative portrayals of White people, while
reporting the same occurrences of brown people. Angela illustrates,
I had a White student who told me that, you know, he was at Intern at Fox
and they wouldn't, you know, they wouldn't tell a story about, you know,

264

how in the nearby city there, you know, there was a, there was a burglary
where they broke into five apartments and it was a White male (did not
report it) but when there was a brown male that broke into one apartment
that was the news.

Finally, Angela mentioned that the student who is involved is the one who benefited from
the diversity on campus. Angela stated that many other Latino/as do not face
discrimination because they are not involved and therefore are not being exposed to it.
At the end of the day I'm proud to defend my identity. I, I'm proud to say
yeah I'm from south side of town. I'm Central American … But, you
know, you're one more person that is representing your community.

Other students also provided examples of having learned new things about
different cultures and ethnicities. For example, Marcela stated that she was caught by
surprise when finding out that one of her friends was not able to have a boyfriend, despite
being 21 years of age. Velasco mentioned that he had just found out he loved Korean
food, as he was recently introduced to the cuisine by his roommate. Oscar learned to not
draw conclusions about an entire group, rather treating people as individuals. Oscar
illustrated his point,
Like, just because you see a person that's White doesn't mean they're
particularly rich. I mean, they could have grown up as the same
conditions that I did. I mean, learned that. You know, I learned that
there's a lot of White people who think like me, you know, who did the
Chicano Studies major, you know. And, I mean, there's some like White
people who were like jocks and I would hang out with, because we had to
do a project together, and they seemed to be all cool about it, you know.

Catalina mentioned that she was no longer in a small community, as she was “being
exposed to the world.” Graciela expressed that she found out about other groups on
campus who shared some of the same struggles that she was experiencing. Damian

265

commented that he learned about Asian students being very focused in their studies,
while being very timid. However, Damian also mentioned that he believed that there
could be other Asian students that could be very “relaxed and outgoing” but was only
describing those he had met in his studies. Adam also stated that he had learned about
other cultures.
All students reported that they most frequented with Latino/as on campus.
Damian attributed this to having something already in common with other Latino/as. For
instance, Damian stated that it was also easier to start a conversation about soccer, he
stated,
I guess it's easier to interact with them, because you know, you can talk to
them about the Mexican Soccer League, or you can talk to them about
soccer, you can talk to them about football.

The interviewer then asked Damian if it would have been easier for him to interact with
Whites and Asians if his high school were not so segregated. Damian agreed, as he stated
that it would have been easier to initiate conversations, he commented,
I think so. I think it would have. Again, because I would have already
been kind of used to the whole seeing other races on campus, and it would
have been easier for me to just kind of start up a conversation, or -- so
that's -- yeah, it would have made a difference. It would have made it
easier.

Adam commented that he interacted with mainly Whites and Asians in class but with
Latino/as outside of class. He mentioned that he was paired up with an Asian and White
student his first year on campus but did not became that great of friends. Subsequently,
Adam decided to live with his friends his second year on campus. The interviewer then

266

asked Adam why he may have chosen to live with other Latino/a students on campus.
Adam mentioned that he chose to live with other Latino/as because they were his friends
and did not have anything to do with their ethnicities. Adam provided his comments
below,
Yeah. I think that's only because they're my friends. I mean if I had a --
my best friend in high school was Indian. He wasn't like -- not Native
American, but like, yeah. And then I think it was just like either if I had --
if my best friend was Asian here, I would have wanted him to be my
roommate.

Velasco commented that he also frequented most with other Latino/as but attributed this
to his initial freshman summer program, where he met most of his Latino/a friends.
Angela, Graciela, and Marcela also stated that the people they most frequented with were
Latino/a. Catalina was the only student who had frequent contact outside of class with
non-Latino/as student. Catalina stated that she had contact with about 60 percent
Latino/a students and 40 percent Asian and Caucasian students. Catalina’s closest friends
consisted of 3 Latino/a students and 2 Asian students. All other students stated that all
five closest friends were Latino/a.
A final question on the topic of peer interactions focused on the meaningful
interactions that students had with other students about race. Six out of the eight
correspondents stated that they did have meaningful interactions about race at PPU.
Adam was able to convey that he had a recent conversation about the selection of majors
and the differences in the Asian and Latino/a community. Adam commented that her
floor leader in his dorm stated that it is typical for Asian parents to pressure their students

267

into choosing practical majors i.e. business, or becoming doctors. On the other hand,
Adam found out that this was not so much the case for Latino/a families, as they do not
pressure their students into choosing a major. Adam commented,
And she's telling us how her mom wanted her to do like business or
something like that. And like something that parents would see as
practical, and she wants to do like sociology. And she said that, you
know, her mom like was really upset with her when she decided to change
it and stuff. And then we were explaining to her how like our parents
want us to do that, but they're not forcing us to be doctors.

Angela expressed that she has had more meaningful conversations with other poor
class ethnicities. She stated that even talking to other Latino/as of middle class is
different. Specifically, Angela commented that people’s beliefs are mediated by their
experiences, as she mentions in her excerpt below,
So, I think there's also division between like income, 'cause like, when I
talk to a poor White person or a poor Korean, or, you know, poor
Japanese, it's different than when I talk to a rich one, because they don't
see that race has to do with that.

Catalina shared that she had spoken about Latino/as getting into medical school, as a
topic with others, despite having equal qualifications with other ethnic students. Catalina
commented that her friends and her concluded that Latino/as do not enjoy the same
admission rate to medical school because other factors i.e. race may play a factor in their
decision. Catalina stated,
We came to the conclusion that Latinos are less likely to make it. I guess
many companies, schools they do care about diversity but there’s so many
others things that they see. Maybe it’s your parent’s income or the
community you came from and maybe that’s not what they’re looking for
and maybe race plays a factor in there.

268

Marcela commented that she had conversations with Southeast Asians and Muslims.
Marcela provided examples of how her Muslim friends are usually stereotyped, as others
believe that they are submissive and that their religion restricts them from doing certain
things. Marcela goes on to state that her Muslim friends are not submissive, as they are
attending college and have chosen their religion. The interviewer later asked Marcela if
she had meaningful conversations about race with Northeast Asians and Whites. Marcela
responded by stating that she has had meaningful conversations with a couple White
people who participate in her clubs and organizations she is involved in. She stated that
these White people “understand their privilege.” Oscar commented that he learned that
race was different in other countries and other states in America. He stated that this was
sparked through a conversation with a French girl, as she indicated that there was no race
in France. This was eye opening for Oscar, he comments below,
So, I mean, it does open your eyes, you know. You get to learn more
about how the U.S. is different than other countries or, I mean, different
states or just different about it, you know. I mean, a state like Wyoming
doesn't have the same immigration issue as Arizona, you know. They
have different priorities and their policies that they seek to pursue.

Velasco recalled that he had talked about certain stereotypes with other groups. Velasco
also commented that these some of these stereotypes were true that they discussed.
Although, Velasco later clarifies to state that stereotypes did not apply to an entire group
but did exist for a reason, he stated,
Yeah, we talked of stereotypes before. Just get out there in a joking
manner. Most of them, we found out, are true. Like, but I mean, well, I
mean, not like to everyone. But there's a stereotype for a reason.

269

Only Damian and Graciela stated that they had not had meaningful interactions
with other students. Damian articulated that he never had a personal conversation with
another student about race. He stated that the closest thing to talking about issues of race
occurred in his “Labor and Social Justice in America” class. Here, in this class Damian
stated that there was a class discussion that took place, addressing who race impacted
manual labor in the last two decades. Graciela commented that it was a “touchy subject
and did not feel comfortable talking about it” with other ethnicities. Graciela articulated,
Like I know if someone else, like a White person, were to talk to me about
that like I would be like, "What the, why are you having these
conversations with me? Like, you think I need this? Like, you better
check yourself first and, you know, ask yourself these questions first and
then, you know.” It's very, you know, it's very threatening.

Graciela also added that it was a very “threatening” subject to talk about as there was not
solution to it, she clarified,
Yeah, it's a very threatening like subject. And, you know, there's never a
solution to it. There's never like a right way of like talking about it. It's
you know. It's just really tough.

Seven students mentioned that their race/ethnicity did play a factor in their
experience at PPU. Damian and Adam mentioned that they were able to take advantage
of support programs, such as the AEP and SBPS, respectively due to their ethnicity.
Damian stated that receiving tutoring services and support from AEP has “really
helped out a lot.” Adam commented that the SBPS program was able to ease the
transition to college, as he was able to make friends outside of the classroom. Adam
stated,

270

I didn't have to like find a group of people to hang out with to feel
comfortable while I was like adjusting to the college environment.

Angela stated that she and many of other Latino/as from low income neighborhoods are
relegated to an inferior education during their K-12 experience that ultimately shapes
their academic struggle. Angela replied,
Just the fact that, you know, I'm Latino, means I'm low income, means I
go to a bad school, means I'm not prepared for a university. My writing
skills coming into PPU were horrible. I had to start with, you know,
English II, which is basically -- like to a lot of people that's remedial. And
to me that was remedial. And, you know, that, that's where I started. And
I started with pre-calculus, even though I took calculus in high school.

Marcela felt that it did not affect her academics as much, as she has never been overly
focused on obtaining high marks. Rather, Marcela commented that she was raised to do
well knowing that she had worked hard in class. Marcela stated,
But my family always raised me, even though they weren’t there to help
me with my homework and stuff like that, as long as I was doing well with
classes, it is just like “try your hardest.”

Marcela also added that her ethnicity also lead her to joining MEChA. She commented
that she wanted to have an impact in her community and did not come to college to party,
she stated,
The fact that I saw my community and then I saw what all of this, not just
MEChA but all of these different organizations could do, so I was like,
yeah, that’s what I need to do. I didn’t come to college to party. I didn’t
come to college to just be social. I came to college to get something out of
it and help.

Graciela responded by saying that professors had low expectations of her due to her
ethnicity. Oscar felt that his ethnicity propelled him to choose Chicano/a Studies as his

271

major. Oscar also added that socially, he met most of his friends in his Chicano/a Studies
classes, while believing that his ethnicity did not impact his academics. Velasco felt like
his ethnicity only came into play when it came to feeling like many of his peers had
traveled abroad. This made Velasco feel like he was “really different,” as he had not
traveled. Velasco also mentioned that he had no problem adjusting to the large number
of White students as he welcomed it, stating that he wanted to meet other people from
other ethnicities. Velasco commented,
There is a lot of White kids, but it doesn’t bother me. Like, it's not in my
head, like, "Oh, no, White people.” Like, no, I’m like, "Cool.” I'm tired
of seeing Mexicans and Blacks in my high school. I want new people. I
want to meet people, like from all over the world.

Only Catalina felt that her ethnicity was not a contributing factor in her experience at
PPU. Specifically, she stated that she “was equally capable as anyone else.” Catalina
also elaborated that she attributed her academic difficulties to herself and not her
ethnicity.
Three students cited that they had not been discriminated against due to their
ethnicity. Velasco stated that race was not a factor at PPU and had not seen any
discrimination. He also stated that ethnicity took a backseat on campus, as everyone
recognized that you were a PPU student. Velasco commented,
It's no longer that what you are -- I mean, what you are matters, but it's
more now like you're a PPU student now. Like, yeah, you're Mexican,
you're Black, you're -- you know, you're Israeli -- but like you're a PPU
student, and like everyone knows that for the moment.

272

Adam, Catalina and Damian all provided brief responses, as they simply stated that they
had not experienced any discrimination due to their ethnicity. Marcela also commented
that she had not been discriminated upon but was due to the fact that she had not put
herself in those situations. However, Marcela also shared that she was offered a
babysitting position by a White student, as she participated in PPU’s volunteer day.
Marcela said that she was conflicted by the job offering, as she did not know if she was
presented with this position due to her ethnicity or because she was like most students
who needed money. Marcela commented,
Maybe she just meant it like, “I wanted to know if you were a college
student who needed extra money, if you could babysit my kids.” I thought
about it in that way. But at first when she told me that, I was like,
“What?” But then afterwards I was like, no, I shouldn’t get ahead of
myself. But that was really interesting when she told me that.

Only three students cited being discriminated, left out or put down due to their
ethnicity. Angela communicated that she felt left like she was left out and uninvited to
different campus organizations, parties or events. She mentioned that she had only
received three flyers while walking down the campus’ main walkway, where most clubs
and organizations promote, advertise and distribute their invitations. Angela commented,
Going down (main campus’ walkway) I've been -- maybe been given a
flyer three times in the three years I've been here. And I don't think that's
a coincidence that, you know, the White girl in front of me, or the Asian
girl behind me, or, you know someone next to me got it but, you know, me
and you know, the other two brown girls or the two African American
girls walking up or down the (walkway) didn't get it. Unless it was a
Latino organization saying oh, here, come to my party. I, I don't, I don't
think that's a coincidence and it's something that all other students of color
have experienced here on campus.

273

Additionally, Angela during an earlier part of the interview that did not relate to race
related topics shared that there were racial tensions on campus. She described that a
certain fraternity had put together a “wetback party,” in where people were asked to
crawl a gate and have their backs hosed down upon arrival. Angela commented,
They literally had a fence up and in order to get to the frat house you had
to go under a gate and they would wet your back.

Angela also mentioned that a similar party that occurred at the University of California
San Diego (UCSD) known as the “Compton Cookout” almost took place at PPU. Angela
mentioned that it did not take place because of different groups like the Black Student
Union, MEChA and RAZA and Southeast Asian groups worked to stop the event. The
“Compton Cookout” was described to be a “ghetto themed party” where males were
encouraged to “dress like gangsters, wear baggy clothes, tennis shoes, and a big sweater,”
while girls were encouraged to “put a ridiculous amount of makeup on and dress like a
hoochie.” Furthermore, Angela mentioned that she had personally been attacked for
wearing her “rainbow backpack,” as people have pulled her aside and have asked her if
she has “read the bible,” asked her if she was gay etc. In class, Angela also mentioned
that she has had a person tell her to “shut up and stop preaching” about her community’s
problems. Later, Angela was asked about why certain Latino/as may not be experiencing
racial tensions on campus, as she did. She replied by stating that these students who did
not experience racial tensions on campus were not involved on campus. Angela
commented,

274

We've had a discussion about this, that a lot of Latino/Latina students
aren’t involved in campus politics. They're not involved in programs that
go back into the community and, you know, they don't go through the --
you know, they don't -- they're not exposed to these things on campus.
They're just, you know, brown people that come, get there, you know, get
there, you know, get, you know, get -- choose a major, get the diploma
and peace out.

Graciela shared the same example that she had discussed earlier in the interview citing
their discrimination. Graciela shared that she had a couple of experiences of feeling
discriminated upon during her tenure at PPU. She again mentioned the incident with her
professor that had had low expectations of her. Graciela also provided another incident
of discrimination at PPU during her high school interview, while answering a question
about the difficulties of being a Latino/a student. Graciela stated that her Asian friend
assumed that she was a Chicano/a Studies major and was shocked to find her in his
chemistry class. Graciela shared her experience,
He's like, “what”? What are you doing here,” like -- and I was like, “oh,
I'm taking the class.” And like, right in front of everyone, and he was kind
of like, “what”? “You're taking this class? Like, what? I thought you
were a Chicano Studies major, like I wasn't expecting you to be taking this
class.” Like, he was just so puzzled. I was just kind of like, well, that's
pretty jacked up, like, you automatically assume that I was just like some
kind of ethnic studies major, you know? Like, it was just really -- it really
did bother me.

Oscar stated that he a White doctor automatically assumed that he was not a student on
campus, as the doctor asked him “would you like to be a student here one day.” Oscar
stated that this doctor was in “disbelief” and even after feeling like he had to show him
his student I.D. the doctor still left in shock. Oscar commented,

275

" He's like, "How do you like it here?" I'm like, "Oh, I like it just fine, you
know.” He's like, "Would you like to come to school here one day?" I'm
like, "I do.” you know ... And, he was like, "Really? You're a student?"
Like, he was still in disbelief. And, then I like badged my I.D. I'm like,
"Yeah, I'm a student. Look.” And, he was just like, "Hm.” You know,
and just kind of left.

Five students reported that their race/ethnicity did not affect their friendships and
or selecting romantic partners. Adam mentioned that “interracial couples are
everywhere.” Catalina stated that she had many other friends from Asian and Caucasian
descent and did not believe that her ethnicity would be a factor. Marcela believed that it
would not be a factor when selecting romantic partners, as she mentioned that she was
surrounded by students of other nationalities i.e. Muslims, Blacks and Pilipinos.
Ideology and students’ views are what mattered to Marcela. Oscar commented that while
he had no romantic partners during college, he believed that his ethnicity would not play
a factor in dating. The final student, Velasco mentioned that he was eager to make new
friends of different nationalities. Velasco stated that he did not have an opportunity to
meet people from different backgrounds in his neighborhood and purposely seeked to
make new friends from different countries at PPU. Velasco replied,
But like, more of like making just other friends that don't look like me,
because it's like, I don’t get to see you all the time where I live. And it's
just like make friends here. So, that's how race comes into a fact when I'm
selecting, yeah.

Three students believed that their ethnicity did affect their friendships and or
romantic partners at PPU. For instance, Angela provided an example of her Latino/a
friend who was teased often for having a White boyfriend. Angela also shares that she

276

has not had a connection with someone outside of her race. With regards to friends,
Angela stated that her most of her friends are of color, as she purposely chooses these
spaces, where other people of color meet. Angela also commented that she chooses to
attend those spaces as she feels understood. Angela replied,
That's the place where I feel like people understand me and -- I mean,
there are, you know, White people, you know and other non-Southeast
Asians that do, you know, use those services but, you know, they're just in
and out of the building, you know, to use the bathroom or to use the test
bank or to use the free printing services. Not necessarily to interact with
students or to have a conversation. So, I think that's how I chose my
friends.

Damian mentioned that while he has been in a relationship with his girlfriend since high
school, he would assume that it would be easier to date a Latino/a, as “they would be
easier to get along with.” Graciela offered that she did not have a preference to date
White males. She stated that she associated Whites with the Greek system on campus,
she stated,
I just automatically associate like a White person with the whole Greek
system. Like, you know, like just learning about colonization, learning
about Whiteness, learning about all this makes you not want to date one.
It's pretty sad. It's true, yeah, yeah, yeah.

With regards to making friends Graciela stated that she felt that she had to have
her group of friends that have had similar experiences like her. Talking to other people
of other backgrounds or ethnicities was not much of a problem for Graciela, however, she
was unsure if she would be able to be friends with them. Graciela also added that she
would most likely not be friends even if another White person would have had similar
experiences as her, she commented,

277

Like, it's very different I would say still like, I don't know. Like, I would
still be able to like have some kind of like dialog and like be in a
relationship with them, but it would be very very different than someone
that might have experienced the same experiences as I did within my race.
Like, it would be very very different. Yeah, none of them as friends.

All but one student felt that they had something special to contribute, given their
class background. Oscar commented that every student was able to contribute to the
vitality on campus, as they all had different perspectives to contribute. Velasco, similarly
responded by stating that his race, ethnicity and social class background allowed him to
contribute to the campus. Damian felt that his unique citizenship status was able to
provide other students support who were going through similar experiences. When asked
if there was a unique set of values that he brought to campus, he stated that students’
backgrounds did not matter, he replied,
I guess my biggest value, like the one that I believe in the most, it's that it
doesn't really matter where you're from, who you are, what your name is,
who you seem to be. Everyone's a person, regardless.

Catalina felt that her ability to translate and help people communicate effectively
with physicians was a vital contribution. Angela felt that her ability to work with high
school students and empowering them. Angela also mentioned that she also felt like she
was able to encourage other students from Central America attend PPU and feel more
comfortable. Graciela similarly stated that she felt like she was able to empower high
school students with the knowledge that she has gained at PPU. Graciela commented,
Just like, you know, doing things that like bringing up like conversations,
like bringing up like this consciousness of like why like your purpose as a
student, like bringing that into that space in that when outreaching when

278

like working with the community. I think it's something very very special,
I think.

Graciela also mentioned that she contributes on campus by bringing up and talking about
topics that she felt are being left out. Graciela states that her experiences have given her
a unique perspective on certain topics, she stated,
Like, you know, it's just bringing those conversations in that people aren't
even talking about. I think that's very like interesting and, you know, and
because of my experience, I am able to like, my experiences, I've been
able to bring in these extra conversations that aren't being talked about.

Marcela mentioned that students are able to contribute to their campus, given their
experiences. Marcela commented that her contributions to the campus were manifested
by her participation in MEChA.
The majority of students reported that they did not feel like their professors
discouraged them from speaking out in class because of their ethnicity. However,
Velasco mentioned that while he did not believe that professors discouraged him from
speaking out in class, he did mention that his Sociology professor called out students
during class, which was “very odd and very intimidating.” Damian also mentioned that
while he personally had not been discouraged from speaking out in class, he had
witnessed other students being discouraged. Damian mentioned that certain professors
made jokes about students either because they failed to answer correctly or because they
have not done the required reading for class. Damian commented,
I've heard of some professors that kind of make jokes about people, sort of
like the first day of school. And someone raises their hand and they give a
wrong answer, and they're like, -- they'll tell them, "Oh, this isn't the
university for you," or something like that.

279

Only Angela mentioned that she did feel like a professor had discouraged her
from speaking out in class due to their ethnicity. Angela stated that she was discouraged
by her professor in her Jewish American Studies class, as she was trying to relate the
Jewish American community experiences with other immigrants had experienced when
they came to the U.S. Angela commented that her teacher responded very discourteously
making her feel angry. Angela stated,
The professor's like, “you have no idea what the Jewish experience is.
You're not Jewish.” And I was just like, “whoa.” That was my professor.
That completely shocked me and, and, just like what and she said “we had
the Holocaust and there's nothing compared to what we went through.”

Angela added that she did not respond to her professor in fear of reprisal, Angela
commented,
You know, she really angered me, but I didn't want to say anything 'cause
I'm like, she's in charge of my grade. She's my professor, like, you know,
I can't answer back to her. I mean a TA maybe you can get away with
some leeway but not a professor.

All students reported that they felt like they belonged on campus. Adam and
Catalina felt that they had worked equally hard as their peers and felt deserving of being
admitted to PPU. Adam for instance stated,
Yeah I do. Like there's some times where I know there's another kid
smarter than me, but I feel like I deserve to be here. I mean I worked hard
to get here, so I deserve to be here just as much as the other kid does.

Catalina agreed with Adam and added that her belonging on campus was also tied to the
fact that everyone else on campus was going through the same things she was. Catalina
replied,

280

I think that for me it was satisfying and knowing that I was going through
the same things they were and knowing that there was not much difference
from them and for me to go there I think that that gave me the sense of
belonging there.

Oscar felt like he “owned the campus” as he knew the campus “like the back of his
hand.” In addition, Oscar found solace during his orientation on campus, as he states that
his admission decision was reinforced, while also being told that his previous GPA and
SAT scores did not matter. Specifically, Oscar was told that they were now PPU students
and it only mattered what they did from now on. Oscar commented,
"You're in PPU already, you know. Like, you passed every test. You
know like, I mean, in the sense that like people who were reviewing your
application thought that you were good enough to attend this campus, you
know. Like, you're already in … Like, it doesn't matter if somebody asks
what was your SAT score, you know, because you're already in the school
… What matters now is what you make of yourself here, you know …
You're all PPU students, you know, so see where you take it from there.”

Damian and Velasco also agreed and mentioned that they were comfortable being on
campus and felt they belonged.
Angela, Graciela and Marcela also agreed that they belonged on campus but with
some reservations. Angela and Graciela both mentioned that they felt like they did not
belong initially in their first year. Angela also added that she felt like it was still a daily
struggle at times, feeling like she does not belong. Angela described first year as a
“crisis” given her dismissal from school and initially felt glad about being dismissed, as
she “never found the support” and felt like she “never belonged.” Fortunately, Angela
adds that she found a counselor through MEChA who made her feel like she did belong
and later appealed and was allowed back in school. Nevertheless, Angela talked about

281

having to struggle daily, feeling like she does or does not belong. Angela attributes her
feelings of not belonging to having her prove her worth on campus, as others constantly
doubt her reason for being admitted, she commented,
You always have to defend yourself. It's a sad fact but you always have to
defend yourself, because a lot of people doubt that, you know, you're here
for a reason -- like you're here because you deserve to be here.

Having to prove that she belongs on campus is difficult, as Angela also provided an
example of how other students simply believe that being a “box checker” or insinuating
that they are minorities when applying will increase their chances of being admitted.
Below, Angela describes an example of a student who identified as a “box checker” and
admitted that she was not Latina but simply indicated so in hopes of being admitted,
Angela stated,
She told me oh, I'm not Latino. She was like, I'm just a box -- Like she
wasn't even like -- she didn't even care to say it. She said, "I was a box
checker.” She's like I, I knew that if I were a full I would get in.

Angela added that it is students like her that believe that by simply being a minority will
automatically admit you to a selective university. Angela commented,
I'm like, just because you're brown doesn't mean you're going to get into a
good university like -- a lot of people think that. It's like, no, I'm like.
You know, it has to do with the school you came from. Like, if you're
Latino and you went to [Rich High School], you know, it's going to be
harder for you to get into a university 'cause there going to be like, well,
she went to a [Rich High School], you know, you know. She had
exposures to these -- you know, these resources. She didn't take
advantage of them. Compared to [Low Income High School] it's like,
yeah. [High Income High School] doesn't have the same resources [Low
Income High School] has.

282

Similarly, Graciela felt like her first year was a difficult transition, as she did not find her
“niche” and was “surrounded by a bunch of people she couldn’t relate to.” Graciela also
added that it negatively affected her academic performance, hated school and found
herself going home every weekend, she stated,
Yeah. I think that, yeah, it really sucked. I was really bad. Like, I was
just emotionally like wrecked. Like, I was not performing well like in my
classes. I was miserable. I was going home every weekend. I was like
homesick. I was like I need to be home. I can't be there. I hate school.
Like, I hate the dorms. Like, I hate the food. Like, it was just such a like -
- It became such a negative space for me that I was just kind of like, I
don't want to be there.

Graciela commented that she was fortunately able to connect with other students of
similar interests on campus later on. She mentioned that not participating in any summer
orientation or program was a disadvantage, as she was not able to meet other students and
find her “niche” initially. Marcela articulated that she felt like she belonged on certain
parts of the campus. Marcela stated that she felt comfortable in the spaces and
organizations that she often frequented but described campus as a “different world
whenever you go anywhere else.”
Students were then asked to talk about the most popular activities on campus. Six
students reported that fraternities and sororities were the most popular activities on
campus. Despite citing that these were the most popular activities on campus, none of
the participants participated in any of these organizations. Marcela and Angela
commented that they did not care much for these fraternities and sororities. Marcela
described these organizations are “elitist” and “exclusive” only allowing “the best of the

283

best to join.” Marcela also added that the same could be said for Latino/a fraternities and
sororities, as they too exclude other Latino/as. Marcela shares her thoughts,
But they were excluding the other people who wanted to be in their group,
too, you know. So, it is the same system but they are just like, no, but we
are Latino. You are still excluding the other Latino who want to be your
friend.

Angela also did not take well to sororities and fraternities, disagreeing with their
“philosophy” finding it difficult to believe that other Brown students could participate in
sororities and fraternities and not be politically active on campus. Angela also
commented on their volunteer work, feeling like these organizations did not provide
quality community service. She described their community of service as being less than,
stating that “cleaning the beach” or “painting over graffiti” was not true community
service. True community service, she described was being involved in the community
and having them take advantage of their assets. Adam, Catalina and Velasco did not
mention how these popular sororities and fraternities impacted them or not.
Adam, Damian and Marcela also commented that Sports were also popular on
campus. However, none of the three students reported having attended any of these
events. Damian mentioned that he worked on weekends and was unable to attend.
Damian did mention that he had made it his goal to attend a basketball game this year.
Not having joined sororities and fraternities, students described the various
different activities and organizations they participated in. Angela for instance mentioned
that she participated in several different organizations on campus that included MEChA,
Gay Straight Alliance and CWPO. Graciela and Marcela also mentioned their

284

involvement with MEChA and CWPO. Catalina included that she was involved in health
fairs that served underprivileged communities like Tecate, Mexico. Oscar talked about
his participation in the Day Laborers Outreach Program (DLOP). Here, Oscar mentioned
that he was able to provide day laborers nutritious food, teach them English and inform
them about their rights. Oscar elaborated,
And, like so we had food for them. They would eat, and we would teach
them like their basic human rights. Like, if they were stopped by a police
officer how they should react, what their rights were, and like we taught
them like, you know, the names of the tools that they were using. Like, if
they were using a shovel, a drill, like just how to communicate with
people who, you know, they would be working for.

Velasco commented that he was involved with a recent radio internship that he received
on campus and the AAP program. Only Damian and Adam mentioned that they had not
participated in an organization on campus. Damian stated that he had participated in
intramural sports but only for two weeks as work got in the way. Adam stated that he did
participate in movie screenings and discussion panels but had not been able to join a club
on campus.

285

Chapter 7
Summary of Research Findings
High School Experience
Investigating the successful matriculation of LPH Latino/a students at an elite
public university has been one of the foci of this study. Particularly, because Latino/as
are estimated to become the majority group in the state of California. Also, because
research demonstrates that Latino/as from LPHS or API 1-2 high schools attend these
selective universities at lower rates than students attending higher performing schools in
California (UC Statfinder, 2010). Selective universities that yield higher (Alon &
Tienda, 2005) and faster graduation rates (Bowen et al., 2009) and have higher life time
earnings (Behrman et al., 1996).
In this chapter, an analysis is done of student’s high school and collegiate
experience. This study will uncover the experiences of Latino/as from LPHS who have
successfully matriculated into a selective public university. Findings are presented by
research questions, beginning with their high school experience. This study consisted of
eight Latino/a students who previously attended API 1-2 high schools. Four Latino
students and four Latina students participated in the study. Eleven different themes
emerged from the analysis that made up four major findings during student’s high school
experience. The first four themes emerged from student’s high school experience. These
four included 1) friends did not interfere with their schoolwork, 2) unaffected by the
teasing, 3) found being popular and earning good grades to be unproblematic and 4) gave

286

up some part of their ethnicity. The remaining eight themes emerged from student’s
experiences at the collegiate level. Themes included 5) difficulty being Latino/a, 6)
viewed as less intelligent, 7) difficult encounters in AP/Honors, 8) took AP/Honors in
high school, 9) took Honors by the 8
th
grade, 10) encouraged to take AP/Honors, 11)
institutional agents and school work and 12) institutional agents and college guidance.
FINDING 1: Most students did not find the relationship between doing well in
school and friendships to be problematic. These students appeared to have been able to
successfully resolve the negotiation of schoolwork and friendships. These students were
able to negotiate their time between friendships and schoolwork without having to make
a compromise in either area and were unaffected by the subtle teasing that occurred.
They did not feel like they had to choose between being popular and earning good grades.
FINDING 2: Most students reported feeling the burden of being Latino/a during
high school. Students reported feeling like they had to give up something about their
heritage in order to do well in school, all expressing a variety of mechanisms that it made
it difficult being Latino/a and felt that others thought they were less intelligent and
endured difficulties upon in taking Honors and AP classes.
FINDING 3: All students took AP/Honor courses during high school. Seven of
these students had taken Honor courses by their 8
th
grade years. All students reported
having been encouraged by someone to take Honor/AP courses during high school.

287

FINDING 4: Students had institutional agents during high school that offered
them with help with their schoolwork and provided them guidance throughout the college
application process. No evidence for empowerment agents were seen.
FINDING 5: The burden of being Latino/a was seen at the selective college.
Students felt like they were juggling two different worlds, felt like members of their
families were vicariously living through them, felt that their family and friends viewed
them differently after attending college and had to give up something in order to do well
in college.
FINDING 6: Students felt supported by the various outreach and retention
projects on the college campus. Various institutional agents from these programs
transitioned students from their high school, providing them with cultural and
social capital, tutoring services and that helped them navigate their collegiate
experience. Evidence of empowerment agents were seen with students taking
Chicano/a Studies classes.
FINDING 7: Despite having overall lower GPA’s at PPU students were able to
depict the importance of gaining newly found knowledge which enriched their overall
lives, both personally and academically. Students also found that attending PPU afforded
them an overall better education, especially in terms of prestige. The consensus is that
their degrees were more valuable than from other less selective schools. Attending PPU
also changed students’ ambitions given the resources and experiences on campus.

288

FINDING 8: Evidence for the externalization and internalization of stereotype
threat hypothesis was seen for students. Students reported that others believed that they
did not do well in school, and would do poorly on standardized testing (externalization).
In addition, students reported that Whites and Asians discriminated and believed that
their evaluations in class would be affected if their teachers or students themselves held
stereotypes. Students also reported feeling like they would avoid math classes and
believing that they would do poorly in standardized testing (internalization). Evidence
for a social stigma was also evident as students reported being perceived not meritorious
and being admitted due to affirmative action.
FINDING 9: Students’ interaction with other groups, in particular Whites and
Asians were not commonplace. In particular, it was noted that students did not have
meaningful interactions and conversations with Whites and Asians. Further evidence
suggested that students did not have quality informal interactions with White and Asian
students as, students reported that their five closest friends were all Latino/a.
FINDING 10: Student’s sense of belonging was mediated by the racial climate
was mixed. On the one hand students reported that race and ethnicity did play a factor on
campus. On the other hand, half of the students reported that they did not experience
discrimination, while the other half did. Additionally, students reported that race did not
affect their friendships/romantic partners and expressed that their professors did not
discourage them from speaking out in class. Finally, students did express unanimously
that they had something special to contribute given their race/ethnicity.

289

FINDING 11: Students were connected to smaller social networks on campus that
increased their overall sense of belonging.
Research question 1.
How does the burden of being Latino/a affect students from API 1-2 high
schools?
FINDING 1: The majority of students did not find the relationship
between doing well in school and friendships to be problematic. These
students appeared to have been able to successfully resolve the negotiation
of schoolwork and friendships. These students were able to negotiate their
time between friendships and schoolwork without having to make a
compromise in either area and were unaffected by the subtle teasing that
occurred. They did not feel like they had to choose between being popular
and earning good grades.

Negotiating time between friendships and schoolwork. Six students reported that
friends did not interfere with their schoolwork. These students reported having similar
friends on campus that accepted them for who they were. In fact, Oscar stated that his
friends molded themselves around him, while Catalina made friends who accepted her for
whom she was. Two other students stated that having their friends in their classes was
also helpful. Angela stated that they would “all sit in the same table and help each other
out.” Only Marcela and Graciela reported their friends interfering with their
schoolwork.
Unaffected by the teasing that occurred. Four students reported being teased for
getting good grades in school. However, two of these students reported feeling unscathed
by the subtle teasing. Damian mentioned that the teasing was not “insulting,” his soccer
teammates made comments like “Why don’t you go read a book?” In addition, Damian

290

found his neighborhood friends making comments that he was the “smart one.”
Nevertheless, Damian reported that these forms of teasing did not bother him and even
used the teasing from his neighborhood friends as encouragement, believing that he
indeed was smart. Oscar was also teased for being a “ass kisser” with his teachers.
However, he felt that these forms of teasing did not affect him as he mentioned that “for
every person that teased me, I had ten people who didn’t.”
Four students reported that they were not teased during high school. It appeared
that these students had support from their peers. Angela and Catalina both reported being
seen as assets on campus. Angela mentioned that other students would not tease or
“mess” with her, as they were able to recognize that “she was going to make it one day.”
Catalina was also offered similar protection by her other students, she stated that a
student who ran with the wrong crowd offered her protection if and when in trouble.
Velasco and Adam both reported feeling supported by friends in their classes.
It is also important to note that Velasco mentioned that while he was not teased
other students may have been. Specifically, he mentioned that many other students may
have held back in fear of being teased in school. Similarly, Angela specifically
mentioned that she endured this sort of teasing during her elementary and middle school
years. With the teasing fading in middle school and completely being phased out in high
school. Angela mentioned that the teasing particularly stopped in high school when
“hombres” joined her inner circle of friends, as they were able to defend them from
others. In other words, Angela appeared to have successfully negotiated the relationship

291

of earning good grades and not being teased by her high school years. Overall, it
appeared that the other six students in the study had been able to successfully negotiate
this relationship by the time they had reached high school. However, Velasco’s
commentary suggests that not all students had been able to do so, as was the case for
Marcela and Graciela.
Not having to feel like they had to choose between being popular and earning
good grades. The same six students also reported that they did not have to choose
between feeling like they had to earn high marks and being popular in high school.
Angela and Damian both reported that they had friends who also earned high marks and
were supportive. Similarly, Oscar had figured out that his grades were more important
than his friends, knowing that “grades were permanent and friends were not.” Oscar also
felt that his friends would ultimately understand if indeed they were “true friends.”
Having two sets of friends during lunch and in her AP/Honor classes, Graciela found
herself at odds with both groups. With her lunch friends feeling like she was not
spending time with them and touting her smartness and still not being fully accepted with
her AP/Honor friends, as she was not part of their social circle.
In summary, the majority of students did not feel like they had to choose between
earning good grades and friends. Similarly, students reported that they were not teased
during school and out of the four, two reported feeling unaffected by the subtle teasing.
Other students were seen as assets to their school community. Students were also
unaffected by having to choose between being popular and earning good grades.

292

Nonetheless, as Fordman and Ogbu (1986) report, these students still undergo affective
dissonance, or psychological pain in navigating their high school experience. Also, it
appeared that most students had successfully dealt with the acting White accusations or
teasing that may have occurred by high school, as Angela’s experience suggested.
Angela mentioning that the teasing gradually stopped in middle school and completely
faded once “hombres” had joined the group, that were able to protect them. It appears
that all other students may have found resolve between earning good grades and teasing
by high school. However, it is not known how and when these other students may have
resolved this relationship.
FINDING 2: The majority of students reported feeling the burden of being
Latino/a during high school. Students reported feeling like they had to
give up something about their heritage in order to do well in school, all
expressing a variety of mechanisms that it made it difficult being Latino/a
and felt that others thought they were less intelligent and endured
difficulties upon in taking Honors and AP classes.

Giving up something about their ethnic/racial identity in order to do well in
school. Five students felt like they had to give up something about their heritage in order
to do well in school. Three students felt like they had to give up something with regards
to language. Damian and Graciela felt like they had to give up their “Spanish.” Damian
felt like “everything is English based” in school and Graciela found herself having to re-
write her personal statement in English, despite feeling that she was better able to express
herself in Spanish. Another student, Marcela found herself giving up her schoolwork in
favor of her assigned household chores, given her “mujer” status. Two other students
found that students had to give up their culture. However, it was Angela who mentioned

293

that she did not particularly give up her culture, many other students did, as they were not
able to join Mariachi or dance in Folklorico groups.
Oscar, Velasco and Catalina all reported not feeling like they did not have to give
up something about their heritage in order to do well in high school. Instead, Oscar
stated that it was “about how Mexican you were,” given that his high school was
predominantly Mexican. Oscar alluded to different classifications of Mexicans on
campus, as he described different Mexicans as being either a “wetback,” “chunt,” or
“going to Mexican night clubs,” suggesting that the complex hierarchy of Mexican
natives and Mexican-Americans. Similarly, Velasco agreed that he did not have to give
up anything about his Latino heritage but was able to name others who did. Velasco
mentioned that he did not abide by the “checklist” that existed for Mexicans that
classified them as such. In addition, Velasco mentioned friends who did have to give up
certain parts of their ethnicity.
Difficulty of being Latino/a. Despite not having Whites in high school as all
students attended predominantly Latino/a high schools, seven students expressed
difficulties with being Latino/a. Various mechanisms that included appearance, cultural
beliefs, financial, poor schooling and segregation all were expressed as being difficult to
deal with. Adam found himself having to prove that he was Mexican, given his lighter
complexion, appearance and mannerisms. Damian found himself at odds with attending
college knowing that he was not going to qualify for any free money from the state and
government. Graciela found herself at a disadvantage by not attending schools with

294

better resources, better instruction and living in a more integrated community. Other
students like Oscar and Marcela found that cultural beliefs and norms were difficult to
handle, as they had issues with being “macho,” “sexism” and “homophobia.”
Others thinking they were less intelligent. The majority of students described
different accounts of feeling like others perceived them as being less intelligent. For
instance, Damian found that his White girlfriend’s father during high school discouraged
and questioned that he was taking AP Calculus. Angela found reprisal from both peers
and her teacher in school being labeled as a non-magnet student and therefore unable to
take Honor coursework, while her teacher was dumbfounded upon noticing that she was
reading an unassigned book in class. Other students reported similar accounts. Only
Adam and Catalina suggested that they were not perceived to be less intelligent. Adam
stating that his high school was predominantly Latino/a and therefore was not perceived
to be less intelligent. However, Adam’s statement suggests that if a stereotypical group
existed that is considered to be smarter i.e. Whites or Asians, Adam may have been
perceived to be less intelligent, given his comparison group. Catalina responded by
stating that intelligence was only attributable to individuals. While this researcher agrees
with Catalina, she did not clearly articulate if others believed that she was less intelligent
despite of what she believed in.
Difficult encounters in Honors/AP courses. Five students reported that they
endured difficulties upon their initial placements into the Honors/AP track. Oscar for
instance, shared that he had to bring in his parents to be placed in the Honors track in

295

middle school, after initially being denied himself. Angela unfortunately did not have the
same luck, even after her mother requested she be placed in seventh grade Honors
English. Velasco shared that he felt like he did not belong in his Honor classes, as he was
not placed in this Honors track till middle school. Specifically, despite earning “A’s,”
Velasco felt less than his peers, as he had never taken courses with other Honor students
and was used to taking courses in the general education track. Catalina suffered a similar
experience having taken her first AP class in her latter part of high school, while
previously being tracked in the primarily English Language Development (ELD)
curriculum.
Three students also reported having similar issues in taking AP/Honor classes
during high school. Aside from her middle school problems in obtaining AP/Honor
classes, Angela further detailed other problems in high school, as she had to advocate and
fight for AP/Honor courses. Angela even had to trick administration into taking her AP
Spanish test that she successfully passed, only to be given a remedial Spanish class the
following year. Even yet, Angela was explicitly told and discouraged to take AP English
during her 11
th
grade year, as her counselor told her “You’re not ready. You shouldn’t
take it.” Another student, Graciela described herself as having to “fight” for her classes
and “advocate for them.” She stated that her school determined her placement solely
upon her grades from the previous year, not accounting for other factors i.e. motivation
and outside commitments.

296

Overall, students had to endure the difficulties of being Latino/a or what
Rodriguez-Cazares (2009) labeled, the “burden of being Latino/a.” Data showed that
students had to give up something to do well in school, whether it was their Spanish
language or schoolwork in favor of doing household chores. It was also found that
students expressed having difficulties being Latino/a, as they wrestled over cultural
beliefs i.e. homophobia, sexism or being unable to pay for college. Similarly, students
also reported having to deal with others thinking that they were less intelligent, having to
prove their worth to them. Being perceived to be less intelligent, some students found
themselves having to advocate for themselves in order to be placed in Honor classes
during middle school, as no adult identified them as being talented. Similarly, even after
taking Honor courses during middle school, two students reported difficulty in obtaining
these AP/Honor courses. It is unfortunate that students that had to endure the burden of
being Latino/a, while also having to fight and advocate for their education. Fortunately,
these students were able to have the skill set and tenacity to navigate this high school
experience as many do not and have not. Ultimately, these students did not leave high
school unscathed, as they all had to endure the burden of being Latino/a.
Research question 2.

How do institutional or empowerment agents affect Latino/as from API 1-2
high schools?
FINDING 3: All students took AP/Honor courses during high school.
Seven of these students had taken Honor courses by their 8
th
grade years.
All students reported having been encouraged by someone to take
Honor/AP courses during high school.

297

All students took AP/Honor courses during high school. Despite some students
having initial placement issues with being placed in the Honors/AP track, all students
continued taking these courses once being placed. Also, the amount and ease of taking
these courses did vary amongst students. Particularly, Catalina who did not begin taking
AP classes until her 11
th
grade year, and was therefore unable to take as many of these
courses as other students. Similarly, Angela found herself not taking as many AP/Honor
classes, given the difficulty she encountered in being able to take these courses.
Students’ GPA’s were also able to shed some light towards their overall performance in
their classes and the possible amount of AP/Honor courses they have taken. The more
AP/Honor courses a student takes, the higher the GPA, since AP/Honor classes are given
an extra point. This is line with most selective universities, giving students extra
consideration and being looked upon as favorably during the admissions process when
taking AP/Honors courses.
Taking Honor courses by their 8
th
grade year. Given that seven students were
placed in the Honors track by their eighth grade year facilitated the further tracking of
these students into Honors and AP classes in high school. Indeed, five students reported
taking Honor classes at the beginning of their ninth grade years. Oscar shared that he
was “pretty much tracked into Honor courses” during high school. Adam similarly began
this route in high school and continued taking Honor courses “figuring that it was the
next step.” Adam and Marcela confirmed that they had participated in a gifted program
as early as elementary school. Damian also believed that he was in a similar program but

298

could not confirm it. It is also important to note that three other students found
themselves not easily tracked into Honor type classes in high school and had to advocate
for these courses, as previously stated. Finally, Catalina was the only student who did not
participate in an Honors type program in Guatemala, as she confirmed that they did not
have a similar type program. However, Catalina did state that she was placed in a private
school as early as the 2
nd
grade in fear of overcrowding and poor quality instruction at the
nearby public schools. Therefore, it can be assumed that Catalina may have participated
in an Honors equivalent type of program in Guatemala, appearing to have enjoyed a
better quality education.
Encouraged to take AP/Honor courses. All students reported being encouraged to
take AP/Honor classes during their high school experience. The people who provided the
encouragement varied, as some students had institutional agents at the school while
others had older siblings and peers providing them with the support. Three students
reported being encouraged by college preparatory and outreach programs. Damian stated
that he was advised to take AP/Honor classes in his Avid program. Velasco and Angela
found encouragement from their best friends, as they both described them as being highly
ranked students in their classes providing them with encouragement and help. Two other
students found encouragement and support from their older siblings who were in college.
Graciela stated that it was her sister who told her that she needed to be taking those
classes that she had previously taken. Catalina mentioned that it was her ELD teacher
who convinced the ELD department head to move her up a year in English. This act

299

allowed her to take an equivalent Honors type ELD English course that ultimately placed
her in the Honors track.
In summary, taking AP/Honor courses played a key role in students being
admitted to PPU, as it is an important criterion that selective colleges look at. It was
noted that all students took AP/Honor courses during high school. In fact, evidence
suggests that tracking students into AP/Honors in middle school or even previous
facilitates and eases the continuance of these courses during high school. Nonetheless, it
was noted that three students had difficulty obtaining AP/Honor courses despite
previously being in similar classes by the 8
th
grade. Finally, all students reported being
encouraged to take AP/Honor courses. The people providing the encouragement did
however differ, as some students were able to receive help from adults in school, while
others obtained it from older siblings and peers. This is an interesting finding, given that
despite having earned high grades, some students were still not identified as being
talented and were not encouraged to take AP/Honor courses; again at least three students
reported such. Overall, it can be said that students would probably not have taken
AP/Honor courses if they had not have been tracked since middle school. Having
someone encouraging them to take this coursework also increased the probability of them
taking rigorous classes, which in turn highly increased the probability of them being
admitted to PPU.
FINDING 4: Students had institutional agents during high school that
offered them help with their schoolwork and provided them guidance
throughout the college application process. No evidence for
empowerment agents was seen.

300

Institutional agents providing students help with schoolwork. All but one student
found support from various people at their respective high schools. Adam, Damian,
Marcela and Velasco reported receiving help from their Avid teachers. Most students
found the explicit structure of the tutoring program embedded in the Avid program as
being helpful. Also, these Avid students reported receiving help from their peers and
other teachers at school. While not in Avid, Angela, Catalina and Oscar reported
receiving help from other institutional agents in school. Only Graciela reported not
receiving help from institutional agents at school. Instead, she found herself having to
learn the material on her own, as teachers were “insensitive and did not make themselves
available.”
College guidance via institutional agents. All students reported receiving
guidance during the college application process. Seven of these students reported
receiving this help from an adult on campus. The majority of these seven students had
institutional agents via their Avid program. Marcela stated that she was not going to
apply to PPU if her Avid teacher had not threatened to fail her and drop her from the
class if she did not apply. In the same way, Damian also faced a similar indecision about
attending PPU. Ultimately, it was his Avid teacher and soccer coach that provided him
encouragement and support to attend PPU, given his AB540 status. Velasco was able to
acquire a vast amount of cultural capital from participating in a summer college
application workshop via Avid. Angela, Catalina and Oscar who did not participate in
the Avid program found support from other institutional agents. Catalina found support

301

from her teachers and academic counselor, while Oscar also found assistance in
completing his personal statement from his AP English teacher. Angela found support
from a variety of people including her college counselor, best friend and her supervisor at
her summer internship.
Graciela was the only student that did not receive help from an institutional agent
on campus. However, she stated that she was able to receive information from her
AP/Honor peers. She stated that it was through these friends that she became acquainted
with the Common Application and applying to private schools. Graciela also mentioned
that it was her older sister in college that helped her navigate the college application
process and linked her to a local community college that also helped her. Nevertheless,
Graciela stated that she lacked the cultural capital when applying to selective schools, as
she depicts not knowing how to prepare and answer questions during an interview with a
selective college.
Therefore, it was found that institutional agents, as Stanton-Salazar (1997) posited
were able to provide students with the social and cultural capital that students lacked.
Particularly, students lacked college information and needed assistance with their
schoolwork. Combined, these two forms of assistance increased the likelihood that these
students would attend PPU. However, the extent of the knowledge and support that the
student’s received during their college application process is not known. Nevertheless, it
is presumed that students were able to receive sufficient guidance given their acceptance

302

to PPU. Lastly, no evidence was seen of empowerment agents attempting to have
students change society’s hierarchical inequalities at the high school level.
College Experience
Research question 3.
How does the burden of being Latino/a affect students from API 1-2 high
schools at an elite public university?
FINDING 5: The burden of being Latino/a was seen at the selective
college. Students felt like they were juggling two different worlds, felt
like members of their families were vicariously living through them, felt
that their family and friends viewed them differently after attending
college and had to give up something in order to do well in college.

The juggling of two different worlds. Five students felt like they were juggling
two different worlds, one at home and one at PPU. Oscar described this feeling by
stating that he felt that he was “Ni de aquí, ni de allá,” [not from here, not from there].
Angela and Damian reported feeling like they were losing their Spanish speaking
fluency, as English was only spoken at school and Spanish at home. Both students
experienced difficulty speaking Spanish upon returning home, as Damian described not
speaking Spanish for “weeks.” Angela alluded to the ridicule that she suffered when she
went back home, as her family noticed that she was losing her Salvadorian/Guatemalan
accent. Ultimately, this propelled Angela to minor in Spanish. Damian expressed that he
began speaking to his younger siblings in Spanish, in fear of their language loss and
avoiding speaking it “mocho” [broken].

303

Graciela and Marcela found difficulty in sharing their new found knowledge back
home. For instance, Graciela stated that she was labeled as being “angry” and was
ridiculed for expressing her points of view. Graciela also found herself “code switching,”
having to use “sophisticated” language in school and more “chisme” [gossip] back home.
Marcela also found it burdensome to share her experiences with her best friend attending
UCR and communicate her learning experiences with her boyfriend. Two students,
Adam and Velasco did not report like they were juggling two worlds of sort, as they felt
they were the same person in both environments.
Feeling like family members lived vicariously through them. Six students all
reported that their family members had high expectations from them. They all stated that
they felt like they had to achieve greater successes than their parents did.
Understandingly so, as most of the students’ parents averaged less than a high school
diploma. Nevertheless, Catalina expressed the difficulty and the pressure it puts on her
with her family seeing her “as the one going to be something great in the near future”
“but do not understand the whole process in order to get further in life.” Angela
mentioned that she could not mess up as her family puts her on a “pedestal” and because
she’s the only “mujer” [woman] in her family to go to college.
Yet other students also mentioned being burdened, as they did not want to see
their parent’s struggles and hardships be in vein. Graciela described it as being a lot of
pressure from her mother and felt that it would be “slap in the face” if she did not
succeed, as her mother worked 12-14 hour night shifts. In the same way, Oscar described

304

his father’s arduous “five mile barefoot commute” to school. Velasco was the only
student not feeling like his family members were not living through him.
Friends and family view them differently. All students reported differences in the
way that their family and friends viewed them, after attending college. Students
expressed the difficulty that this caused them as they engaged in conversations with these
individuals. Catalina expressed the difficulty in talking to her high school friend who felt
uncomfortable speaking with her as she felt unworthy because she was “fracasada,” [a
failure] as she had not attended college and was earning minimum wage. Angela also
found difficulty at home stating that her family puts her on a “pedestal,” as she attends a
prestigious university. As a result, Angela also feels that this has emasculated her
stepfather since he no longer is the head of the household. Two other students described
having to be careful when informing their friends that they attend PPU. Velasco stated
that he was very careful not to flaunt that he was a PPU student, which he constantly kept
in mind. Oscar expressed similar concerns as his friends would say he was “muy
chingon” [badass]. Therefore, Oscar commented that he felt bad and would be careful
not to show off and choose his words carefully.
Giving up something about their ethnicity to do well in college. Half of the
students reported having to give up a part of their heritage in order to succeed at PPU. In
particular, three of these students referred to giving up different parts of their language, as
having to give up. Damian once again felt like he had to give up his Spanish at PPU.
Oscar and Graciela also commented on having to use different language in different

305

settings. Graciela stated that she had to change the way she interacts and speaks in
academic settings, in hopes of gaining benefit. Oscar also referenced back to using more
Spanish at home or “ghetto speak” with his friends versus academic professional
language at school. Adam, Catalina, Marcela and Velasco all stated that they did not
have to give up anything about their ethnicity in order to do well in school. Velasco
stated that PPU “did not want him to give up anything,” while Adam mentioned that
“race did not matter here.”
In summary, students revealed that they were able to navigate the college
experience but not without being burdened. Like, Rodriguez-Cazares (2009), evidence
for the burden of being Latino/a was seen during student’s collegiate experience.
Students expressed that they were juggling two different worlds, had family/friends who
vicariously lived through them (particularly had high expectations), noticed that their
family and friends viewed them differently and half of the students reported like they had
to give up something about their ethnicity in order to do well in school. This burden that
Latino/as must face in college ultimately causes these students to suffer affective
dissonance or psychological pain and ultimately affect their overall performance and
sense of belonging in school.
Research question 4.
How do institutional or empowerment agents affect Latino/as from low
performing high schools at an elite public university?
FINDING 6: Students felt supported by the various outreach and retention
projects on the college campus. Various institutional agents from these

306

programs transitioned students from their high school, providing them
with cultural and social capital, tutoring services and that helped them
navigate their collegiate experience. Evidence of empowerment agents
were seen with students taking Chicano/a Studies classes.

Institutional agents. Seven students reported that PPU supported them as
students. However, these students all referred to individual programs, retention centers
or outreach services when speaking about support. Catalina, Marcela, Oscar and Velasco
all found that the SBPS program that they participated in the summer prior to beginning
college was vital. Velasco referred to this program as being the one stop shop with
services ranging from “tutoring” that helped him academically to mental health services
that ensured their general well-being. Oscar described his academic guidance counselor
as “his mother at PPU.” Oscar’s counselor provided him with cultural capital, as she
ensured that he successfully navigated the college requirements, being able to take
classes that would count for his “Chicano/a Studies major and his GE requirements.”
Through the SBPS program, Adam was connected to the AEP program that provided him
with ongoing tutoring services that he found very useful.
Students also mentioned other programs and services that made them feel
supported on campus. In fact, Marcela, Damian and Graciela were all unsure if it was
PPU or individual departments that supported them. Particularly, because Marcela found
that most of her support came from the student led/student run organization CWPO
office. Marcela, however, mentioned that she had other individuals and offices that
supported her; SBPS, her older brother who previously graduated from PPU and her
Chicano/a Studies counselor. Nevertheless, Marcela did not feel supported by

307

administration. Graciela similarly concurred stating that she also did not feel supported
by administration, stating that “it was a system” and that “they were not here to work for
students.” Unable to qualify for financial aid, Damian found support from the SUS
group that supported undocumented students. Only Angela explicitly stated that PPU did
not support her. She also felt supported by the CWPO office, in particular her peer
counselor that helped her navigate her dismissal process and encourage her to remain a
student at PPU. Angela also considered the SBPS unsupportive and being part of
administration and PPU as a whole, as she had to change her counselor seven times. She
stated that these counselors were unsupportive and did not understand why she could not
“just get that A.”
Empowerment agents. Evidence for empowerment agents was also seen.
However, it appeared that empowerment agents exclusively participated in the lives of
the four students taking Chicano/a Studies courses. Angela, Graciela, Marcela and Oscar
who took Chicano/a Studies either as a major or minor appeared to have wanted to give
back to the community, were currently working with the community, were heavily
involved in student organizations and participated in campus politics. It appears that the
empowerment agents that came their way appeared to have been a mixture of their
Chicano/a Studies professors and significant others participating in the various campus
organizations. It seemed that the focus of study and learning that took place in these
courses and campus organizations informed and heightened their critical conscious. Two
students specifically alluded to this, Graciela mentioned that she became “very very

308

conscious” at PPU, while Angela stated that she was familiar with the conditions in her
community but never “acknowledged” them. Only Oscar appeared to be less involved on
campus but was a result of not living on campus and having to commute. Nevertheless,
Oscar participated in couple of organizations, one with a day laborers group and another
one with serving as academic counselor, an opportunity that he was able to also engage in
while a student at PPU and is currently employed in.
In summary, most students found themselves being supported at PPU. However,
some students were conflicted about who provided this support for them, PPU or smaller
organizations on campus. Marcela for instance made it clear that she was not supported
by the administration and found solace with smaller student led groups on campus.
Nevertheless, one way or another all students did feel supported by the various campus
organizations available, while appearing that institutional agents were able to positively
affect these student’s lives. Finally, the empowerment agent appeared to have surfaced
for the first time in these student’s lives once in college. Students enrolled in Chicano/a
Studies all appeared to have a much higher level of critical conscious. These four
students all had interests in changing the societal structures and inequities found in their
communities. As such, these students were for the most part highly involved on campus
and in their communities. Missing however from the study, were the actual concrete
evidence that embodied the exchanges between empowerment agents and their recipients.
It also appeared that the various groups and organizations on campus that these students
participated in also increased their critical conscious that provided these students with a

309

stage to affect hierarchical structures. Nevertheless, it is unknown to what degree and
extent these students are able to change these structures given their outside status in these
organizations and structures.
Research question 5.
How do Latino/as experiences at a lower performing high school impact their
adjustment at an elite public university?
FINDING 7: Despite having overall lower GPA’s at PPU students were
able to depict the importance of gaining newly found knowledge which
enriched their overall lives, both personally and academically. Students
also found that attending PPU afforded them an overall better education,
especially in terms of prestige. The consensus is that their degrees were
more valuable than from other less selective schools. Attending PPU also
changed students’ ambitions, given the graduate going culture, resources
and experiences on campus.

Mismatched: Earning lower grades during college. A discrepancy existed
between students’ high school and college GPA’s. The total average high school GPA
that all students earned was 3.975 compared to 2.96 in college. However, various
different elements are needed to be taken into consideration with regards to a decrease in
student’s college GPA. First, students in high school earn extra points on their GPA for
taking AP/Honor courses, which inflated their overall GPA’s. All students reported
taking AP/Honor courses during high school. Unfortunately, students did not provide
their unweighted or GPA on a 4.0 scale, to more accurately compare their GPA’s
between both settings.
Second, most students reported doing better, as they progressed throughout their
collegiate careers, therefore initially earning lower GPA’s in college. For instance,

310

Catalina mentioned that she was initially “shocked” by the rigors of college.
Nonetheless, Catalina expressed that by the third and fourth years she was able to become
better familiarized with schoolwork and was able to plan accordingly and network.
Marcela also explained that through her brother’s acquaintance (social capital) she was
able to understand the “pass/no pass” option providing students the opportunity to not
have their GPA’s adversely affected, as they are allowed to drop certain courses.
However, Marcela states that she was unaware about his option till the end of her first
semester. Fortunately, Marcela was able to learn about this option after her first semester
because of her older brother who connected her to friends and agents on campus. All
other students who did not have older siblings or relatives who attended PPU are
presumed to be lacking this cultural capital or social network of friends or agents who
can presumably provide them with that information, at least initially.
Third, students reported not being adequately prepared during high school thus
negatively impacting their performance in college. Catalina stated that she was just used
to the “five paragraph system.” Catalina found difficulty when she was asked to write an
eight page paper but was quick to point out that it was not because she could not write,
rather because she had not been given the prior “tools” to do so. Graciela similarly
responded by stating that she was taught to write “flowery” in high school and was not
prepared to write in college, given their more direct to the point approach. Graciela
stated that even after re-writing one of her first college term papers that she spent over a
week editing, still earned a C grade. Graciela also added that not being prepared to write

311

in high school has taken a toll on her college performance. Even students who stated that
they were adequately prepared in high school like Damian were found to have been
shortchanged in high school. It was found that Damian was unable to take AP Calculus
during high school due to scheduling conflicts and was therefore forced to take Pre-
Calculus upon arrival at PPU. Velasco stated that only four classes had prepared him for
college and did not doubt that there were better high schools out there. Finally, it was
revealed that students’ sense of belonging that ultimately can have negative consequences
on a student’s performance was also seen. Students indicated that a hostile racial climate
existed on campus and they found themselves primarily interacting with other Latino/as
(found in the sections below).
Gaining resources and skills beyond a GPA. Five students described a shared
importance for their communities. All of these students found that giving back to their
communities to be important. Catalina found that the community service in high school
was more of a requirement, where in college saw the importance of “making a difference
and working with the community.” Marcela enjoyed working with high school students
with hopes of increasing college attendance rates, particularly those from her
neighborhood. Graciela and Angela also enjoyed working with high schools and giving
back. However, they both also articulated the importance of being conscious about their
community conditions. While Graciela was aware of some of the differences, she was
able to understand the root causes, mentioning that she became “very very conscious” at
PPU. As a result, this lead Graciela to become more politically active, something that she

312

never envisioned previously. Angela also stated that she was aware of the conditions in
her community but never “acknowledged” them. Working with high schools, she was
appalled to find out that students were “being ignored at the college center” and not being
given their SAT fee waivers. Oscar also offered a similar response in criticizing high
schools pedagogy, commenting on his critical thinking skills that he was only able to gain
once at PPU. Oscar felt that he was fortunate enough to have developed these critical
thinking skills at PPU but felt that this “should not be a privilege but a right that everyone
should have.” He found that the educational system needed to switch to a more
culturally relevant pedagogy and should develop student’s critical thinking skills. Adam
and Velasco felt that they gained the ability to meet new people and make new friends.
In addition, some of these students also shared other things that they had gained at PPU.
Velasco added that he was happy to find out that he was able to compete with his peers at
PPU, as previous teachers had told him that he was not prepared and would struggle.
Catalina also found that she was exposed to different careers and opportunities that she
was previously unaware during high school. Catalina also pointed out that PPU not only
gave her the options but the tools to succeed. Finally, Damian and Catalina also realized
the importance of networking. Damian found that networking in high school was
“limited to academics,” while describing the networking at PPU as “dynamic and broad.”
A better overall educational experience. Despite not having taken previous
courses at less selective colleges, all students were aware that their overall educational
experience at PPU was better than less selective colleges. Only Marcela and Graciela

313

had previously taken community college courses during high school. For example,
Catalina stated that her friends who attended less selective colleges missed out having
“greater competition.” Adam stated that the “CSU’s were at a lower level” and
described the rigor and curriculum as being superior at PPU, while Oscar also would
have liked his friend who attended a less selective college to attend “a more prestigious
school with a better film school.”
Three students felt that PPU afforded them better resources than less selective
universities. Velasco stated that students were at a disadvantage not being able to dorm
at less selective colleges that do not offer dorming experiences, as many of the CSU’s
tend to be commuter schools. In particular, Velasco suggested that students who did not
dorm were missing out on making new friends and going through that unique dorming
experience. Angela stated that she had noticed more internships, businesses coming on
campus and events that encourage career opportunities, in comparison to community
colleges that only attract few students to their college fairs.
Yet, other students were also able to identify other opportunities that their friends
who attended less selective colleges missed out on. Damian found that the school’s
prestige was a bonus, as people were pleasantly surprised when hearing he attended PPU.
Graciela reported that students were missing out on the networking that took place on
campus, particularly issues that affected people of color particularly because it was such a
“White institution.” Finally, Graciela also provided further rationale as to why her

314

education at PPU was superior to that of community colleges, as she referred to them as a
“joke” and “very high school like.”
The element of prestige. Seven out of eight students were able to recognize that
their diploma would provide them with better opportunities down the road, given PPU’s
prestige. Catalina understood that PPU’s name was recognized worldwide, in “Japan” or
“South Africa.” Despite understanding that prestige was heavily drawn upon public
perception and unsure if indeed a less selective college’s diploma was inferior to PPU’s.
Oscar recognized that his diploma carried more significance. Damian, who was unsure
that he would even put his diploma to use, given his undocumented status, still
recognized that he would have an “edge” while seeking employment. Velasco described
it as “like adding another level on a trophy or something.” Only Adam did not report an
element of prestige by earning a diploma from PPU in the near future. Adam reported
that that he had demonstrated his worth as a student, being admitted to and being in good
academic standing with PPU.
Career, goals and graduate school going culture. Seven out of the eight students
reported that attending PPU had affected their ambitions later on in life. For some
students, it solidified their career goals coming into PPU. Catalina specifically
mentioned that she wanted to become a medical doctor, as she thought about dropping
her Biology major but ultimately did not because she found knowing other peers who had
successfully made it to medical school encouraging. Attending a less selective college
could have decreased Catalina’s exposure to other students who had successfully

315

navigated their paths to medical school and in turn drop her Biology major, given less
selective college student’s lower medical school admissions rates. Other students stated
that attending PPU had changed their career goals. For instance, Angela working with
high schools now realizes that she wanted to continue working with students, something
that she never imagined doing previously. Marcela stated that she now wants to work at
the state and federal level to change and affect policies. Adam stated that attending PPU
has “opened his eyes to like all the other things that I could do once I’ve graduated.”
Also, six students found that there was a graduate going culture at PPU. Velasco
shared that attending PPU had made him realize that he too can attend graduate school,
as “he wasn’t thinking graduate school” suggesting that undergraduate studies was “good
for me.” Oscar stated that PPU encouraged its students to pursue post secondary work.
He shared that it was “encouraged by professors, TA’s, counselors and even students
themselves.” Also, Oscar stated that “almost everyone he knew is currently doing some
kind of post-graduate work.” In the same way, Marcela described her participation in
the Graduate Mentor Program as being beneficial. Marcela mentioned that the program
had alleviated many of the fears and anxiety of applying to graduate school, given that no
one in her family has attended and was unsure about important items such as testing and
letters of recommendation. Catalina found both the resources and the tools to attend
graduate school and become a physician.
To conclude, it was found that a GPA discrepancy was found amongst students’
high school and college records. However, several things need to be taken into account

316

given this discrepancy i.e. students receive extra points on their GPA in high school only,
progressively earned high grades, reported being underprepared by their high schools and
other factors such as stereotype threat, a hostile racial climate and having attended
segregated communities also affected their overall sense of belonging that in turn can
decrease performance (found in other sections of this chapter). Nevertheless, aside from
an overly scrutinized GPA as means of assessment to determine if students are being
“mismatched,” other evidence suggested that Latino/as do enjoy other benefits despite
having a lower GPA in college. For instance, students reported gaining different
resources and skills i.e. networking, a better overall education, were aware that their
diploma will be more prestigious than other less selective colleges and had their career
goals and aspirations positively affected. Hence, the drop in GPA for most of these
students is offset by the various forms of cultural and social capital that students receive
at a prestigious university.
Research question 6.
How has stereotype threat affected Latino/as’ academic performance at an elite
public university, given their previous API 1-2 high school setting?
FINDING 8: Evidence for the externalization and internalization of
stereotype threat hypothesis was seen for students. Students reported that
others believed that they did not do well in school, and would do poorly
on standardized testing (externalization). In addition, students reported
that Whites and Asians discriminated and believed that their evaluations in
class would be affected if their teachers or students themselves held
stereotypes. Students also reported feeling like they would avoid math
classes and believing that they would do poorly in standardized testing
(internalization). Evidence for a social stigma was also evident as students

317

reported being perceived not meritorious and being admitted due to
affirmative action.

Performing poorly in school. Five students reported hearing that people like them
did not do well in school. Velasco stated that he had heard this through the very people
that should have been encouraging and motivating him to succeed. Rather, Velasco
stated that he heard statements like “you’re not going to make it” from organizations like
Avid, SBPS and Gates Millennium Scholars. Angela also reported hearing this from her
classes. However, her Chicano/a Studies classes attributed their poor performance to
outside factors, while her non-Chicano/a Studies classes attributed Latino/as’ poor
performance to a lack of effort. Oscar similarly agreed with Angela and cited a poor high
school education as a reason that Latino/as initially do poorly in college. Graciela while
reporting that she had not been explicitly told that Latino/as do poorly in school, noticed
that certain teachers had low expectations of her.
Marcela, Damian and Adam reported not having heard that Latino/as did not
perform well in school. However, Marcela actually responded by stating that she heard
positive messages encouraging her to attend graduate school. When asked where she
heard this message, she stated that it was mostly through her teacher assistants (TA),
stating that they were familiar with what she was going through. It is also important to
point out that these TA’s were presumed to be mostly in her Chicano/a Studies classes, as
this was her major. This is important to point out because it is posited that this major as
other “social justice” majors that tend to emphasize the notions of empowerment,
advocacy, education and upward mobility are all qualities that are more often found with

318

these types of instructors. Damian and Adam both reported not having personally been
told that people like them do poorly in school. Nevertheless, both students did not
articulate if in fact they had heard or were familiar with these stereotypes.
Whites and Asians discriminate. Further evidence was found suggesting that the
externalization of the stereotype threat hypothesis was “in the air.” In particular, six
students stated that Whites and Asians did discriminate. Marcela commented that she felt
discriminated after communicating to Whites and Asians that she majored in Chicano/a
Studies, as they reacted indifferently. Damian shared that White people are in disbelief
when he tells them that he is a student at PPU. Angela expressed that she had explicitly
been told that college was “more of what we do” and that “she can’t do it,” by Asians and
Whites. Oscar and Adam provide plausible reasons for this discrimination. Oscar
suggested that White people tend to be “colorblind” and have never experienced
“somebody follow them in a store.” In addition, Oscar added that White people tend to
have the master status, thus “making it difficult for them to see other groups’ struggles.”
Adam suggested that they discriminated because they only knew Latino/as in their
respective high schools that did not make it to PPU, thus over generalizing and believing
those stereotypes. Only Catalina and Velasco believed that Asians and Whites did not
discriminate. Velasco stated that he had never met a “White racist,” while also stating
that Latino/as were the most racist group he had ever met.
Blacks discriminate. Students were similarly asked if Blacks discriminated
against others. Five students agreed that Blacks did discriminate, while three suggested

319

that they did not. However, the five students who did agree that Blacks discriminated did
not cite evidence that they discriminated against Latino/as, as mentioned with Whites and
Asians. For instance, Angela suggested that Black males discriminated against other
Black females who were not as “voluptuous,” thus not finding them attractive. Marcela
offered that Blacks discriminated but against one another, stating that there were middle
and lower class Blacks on campus. Nevertheless, Marcela only suspected that they
discriminated but was unable to furnish an example. Velasco and Graciela suggested
that Blacks discriminated just like other races do. Adam provided a similar response to
his White and Asian’s one, stating that Blacks may discriminate not knowing other
Latino/as who may have gone to PPU.
Teachers holding stereotypes. Students also reported that their evaluation would
be affected if teachers held stereotypes. Angela provided a specific example stating that
she was on the fortunate side of the evaluation process. Angela stated that this occurred a
couple of times with her teaching assistants that improved her grade but only did so
because they were aware of some struggles and hardships that she was experiencing back
home. Otherwise, Angela points out that teachers assume that students are “lazy, lacking
study or not worked hard enough.” In total, five students reported that their evaluation
would be affected, including Damian, Graciela, Oscar and Marcela.
Students believing stereotypes. Seven students reported that students’ evaluation
would be affected if they believed certain stereotypes. Students provided a variety of
examples stating how stereotypes would manifest themselves and negatively affect

320

students. Oscar stated that students who held negative perceptions about professors could
be limiting themselves and ultimately affecting their evaluation. Graciela mentioned that
Asians may get trapped into believing that they have to outperform others in Math
therefore placing extra pressure on themselves and negatively affecting their
performance. Other students also agreed that they would be limiting themselves if they
held stereotypes.
Doing poorly on standardized testing. Three students reported feeling like
others would think that they would do poorly on standardized testing. Oscar for instance
stated that he personally felt like he would not do well on standardized testing,
commenting that he “just does not like that type of testing.” He also stated that he was
aware about the research that Latino/as did not do well on standardized testing but was
quick to point out that these tests were “culturally irrelevant.” Velasco also reported
hearing that others thought he would not do well on standardized testing, citing his own
“poor” performance on his SAT. Graciela even mentioned that her own friends believed
that she was not going to do well on the MCAT. She added that her friends believed
such, as they themselves believed that they would do poorly on the test and were not
going to take it. Six students reported not having heard the stereotype that Latino/as
performed poorly on tests. Angela however, attributed not feeling like she believed that
others thought that she would do poorly on tests because she hung out with only other
“colored people” and was in her own “bubble of friends.” This was the only theme in
the study that did not include half or more of the research participants sharing a similar

321

thought of opinion. Nevertheless, the researcher thought it was significant given the
circumstances of Angela’s observation and stance on the subject matter. Also, because
Angela later in the interview also suggested that she did avoid math class, thus
internalizing the stereotype.
Internalizing stereotypes. All students reported that they did not agree with the
statement that “Latinos are unintelligent, lazy or give up easily,” thus not internalizing
this stereotype. Students responded by stating that the same could be said about other
races, implying that it was attributed to individuals and not groups of people. Other
students like Angela, Graciela, Marcela and Oscar provided plausible causes for such
stereotypes, while also disagreeing with the stereotypes. Students suggested that they
were perhaps “not aware of their resources,” or receiving a “poor public school system
for a lack of upward mobility.” Thus, all students when specifically asked an
internalization stereotype threat question provided no evidence for internalizing these
stereotypes.
In the same way, six students reported that they would not avoid coursework in
fear of doing poorly despite finding it interesting. Damian particularly stated that he was
paying for his education and wanted to get the most out his educational experience.
Graciela mentioned that she was all about learning and only a poor quality professor
would dissuade her from taking a difficult course. Marcela similarly stated that only poor
teachers would keep her away from taking a difficult course.

322

However, Angela and Adam responded that they would avoid taking a difficult
course and actually provided examples of having done so at PPU. Adam stated that he
chose to take a Statistics class instead of the more difficult math class. Apparently, his
counselor suggested that students should take statistics over math if mathematics was not
their “strongest subject.” While, Angela stated that she would avoid any Math and
Greek class, as she had previously failed both courses. In addition, Velasco and Oscar
also revealed evidence in support of them internalizing stereotypes during a different part
of the interview. In fact, this was found during an “externalization” question in the
previous section above. Velasco revealed that he indeed had internalized that he would
not do well on standardized testing, as he cited evidence from his poor SAT score.
Interestingly though, he also revealed that he did do well in writing tests, suggesting that
he would earn perfect scores. This is interesting as previous research has suggested that
SAT tests are culturally biased, a point that Oscar brought up and was aware about.
Oscar stated that despite knowing that standardized testing was “culturally irrelevant”
still believed that he was not good at taking standardized tests. Unfortunately, Velasco
was unaware that the SAT is culturally biased (Freedle, 2003; Santelices & Wilson,
2010) thus internalizing the belief that he will do poorly on future standardized tests.
While Oscar was aware about the bias in testing, it could be presumed that he and the
other students in this section will carry this belief when taking other important tests in the
future i.e. graduate school, as many expressed interest in attending.

323

Affirmative action admittance. A social stigma was found for these Latino/a
students, as other students doubted their admissions and believed they had been admitted
due to affirmative action. Five students reported that others felt that they had not been
meritorious in being admitted to PPU, given their SAT score or minority status. Oscar
commented that his roommate asked him that he was only “able to get in here because of
affirmative action, huh?” Oscar shared that this bothered him. Graciela similarly
responded by stating that others felt that she had been admitted by “chance.” She
elaborated that she often has to defend her admissions to other students and feels that
when she shares her SAT and GPA scores, students react unimpressed. Despite attempts
to defend her admissions to PPU, Graciela stated that it is little to no use. Marcela stated
that people were dumfounded upon hearing that she had less than a 3.5 GPA in high
school. Angela also shared that students downplayed her admissions to PPU upon telling
others the high school she attended. She states that she was told that she was only
compared to students in her local high school as the reason for her admission.
Velasco was also accused of not being meritorious by a non PPU student. He
stated that his White girlfriend believed that he had been admitted to PPU and was
earning a full ride scholarship solely because he was “poor and Latino.” Interestingly,
Velasco agreed that it was unfair that other White people were being displaced or not
“given the same opportunities, as us.” Velasco also did not agree with the many “free
passes that minorities” receive. Velasco also commented that the affirmative action topic
was also discussed by him and his friends at PPU. Velasco mentioned that his group of

324

friends and him came to the conclusion that they indeed received a “bonus” during the
admissions process despite having “good grades and being great students.”
Nevertheless, when asked what Velasco would tell people that believe that he is
taking other people’s admissions slot given his lower SAT score, he stated that he
“deserved a spot.” Nevertheless, he reported that “it does suck” suggesting that he may
have displaced other students and advocated for a more “equal and random” system.
Graciela and Oscar were also asked about how they felt that they might be displacing
other more “meritorious” White and Asian students. Graciela quickly refuted that
assumption and responded by stating that she did “everything she could have done” to get
into PPU, as she also added her responsibilities that many of her peers may have not
faced i.e. working and household responsibilities. Oscar responded by stating that
affirmative action was able to provide minorities with a “level playing field” for less
advantaged people who “do not have the cultural capital.” In addition, Oscar suggested
that transition programs like SBPS were also essential in providing students a successful
transition into the university. Other students like Marcela indicated that she would tell
other students that “Proposition 209 is in place, so there is no affirmative action.”
Lastly, Angela defended her admissions to PPU by stating that she was proud of her 600
SAT scores despite the various disadvantages found at her high school i.e. long history of
gangs and limited resources.
To summarize, evidence for both the stereotype threat hypothesis and social
stigma was seen for students. With regards to the externalization of the stereotype threat

325

hypothesis, students reported being told that they do not do well in school. Students also
reported that Whites and Asians discriminated and provide examples of how they
discriminated against them or other Latino/as. This is important, since students reported
that Blacks also discriminated but did not cite any specific incidence of discrimination
towards Latino/as. Instead, students cited that Blacks discriminated against each other or
just like every other group. Students also believed that if teachers held stereotypes it
would negatively affect their performance. Similarly, students also believed that their
performance would be affected if students held stereotypes. The group also believed that
others felt that they would do poorly on standardized testing. Evidence for internalization
was also seen for half of the students, as they mentioned that they would avoid certain
coursework and or do poorly on tests. However, all students disagreed with other
stereotypes about Latino/as i.e. are “unintelligent,” “lazy” or “give up easily.” Finally,
evidence for the social stigma was seen with students reporting that others believing that
they were not meritorious.
Therefore, it can be said that students’ overall academic performance in school is
said to be affected by the stereotype threat hypothesis and to a lesser extent the
internalization of it and the social stigma. To what degree a student’s performance is
affected is not known but previous research has found that students exhibiting from two
dispositions in stereotype threat hypothesis suffer a bigger decrease in academic
performance (Massey and Fischer, 2005). It is also assumed that both sets of stereotype
threat hypothesis coupled with a social stigma should only further exacerbate a student’s

326

performance. However, most of the questions asked of participants were specific to the
externalization of the stereotype threat hypothesis, while very few questions that
pertained to the internalization and social stigma were asked.
Research question 7.
How do Latino/as from API 1-2 high schools, whose pre-college environments
are predominantly segregated affect their sense of belonging, given their peer
interactions, racial climate and community involvement?
FINDING 9: Students’ interaction with other groups, especially Whites
and Asians was not commonplace. In particular, it was noted that students
did not have meaningful interactions and conversations with Whites and
Asians. Further evidence suggested that students did not have quality
informal interactions with White and Asian students, as students reported
that their five closest friends were all Latino/a.

Interacting with other ethnic/racial groups, high school vs. college. Seven
students reported having increased interaction with members of other ethnic/racial
identities. Damian found that he had interaction with various groups of students since
classes had a variety of “Latino/a, Caucasian and Asian students.” However, when
asked to detail the amount of Latino/a students in his predominantly Math/Physics
classes, he stated that there were usually only about 20-25 Latino/as in his class out of
200 students. Adam, Angela, Graciela and Velasco stated that their interactions with
other ethnicities and races increased in college but only because they were the majority.
As a result, Graciela found difficulty in interacting with Whites and Blacks. Adam
described his initial experience as a “culture shock,” as he “wasn’t used to being around
so many White and Asian people.” Velasco also reported an increase in interaction with

327

Whites and Asians as he stated that there were only “two Asians and one White person in
my school [high school].”
Nevertheless, despite having seven students reporting that their interactions with
other ethnicities increased, it is presumed that this occurred because the majority of
students on campus were White and Asian. Adam, Angela, Graciela and Velasco were
able to point this out, however. Velasco also alluded to this, noting that there were
virtually no Whites or Asians in his high school. Like Velasco, all students attended a
segregated high school environment i.e. all Latino/a. Only Velasco and Catalina had
Black students, as the second most significant group in their schools at 45 percent and 28
percent respectively. Overall, students attended high schools where minorities comprised
96.74 percent of the total student population on average. Therefore, by default students
interaction with others had to have increased, or at least that is what is presumed and
suggested by three of the participants.
Further evidence also demonstrated that students’ interaction with Whites and
Asians was not seen, as all students reported that they most frequently interacted with
other Latino/as on campus. In addition, seven students reported that the five closest
friends that they interacted with, were all Latino/a. This is important as it is informal
interactions that have been found to increase student’s sense of belonging for students
(Gurin et al., 2002). For instance, Damian acknowledged that his five closes friends were
all Latino/a and would have been easier to interact with Whites and Asians in college if
he had similar peers in high school. Adam commented that his interactions in class were

328

with mostly White and Asian but found himself intermingling with only Latino/as outside
of class. He further shared that he was paired up with a White and Asian roommate his
first year on campus but opted to dorm with only Latino/a friends his second year.
However, Adam added that he chose to live with other Latino/as because they were his
friends and his decision did not have anything to do with their ethnicities. Velasco who
mentioned that he loved to meet new people and enjoyed seeing new ethnicities also
reported that his five closest friends were Latino/a.
Only Catalina reported having close friends that were non Latino/a students
outside of class. Catalina stated that she hung out with 3 Latino/a friends and 2 Asian
students. Nevertheless, like all other students Catalina did not have a White friend
outside of class that she considered to be a best friend.
Finally, six students reported that they had meaningful conversations with
students about race. Adam conveyed that he had conversations about the selection of
majors and the differences between Asians and Latino/as. Catalina also discussed that
she had conversations about Latino/as getting into medical school with other students.
Catalina, however did not specify if these conversations included White students. Angela
expressed that she had meaningful conversations about race only with other poor class
ethnicities. Only Marcela and Oscar discussed that they had conversations about race
with White people. Marcela stated that she had these conversations with a couple of
White students who had participated in her clubs and organizations that she was involved
in. It appeared that these conversations were more easily facilitated as they understood

329

their “White privilege,” Marcela stated. Oscar stated that he had a meaningful interaction
with a French student that made him aware that race was not a factor in France. Overall,
it appeared that students did not have meaningful interactions with White and Asian.
Only Graciela and Damian admitted to not having meaningful conversations with
other students during school. Damian shared that conversations of race only occurred
during his “Labor and Social Justice in America” class, as class discussions focused on
race related issues. Damian otherwise did not offer a reason for the lack of conversation
about race issues with others. Graciela stated that it was difficult to talk about race
related issues with White students. She described the topic as “a very threatening
subject” with no easy solution.
Students did state that they all had learned different things from students of
different ethnicities. Students expressed a variety of responses that ranged from food to
differences in dating. For example, Velasco developed a recent love for Korean food
thanks to his roommate. Marcela was surprised to find out that her friend was unable to
date despite being 21 years old. Even yet, other students like Oscar learned not to make
generalizations about entire groups. While, Angela realized that other students had many
more resources during high school than her.
In summary, students’ pre-college interactions appeared to have influenced their
college interactions, given their segregated high school experiences. It was noted that all
students most frequently interacted with other Latino/a students and all but one student
shared that their five closest friends were Latino/a. Data also demonstrated that students

330

did not have meaningful conversations with Whites and Asians. However, students did
report having contact with other groups i.e. Muslims, other poor ethnicities and Southeast
Asians. This is important as previous findings have suggested that frequent contact or the
mere presence is not sufficient to yield an increase in sense of belonging (Gurin et al.,
2002; Locks et al., 2008). Rather, Gurin and colleagues found that it was informal
interactions that have accounted for higher levels of intellectual engagement, self
assessed academic skills and increased citizenship engagement and racial/cultural
engagement for all groups of students. Student’s interaction with White and Asian
students appeared to have occurred by default as they were the majority on campus. Also
programs like AAP that consisted of mostly Latino/as could have further increased the
segregation of these students. At least one student reported meeting most of his friends
through the APP program. Finally, it was found that students were able to learn different
things from different ethnicities, as research does show that socializing can increase
student’s sense of belonging (Locks et al., 2008). Overall, it can be concluded that
meaningful interactions with Whites and Asians did not take place, which ultimately
negatively affected student’s sense of belonging, given that they are the majority on
campus.
FINDING 10: Student’s sense of belonging was mediated by the racial
climate was mixed. On the one hand, students reported that race and
ethnicity did play a factor on campus, stating that Whites and Asians
discriminated. On the other hand, half of students reported that they did
not experience discrimination on campus, while the other half did.
Additionally, students reported that race did not affect their
friendships/romantic partners and expressed that their professors did not
discourage them from speaking out in class. Finally, students did express

331

unanimously that they had something special to contribute given their
race/ethnicity.

Race playing a factor on campus. As previously reported in finding 8, students
reported that Whites and Asians discriminated. Six of these students all acknowledged
that Whites and Asians discriminated against Latino/as. Graciela stated that she feels like
a “threat to them” as they are unpleasantly surprised and baffled when she outperforms
them in class and feels “belittled” by them. Angela also reported that Whites and Asians
have told her that college is more of “what we do.” However, only three of these
students explicitly referred to being discriminated on campus by these groups, while the
other three alluded more to discrimination in general. Nevertheless, when asked the same
question about Blacks discriminating (also in Finding 8), students did not report any
discrimination or being put down by this group, neither on campus or outside of it.
Seven out of the eight students reported that their ethnicity did play a factor in
their experience at PPU. Students offered different reasons that their ethnicity impacted
their experience. Angela felt that she had initially struggled at PPU because she had
received a poor K-12 education that negatively affected her preparedness. Marcela stated
that her ethnicity did not affect much of her performance because her family never placed
much emphasis on grades, but did state that her background lead her in joining MEChA.
In particular, she stated that she wanted to give back to her community and did not
choose to attend college “to party.” Adam and Damian commented that they were able
to take advantage of support programs due to their ethnicity and were appreciative of
that. Graciela felt that her instructors had low expectations of her. Velasco felt “really

332

different” upon finding out that he had not traveled like many of his other peers during
class discussion.
Discrimination on campus. Student’s responses for feeling like they had been
discriminated, put down, left out, dismissed or discriminated were mixed. Four students
responded that they had not been discriminated upon. Adam, Catalina and Damian all
responded briefly and only stated that they had not been discriminated. Velasco
elaborated some more on the subject and commented that race was not a factor on
campus and did not witness any discrimination. Particularly, Velasco replied by stating
that a person’s background did not matter as much as “it’s more now like you’re a PPU
student now.”
Four students did report that they had been discriminated upon on campus.
Angela spoke about this at length as she stated that she had been discriminated various
times. For instance, Angela stated that she was left out by only being given three flyers
or invitations to attend parties or events during her three year tenure as a student, despite
walking throughout campus’ main walkway. Angela also experienced being personally
discriminated walking down the same main campus walkway, as people would attack her
for wearing her “rainbow backpack” as others assumed that she was gay. Angela also
spoke about two parties on campus that put down and dismissed Latino/as and Blacks.
Angela stated that a fraternity had put together a “wetback party” that asked its invitees to
crawl through a gate and have their backs hosed down with water upon arrival, mocking
immigrants who swim across the Rio Grande to enter the U.S. Another fraternity also

333

attempted to put together a “Compton cookout” themed party on campus, Angela stated.
A party in where attendees were encouraged to “dress like gangsters, wear baggy clothes,
tennis shoes and a big sweater,” while girls were asked to “put on a ridiculous amount of
makeup and dress like a hoochie.” Angela stated that the “Compton cookout,” a party
that did take place at UCSD did not happen at PPU because different groups like the
Black Student Union, MEChA and RAZA worked to stop the event. Even yet, Angela
reported further evidence of discrimination from students in her class that tell her to
“shut up and stop preaching” when speaking about community conditions. Graciela also
discussed that she had seen certain professors who had low expectations of her and felt
put down and dismissed from other students when hearing about her “subpar grades and
SAT scores.” During class, Graciela also described an incident were her Asian friend
was shocked to find out that she was taking a chemistry class, as he was “puzzled” that
she was not a Chicano/a Studies major. Oscar also described an incident on campus
while working at a food court, as a White doctor assumed that he was not a student on
campus. Oscar stated that this doctor asked him “wouldn’t you like to come to this
school one day,” automatically assuming he was not a student. Even after Oscar showed
him his I.D. the doctor left in disbelief. Oscar stated that this bothered him for a long
time.
Marcela was unsure if she had been discriminated upon as she had been offered a
babysitting position by a White student during a campus wide volunteer day. Marcela
stated that she was unsure if she was being offered that position because of her ethnicity

334

or because she was a needy college student like most other college students looking to
make some money. However, it was concluded that Marcela had engaged and was aware
that others discriminated as she stated that she did not put herself “in those situations” to
avoid not being discriminated on campus.
In summary, these students’ experiences appear to have been mediated and
perceived differently given their course of study, dorming or commuting experience and
activities/events that students participated in. For instance, it was noted that the four
students that experienced discrimination or a hostile racial climate can be said to have
developed a “critical conscious.” It is said that students develop a critical conscious by
engaging in activities that challenge existing social conditions as ways to engage in
college on their own terms (Solorzano et al., 2000). In this case, these students were all
taking Chicano/a Studies classes, a course of study that explicitly and critically talks
about diversity issues. These students who are more familiar with diversity issues are
said to also experience a hostile climate despite feeling a sense of belonging (Nunez,
2009). In addition, all of these students participated in various campus ethnic student
organizations, which also heighten and inform student’s critical conscious. Lastly, with
the exception of Oscar all of these students dormed on or nearby campus, thus having an
increased amount of time and increasing the possibility of having more racially charged
incidents. However, Oscar did dorm the first year, the year in where he shared that he
was believed to have only been admitted because of affirmative action.

335

On the other hand, Adam, Catalina, Damian and Velasco all reported not being
discriminated upon, which is also attributed to their experiences on campus. In
particular, all of these students did not major or minor in any social justice or ethnic
studies. However, this is not to say that students did not take any social justice or ethnic
studies courses. In fact, Damian shared that taking a Labor and Social Justice in America
class was the only time that he had discussed race in school. This was also confirmed
with Adam, as this researcher asked if he had taken any kind of ethnic studies class on
campus. None of these students participated in any social justice or campus politic at
PPU i.e. MEChA or CWPO that have been found to heighten diversity issues that
ultimately increase the perception of a hostile campus (Nunez, 2009). Velasco and Adam
did dorm on campus, suggesting that they would have had more opportunities to
experience racial discrimination. Nevertheless, Velasco and Adam did not find any racial
hostility on campus. Therefore, it appears that perceptions of a hostile racial climate may
be more heightened by a student’s course of study and participation in community social
groups. Angela, Graciela, Marcela and Oscar all suggested that indeed it was student’s
experiences and what students did with their collegiate experience that also counted.
Angela in particular mentioned that Latino/as who did not experience a racial climate
were “not involved in campus politics and are not exposed to things.” Further, she
described these students as simply “choosing a major, getting their diploma and peace
out.”

336

Friendships/romantic partners. Five students stated that race and ethnicity was
not a factor in choosing friends and or romantic partners. Marcela mentioned that she
was surrounded by various nationalities i.e. Muslims, Blacks and Pilipinos and stated that
she was interested in what students believed in and not ethnicity. Adam commented that
there “were interracial couples everywhere,” implying that a person’s previous
background did not matter. Velasco even mentioned that he was eager to make new
friends during college since he did not have the opportunity to do so during high school.
Three students commented that ethnicity was a factor in choosing friends or
romantic partners. Damian found it easier to get along with a Latino/a, given his Latina
girlfriend since high school. Angela also agreed that ethnicity was a factor in dating. She
shared that her Latina friend was teased for having a White boyfriend. Regarding friends,
Angela also stated that she chooses spaces where other people of color meet, to feel
understood and has not made a connection with someone outside of her race. Graciela
also agreed that she searched for friends who had similar experiences like her. She
mentioned that she did not have a problem speaking with people of different ethnicities
but did have a problem becoming friends with them, stating that it would be “very
different.” Graciela also commented that she did not have a preference to date White
males as she associated them with the Greek system, a system that she held strong
reservations about.
Professors’ role in racial climate. All but one student reported that professors did
not discourage them from speaking out in class due to their ethnicity. Two students did

337

report some forms of discouragement that occurred during class but had no personal
experience with it. Damian for instance commented that he had witnessed other students
being made fun of by their professors for not coming prepared to class. Velasco shared
that one of his professors called on people and described it as “very odd and very
intimidating” but nonetheless seemed to not be bothered by it and stated that he would be
ready when called upon. Only Angela experienced an episode when she felt she was
discouraged from speaking out in class. She commented that she was put down by her
professor in a Jewish American Studies class and was told that “she had no idea what the
Jewish experience is. You’re not Jewish.” Angela was shocked by her teacher’s ill-
mannered response and felt “angry.”
In summary, most students found that Whites and Asians discriminated with six
students citing such. However, only three of these students specifically provided
incidents where they felt they had been discriminated upon. Interestingly however, no
student reported that Blacks discriminated specifically against them or their ethnic group.
In addition, the four students who reported being discriminated upon all took Chicano/a
Studies courses, were more active on campus and with the exception of Oscar all lived on
campus. In other words, student’s course of study, living on campus and participation on
campus appeared to have been the key factors in student’s perceived or behavioral
discrimination. In turn, the perceived negative racial/hostile campus climate has shown
to negatively affect graduation, academic achievement and persistence (Locks, Hurtado,
Bowma80n and Oseguera, 2008). Personal-emotional adjustment and attachment has

338

also been found to decrease (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). Students did not find relationships
to be problematic given race, nor were professors discouraging.
FINDING 11: Students were connected to smaller social networks on
campus that increased their overall sense of belonging.

Smaller social networks that increased student’s sense of belonging. All students
reported that they belonged on campus. Students’ responses and how their sense of
belonging were mediated, however differed. Adam, Catalina and Oscar all alluded to the
fact that they felt that they belonged because they felt deserving of being admitted to
PPU. Oscar described that during his initial orientation he was told that SAT and GPA
scores no longer mattered, rather it was what students did from that point on. Oscar
commented that hearing this reinforced Oscar’s admission decision and made him feel
like he belonged. Adam and Catalina similarly shared that they felt they had worked
equally as hard to get into PPU. Damian and Velasco also agreed that they felt like they
belonged on campus.
However, these students did not articulate and perhaps did not realize that their
sense of belonging was mediated by their involvement in smaller networks on campus.
For instance, Catalina mentioned that she was connected on campus via a program for
minority students who majored in science (FRIENDS) where she ended up meeting “a lot
of people who she would see in her classes.” Catalina also stated that she was part of a
volunteer group that provided health awareness and services to Latino/a communities. It
is because of these two organizations that Catalina and her friends established the “brown
row” in her science class. She states that this “brown row” of about 12 Latino/as would

339

all sit together in a science class of about 300 overall students. When asked how this
“brown row” came about she explained that it was through her volunteer efforts and her
FRIENDS program that she met these students. In addition, Catalina also stated that she
was supported by her Latina chemistry teacher and the services through SBPS.
Oscar stated that he had participated in the DLOP, where he provided day laborers
with nutritious food, taught them English and informed them about their rights.
Similarly, it can also be presumed that he felt connected to the campus, as he had
participated in the SBPS program, where he was initially transitioned onto campus and
continued receiving services throughout his tenure at PPU. Additionally, it can also be
said that his sense of belonging also increased by having majored in Chicano/a Studies.
During the interview, Oscar stated that he chose this major given that he felt that he never
really belonged to that mainstream American culture or the Mexican culture in Mexico,
describing it as “ni de aquí, ni de allá.” He also articulated that he primarily hung out
with other Latino/as and attributed it to his Chicano/a Studies classes and the SBPS
program, where he initially met these other Latino/as. Oscar also commented that his
Chicano/a Studies classes were smaller and was therefore easier to make friends and
“easier to establish good relationships with his professors.” Finally, Oscar was also
connected via the Chicano/a counselor whom helped him and guided him in choosing his
classes, referring to her as his “PPU mom.” Despite being a commuter student, Oscar
appeared to have been connected to a variety of smaller networks on campus that
increased his sense of belonging.

340

When asked what were the activities on campus that Velasco participated in, he
shared that he participated in a radio internship and the AEP program. Specifically, he
mentioned that the AEP program “had anything you need on campus” i.e. tutoring and
counseling. It is also presumed that his participation in the SBPS program, the first
summer before school started, increased his sense of belonging. In fact, Velasco
mentioned that it was through the SBPS program that he was able to meet other Latino/as
friends that he now most frequents with on campus. It is also presumed that Velasco’s
sense of belonging increased stating that he knew a PPU employee who was a friend of
the family.
Adam and Damian appeared to not be tied into as many of the various smaller
networks on campus that other students were. Nonetheless, these students were still
supported by smaller networks on campus. Adam for instance stated that he participated
in the AEP and SBPS program that made him “feel like PPU supported him on campus.”
As previously mentioned, these programs offered transitioning, tutoring, academic
advisement amongst other services. In addition, Adam commented that he was dorming
with other Latino/a students, which is presumed to have also made him feel connected on
campus, since he chose these roommates. Damian was also connected but to a lesser
regard, as he mentioned that he commuted and worked during weekends, therefore unable
to have as much time to be involved on campus. In addition, Damian stated that he had
taken a couple of quarters off, since he was unable to pay for tuition. Nevertheless,
Damian stated that he participated in the SUS program designed to support

341

undocumented students and received academic support through the AEP office. Finally,
Damian felt undecided if PPU or other smaller organizations on campus supported him.
Only Angela, Graciela and Marcela responded by stating that they did not feel
like they belonged on the campus, as they all expressed various doubts. Angela and
Graciela found themselves really struggling to belong their first year on campus. Angela
felt that she “never belonged” and “never found the support.” Fortunately, it was a
CWPO counselor that made her feel like she belonged and assisted her in getting her
reinstated, as she had previously been dismissed from school. While Angela’s dismissal
was attributed to her poor academic performance previous research shows that a low
sense of belonging can also decrease a student’s persistence in school (Cerna et al., 2009;
Zurita, 2009). Additionally, Angela was the only student who clearly articulated that it
was not PPU who supported her but the CWPO office instead. The CWPO office was
described as being “supportive” and felt that someone “understood and cared for the first
time,” by Angela. It is also presumed that she felt connected on campus given her
participation in her community involvement, MEChA, the Gay Straight Alliance, her
Chicano/a Studies minor and her mostly Latino/a friends. Nevertheless, Angela stated
that she struggled daily, feeling at times that she belonged , while also feeling like she
did not at other times. Angela commented that this feeling of not belonging to campus
was attributed to feeling like she had to prove her worth, as students doubt her reason for
being admitted. Graciela also stated that she had a difficult first year on campus, as she
did not participate in the SBPS program and therefore was not able to find her “niche” or

342

“people she could relate to.” In turn, she stated that this affected her academic
performance and “hated school.” Like other students, Graciela was able to connect with
smaller networks on campus. In fact, it was during one of her Chicano/a Studies classes
that she met Marcela who eventually connected her to the various programs on campus
i.e. CWPO, MEChA. Therefore, Graciela felt unsure if PPU was supporting her instead
of the smaller offices and groups on campus. Finally, Marcela felt that she belonged to
certain parts of the campus, stating that there was a divide between the north and south
side of the campus, while also stating that the campus was a “different world whenever
you go anywhere else.” Marcela’s comments alluded to the similar spaces and
organizations that she, Angela and Graciela frequented i.e. CWPO, MEChA, Chicano/a
Studies and mostly Latino/a friends. In addition, Marcela also felt supported by the
SBPS and her Chicano/a Studies counselor. Like Graciela, Marcela also mentioned that
she was unsure that PPU provided her with support, suggesting that it was the various
aforementioned groups that her older brother who previously attended PPU connected her
to. Marcela’s participation in only colored or minority organizations was highlighted by
her friends, as they encouraged her to participate in other “non colored” organizations.
In summary, all students belonged to various smaller networks on campus. The
degree and the particular networks that they belonged in differed. All students
participated in at least one network that geared its services to minorities i.e. SBPS,
CWPO. However, five of these students felt like they belonged on campus without really
articulating or perhaps realizing that their sense of belonging to the overall campus was

343

mediated by feeling a sense of belonging to smaller networks. Only Angela, explicitly
communicated feeling supported by belonging to smaller networks and felt that PPU did
not support her. Damian, Graciela and Marcela appeared to be undecided if indeed PPU
or smaller networks on campus supported them as students.
Implications
The purpose of this study was to study the educational paths of Latino/a students
who attended low performing high schools (API 1-2). This is of particular importance in
California, given the plethora of high schools that are designated as such. Similarly, this
study also sought to uncover the dynamics of these students’ lives during their collegiate
experience. Research results reaffirmed some previous findings, while some new ones
were also seen. The theories of Cultural Ecological (Fordman & Ogbu, 1986; Cazares-
Rodriguez, 2009), Social Capital-Institutional Agents (Stanton-Salazar, 1997),
Affirmative Action-Mismatch Hypothesis (Bowen & Bok, 1998), Stereotype Threat
Hypothesis (Massey & Fischer, 2005; Steele & Aronson, 1995), Social Stigma (Charles
et al., 2009), while the frameworks of Latino/a retention- racial climate (Hurtado &
Carter, 1997), diverse peer quality interactions (Saenz et al., 2007a) and community
involvement (Hurtado & Carter, 1997) were also used. Implications for stakeholders in
the high school and college setting are presented. These implications are derived from
the various themes and the eleven significant findings that emerged from the data.

344

Implications for Stakeholders in High School Settings
Various implications can be drawn from the findings of this research. These
Latino/a students demonstrated a successful navigation between their schoolwork and
friendships in school. However, it was not clearly established if these students had
difficulty in their prior K-12 experience. One student reported being teased, as early as
elementary school. Despite students’ top ranking in their respective classes, they still
experienced roadblocks and negative experiences in their K-12 education. Stakeholders
should help to ameliorate the negative connotations that are associated with being
Latino/a to increase student success. Educators should also consider the nuances between
high achieving and lower achieving students. These high achieving students represent an
almost “ best case scenario” with respects to their academic trajectories. Nevertheless,
only a handful of these types of students go on to elite universities from low performing
high schools.
Also, all students participating in this research were identified as having
participated in an Honors type program by middle school. Only Catalina did not take any
Honors type program in middle school, as she did not began studying in the U.S. till the
9
th
grade but took an equivalent type Honors program (private school) in Guatemala.
Educators in the K-12 sector ought to make note of the importance of “tracking”
mechanisms i.e. AP/Honors and the outcomes they ultimately create for students.
Specifically, it appeared that being tracked into an advanced curriculum by middle school
if not earlier, eases the transition and likelihood of future successes for these students. If

345

not, high school stakeholders should ensure to “re-track” students with rigorous classes
and alter their academic trajectories. In particular, high school personnel should increase
the amount of students participating in AP/Honor or equivalent classes with appropriate
support and encouragement.
While certain people are skeptical about the rigor of AP courses (Mollisson,
2006), there is research stating that AP classes have shown to improve college retention
by serving as a strong college preparation program, increase the likelihood to graduate
from college, and can be particularly beneficial to minority students who may not be
exposed to a culture of learning in other places (Klopfenstein, 2003). However, it has
been found that Blacks and Latino/as are at a disadvantage, given that they take fewer AP
courses. For example, Solorzano and Ornelas (2004) found that Latino/as are
underrepresented in the top 50 high schools that tend to offer most of the AP and Honor
courses. This was further illustrated by Zarate and Pachon (2006) who showed a 40%
difference in AP offerings in medium to-large sized schools in California (1,000-1,500
students) with a high concentration of minorities.
It is difficult to justify a segregated curriculum for different types of students.
Where AP/Honor classes have proven to increase the chances of students being admitted
to college and better equips them to handle the rigors of college level work. While the
traditional high school curriculum and even college preparatory courses have yielded
inferior college sending results and have also ill equipped them to adequately perform
once in college, given their results on the various college placement exams.

346

Finally, institutional agents appeared to have played a key role in providing these
top students assistance in successfully navigating the college application process.
Stakeholders should purposely seek to implement program and agents with the
appropriate information and be given to all students. This is of particular importance at
low performing high schools where these students are often lacking cultural and social
capital. However, there are only so many institutional agents available. Currently, the
state of California has not been able to fund its schools appropriately, seeing many of its
counselors, support personnel and teachers being laid off. Also, the mere presence of
more adults on campus will not increase college acceptance rates to these elite schools.
Personnel are usually not appropriately trained and require various forms of cultural
capital themselves to be able to transmit to their youth. Perhaps even more important or
problematic is the identification of these students. Knowledgeable agents possessing the
capital are still required to be able to identify these students. Stanton-Salazar (1997)
states that the greater the congruence between homespun cultures and societal norms, the
greater the likelihood of teachers and peers to identify a student with “talent,”
communicate high expectations, while providing moral support and encouragement.
However, Stanton-Salazar (1997) states that Latino/a youth are disadvantaged due to their
different identity kit (cultural capital) that is developed within the social and cultural
context in which they are members that often differ from White middle class norms. To
make matters worse, most schools educate by trying to acculturate Latino/as and other

347

minority students into the dominant European centric point of view, therefore creating
incongruence between the two cultures (Bennet, 2001).
Implications for College Stakeholders
Several implications can be found for college stakeholders. Given students’
burdensome experiences, being Latino/a, it is speculated that a more positive
environment at selective colleges can yield an overall better student experience.
Providing and ensuring that students are appropriately oriented and transitioned to the
college has shown to be of particular importance for these students who are often the first
to attend college and lack the various forms of capital. Thus, stakeholders should expand
students’ social and cultural capital via institutional agents. The AAP program appeared
to be one such program in this study.
There are also other implications for college stakeholders. Beyond the simple
“mismatching” or “matching” of these Latino/a students with lower SAT test scores,
colleges should also consider outweighing their initial or overall lower GPA in favor of
the benefits that students enjoy i.e. post graduate enrollment. Also, selective colleges
should become truly holistic with particular attention being paid to student’s local
context, as many other Latino/as and minorities are currently being excluded from
attending selective colleges who may need it the most, given their historically
disadvantageous background. Given the stereotype and social stigma negative effects
found in this study, it would be recommended for selective universities to welcome and
support minority students, which is currently seen with legacy students and athletes.

348

Providing a more supportive and welcoming atmosphere should yield positive academic
and personal/social gains for these minority students. Colleges should also make an
effort to increase Latino/a student’s interaction with other diverse peers. Results
indicated that students primarily continued their pre-college interaction patterns with
mostly Latino/a students outside of the classroom setting at PPU. While programs like
AAP may increase a sense of belonging and retention they may further exacerbate the
segregation of other students also. Programs like AAP, tend to serve only minority
students. At least one student mentioned that he had met most of the friends that he
currently associates with through AAP. Race was also found to be a negative
contributing factor in student’s collegiate experience. However, it appeared that the
hostile campus climate was mediated by student’s participation in campus organizations,
course of study and living on campus. Lastly, colleges should also make note of
Latino/as’ sense of belonging on campus that was mediated by the participation to
smaller networks on campus. It is unsure however, how much more a student’s sense of
belonging can increase given an overall sense of belonging to the larger overall campus.
If all students are to participate in a democratic pluralistic society, colleges will not only
need to diversify their campuses but also foster quality interactions amongst diverse
peers that have been found to have positive educational outcomes.
Implications for Policy Debate in K-12 Settings
The state’s current accountability system does not hold any public school
accountable for producing college outcomes. Instead, high schools are measured by how

349

well they perform on the California Standards Tests (CSTs), Annual Performance Index
(API), and Annual Yearly Progress (AYP) through the federal’s No Child Left Behind
Act (NCLB). Where, how many, who and why students attend college, currently has no
emphasis in the California’s accountability system. Thus, schools cater their instruction,
curriculum and ultimately shape their school culture to adhere to these mandates.
Lawmakers should make note that low performing high schools in particular, are highly
scrutinized and are seen as bad schools by the community. As a result, these schools
focus all of their resources in trying to improve their test scores, with little to no room on
focusing on other important student outcomes. Educators in the K-12 arena have a
professional responsibility to increase the amount of students being admitted to
universities that is currently not seen. Even more problematic are the selective college
admissions at API 1-2 high schools. Therefore, California should adopt college outcomes
in their accountability system forcing high schools to adhere to this policy. It appears
that it will once again take the bureaucratic accountability systems to force educators to
produce, in this case, college outcomes given their lack of professional accountability.
Also, AP courses appear to place Latino/as at a disadvantage. While it is beyond
the scope of this study and not mentioned elsewhere, it has been found that AP courses
are the third most important criteria that the UCs look for during the admissions process
(University of California, 2009). AP courses are considered to be college level courses
and high schools designate the quantity of courses to be offered at their site. Further,
high schools assign students an extra point on their GPA, which also affects the most

350

important admissions criteria, grades. However, due to the high volume of applicants at
UCLA and UCB, they will in turn accept as many AP/Honor courses you can take
(UCLA Admissions Office, personal communication, 2008), even though they only
publicize and announce that they only will count a maximum of 8 semester UC approved
Honors or AP courses (University of California, 2009). The state should consider
adopting a policy eliminating the extra point given for taking AP/Honors in all schools,
given that Latino/as attend schools where fewer opportunities to take these classes are
seen. This is the current policy now, where most high schools do not offer extra points
on student’s GPA when taking community college courses. Ultimately, not taking
advantage of these extra point to boost their GPA’s, places Latino/a and other minority
students at a disadvantage in the college admissions process.
Lastly, the UC, CSU and community colleges should look towards replacing the
SAT with the CSTs. As mentioned earlier the SAT is the second most important factor
that universities consider in their admissions process. As such, Latino/a students have
historically done poorly on the SAT, which is attributed to various forms of lacking
capital in their school and community settings. Agronow and Horn (2010) have found
that the CST is as effective as the SAT in predicting college freshman GPA.
Furthermore, these researchers found that students who placed in the upper three quintiles
of the CST consisted of a more diverse set of students i.e. Latino/a, Black, had lower
incomes, were from less educated families and were more likely to come from low API
high schools than those in the corresponding quintiles of the SAT. Stated differently, it

351

appears that the CST does not appear to be as affected by a student’s socioeconomic
background. However, the CST would need to add a writing portion on their
examination that is currently lacking in their assessments.
Replacing the SAT with the CST should communicate a clear signal to students
and the K-12 community that the CSTs do matter. The CST is highly valued by
administrators, as they push various forms of test preparation courses on students, while
at time removing their students from A-G coursework. John Allen, founder of six
Crescendo charter schools who also valued and recognized the importance of the high
stakes testing was recently fired for cheating on the CSTs. Apparently, with attempts to
“improve” his schools, Allen instructed his teachers to cheat by opening sealed tests and
teach students based on the tests (Blume, 2011). While, the adults often wage the war in
improving test scores, students are left with no incentive to do well on the CSTs. As a
result, a divergence of values exists between adults and students. Students are left to fend
for themselves in taking perhaps the most important test (SAT) in their lives with little or
no support at most schools, particularly LPHs. On the other hand, administrators are
relegated the hard task of convincing teenagers that the CSTs matter and break the bank
in an attempt to do so. However, it is important to note that the only current exception
exists in the CSU system that allows 11
th
graders who do well on the CST to place into
their college level English or Math courses.
Replacing the SAT with the CSTs would clearly communicate to students that
they are indeed important, while also increasing articulation between the colleges and the

352

K-12 sector. Eliminating the SAT’s fee of $47 and the two SAT Subject tests at $60,
should also no longer discriminate against poor families. Poor families, that most often
include Latino/a and Black students in California. Adopting the CSTs should also begin
the K-16 articulation between universities and high schools. In the future, Common Core
Standards that appear to be replacing the CSTs and synchronize testing amongst all states
in the U.S. can also lend itself in determining college entry admissions for private and
independent colleges.
Finally, as was found with this study and previous ones (Saenz, 2005; Saenz et al.,
2007a) high school students continued their similar interaction patterns once in college.
While colleges can implement policies and interventions to increase the interaction
between all ethnic groups, K-12 has a responsibility of increasing this type of interaction.
Particularly, because K-12 can be proactive in ensuring that students do not attend
segregated schools and foster meaningful interactions between ethnic groups. K-12
settings can increase contact and knowledge of diverse peers that can lead students to
reconsider or change their behaviors and attitudes by re-shifting their perceptions and
empathies for others (Saenz, 2005).
Implications for Policy Debate in UC System
The students who participated in this study offer evidence that they can and are
succeeding at an elite public institution. Problematic however, is the few amount of
students of similar backgrounds that are given such an opportunity. The UC’s student
body should mirror the demographics of California high school students, the current

353

10.6% Latino/a students that currently attend falls extremely short. This is even more
pronounced at the UC’s flagships UCB and UCLA. The UCs have an ethical
responsibility of allowing equal access for all groups. Yet, the UCs do not take into
account a student’s previous setting, quality of schooling, access to SAT preparation, AP
courses, and other challenges that Latino/as may face that were seen in this study.
Latino/a students and families lacking cultural and social capital are at a disadvantaged
trying to navigate the educational system and college going process without any
assistance. As Carnevale and Strohl (2010) put it, students admitted to selective colleges
is the result of all of the distillation that occurs in pre K-12 education and foreshadows
the differences in lifetime opportunity thereafter. Instead, the UCs provide justification
for their admissions standards stating that they are indeed a meritocracy. This
meritocracy or what appears to be a hypocrisy narrowly defines achievement that
overemphasizes AP and SAT scores, which serves to exclude Latino/as. The UCs need
to move away from such a narrow definition of achievement and move towards a more
encompassing view that includes different types of assessment and admissions criteria.
The UCs have proposed to make admission changes beginning with the freshmen
class of 2012. Admission changes include an increase of students receiving guaranteed
admissions to a UC school via Eligibility in the Local Context (ELC) that will see an
increase from 4% to 9%, resulting in a decrease in the statewide eligibility from 12.5% to
9%. This is interesting considering that ELC was originally designed to admit the top
12.5% to the UC system (Guerrero, 2002). In turn, this new proposal will result in a

354

decrease in the statewide eligibility from 12.5% to 9% for students who are ranked in the
second or lower deciles of their class but otherwise meet the UC criteria. The UC system
with these, and other changes, predicts a maximum enrollment increase of 3% Latino/a
students, 1% for Blacks, while resulting in an increase of 10% for White students and a
potential decrease of 7% for Asian students (University California Office of the
President, 2009). Ironically, the ELC program was established to address the observed
negative impacts of campus diversity at the UCs after the elimination of affirmative
action (Horn & Flores, 2003).
Given that the 9% plan will not be implemented till 2012, no other literature
exists on this topic. However, percentage plans in Texas and Florida and other states that
have banned affirmative action can be useful in informing California’s proposed 9% plan.
For instance, since the inception of Texas’ Top 10% was instituted in 1998, enrollment
figures for Latino/as and Blacks have not reached affirmative action levels at both Texas’
flagships, Texas A&M University (A&M) and the University of Texas at Austin (Tienda,
Alon, & Niu, 2009). This, despite the 10% plan’s guarantee of admission to the school of
their choice, their implementation of scholarship programs to target economically
disadvantaged students (Domina, 2007) and not factoring the SAT in their admissions
criteria, all characteristics absent in the ELC 9% plan. Similarly, the University of
Washington (UW) has instituted similar reforms to increase non-academic criteria in their
admissions process that included essays related to diversity and increased outreach
(Long, 2007). Despite these attempts however, UW has not restored enrollment rates to

355

the one’s seen pre-affirmative action (Long, 2007). Finally, the state of Florida has been
the only percent plan to restore pre-affirmative action enrollment rates. However, Long
(2007) states that few students covered by the Top 20% plan needed help to secure their
admission, as most of these students would have been admitted without the plan.
Similarly, Texas and UC flagships were already weighing class rank heavily in their
admissions decisions. For example, A&M’s admission rate pre-affirmative action for
those who graduated in the top 10% of their schools was 97% (Tienda et al., 2010) and
simulations at UC suggest that between 60% and 65% of the ELC students would have
been admitted anyway (Horn & Flores, 2003). These percentage plans changed from a de
facto practice of admitting highly ranked students to a de jure guarantee of acceptance,
having a negligible effect for new students.
Additionally, ELC 9% seeks to eliminate the two SAT Subject tests currently
required in the 4% plan, while keeping the SAT and increasing the minimum GPA to a
weighted 3.0 from the previous 2.8. On the contrary, the vast amount of literature states
that grades have been a better predictor in college performance, that socioeconomic
background has been shown to have a stronger correlation with the SAT, and eliminating
the SAT II is perplexing, given its stronger predictive validity. Similarly, with fewer
opportunities in being able to receive extra points on their GPA by taking AP classes, will
place minority students at a disadvantage since GPA and rigor of coursework hold
significant weight in the admissions process. Lessons learned from other states is
indicative of this, as it has been found that even when SATs are not factored in the

356

admissions process, scholarships are given and students are able to select any campus, the
Top 10% still has not restored enrollment figures at UT and A&M (Tienda et al, 2009).
Similarly, capital deficiency, stereotype threat, and Tinto’s student departure theories all
help to frame and explain the achievement gap in K-12 and in college settings. The 9%
plan however, currently does not take into account these deficiencies.
The UC admission changes geared for 2012 towards increasing Whites, while
reducing admissions for Asian students, highlights what can happen to a minority group
who reaches similar educational attainment levels of the dominant group, only to see the
dominant group mediate the social reproduction of inequality. “Institutions of higher
education which ensure or legitimate access to the ruling classes are to all intents and
purposes, the monopoly of the ruling classes” (Bourdieu, 1977, p. 497). While having
the previously mentioned social and cultural capital and other interventions in the K-12
setting can increase Latino/a admissions, only by changing the cultural model of the UC
system can one have considerably large and sustained gains of Latino/as accessing the
UC system.
UC President Mark G. Yudof is currently looking to make the UC admissions
“fairer,” while widening the door of opportunity for many more high-achieving students
from all ethnic groups, as well as those from low performing schools (UC Notes, 2009).
Clearly, White students will enjoy the most benefits from these proposed changes;
meanwhile, these changes in admission criteria will contribute to decrease the amount of
Asians and marginally admitting more Latino/as and Blacks. Yudof’s “fairer”

357

admissions is a prime example of the UC system demonstrating a false sense of
educational expansion that will alleviate political pressure on the basis that “more”
minority students will be admitted (Blossfeld & Shavit, 1993). As cultural reproduction
holds, the attainment of primary and secondary schools is afforded independent of social
background but if the dominant groups want to maintain their privileges in the status
system, they must retain their advantage in the attainment of higher education
qualifications (Blossfeld & Shavit, 1993). While K-12 can work to improve and provide
students with the social and cultural capital to “succeed” and increase the number of
Latino/as attending the UC system, cultural reproduction theory asserts that the dominant
group will only raise the admissions standards in the universities to exclude them
(Blossfeld and Shavit, 1993). Therefore, a shift of the UC’s cultural model must take
place that allows all groups an equal opportunity.
Therefore, to see an increase in admissions for Latino/a students, the following
recommendations are proposed: (1) provide different alternatives for “achievement” that
more accurately measures student success, such as students’ GPA in A-G coursework, so
as to not overly emphasize the SAT or AP courses; (2) increase ELC from 9% to the
12.5% that California’s Master Plan of Education is set out to do for all High Schools
which would allow for an equal representation of all schools within their local context;
(3) ELC should be constituted by the total amount of students enrolled in their class not
those who only graduate. Currently, the ELC program puts Latino/as at an unfair
advantage given their lower high school graduation rates. Katz (1999) explains that

358

students are “pushed out” instead of dropping out, as dropping out entails an active
conscious choice to leave school; (4) eliminate admission to top 9% in the state; this
category places an unfair advantage to students attending better schools, therefore
creating an overrepresentation of these students, which tend to have the social and
cultural capital that ultimately serves to exclude those minorities who lack it and attend
inferior schools; (5) eliminate the extra point allocated to AP courses (Solorzano &
Ornelas, 2004). This would eliminate the unfair advantage for students attending schools
that offer more AP courses and sections of these individual courses; (6) change the
proposed 3.0 weighted GPA for 2012 to a unweighted 3.0, this would eliminate the unfair
advantage to students with greater access to AP courses; (7) implement an AP Student
Admissions Index (APSAI) that calculates the ratio between the number of AP courses
the student takes divided by the number of AP courses offered to the student (Solorzano
& Ornelas, 2004). This index score would give a student who takes the maximum 5 AP
courses a higher weight versus one who takes 5 out of a maximum 20 APs and (8)
implement an AP School Equity Index that determines the amount of students of color
enrolled in AP courses at their individual schools divided by the number of those specific
students of color enrolled in the school (Solorzano & Ornelas, 2004).
These UC recommendations are easy to make but will be hard to follow, given the
already proposed 2012 changes and their prior history to exclude Latino/as. The UCs
continue to use their admissions policies to mask the cycle of cultural reproduction.
Similarly, the K-12 system does very little to prepare and equip its Latino/a students for

359

college admissions. Not until a cultural model change is seen, in both settings, will
Latino/as enjoy equal access to California’s most prestigious public university system.
Future Research
Researchers interested in studying about Latino/as from low performing high
schools should further increase the breadth and depth of study for this group in both high
school and collegiate settings. Focusing on this group of students is heightened given the
various schools in California that are designated as low performing. First, an increase in
the sample size to a much larger one is warranted. Second, given a larger sample size,
future studies can and ought to include a random sample to increase the validity of the
study. Third, studies can also include other ethnic groups from low performing high
school settings to improve their educational outcomes. Fourth, future studies can study
Latino/a students from LPH settings and determine the positive outcomes that they have
received as a result of having attended a selective university. Much is made about this
selected group of individuals being “mismatched” but studies have failed to account for
effects beyond student’s college trajectories. Fifth, studies should concentrate on
ameliorating some of the negative effects that stereotype threat, burden of being Latino/a,
a hostile racial climate and only primarily interacting with similar ethnic peers that
students experience that harms their overall collegiate experience. Sixth, research should
look at what the UC’s new 9% plan will ultimately mean for its Latino/a students in
California.

360

Limitations of the Study
One should be cognizant of a couple limitations found in this study. First, the
sample size of this study was a limitation, given that only eight students participated. A
larger and broader sample size can prove fruitful in replicating and substantiating some of
these studies findings. Also, this study used a purposeful sample of eight Latino/a
students and were not randomly selected. A purposeful sample was used given student’s
previous LPH setting and the few amount of students who directly attend PPU from these
schools. Thus, this researcher did not control for student’s biases and willingness to
participate in the study.
Conclusion
This qualitative study attempted to account for the educational trajectories of
Latino/a students from API 1-2 high schools that had previously been forgotten or
unaccounted for. With this study, it was found that the majority of Latino/a students had
successful resolved the relationship of doing well in school and friendships and did not
have to compromise one for the other. The burden of being Latino/a was evident in both
the high school and collegiate settings, as it served to detract and deter students from
being successful in school. Taking AP/Honor courses by middle school appeared to have
played a significant role in student’s academic trajectories that facilitated the continuance
of this track during high school that ultimately facilitated student’s admissions to PPU.
Institutional agents played a key role in providing students with cultural and social capital
in both high school and college settings. These agents were able to help these students

361

successfully navigate both systems. The empowerment agent was also seen in the college
setting, as half of the students began talking about participating and changing the
hierarchical structures and inequities found in society. However, it appeared that
empowerment agents only affected those students that were involved in campus
organizations and taking coursework in Chicano/a Studies. The effects beyond GPA and
graduation were seen for these students as a result of having attended a selective
university. Students found a graduate going culture that changed their career goals,
received a better education and were cognizant of the benefits of the prestige factor on
campus. Evidence for stereotype threat was seen, in particular the externalization and to
a lesser extent the internalization of the threat. Indeed, it was evident that a threat was
“in the air.” Similar to previous findings, it was found that students continued their pre-
college interaction patterns during college, namely Latino/a students in this case. In
addition, it was found that the quality and the informal interactions that yield positive
educational outcomes with Whites and Asians were not evident. Aside from dealing with
the burden of being Latino/a and the negative effects of stereotype threat, students also
endured a hostile racial campus climate that can be found to decrease a student’s sense of
belonging and other outcomes. Finally, this study also confirmed that students do not
have to feel like they belong to the larger campus, as they were intricately weaved into
various smaller networks on campus.
Again, students in this study some of whom have attended the lowest performing
high schools in the state, appear to be doing well at one of UC’s flagships. While these

362

students have been fortunate enough to have been admitted many other students with
similar qualifications have been undermatched, relegated to attend less selective
universities. The undermatching of students may even be more pronounced, given that
CSUs have moved to a Local Admissions Guarantee that offers local high schools
preference during admissions. This further puts some students at a disadvantage who do
not attend a high school in the selective CSU’s college boundary i.e. Cal State Long
Beach.
Finally, the affirmative action ban has forced universities to become more creative
in diversifying their campuses, UC’s 9% plan appears to be such. It has been noted that
other plans like the Texas Top 10% plan may not be as effective as affirmative action in
diversifying Texas’ campuses, it is more effective than admissions standards that heavily
rely on standardized testing. It appears that the Texas plan offers a political middle
ground for affirmative action. The UC’s 9% plan appears to similarly offer this middle
ground also. Nonetheless, it will be difficult to solve the tension inherent in rationing
scarce resources that in this instance include admissions slots against demand and
competition for access to California’s most selective campuses. If fairness incorporates
the principles of merit and inclusion, there may simply be no adequate alternative for
racial identity other than racial identity (Forest, 2002). Ultimately, the solution towards
addressing university access lies in the need to address society’s broad based social
disparities that make racial difference meaningful (Forest, 2002).

363

References
Agronow, S. J., & Horn, C. (2010). The effectiveness of california standards tests as
alternatives to the sat in predicting freshman grades. In Grodsky, E., &
Kurlanders, M. (Eds.) Equal opportunity in higher education. The past and future
of california’s proposition 209. (155-172). Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard
Education Press.

Alon, S., & Tienda, M. (2005). Assessing the "mismatch" hypothesis: Differences in
college graduation rates by institutional selectivity. Sociology of
Education, 78(4), 294-315.

Aries, E. (2008). Race and class matters at an elite college. Philadelphia, PA: Temple
University Press.

Aronson, J., & Inzlicht, M. (2004). The ups and downs of attributional ambiguity:
Stereotype vulnerability and the academic self knowledge of African American
college students. Psychological Science, 15(12), 829-836.

Atkinson, R. C., & Pelfrey, P. A. (2007). Pursuit of knowledge: Speeches and papers by
richard c. atkinson., Berkley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California
Press.

Balanz, R. (2009). Can the american high school become an avenue of advancement for
all? The Future of Children, 19(1), 17-36.

Barro, R. J. (2001, April 9, 2001). Economic Viewpoint: Why College Shouldn’t Dump the
SAT, Business. Retrieved from www.businessweek.com/magazine

Barron’s Educational Series. (2010). Barron’s profiles of American colleges 2011.
Barrons Educational Series, Inc.

Bennett, C. (2001). Genres of research in multicultural education. Review of Educational
Research, 71(2), 171-217.

Behrman, J. R., Rosenzweig, M. R., & Taubman, P. (1996). College choice and Wages:
Estimates using data on female twins. The Review of Economics and Statistics,
78(4) p. 672-685.

Bergin, D. A., & Cooks, H. C. (2002). High school students of color talk about
accusations of “acting white.” The Urban Review, 34, 113-134.

364

Blau, J. R., Moller, S., & Jones, L. V. (2004). Why test? Talent loss and enrollment loss.
Social Science Research, 33(3), 409-434.

Blossfeld, H., & Shavit, Y. (1993). Persisting barriers. In Y. Shavit & H. Blossfeld
(Eds.), Persistent Inequality. Boulder, Co: Westview Press.

Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory
and research for the sociology of education (pp. 241-258). Westport, CT:
Greenwood Press.

Bourdieu, P. (1977). Cultural reproduction and social reproduction. In J. Karabel & A. H.
Halsey (Eds.), Power and ideology in education (pp. 487-511). New York:
Oxford University Press.

Bowen, W. G., & Bok, D. (1998). The shape of the river: Long-term consequences of
considering race in college and universities admissions. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press.

Bowen, W. G., Chingos, M. M., and McPherson, M. S. (2009). Crossing the Finish Line:
Completing college at America’s public universities. Princeton: Princeton
University Press.

Blume, H. (2011, March 4). Founder of crescendo charter schools fired [Updated]
Retrieved from www.latimes.com

Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954). 347 U.S. 483.

Cabrera, N. L., & Padilla, A. M. (2004). Entering and succeeding in the “culture of
college”: The story of two mexican heritage students. Hispanic Journal of
Behavioral Sciences, 26(2), 152-170.

Cabrera, A. F., Castaneda, M. B., Nora, A., & Hengstler, D. (1992). The convergence
between two theories of college persistence. Journal of Higher Education
63, 143-64.

California Department of Education (2010). Available from the California Department of
Education’s Web site http://www.cde.ca.gov

California Department of Education (2009). Available from the California
Department of Education’s Web site http://www.cde.ca.gov

365

California State Postsecondary Education Commission (2007). Public higher education
performance accountability framework report: Goal - access and affordability
measure: Percentage of racial representation in systems of higher education
compared to racial representation in the state. Sacramento, CA: California
Postsecondary Education Commission.

California State Postsecondary Education Commission (2004). Educational and
demographic profile: Los angeles county. Sacramento, CA: California
Postsecondary Education Commission.

Carnevale, A. P., & Rose, S. J. (2003). Socioeconomic status, race/ethnicity, and
selective college admissions. Washington, DC: Century Foundation.

Carnervale, A. P., & Strohl, J. (2010). How increasing college access is increasing
inequality, and what to do about it. In Kahlenberg R.D. (Ed.). Rewarding strivers:
Helping low- income students succeed in college (71-190). New York: Century
Foundation Press.

Carroll, G., Tyson, K., & Lumas, B. (2000). Those who got in the door: The university of
california-berkeley’s affirmative action success story. The Journal of Negro
Education, 69(1/2), 128-144.

Carter, D.F. (2002). College student’s degree aspirations: A theoretical model and
literature review with a focus on african american and latino students. In Smart,
J.C. & Tierney, W.G. (Eds.), Higher education: Handbook of theory and research
volume XVII (129-172). Norwell, MA: Kluwer Academic Publishers.

Carter, P. L. (2006). Straddling boundaries: Identity, culture, and school. Sociology
of Education, 79(4), 304-328.

Camara, W., & Michaelides, M. (2005). “AP use in admissions: A response to
geiser and santelices.” College Board Research Note. Retrieved on December 3,
2009 from http://collegeboard.com/research/pdf/051425Geiser_050406.pdf

Cerna, O. S., Perez, A. A., & Saenz, V. (2009). Examining the precollege attributes and
values of latina/o bachelor’s degree attainers. Journal of Hispanic Higher
Education, 8(2), 130-157.

Chang, M. J. (1996). Racial diversity in higher education: Does a racially mixed student
population affect educational outcomes? Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
University of California, Los Angeles.

366

Chang, M. J., Astin, A. W., & Kim, D. (2004). Cross-racial interaction among
undergraduates: Some consequences, causes, and patterns. Research in Higher
Education, 45(5), 529-553.

Charles, C., Fischer, M. J., Mooney, & Massey, M. (2009). Taming the river: Negotiating
the academic, financial, and social currents in selective colleges and universities.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Coleman, J. (1992). Some points on choice in education. Sociology of Education, 65(4),
260-262.

Coleman, J. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Journal of
Sociology, 94, (Issue Supplement), S95-S120.

Cortes, K. E. (2008) College quality and the texas top 10% plan: Implications for
minority students. Retrieved on December 3, 2009 from
http://theop.princeton.edu/

Cullen, M. J., Hardison, C. M., & Sackett, P. R. (2004). Using sat-grade and ability-
job performance relationships to test predictions derived from stereotype threat
theory. Journal of Applied Psychology, 89, 220-230.

Dale, S. B., & Krueger, A. B. (2002). Estimating the payoff to attending a more selective
college: An application of selection on observables and unobservables. The
Quarterly Journal of Economics, 117(4), 1491-1527.

Dickens, W. T., & Kane, T. J. (1999). “Racial test score differences as evidence of
reverse discrimination: Less than meets the eye.”Industrial Relations 38, 331-63.

Dika, S. L., & Singh, K. (2002). Applications of social capital in educational literature: A
critical synthesis. Review of Educational Research, 72(1), 31-60.

Domina, T. (2007). Higher education policy as secondary school reform: Texas public
high schools after "hopwood". Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis,
29(3), 200-217.

Durkheim, E. (1951). Suicide (John A. Spaulding and George Simpson, trans.). Glencoe,
IL: Free Press.

Epenshade, T. J., Chung, C.Y., Walling, J. L., (2004). Admission preferences for
minority students, athletes, and legacies at elite universities. Social Science
Quarterly, 85(5), 1422-1446.

367

Epenshade, T. J., & Walton Radford, A. (2009). No longer separate not yet equal: Race
and class in elite college admission and campus life. Princeton, New Jersey:
Princeton University Press.

Fischer, M. J., & Massey, D. S. (2007). The effects of affirmative action in higher
education. Social Science Research,36(2), 531-549.

Flores-Gonzalez, N. (2005). Popularity versus respect: school structure, peer groups and
latino academic achievement. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in
Education, 18(5), 625-642.

Fordman, S., & Ogbu, J. U. (1986). Black students' school success: Coping with the
“burden of ‘acting white’.” The Urban Review, 18, 176-206.

Forest, B. (2002). Hidden segregation? The limits of geographically based affirmative
action. Political Geography, 21 855-880.

Freedle, R. (2003) Correcting the sat’s ethnic and social class bias. A method for re-
estimating sat test scores. Harvard Educational Review, 73(1), 1-44.

Freire, P. (1993a). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York: Continuum

Freire, P. (1993b). Education for critical consciousness. New York: Continuum

Fry, R. (2004). Latino youth finishing college: The role of the selective pathway. Pew
Hispanic Report Center. Washington, D.C.

Garrod, A., Kilkenny, R., & Gómez, C. (2007). Mi voz, mi vida: Latino college
students tell their stories. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Geiser, S., Santelices, M. V. (2007) Validity of high-school grades in predicting student
success beyond the freshman year: High-school record vs. standardized tests as
indicators of four-year college outcomes. Research & occasional paper series:
Center for Studies in Higher Education, University of California Berkeley, CA.

Geiser, S., & Studley, R. (2003). UC and the sat: Predictive validity and differential
impact of the sat I and the sat II at the university of california. Educational
Assessment, 8(1), 1-26.

Glazer, N. (1976). Affirmative discrimination: Ethnic inequality and public policy. New
York: Basic Books.

368

Gloria, A. M., Castellanos, J., Lopez, A. G., & Rosales, R. (2005). An examination
of academic nonpersistence decisions of latino undergraduates. Hispanic Journal
of Behavioral Sciences, 27(2), 202-223.

Gloria, A. M., & Castellanos, J. (2003). Latina/o and african american students at
predominantly white institutions: A psychosociocultural perspective of cultural
congruity, campus climate, and academic persistence in four year institutions. In
Castellanos, J., & Jones, L. (Eds.). The majority in the minority: Expanding the
representation of Latina/o faculty, administrators and students in higher
education (71-94). Sterling Virginia: Stylus Publishing.

Gordon, L. (2011, March 18). Ucla to take no action against student for controversial
video. Retrieved from www.latimes.com

Gordon, L. (2010, July 15). Uc freshmen to include record number of out-of-state and
international students: Such undergraduates will rise from 6% to over 8% of the
class. The change is concentrated mainly at uc berkeley and ucla. Retrieved from
www.latimes.com

Gratz v. Bollinger (2003). 123 S. Ct. 2411.

Gredler, M. (2005). Learning and instruction: Theory into practice. Fifth edition.
Columbus, OH: Pearson Prentice Hall. p. 342-379. Chapter 12: Albert Bandura’s
Social Cognitive Theory.

Grutter v. Bollinger (2003). 123 S. Ct. 2325.

Guerrero, A. (2002). Silence at boalt hall: The dismantling of affirmative action.
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

Gurin, P., Dey, E. L., Hurtado, S., & Gurin, G. (2002). Diversity and higher education:
Theory and impact on educational outcomes. Harvard Educational Review, 72(3),
330-366.

Herrnstein, R. J., & Murray, C. (1994). The Bell curve: Intelligence and class structure
in american life. New York: The Free Press.

Hoffman, J. L., & Lowitzki, K. E. (2005). Predicting college success with high school
grades and test scores: Limitations for minority students. Review of higher
education, 28(4), 455-474.

Hooks, B. (1984). Feminist theory: From margin to center. Boston: South End Press.

369

Horn, C. L., & Flores S. M. (2003). Percent plans in college admissions: A comparative
analysis of three states' experiences. Cambridge, MA: Civil Rights Project at
Harvard University.

Horvat, M., & Lewis, K. S. (2003). Reassessing the "burden of 'acting white'": The
importance of peer groups in analyzing academic success. Sociology of
Education, 76(4), 265-280.

Hurtado, S. (2003). Preparing College Students for a Diverse Democracy, University of
Michigan, Center for the Study of Higher and Postsecondary Education, Ann
Arbor, MI.

Hurtado, S. (1992). The campus racial climate: Contexts of conflict. Journal of Higher
Education, 63(5), 539-569. Leave the Sciences, Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Hurtado, S., & Carter, D. F., (1997). Effects of college transition and perceptions of the
campus racial climate on latino college students' sense of belonging. Sociology of
Education, 70(4), 324-345.

Hurtado, S., Carter D. F., & Spuler, A. (1996). Latino student transition to college:
Assessing difficulties and factors in successful college adjustment. Research in
Higher Education 37, 135-157.

Hurtado, S., Han, J. C., Sáenz, V. B., Espinosa, L., Cabrera, N., & Cerna, O. (2007).
Predicting transition and adjustment to college: Biomedical and behavioral
science aspirants’ and minority students’ first year of college. Research in Higher
Education, 48(7), 841-887.

Hurtado, S., & Kaminura, M. (2003). Latina/o retention in four year institutions. In
Castellanos, J., & Jones, L. (Eds.). The majority in the minority: Expanding the
representation of Latina/o faculty, administrators and students in higher
education (139-152). Sterling Virginia: Stylus Publishing.

Hurwitz, M. (2011) The impact of legacy status on undergraduate admissions at elite
colleges and universities, Economics of Education Review, 30(3), 480-492.

Jewell, J. O. (2000). An unfinished mission: Affirmative action, minority admissions, and
the politics of mission at the university of california, 1868-1997. Journal of
Negro Education, 69(1-2), 38-48.

370

Johnson, H. P. (1999). How many californians? A review of population projections for
the state. California Counts: Population Trends and Profiles, (1). San Francisco:
Public Policy Institute of California

Kahlenberg, R. D. (2010a). Introduction. In Kahlenberg, R.D. (Ed.) Rewarding
strivers: Helping low- income students succeed in college (1-17). New York:
Century Foundation Press.

Kahlenberg, R. D. (2010b, July 15). U.c.berkeley and the access mission of public
universities. Retrieved from www.chronicle.com

Kane, T. J. (1998). Racial and ethnic preferences in college admissions. In The Black-
White Test Score Gap, Ed Jencks, C. and Phillips, M. 431-56. Washington, DC:
Brookings Institution Press.

Kao, G. (2004). Social capital and its relevance to minority and immigrant populations.
Sociology of Education, 77(2), 172-183.

Katz, S. R. (1999). Teaching in tensions: Latino immigrant youth, their teachers, and the
structures of schooling. Teachers College Record, 100(4), 809-840.

Klopfenstein, K. (2003). Advanced placement: Do minorities have equal opportunity?
Economics of education review, 23(2), 115-131.

Kowarsky, J., Clatfelter, D., & Widaman, K. (1998). Predicting university grade-point
average in a class of University of California freshmen: An assessment of the
validity of GPA and test scores as indicators of future academic performance.
Institutional research paper. Oakland, CA: University of California Office of the
President.

Kvale, S. (2007). How to do Interviews. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Ladson-Billings, G., & Tate, W. E., IV. (1995). Toward a critical race theory of
education. Teachers College Record, 97(1), 47-68.

Lerner, R., & Nagai, A. K. (1999). Preferences in virginia higher education racial and
ethnic preferences in undergraduate admissions at ten virginia public colleges
and universities. Washington, D.C.: Center for Equal Opportunity.

Lerner, R., & Nagai, A. K. (1996). Affirmative action in undergraduate enrollment at the
university of california, berkeley 1993-1995: A preliminary report, Washington,
D.C.: Center of Equal Opportunity.

371

Lerner, R., & Nagai, A. K. (1995). Affirmative action in undergraduate admissions at the
university of California, san diego, 1995.

Liu, G. (2002). The causation fallacy: Bakke and the basic arithmetic of selective
admissions. Michigan Law Review, 100(5), 1045-1107.

Locks, M. A., Hurtado, S., Bowman N. A., & Oseguera, L. (2008). Extending notions of
campus climate and diversity to students’ transition to college. The Review of
Higher Education, 31(3), 257-285.

Long, M. C. (2007). Affirmative action and its alternatives in public universities: What
do we know? Public Administration Review, 67(2), 315-330.

Long, M. C., Saenz, V. B., & Tienda, M. (2010). Policy transparency and college
enrollment: Did the texas top 10% law broaden access to the public
flagships? The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social
Science, 627, 82-105.

Longerbeam, S. D., Sedlacek, W.E., & Alatorre, H.M. (2004). In their own voices: Latino
student retention. NASPA Journal 41, 538-550.

Lopez, J. D. (2005). Race related stress and sociocultural orientation among latino
students during their transition into a predominantly White, highly selective
institution. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 4(4), 354-365.

Loury, L. D., & Garman, D. (1993). Affirmative action in higher education. The
American Economic Review, 83(2), (Papers and Proceedings of the Hundred and
Fifth Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association), 99-103.

Loury, L. D., & Garman, D. (1995). College selectivity and earnings. Journal of Labor
Economics, 13(2), 289-308.

Massey, D. S., Charles, C. Z., Lundy, G. F., & Fischer, M. J. (2003). The source of the
river: The social origins of freshmen at America’s selective colleges and
universities. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Massey, D. S., & Fischer M. J. (2005). “Stereotype threat and academic performance:
New data from the national longitudinal survey of freshmen.” The DuBois
Review: Social Science Research on Race, 2, 45-68.

Massey, S. D., & Mooney, M. (2007). The effects of america's three affirmative
action programs on academic performance. Social Problems, 54(1), 99-117.

372

Martinez-Cosio, M., & Iannacone, R. M. (2007). The tenuous role of institutional agents:
Parent liaisons as cultural brokers. Education and Urban Society, 39(3), 349-369.

Matute-Bianchi, M. E. (1986). Ethnic identities and patterns of school success and failure
among mexican-descent and japanese-american students in a california high
school: An ethnographic analysis. American Journal of Education, 95(1), 233-
255.

Mayer, R. E. (2008). Learning and instruction (2
nd
ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ:
Pearson.

McDonough, P. M. (2004). The school to college transition: Challenges and prospects.
Washington, DC: American Council on Education.

Melguizo, T. (2008). Quality matters: Assessing the impact of attending more selective
institutions on college completion rates of minorities. Research in Higher
Education, 49(3), 214-263.

Mendez v. Westminster (1946). 64 F. Supp. 544 (S.D. Cal.).

Mickelson, R. A. (1990). The attitude-achievement paradox among black adolescents.
Sociology of Education, 63(1), 44-61.

Mitchem, A. (2009, June 1). Pell grants: Glass half full. Retrieved from
http://www.insidehighered.com/views/2009/06/01/mitchem

Mollison, A. (2006). Surviving a midlife crisis: Advanced placement turns fifty.
Education Next, 6(1), 34-39.

Monkman, K., Ronald, M., & Theramene, F. D. (2005). Social and cultural capital in an
urban latino school community. Urban Education, 40(1), 4-33.

Moore, C., & Shulock, N. (2007). Moving forward: Increasing latino enrollment in
California’s public universities. Sacramento: Institute for Higher Education
Leadership and Policy, California State University.

Muniz, D. (1994). Factors that predict hispanic persistence in a predominantly white
institution: A comparison with african american students. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI.

373

Ng, J. C., & Rury, J. L. (2006). Poverty and education: A critical analysis of the ruby
payne phenomenon. Teachers College Record, Retrieved from
http://www.tcrecord.org

Niu, S. X., & Tienda, M. (2009). Testing, ranking and college performance: Does high
school matter?" Retrieved from http://theop.princeton.edu/

Niu, S. X., Tienda, M., & Cortes, K. (2005). College selectivity and the texas top 10%
Law. Economics of Education Review, 25(3), 259-272.

Nora, A. (2004). The role of habitus and cultural capital in choosing a college,
transitioning from high school to higher education, and persisting in college
among minority and nonminority students. Journal of Hispanic Higher
Education, 3(2), 180-208.

Nora, A., Cabrera, A. F., Hagedon, L. S., & Pascarella, E. T. (1996). Differential impacts
of academic and social experiences on college-related behavioral outcomes across
different ethnic and gender groups at four-year institutions. Research in Higher
Education, 37, 427-451.

Nunez, A. (2009). Latino students’ transitions to college: A social and intercultural
capital perspective. Harvard Educational Review, 79(1), 22-48.

O’Connor, C. (2002). Black women beating the odds from one generation to the next:
How the changing dynamics of constraint and opportunity affect the process of
educational resilience. American Educational Research Journal, 39, 855-903.

Ogbu, J. U. (2003). Black american students in an affluent suburb: A study of academic
disengagement. Mahway, NJ: LEA.

Ogbu, J. U. (1992). Understanding cultural diversity and learning. Educational
Researcher, (21)8, 5-14.

Ogbu, J. U. (1987). Variability in minority school performance: A problem in search of
an explanation. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 18(4), 312-334.

Ogbu, J. U. (1974). The Next Generation: An Ethnography of Education in an Urban
Neighborhood. New York: Academic Press.

Ogbu, J. U., & Fordham, S. (1986). Black students’ school success: Coping with the
“burden of ‘acting white.’” The Urban Review, 18, 176-206.

374

Ogbu, J., & Simons, H. (1998). Voluntary and involuntary minorities: a cultural-
ecological theory of school performance with some implications for education.
Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 29, 155-188.

Orfield, G., & Lee, C. (2006). Racial transformation and the changing nature of
segregation. Cambridge, MA: The Civil Rights Project at Harvard University.

Pascarella, E. T., & Terenzini, P. T. (2005). How college affects students: A third decade
of research. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

Patton, M. Q. (2002). Qualitative Research & Evaluation Methods. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage Publications.

Patton, M. Q. (1987). How to Use Qualitative Methods in Evaluation. Newburry Park,
CA: Sage Publications.

Perez, C. (2002). Different tests, same flaws: Examining the sat I, sat II, and act
access. Journal of College Admission 177, 20-25.

Perez, P. A., & McDonough, P. M. (2008). Understanding latina and latino college
choice: A social capital and chain migration analysis. Journal of Hispanic Higher
Education, 7(3), 249-265.

Rivas-Drake, D. (2008). Perceived opportunity, ethnic identity, and achievement
motivation among latinos at a selective university. Journal of Latinos and
Education, 7(2), 113-128.

Rivas-Drake, D., & Mooney, M. (2009). Neither colorblind nor oppositional: Perceived
minority status and trajectories of academic adjustment among latinos in
elite higher education. Developmental Psychology, 45(3), 642-651.

Rivas-Drake, D., & Mooney, M. (2008). Profiles of latino adaptation at elite colleges and
Universities. American Journal of Community Psychology, 42, 1-16.

Robinson, N. (2003). Undergraduate access to the university of california after the
elimination of race-conscious policies. Access Oakland, CA: Robinson, N.

Roderick, M., Nagaoka, J., Coca, V., Moeller, E., Roddie, K., Gilliam, J., & Patton, D.
(2008). From high school to the future: Potholes on the road to college.
Consortium on Chicago School Research, Chicago, IL.

375

Rodriguez-Cazares, L. (2009). A comparative study of average and high-achieving high
school immigrant and non-immigrant students of mexican heritage. Unpublished
dissertation, University Southern California, Los Angeles.

Rothstein, J. M. (2004). College performance predictions and the sat. Journal of
Econometrics, 121(1-2), 297-317.

Saenz, V. B. (2005). Breaking the cycle of segregation: The effects of pre-college racial
environments on students’ diversity experiences in college. Unpublished
dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles.

Saenz, V. B., Ngai, H. N., & Hurtado, S. (2007a). Factors influencing positive
interactions across race for african american, asian, american, latino, and
white college students. Research in Higher Education, 48(1), 1-38.

Saenz, V. B., Oseguera, L., & Hurtado, S. (2007b). Losing ground? Exploring
racial/ethnic enrollment shifts. In Orfield, G. Marin, P. Flores, S. M., &
Garces, L.M. (Eds.). Freshman access to selective institution: Charting the
Future of College Affirmative Action Legal Victories, Continuing Attacks ,and
New Research. Los Angeles, CA: The Civil Rights Project at UCLA.

Santelices, M. V., & Wilson, M. (2010). Unfair treatment? The case of freedle, the sat,
and the standardization approach to differential item functioning. Harvard
Educational Review, (80)1, 106-142.

Schein, E. H. (1985). How to uncover cultural assumptions in an organization. In
Organizational Culture and Leadership (pp. 112-135). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-
Bass.

Schmidt, P. (2011, March 15). Education dept. investigates complaint of anti-semitism at
uc-santa cruz. Retrieved from http://chronicle.com

Seymour, E., & Hewitt, N. M. (1997). Talking about Leaving: Why Undergraduates.

Smith, D. G., Moreno, J., Clayton-Pedersen, A. R., Parker, S., & Teraguchi, D. H. (2005).
“Unknown” students on college campuses: An exploratory analysis. San
Francisco, CA: The James Irvine Foundation, Campus Diversity Initiative -
Evaluation Project.

Solorzano, D. G., Ceja., M., & Yosso, T. J. (2000). Critical race theory, racial
microagressions, and campus racial climate: The experiences of african american
college students. Journal of Negro Education, 69(1/2), 60-73.

376

Solorzano, D. G., & Ornelas, A. (2004). A critical race analysis of Latina/o and
african american advanced placement enrollment in public high schools. High
School Journal, 87(3), 15-26.

Spady, W. G. (1970). Dropouts from higher education: An interdisciplinary review and
synthesis. Interchange 1, 64-85.

Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (2010). A social capital framework for the study of institutional
agents & their role in the empowerment of low-status students & youth. Retrieved
on June 7, 2010 from http://cue.usc.edu

Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (2001). Manufacturing hope & despair: The school and kin
support networks of u.s.-mexican youth. Teachers College Press, Columbia
University.

Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (1997). A social capital framework for understanding the
socialization of racial minority youth. Harvard Educational Review, 67(1) 1-40.

Steele, C. M., & Aronson, J. (1995). Stereotype threat and the intellectual test
performance of African-Americans. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 69, 797-811.

Stetz, M. (2011, February 25). Racial e-mail upsets some at UCSD. Retrieved from
www.signonsandiego.com

Tanaka, G. (2002). Higher education's self-reflexive turn: Toward an intercultural
theory of student development. The Journal of Higher Education, 73(2), 263-296.

Thernstrom S., & Thernstrom A. (1997). America in black and white: One nation,
indivisible. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.

Thernstrom, S., & Thernstrom, A. (1996). Reflections on the shape of the river. UCLA
Law Review, 46, 1583-1632.

Thernstrom, S. (1995). The black-white student mismatch problem in university
admissions. Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, 6, 62-65. Retrieved from
ERIC database.

Tienda, M., Alon S., & Niu, S. X. (2010). Affirmative action and the texas top 10%
admission law: Balancing equity and access to higher education. Sociétés
Contemporaines, 79, 5-96.

377

Tierney, W. G. (1999). Models of minority college-going and retention: Cultural integrity
versus cultural suicide. The Journal of Negro Education, 68(1), 80-91.

Tierney, W. G. (1992). "An anthropological analysis of student participation in
college.” Journal of Higher Education 63, 603-17.

Tierney, W. G. (1991). Utilizing ethnographic interviews to enhance academic decision
making. New Directions for Institutional Research, 72, 7-22.

Tinto, V. (1998) "Colleges as communities: Taking research on student persistence
seriously.” The Review of Higher Education 21, 167-177.

Tinto, V. (1993). Leaving college: Rethinking the causes and cures of student attrition.
2
nd
ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Tinto, V. (1987). Leaving College: Rethinking the causes and cures of student attrition.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Tinto, V. (1975). Dropout from higher education: A theoretical synthesis of recent
research. Review of Educational Research, 45, 89-125.

Torres, K. C., & Charles, C. Z. (2004). Metastereotypes and the black and white divide:
A qualitative view of race on an elite college campus. Du Bois Review, 1(1),
115-149.

Tyson, K., Darity, W. Jr., & Castellino, D. (2004). Breeding animosity: The “burden of
acting white” and other problems of status group hierarchies in schools.
(unpublished manuscript).

UC Notes (2009). Uc freshman admission policy change begins with fall 2012 applicants.
Retrieved from the University of California Departments Web site
http://www.ucop.edu/pathways/ucnotes

University of California (2009). Quick reference for counselors. Oakland, CA.

University California Office of the President (2009). To members of the
committee on educational policy: Proposal on eligibility reform. Oakland, CA.

University of California Statfinder (2010). Retrieved from the University of California
Department’s Web site http://statfinder.ucop.edu/

378

U.S. Census Bureau (2003). Educational attainment in the United States: 2003. Retrieved
from the U.S. Census Bureau website http://www.census.gov/

Van Gennep, A. (1960). The Rites of Passage (Monika B. Vizedom and Gabrielle L.
Caffee, trans.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Venzant, T. T. (2007). Not just "acting white": School tracking policies' affects on
african american student achievement. 2007 Annual AERA Conference. IL:
Chicago.

Yosso, T. J. (2000). A critical race and LatCrit approach to media literacy:
Chicana/o resistance to visual microaggressions. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles.

Yosso, T.J., Smith, W.A., Ceja, M., & Solorzano, D.G. (2009). Critical race theory,
racial microaggressions, and campus racial climate for latina/o undergraduates.
Harvard Educational Review, 79(4), 659-690.

Zarate, M. E, & Pachon, H. (2006). Gaining or losing ground? Equity in offering
advance placement (Ap)courses in california high schools 1997-2003 access.
Policy Brief. Tomas Rivera Policy Institute.

Zurita, M. (2005). Stopping out and persisting: Experiences of latino undergraduates.
Journal of College Student Retention, 6(3), 301-324.

Zwick, R., Brown, T., & Sklar, J. C. (2004). California and the sat: A reanalysis of
university of california admissions data. Research & occasional paper series:
CSHE.8.04 access ERIC: FullText Online Submission; Paper presented at the
Center for Studies in Higher Education Seminar (Berkeley, May 2, 2003).

Zwick, R., & Schlemer, L. (2004). SAT validity for linguistic minorities at the university
of california, santa barbara. Educational Measurement: Issues and Practice,
23(1), 6-16.

379

Appendix A: Comprehensive Review Factors for Freshman Applicants

◗ Academic grade point average (GPA ) calculated on all academic courses completed in
the subject areas specified by the University’s eligibility requirements (the “a-g”
subjects), including additional points for completion of University-certified honors
courses (see fourth bullet, below).

◗ Scores on the following tests: act Assessment plus Writing or the sat Reasoning Test,
and two sat Subject Tests.

◗ The number, content of and performance in courses completed in academic subjects
beyond the minimum specified by the University’s eligibility requirements.

◗ The number of and performance in University-approved honors courses, College Board
Advanced Placement courses, International Baccalaureate Higher Level courses and
transferable college courses completed. It is recommended that caution be exercised in
order not to assign excessive weight to these courses, especially if considerable weight
already has been given in the context of the first criterion. Additionally, in recognition of
existing differences in availability of these courses among high schools, it is
recommended that reviewers assess completion of this coursework against the availability
of these courses at the applicant’s secondary school.

◗ Being identified as “eligible in the local context” by being ranked in the top 4 percent
of the class by the end of the junior year, as determined by the academic criteria
established by the University of California.

◗ The quality of the senior-year program, as measured by the type and number of
academic courses (see third and fourth bullets, above) in progress or planned.

◗ The quality of academic performance relative to the educational opportunities available
in the applicant’s secondary school.

◗ Outstanding performance in one or more specific academic subject areas.

◗ Outstanding work in one or more special projects in any academic field of study.

380

◗ Recent, marked improvement in academic performance, as demonstrated by academic
grade point average and quality of coursework (see third and fourth bullets, above)
completed and in progress, with particular attention given to the last two years of high
school.

◗ Special talents, achievements and awards in a particular field, such as in the visual and
performing arts, or in athletic endeavors; special skills, such as demonstrated written and
oral proficiency in other languages; special interests, such as intensive study and
exploration of other cultures; experiences that demonstrate unusual promise for
leadership, such as significant community service or significant participation in student
government; or other significant experiences or achievements that demonstrate the
applicant’s promise for contributing to the intellectual vitality of a campus.

◗ Completion of special projects undertaken either in the context of the high school
curriculum or in conjunction with special school events, projects or programs
cosponsored by the school, community organizations, postsecondary educational
institutions, other agencies or private firms, which offer significant evidence of an
applicant’s special effort and determination or that may indicate special suitability to an
academic program on a specific campus.

◗ Academic accomplishments in light of the applicant’s life experiences and special
circumstances. These experiences and circumstances may include, but are not limited to,
disabilities, low family income, first generation to attend college, need to work,
disadvantaged social or educational environment, difficult personal and family situations
or circumstances, refugee status or veteran status.

◗ Location of the applicant’s secondary school and residence. These factors shall be
considered to provide for geographic diversity in the student population and also to
account for the wide variety of educational environments existing in California.

381

Appendix B: High School Structured Interview Questions and Theoretical
Framework Alignment
Research Question Theoretical Framework Interview Items
1. How does the burden of
being Latino/a affect students
attending API 1-2 high
schools?

2. How do institutional or
empowerment agents affect
Latino/as from API 1-2high
schools?

Cultural Ecological Theory
of minority student’s burden
of being Latino/a (Fordman
& Ogbu, 1986; Rodriguez-
Cazares, 2009) acting White
and oppositional identity
formation (Fordman & Ogbu,
1986)

Social Capital- Institutional
Agents (Stanton-Salazar
1997), Empowerment Agents
(Stanton-Salazar, 2010)

1, 2, 3, 4,* 6,* 8,18,*19, 20,*
21, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29*,
30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 38, 40

4,* 5, 6,* 7,* 9, 10, 11, 12,
13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18,* 24,
25, 29,* 36,* 37,* 39*,

382

Appendix C: College Structured Interview Questions and Theoretical Framework
Alignment
Research Question Theoretical Framework Interview Items
3. How does the burden of
being Latino/as from
API 1-2 high schools
affect them at an elite
public university?

4. How do institutional or
empowerment agents
affect Latino/as from
low performing high
schools at an elite
public university

5. How do Latino/as’
experiences at a lower
performing high school
impact their adjustment
at an elite public
university?

6. How has stereotype
threat affected
Latino/as’ academic
performance at an elite
public university, given
their previous API 1-2
high school setting?

7. How do Latino/as from
API 1-2 high schools,
whose pre-college
environments are
predominantly
segregated, affect their
sense of belonging,
given their peer
interactions, racial
climate and community
involvement?

Cultural Ecological Theory
of minority students’ burden
of being Latino/a (Fordman
& Ogbu, 1986; Rodriguez-
Cazares, 2009) acting White
and oppositional identity
formation (Fordman & Ogbu,
1986)

Social Capital- Institutional
Agents (Stanton-Salazar
1997), Empowerment Agents
(Stanton-Salazar, 2010)

Affirmative Action-
Mismatch Hypothesis
(Bowen & Bok, 1998)

Stereotype Threat Hypothesis
(Massey & Fischer,
2005;Steele & Aronson,
1995), Institutional Threat
(Charles et al., 2009)

Latino/a retention- racial
climate (Hurtado & Carter,
1997), diverse peer quality
interactions (Saenz et al.,
2007a), community
involvement (Hurtado &
Carter, 1997),

1, 2, 3, 4*, 6*, 31*, 19, 27,
28, 29, 30, 33*, 34, 35, 36,
37, 38, 39, 42*, 43, 44, 45,
46, 47, 48, 49*, 50*, 51*,
52*, 54*, 55*, 56*, 57*, 58*,
59*

4*, 5, 6*, 7*, 9, 10, 11, 12,
13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18*, 19*,
20*, 21 *, 22*, 31*, 24, 25,
42*, 36*, 37*, 39*, 54

4*, 5*, 6*, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22,

6*, 7*, 8, 31*, 33*, 60, 61,
62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69

55, 56, 57, 58, 59 (Peer
Interactions)
49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54 (Racial
Climate)
23, 24, 25, 26 (Community)

383

Appendix D: Student Profile

Background of the Participant

1. What is your name? Age?
2. Where were you born?
3. Where was your mother born? Where was your father born?
4. What country or part of the world does most of your family come from?
5. At what age did you come to the U.S.? At what grade did you enroll in school in
the U.S. for the first time?
6. Where do you live? How long have you lived there?
7. Who are the members of your family, including your siblings?
8. Have other members of your family graduated from high school? College?
Graduate School?
9. What is your cumulative GPA in High School ___________?
10. What is your cumulative GPA at PPU ____________?
11. What did you score on the SAT ______________?
12. Email __________________ Cell # ______________________

384

Appendix E: High School Structured Interview Questions
The structured interview questions are centered around Ogbu’s (1987) Cultural Ecology
Theory, and Social Capital (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Cultural Ecology theory is used to
determine if the “burden of being Latino” by Rodriguez-Cazares (2009) is found and how
it affects Latino/as at API 1-2 high schools. Social capital will be used to determine the
role institutional and empowerment agents play in the lives of Latino/as students as they
navigate their high school experience with hopes of attending college.

Perceptions of School Culture

1. How long were you a student of that high school?
2. How did you feel about going to this high school?
3. Did many of your friends from middle school come to this same high
school? Why or why not? How about friends from your neighborhood?
4. How would you describe this school to another student who is thinking of
going there?
5. How would you describe the people at this school? Students? Teachers?
Counselors? Administrators? Others?
6. What kinds of classes did you take during high school? Why did you choose
those classes? (Probe for AP/Honors)
7. Are there other students of Latino/a heritage in your classes?
Why or why not?
8. How did you do in those classes?
9. Describe a class that you enjoyed during high school and what it is about
that class that makes this the case?
10. What were this teacher’s expectations for you?
11. How did this teacher treat you? How does this teacher treat other
students like you?
12. Describe a class that you did not enjoy and what it is about that class that
makes this the case?
13. Did ________ do a good job in supporting you?
14. Was there anyone in the entire school who you believe supported you as a
student of Latino/a heritage? If so, describe this person.
15. Other than teachers, how does staff treat students? How did they treat
students of Latino/a heritage?
16. Who provided you with the most support? In what ways did he or she
support you?
17. How did the school support students of Latino/a heritage?

385

Academic and Racial Identities

18. What kind of student usually did well in this school? Why is this so?
19. How are you different or similar to the student you have just described?
20. How did students of Latino/a heritage do at this school? Why do you
say that?
21. How is this similar or different from your experiences?
22. What was it like being a student of Latino/a heritage in this high school?
23. How were you similar or different?
24. If you need help with schoolwork, who do you ask? Who is this person?
What relation is this person to you?
25. If you needed personal advice, who did you ask? Who is this person? What
relation is this person to you?
26. Do you think you acted like basically the same person or in the same way
at home and at school during high school? With friends? Why is this the case?
27. In what ways were you different and in what ways did you act the same?
28. How do you feel about being a student of Latino/a heritage in this high
school?
29. Is there anything that teachers, administrators or others did to contribute to
you feeling this way? If so, what?
30. What is something you enjoy about being of Latino/a heritage? Something
difficult?
31. Were you ever been taunted (teased) by your friends for getting good
Grades during high school? What happened? How did you feel?
32. How did fitting in with your friends relate to your schoolwork? Why is
this so?
33. Did you ever feel you have to choose between being popular with friends
and getting good grades? Why is this so?
34. Have you ever heard the phrase “acting White?” What does it mean to
you? (Probe for language, speech, music, dress, school behavior, cliques,
etc,)? Did your friends of Latino/a heritage believe getting high grades
equals acting White?
35. Have you ever felt you had to give up something about your ethnic/racial
identity in order to do well in high school? (Probe what they gave up or how they
compartmentalized or managed identities. Probe do they assume that every student
of Latino/a heritage had to give up their ethnic/racial identity to do well in school.
36. Did you believe other people consider you less intelligent because of your
Latino/a heritage?
37. Were you ever been told people like you don't do well in school? If so,
does this make you afraid you will prove them right?
38. Did you ever avoid taking a class in which you would do poorly even if
the class was very interesting? Why is this so?

386

39. Did others feel that you won't do well on standardized tests like the SATs?
40. Would you avoid taking academically challenging classes? Why is this
so? (Probe if they avoided the class because only Whites and Asians do
well in those classes.)

387

Appendix F: College Structured Interview Questions
The structured interview questions are centered around Ogbu’s (1987) Cultural Ecology
Theory, Social Capital (Stanton-Salazar, 1997), Stereotype Threat (Steele & Aronson,
1995) and Latino/a retention (Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Saenz, 2005). Cultural Ecology
theory is used to determine if Latino/as have to give up parts of their culture in order to
succeed in college and suffer the “burden of being Latino/a” (Rodriguez-Cazares, 2009).
Social capital will be used to determine the role institutional and empowerment agents
play in the lives of Latino/as at elite colleges. With a lack of qualitative studies in the
“mismatch” debate, this study will seek to identify new data that can add to existing
research. Similarly, stereotype threat theory will be used to examine how it affects
Latino/a students in college. Finally, Latino/a retention seeks to address factors that affect
student’s sense of belonging as it pertains to their peer interactions, racial climate, and
community involvement.

Perceptions of the School Culture
1. How long have you been a student in this university?
2. How did you feel about coming to this university?
3. Did many of your friends from high school come to this same university? Why
or
why not? How about friends from the neighborhood?
4. How would you describe this school to another student who is thinking of coming
here?
5. How would you describe the people at this school? Students? Teachers?
Counselors? Administrators? Others?
6. What kinds of classes are you taking now? Why did you choose those classes?
7. Are there other students of Latino/a heritage in your classes? Why or why not?
8. How are you doing in these classes right now?
9. Describe a class that you enjoy and what it is about the class that makes this the
case?
10. What are the teachers’ expectations for you?
11. How do teachers treat you? How does this teacher treat other students like you?
12. Describe a class that you do not enjoy and what it is about that class that makes
this the case?
13. Does _________ University do a good job in supporting you?
14. Is there anyone in the entire school who you believe supports you as a student of
Latino/a heritage? If so, describe the person?
15. Other than teachers, how does staff treat students? How do they treat students of
Latino/a heritage?

388

16. Who provides you with the most support? In what ways does he or she support
you?
17. How does the school support students of Latino/a heritage?

Mismatch

18. What do you think students that come from a similar high school background like
you gain from attending PPU?
19. What have your high school friends missed out who attended other less selective
colleges i.e. UCR, Cal States if any?
20. What have you gained from attending PPU?
21. How will earning a diploma from PPU be any different than say a well less
known UC or Cal State?
22. Has attending PPU changed your career, goals or aspirations?

Community

23. Do you feel like you belong on this campus? Why or why not?
24. Can you talk about the most popular activities/clubs on campus, and how do they
impact you?
25. Can you describe the extracurricular activities or clubs that you participated in?
If so, can you describe what type of people joined this group?
26. Why did you join these clubs/groups?

Burden of being Latino/a

27. Are you aware of having changed in any ways to “fit in” at PPU, for example
bought different clothes, adopted different ways of speaking or interacting? If so
please elaborate?
28. Have you ever felt you were juggling two worlds or cultures, one at PPU and one
at home, where you must change how speak or dress or- act as you move up and
back between them? Could you give me some examples?
29. Are there people at home i.e. family or friends who are vicariously living through
you, who want you to live out things they didn’t? If so, what do they expect from
you? What are your feelings about these expectations?
30. In what ways, if any, do you view your family or friends differently now that
you’ve been at PPU? Do you think they view you differently? How so?

Academic and Racial Identities

31. What kind of student usually does well in this school? Why is this so?
32. How are you different or similar to the student you have just described?

389

33. How are students of Latino/a heritage doing in this school? Why do you say
that?
34. How is this similar or different from your experiences?
35. What is it like being a student of Latino/a heritage at this school?
36. How are you similar or different?
37. If you need help with schoolwork, who do you ask? Who is this person? What
relation is this person to you?
38. If you need personal advice, who do you ask? Who is this person? What
relationship this person to you?
39. Do you think you act like basically the same person or in the same way at home
and a school? With friends? Why is this the case?
40. In what ways are you different and in what ways do you act the same?
41. How do you feel about being a student of Latino/a heritage in this university?
42. Is there anything that teachers, administrators or others do to contribute to you
feeling this way? If so, what?
43. What is something you enjoy about being of Latino/a heritage? Something
difficult?
44. Have you ever been taunted (teased) by your friends for getting good grades?
What happened? How did you feel?
45. How does fitting in with your friends relate to your schoolwork? Why is this so?
46. Do you ever feel you have to choose between being popular with friends and
getting good grades? Why is this so?
47. Have you ever heard the phrase “acting White?” What does it mean to you?
(Probe for language, speech, music, dress, school behavior, cliques, etc.)? Do
your friends of Latino/a heritage believe getting high grades equals acting White?
48. Have you ever felt you had to give up something about your ethnic/racial identity
in order to do well in school? (Probe what they gave up or how they
compartmentalized or managed identities. Probe do they assume that every
student of Latino/a heritage had to give up their ethnic/racial identity to do well in
school.

Racial Climate

49. What differences do you think your race/ethnicity had on your experience here at
PPU, if any, academically? What about socially?
50. Has there ever been an incident here on campus where you felt your race/ethnicity
caused you to be left out, put down, dismissed, or discriminated against?
51. Would you say your race/ethnicity is expressed in the way you present yourself
physically, in your clothing, jewelry or hairstyle? Would you say your
race/ethnicity is expressed in your speech? In the way you interact with others?
How so?

390

52. In choosing your friends and/or romantic partners here at college, do you think
that race/ethnicity will make a difference? Please explain. (Aries)
53. Do you feel you have something special to contribute here at PPU because of your
class background? How has that manifested itself ? Are there values you bring
because of your social class?
54. Have you ever felt you were discouraged by a professor from speaking out in
class or from a course of study because of your race/ethnicity?
55. Have you ever felt that you have had to defend your admissions at PPU? For
example, has anyone questioned your high school qualifications
i.e. SAT or GPA scores?

Peer Interactions

56. Overall, how would you compare the amount of interaction you personally had
with members of other racial/ethnic groups in college as compared to high
school?
57. How much have you learned from students of different racial and ethnic
backgrounds who attended the same university as yourself?
58. Can you talk about the ethnicity/race of the people that you most frequented with?
Can you tell me the race/ethnicity of the 5 closest friends on campus?
59. Undergraduate school can be a place for meeting people from different
backgrounds. Based on your experiences, did you get to meet different types of
people? If so please describe them?
60. Have you had meaningful, honest conversations with students about issues of
race? If so, could you tell about those conversations and whether they caused you
to see something differently?

Stereotype Threat

61. Do you believe other people consider you less intelligent because of your Latino/a
heritage/
62. Have you ever been told people like you don’t do well in school? If so, does this
make you will prove them right?
63. Would you ever avoid taking a class in which you would do poorly even if the
class was very interesting? Why is this so?
64. Do others feel that you won’t do well on the standardized tests like the SATs?
65. Would you avoid taking academically challenging courses? Why is this so?
(Probe if they avoided the class because only Whites and Asians do well those
classes.)
66. Some people may say that Latino/as are “Unintelligent” “Lazy” or “Give up
Easily,” to what degree do you agree with those comments? Why or why not?
67. To what degree do you believe that an out-group “Whites/Asians” discriminate?

391

68. To what degree do you believe that an out-group “Blacks” discriminate?
69. Do you think that if instructors hold stereotypes do you believe that it affects your
evaluation?
70. Do you think that if students hold stereotypes it will affect evaluation?

392

Appendix G: A-G requirements

(a) History / Social Science – Two years, including one year of world history, cultures,
and historical geography and one year of U.S. history or one-half year of U.S. history
and one-half year of civics or American government.

(b) English – Four years of college preparatory English that include frequent and regular
writing, and reading of classic and modern literature.

(c) Mathematics – Three years of college preparatory mathematics that include the
topics covered in elementary and advanced algebra and two- and three-dimensional
geometry.

(d) Laboratory Science – Two years of laboratory science providing fundamental
knowledge in at least two of these three disciplines: biology, chemistry, and physics.

(e) Language Other Than English – Two years of the same language other than
English.

(f) Visual & Performing Arts – One year, including dance, drama/theater, music, or
visual art.

(g) College Preparatory Elective – One year (two semesters), chosen from additional
“a-f” courses beyond those used to satisfy the requirements above, or courses that have
been approved solely for use as “g” electives.

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Cultural Ecological Theory is able to account for minority’s performance in their school setting, given their incorporation to American society. This incorporation ultimately leads towards disengagement in academic work for students. However, most research does not account for the “burden of being Latino/a.” This study accounts for this burden, given Latino/as’ experiences in API 1-2 high school settings and in a selective college. Results indicate that these top ranked students do face obstacles despite their top class rankings in high school and while in college.

Social Capital is said to be the actual or potential resources that are linked to a person’s network. Often problematic for Latino/a students is the lack of social and cultural capital found for Latino/as at low performing high schools. Nonetheless, institutional agents can provide this access and cultural capital that Latino/as often lack. This study attempted to uncover Latino/as experiences during their high school and collegiate setting with respects to institutional agents that may have altered their academic trajectories. Students were found to have institutional agents alter their trajectories in both settings, while empowerment agents were seen in the college setting.

Affirmative action as applied to minority students continues to be the most highly debated topic regarding the subject. Much has been said about the college squeeze that is currently being seen at both flagships in the UC system. Namely, minorities are seen as taking away admission slots from other more “qualified” students that score higher on their SATs. Latino/a students with lower SAT scores are considered to be affirmative action given their lower SAT credentials. This study sought to uncover student’s experiences at one of the UC’s flagship universities who previously attended one of California’s lowest performing high schools (API 1-2). Particularly, this study looked beyond GPA as means of assessment in determining their “mismatched” or “matched” status. Results indicate that students are able to obtain various forms capital beyond a GPA.

Selective institutions have been proven to yield higher graduation rates, higher lifetime earnings, post graduate enrollment and higher and faster graduation rates. Latino/as have usually not been able to enjoy these benefits given their retention at these selective universities. Negatively impacting their retention includes: racial climate, diverse quality peer interactions and factors involving the community and family. Findings demonstrate that students continue their pre-college interaction patterns with similar ethnic peers once in college, while evidence of by a hostile racial climate was evident and students were found to be connected to smaller organizations on campus.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Latino high school students: Self-efficacy and college choice

PDF

The search for transformative agents: the counter-institutional positioning of faculty and staff at an elite university

PDF

Significant others in the lives of Latino first-generation college students: how social capital aids persistence

PDF

Are acculturation and parenting styles related to academic achievement among Latino students?

PDF

Familial and cultural variables as predictors of retention of Latino engineering students

PDF

Does the colorline still exist in the 21st century: examining racial climate on the campus of a University with a Diverse Student Body (UDSB) as perceived by a group of African American college s...

A comparative study of average and high-achieving high school immigrant and non-immigrant students of Mexican heritage

PDF