Barriers and pathways: understanding the underrepresentation of students of Color in teacher preparation programs in New York State

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Content Barriers and Pathways: Understanding the Underrepresentation of
Students of Color in Teacher Preparation Programs in New York State
James Miller
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2025

© Copyright by James Miller 2025
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for James Miller certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Maria Ott, Committee Member
David Cash, Committee Member
Rudolph Franklin Crew, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2025

iv
Abstract
The United States is experiencing a critical shortage of teachers, particularly teachers of
color, at a time when the nation's student population is becoming increasingly diverse. This
qualitative phenomenological study explores the lived experiences of college-aged students of
color in New York State who chose not to enter teacher preparation programs, despite the
growing need for a more representative teaching workforce. Drawing on Social Cognitive Career
Theory (SCCT) as the theoretical framework, this study examines the internal and external
factors influencing students’ career decisions, including self-efficacy, outcome expectations,
social and personal utility values, and environmental influences.
Seven participants representing various racial and ethnic backgrounds and enrolled in
non-education majors at four universities were interviewed to uncover how their secondary
school experiences shaped their decisions. The findings reveal that negative perceptions of
teaching, financial concerns, lack of representation and encouragement in schools, and systemic
inequities significantly influenced their choices. Despite some positive school experiences,
participants largely viewed the teaching profession as underpaid, undervalued, and lacking
support—perceptions often reinforced by educators themselves.
This study provides insight into the barriers that prevent students of color from pursuing
careers in education and identifies key incentives that may encourage future enrollment in
teacher preparation programs. The implications of these findings can inform policy and practice
at both secondary and post-secondary levels, guiding initiatives to diversify the teaching
workforce and address the nation’s ongoing educator shortage.
Keywords: teachers of color, students of color, lived experiences, teacher preparation programs,
career decision-making, phenomenology, diversity in education, teacher shortage, self-efficacy

v
Dedication
To my parents, may you rest in peace knowing that I am happy in love, healthy in life, and will
continue to work toward the high educational standard you instilled in me at a young age.

vi
Acknowledgments
I would like to express my sincere gratitude to all of the professors at the University of
Southern California for their unwavering dedication to advancing education in the United States.
In particular, I am deeply grateful to my dissertation chair, Dr. Rudolph Crew, for his consistent
availability and guidance throughout the writing process. His extensive experience and ability to
help me refine my work made the journey not only manageable but genuinely rewarding.
I would also like to extend my thanks to the two professors who served on my
dissertation committee, Dr. Maria Ott and Dr. David Cash. Your support and insight, both in the
classroom and during the dissertation process, were instrumental in helping me reach this
milestone. It is a true honor to have such esteemed educators as members of my dissertation
committee.

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication........................................................................................................................................v
Acknowledgments.......................................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables.................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures............................................................................................................................... xii
Chapter 1: Background ....................................................................................................................1
Statement of the Problem.....................................................................................................3
Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................................4
Significance..........................................................................................................................5
Limitations and Delimitations..............................................................................................7
Definitions of Terms ............................................................................................................8
Organization of Study ..........................................................................................................9
Chapter 2: Review of the Literature...............................................................................................11
History and Context ...........................................................................................................11
Benefits of Having a Teacher of Color ..............................................................................15
Salary.......................................................................................................................16
Alternate Career Choices More Desirable and Valued............................................17
Working Conditions.................................................................................................18
Negative Learning Environment .............................................................................18
Faculty and Peer Influence ......................................................................................19
Lived Experience.....................................................................................................20
Theoretical and Conceptual Frameworks ..........................................................................21

viii
Chapter 3: Methodology ................................................................................................................26
Research Purpose and Primary Research Questions..........................................................26
Researcher Positionality.....................................................................................................27
Methodology and Research Design ...................................................................................28
Identification of Participants..............................................................................................30
Screening Survey for Research Participants......................................................................31
Interview Protocol..............................................................................................................34
Trustworthiness..................................................................................................................38
Reliability and Validity ......................................................................................................39
Chapter 4: Results..........................................................................................................................40
Participants.........................................................................................................................40
Results for Research Question 1........................................................................................43
Negative Perceptions of Teaching as a Career ........................................................45
Finances and Job Stability.......................................................................................47
Negative School Experiences..................................................................................48
Lack of Representation and Support in School.......................................................51
Low Outcome Expectations and Self-Efficacy .......................................................54
Family and Peer Influence.......................................................................................56
Positive and Supportive School Experiences..........................................................59
Results for Research Question 2........................................................................................60
Increased Representation.........................................................................................61
Stronger Encouragement from Teachers .................................................................63

ix
Financial Incentives.................................................................................................64
Inclusive and Culturally Responsive School Environments ...................................66
Chapter 5: Discussion ....................................................................................................................69
Findings for Research Question 1......................................................................................70
Negative Perceptions of Teaching as a Career ........................................................70
Financial Concerns..................................................................................................71
Negative School Experiences..................................................................................72
Lack of Representation and Support in Schools .....................................................73
Low Outcome Expectations and Self-Efficacy .......................................................75
Family and Peer Influence.......................................................................................77
Positive School Experiences Insufficient to Influence Career Choice....................79
Findings for Research Question 2......................................................................................81
Increased Representation of Teachers of Color.......................................................81
Stronger Encouragement from Teachers .................................................................84
Financial Incentives.................................................................................................87
Inclusive and Culturally Responsive School Environments ...................................89
Implications for Practice ....................................................................................................92
Enhance Representation and Visibility of Teachers of Color..................................92
Creative Inclusive and Culturally Responsive Environments.................................93
Improve Perceptions and Public Valuation of Teaching..........................................93
Increase Financial Incentives and Stability .............................................................94
Enhance Supportive and Encouraging School Culture ...........................................95

x
Address Family and Peer Influences.......................................................................95
Build Teacher Self-Efficacy ....................................................................................96
Limitations.........................................................................................................................96
Future Research .................................................................................................................97
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................98
References....................................................................................................................................101

xi
List of Tables
Table 1 Participant Genders.....................................................................................................41
Table 2 Participant Cultural Background ................................................................................42
Table 3 Participant Age............................................................................................................42
Table 4 Participant Majors.......................................................................................................43
Table 5 Participant K–12 Schooling........................................................................................43

xii
List of Figures
Figure 1 Percentage Distribution of Teachers in Public Elementary and Secondary
Schools and Percentage Distribution of Kindergarten Through 12th-Grade
Students Enrolled in Public Schools, by Race/Ethnicity (School Year
2020–2021).................................................................................................................13
Figure 2 Conceptual Framework: Interplay of Internal and External Factors to
Decide to Enter the Teaching Profession....................................................................24

1
Chapter 1: Background
The United States, one of the largest countries in the world with a population of over 330
million, is facing a shortage in one of the most important professions: teachers. According to a
School Pulse Panel (2022) conducted by the Institute of Education Sciences, in the 2021–2022
school year, 44% of public schools reported having one or more vacant teaching positions in
October. The same survey revealed that 53% of public schools reported feeling understaffed in
August entering the 2022–2023 school year (School Pulse Panel, 2022). Moreover, the shortage
of teachers of color is particularly troubling as the demographic makeup of the United States is
changing. The results from the 2020–2021 Institute of Education Sciences National Teacher and
Principal Survey showed that about 80% of all public K–12 schoolteachers were non-Hispanic
White, followed by 9% Hispanic, 6% Black, 2% Asian, 2% two or more races, less than 1%
American Indian/Alaska Native, and less than one-half of 1% Pacific Islander (Characteristics of
Public School Teachers, 2023). In a November 9, 2023 press release, the U.S. Census Bureau
predicted that by 2060, the non-Hispanic White population will decline from 58.9% to within a
range of 42.7–46.6%, while the Hispanic population will increase from 19.1% to a range of
24.6–27.8%. According to the same press release, the non-Hispanic Black population is expected
to remain constant at around 13%. The country is becoming more ethnically diverse, there are
fewer individuals going into the teaching profession, and the individuals who are going into the
teaching profession are predominantly White.
In a press release dated October 17, 2023 the National Center for Education Statistics
reported that 86% of U.S. K–12 public schools reported challenges hiring teachers for the
2023–2024 school year (Most Public Schools Face Challenges in Hiring Teachers, 2023). “The
biggest barriers to hiring teachers were too few candidates applying for open positions (cited by

2
70 percent of public schools) and a lack of qualified applicants applying for open positions (cited
by 66 percent)” (Most Public Schools Face Challenges in Hiring Teachers, 2023). Nationally,
our schools are fighting an uphill battle to put highly qualified teachers of color in the classrooms
with our increasingly diverse population.
In a study conducted by Gershenson et al. (2022), the researchers found that
Black students randomly assigned to at least one Black teacher in grades K–3 are 9
percentage points (13 percent) more likely to graduate from high school. They are 6
percentage points (19 percent) more likely to enroll in college that their same-school,
same cohort Black peers who are not assigned a Black teacher. (p. 302)
Having a qualified teacher of color in the classroom with our students of color can help to
address the gaps that exist in the achievement data between White students and students of color
(Gershenson et al., 2022).
Teachers impart their expertise to their students in the form of knowledge, skills, and
development of their own personal values. They develop the workforce by equipping our next
generation with the skills necessary to be successful on national and global levels. Teachers
foster critical thinking, civic responsibility, and democratic values among their students.
Teachers of color can take these qualities a step further when put in front of a classroom of
culturally diverse students. “Students of color can benefit from having high-achieving teachers
with cultural backgrounds similar to their own because such teachers provide real-life models of
career success and academic engagement” (Ahmad & Boser, 2014, p. 5). Teachers of color are
indispensable contributors to a country’s success because they nurture the intellectual, social, and
emotional growth of future generations and lay the groundwork for a prosperous and thriving
society. To ignore this glaring issue and not address the shortage of highly qualified teachers of

3
color at the point where change can be made is a disservice to the future generations of
Americans entering our education system each year.
Statement of the Problem
The number of students, specifically students of color, entering teacher preparation
programs each year is a serious issue in the field of education. The scarcity of educators of color
in the United States presents a multifaceted and critical research problem that encompasses
various dimensions of educational, societal, and systematic challenges. Research has indicated
that students of color, whose numbers are on the rise in the United States, benefit from a teacher
of color in the room (Gershenson et al., 2022; Villegas et al., 2012), but prospective students of
color are not choosing to enter teacher preparation programs after leaving secondary school high
schools.
Although this is a problem facing school districts across the country, this study focused
on the teacher of color shortage problem in New York State and how student experiences in their
secondary school years impact their choice to enter teacher preparation programs in Institutes of
Higher Education (IHE). Secondary students of color are leaving high school, and many choose
not to pursue a teaching career. Teacher shortages in New York State were analyzed in a
publication produced by the Institute of Education Sciences in November 2021:
New York State has faced geographically widespread and persistent teacher shortages
(shortages in at least two of the state’s three broad geographic reporting locales—New
York City Public Schools, the Big Four [Buffalo Public Schools, Rochester City School
District, Syracuse City School District, and Yonkers Public Schools], and in the rest of
the state—in 2015/16, 21016/17, 2017/18) in several subject areas. (Zweig et al., 2021,
p. 1)

4
The U.S. Department of Education Secretary’s Report on the Teacher Workforce from
July 2023 illustrated a disturbing downward trend of individuals across the nation completing
teacher preparation programs, with only seven states and U.S. territories reporting increases in
numbers of teacher preparation program completers from the 2012–2013 year to the 2019–2020
year. New York State reported a 21% decrease in completers during that time (Preparing and
Credentialing the Nation’s Teachers, 2023, p. 8). In the U.S. National Teacher Preparation Data
report (U.S. Department of Education, 2023), in the 2021–2022 academic year, 54,053 students
were enrolled in teacher preparation programs across New York State and 15,533 students
completed those programs. Of those students, over half were White (30,486), with the next
largest groups being Hispanic/Latino (8,486), Black or African American (5,381), Asian (3,543),
and Two or More Races (2,374). This clear overrepresentation of non-Hispanic White completers
is where the problem that needs to be addressed is found.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to analyze the experiences of students of color in their
secondary school environments to ascertain how these lived experiences impacted their decision
not to enter a teacher preparation program. Theoretically, the number of students enrolled in and
completing teacher preparation programs should match the demographics of the country, yet this
is not the case. This study aimed to give students a voice for the experiences during secondary
education that led them away from teacher preparation as a major in IHE. The study identified
the incentives that would draw more students of color into teacher preparation programs and the
supports at the higher education level that are in place to keep students of color in these
programs. This information will inform practices that take place at the secondary school level to
help maximize enrollment of students of color in teacher preparation programs. I identified social

5
cognitive career theory as the theoretical framework with which to interrogate these choices
made by students and the variety of factors that impact them.
The two research questions that guided this study were:
• What are the lived experiences of college age students of color who did not enter
teacher preparation programs?
• What are the chief incentives that would draw students of color into teacher
preparation programs?
Using the conceptual framework that I developed from the factors identified in social
cognitive career theory, I believe that creating a supportive and welcoming environment,
especially for our students of color, can increase the number of students entering teacher
preparation programs in IHE. The factors that impact this decision can be split into internal and
external factors. The majority of these factors cannot be controlled by the student themselves, but
are more a product of the environment in which they are growing up. I believe that as school
officials, we can significantly increase the number of students who are entering teacher
preparation programs by impacting the factors that can be controlled through staff hiring,
professional development, and programing choices that the students have.
Significance
This study focused on a significant issue facing education as a profession in the United
States. The downward trend of college-age students entering teacher preparation programs and
the increasingly diverse population of the United States makes this study particularly significant
in the education field. The study addressed the acute shortage of teachers in the United States,
particularly teachers of color. It highlighted the alarming statistics regarding the vacancies in

6
teaching positions and the demographic makeup of the profession. The focus was on New York
State, providing a view into a statewide microcosm of a larger nationwide problem.
The study also underscored the importance of having teachers of color in classrooms,
especially for students of color. As stated earlier, students of color benefit from having a quality
teacher of color in the classroom with them, especially at the younger grades. These positive
outcomes for students of color highlight the potential role of diversifying the teaching workforce
in order to narrow achievement gaps and promote educational equity.
The study delved into the reasons behind the underrepresentation of students of color in
teacher preparation programs. By examining the experiences of students of color in secondary
school environments, I sought to understand the factors influencing their decisions not to pursue
teaching careers. This can shed light on systematic barriers and societal influences that deter
individuals from entering the teaching profession.
It is important to note the potential the study has for informing policy decisions and
educational practices that are aimed at addressing the teacher shortage crisis and promoting
diversity in the teaching workforce. By understanding the experiences and needs of students of
color, policymakers and educators can develop targeted interventions and support systems to
encourage more diverse participation in teacher preparation programs.
Overall, the study holds significance for addressing pressing issues within the education
system, including teacher shortages, diversity in the teaching profession, and equitable access
to educational opportunities for students of color. Its findings could potentially contribute to
fostering a more inclusive and representative teaching workforce, ultimately benefiting
educational outcomes for all students.

7
Limitations and Delimitations
Given how the study was conducted, several limitations and delimitations could have had
an impact on the study. This study focused on teacher preparation programs in New York State,
limiting the geographic scope of the results to this state. However, the unique characteristics of
the education system in New York State might not fully represent the challenges and experiences
faced in other regions and states.
The study also faced limitations in sampling biases as the participants largely came from
colleges and universities in the Metro New York area. This could have skewed the findings
and not fully captured the diversity of experiences among students of color across different
socioeconomic backgrounds, urban or rural settings, or educational environments.
The study’s focus may also uncover other factors that impact a student’s choice to not
enter teaching as a profession which cannot be controlled. Factors such as family expectations,
financial considerations, or peer influences were reported by the participants as factors that
impacted their decisions, but these factors warrant further investigation to arrive at a
comprehensive understanding of the issue.
Self-reporting bias could also have an impact as the study heavily relied on self-reported
data from college-aged students about their secondary school experiences and career aspirations.
It is possible that participants selectively recalled or emphasized certain aspects of their
experiences, leading to potential inaccuracies or incomplete representations of their motivations
and decisions regarding career choice. I used interviews as a data collection method, which could
could have failed to capture the nuances in a participant’s experience. Because I conducted
interviews, it was important to discuss the potential for the participants to hold back when
discussing their personal experiences. It was also important to discuss my positionality as a

8
possible limiting factor in the data collection process. I am a White, heterosexual male who has
taught in and been the building leader in school districts that primarily serve students of color. I
have attended predominantly White public schools and attended Penn State University as an
undergraduate. Given that some of the experiences that may have pushed a student away from
the teaching profession may have been the result of a negative experience with someone who
looked like me, it was important to discuss the role my positionality might have played in how
the participants answered the interview questions. Thus, it was necessary to ensure that I
conveyed this positionality to the participants in a way that was welcoming and affirming in
order to ensure the accuracy of the data collected.
Definitions of Terms
Student of color: A student of color refers to any student who identifies as a member
of a racial or ethnic group who is non-White. This includes, but is not limited to, students who
identify as Black or African American, Hispanic or Latino, Asian, Native American or Alaska
Native Pacific Islander, or those who identify with two or more races (Jones et al., 2020).
Teacher preparation program: A structured course of study, typically offered by a
college or university, designed to equip aspiring educators with the knowledge, skills, and field
experience necessary for teacher certification. These programs include coursework in pedagogy
and subject matter as well as supervised clinical experiences such as classroom observation and
student teaching. Program requirements are shaped by state regulations and accreditation
standards, and candidates must usually pass licensure exams upon completion to enter the
teaching profession (Will, 2024).
Self-efficacy: Self-efficacy refers to an individual’s belief in their own ability to
successfully perform and achieve desired outcomes in specific tasks or situations. In the context

9
of this study, self-efficacy relates to a student’s confidence in their capability to succeed in the
teaching profession, influencing their decision to enter or avoid teacher preparation programs
(Lent et al., 2002).
Outcome expectations: Outcome expectations refer to an individual’s beliefs about the
likely consequences or outcomes of performing a specific behavior or task. In the context of
this study, outcome expectations relate to students’ perceptions of the potential benefits and
drawbacks of pursuing a career in teaching, including factors like job satisfaction, financial
rewards, and societal impact (Lent et al., 2002).
Social utility value: This is the belief that a teaching career contributes to society and
helps build connections with other people, including students and colleagues (Wang & Klassen,
2023).
Personal utility value: This is the belief that a teaching career can help increase a
person’s or that person’s family’s quality of life. This value can include discrete work values
such as job security, prestige, and autonomy (Wang & Klassen, 2023).
Social cognitive career theory: This theory is comprised of a series of three models
developed by Robert Lent to explain and predict the conditions under which people develop
career and academic interests, make career and academic choices, and achieve various levels of
success in work and school (Brown & Lent, 2018).
Organization of Study
Chapter 1 provided the background and context related to this problem of practice in the
education field. Chapter 2 reviews the existing literature surround the issue the lack of students
of color entering teacher preparation programs and further explores the theoretical and
conceptual frameworks I have used as a lens through which to analyze this problem. Chapter 3

10
covers the methodology that I employed to collect qualitative data that identified reasons why
students chose not to enter teacher preparation programs. Chapter 4 presents the findings from
this qualitative data collection process. Chapter 5 provides a discussion of the results as well as
their implications for practice for current educational leaders. The chapter also offers
recommendations for future research in this area and final conclusions.

11
Chapter 2: Review of the Literature
The purpose of this study was to analyze the experiences of students of color in their
secondary school environments to ascertain how these lived experiences impacted their decision
not to enter a teacher preparation program. This chapter examines this problem of practice
through a review of relevant literature, from both a historical perspective and the conceptual and
theoretical frameworks that grounded this study.
History and Context
This problem of practice has come about due to the changing racial climate in the United
States. Before the Supreme Court’s 1954 mandate to integrate public schools, Black teachers
predominantly staffed schools serving Black students (Fultz, 1995; Walker, 2000; Will, 2019,
2022). However, following this ruling, as Black students were integrated previously into allWhite schools, tens of thousands of Black teachers and principals lost their jobs. The integrated
schools, led by White superintendents, balked at hiring Black teachers and principals as putting
Black educators in positions of authority over White students would not be well received by the
community (Will, 2019). There are countless stories of highly qualified Black educators, some
with PhDs, who were dismissed and their jobs given to less experienced White educators. The
research indicates that the persistent lack of Black teachers we have today can be traced back to
the Brown decision. “We decimated the black principal and teacher pipeline, and we’ve never
rectified that,” said Leslie Fenwick, dean emerita and professor at the Howard University School
of Education. “It is the unfinished promise of Brown that we have not integrated our faculty and
school leadership” (Will, 2019, para. 11).
This also caused economic trauma for the Black middle class at the time. In a 2022
interview with Madeline Will of Education Week, Fenwick discussed the economic impact this

12
had. “A large percentage of the Black middle class—then and now—are educators. And so when
these individuals lost their jobs, it had an economic impact on their family and on their
community” (Will, 2022, para. 9). In the same interview, Fenwick touched on how this postBrown environment created doubt in the Black communities regarding education as a career.
“The idea that education was not only this kind of euphemistic level of uplift for you and your
family and community, but that you would have some control over your destiny through
education- that was lost” (Will, 2022, para. 10).
This unfortunate purging of Black educators from the education system has had a longlasting impact on the profession and quality of the education that the students of color in our
classrooms receive each day. Prior to the Brown decision, Black educators made up 35% to 50%
of the principals and teachers on average in the United States, the majority with master’s degrees
(Fenwick, 2023). After integration, the purge of Black educators and principals and the
unjustified hiring of less qualified White principals and teachers created the disproportionate
demographic divide we see in the profession today. According to the National Center for
Education Statistics (NCES), in the 2020-2021 school year, only 6% of teachers were Black
(see Figure 1).
The lived experiences of students of color in our schools have not been positive since
integration in the 1950s. Recruiting and retaining teachers of color is a challenge in many states.
For this study, I focused on New York State where the problem is equally pervasive. In New
York State, enrollment in teacher preparation programs among candidates of color is low.
According to the 2023 Title II Reports for New York State, in the academic year 2021-2022,
there were approximately 50,453 students enrolled in teacher preparation programs across the

13
state. Black or African American students made up 5,381 of the enrolled and Hispanic/Latino of
any race students made up 8,486 of the enrolled (U.S. Department of Education, 2023).
Figure 1
Percentage Distribution of Teachers in Public Elementary and Secondary Schools and
Percentage Distribution of Kindergarten Through 12th-Grade Students Enrolled in Public
Schools, by Race/Ethnicity (School Year 2020–2021)
These numbers are troubling considering the number of White students enrolled is 30,486
(U.S. Department of Education, 2023). These numbers equate to Black or African American
students making up 10.67% of those enrolled, Hispanic/Latino of any race students making up
16.82% of those enrolled and White students making up 60.42% of the students enrolled in

14
teacher preparation programs. To put this in perspective, in that same academic year in New York
State, 16.6% of the graduates were Black or African American, 26.6% were Hispanic or Latino,
and 43.7% were White (New York State Education Department, 2022). The percentages of
students enrolled in teacher preparation programs do not match the demographics of the students
who are graduating high school in the state. Students of color are not choosing education as a
career path upon leaving high school.
This lack of students entering teacher preparation programs comes at an extremely
inopportune time. The current teacher workforce, especially the “Baby Boomers,” are aging and
reaching retirement age leading to significant turnover in the workforce. According to a survey
conducted in 2023 by the NCES, in the 2021–2022 school year, the teacher attrition rate
remained constant at 8% for individuals leaving the profession and moving to a different school.
This number was not a drastic difference, considering that was the year coming off the COVID19 pandemic school year, but the more interesting number was that the average age of teachers
was skewing lower than it had in the past. These data indicated that there were more retirements
and teachers leaving the profession earlier than their projected retirement ages. This has left the
country with a younger, less experienced teaching force primarily made up of White females
who have not received training in culturally responsive teaching practices during their teacher
preparation courses. In a country where the demographics have shifted away from a White
majority, having only White teachers in classrooms with students of color could be potentially
detrimental if not addressed. The question then becomes: Why are our students of color leaving
high school, entering college, and not choosing to go into teaching as a profession?
The research that has been conducted around this problem of practice is extensive. The
reasons that potential teacher candidates are not entering teacher preparation programs seem to

15
be consistent with the articles I reviewed to prepare for this study. The major themes of why
students of color are not entering these programs are consistent across articles and highlight the
gap in the research that the present study aimed to fill.
Benefit of Having a Teacher of Color
As discussed earlier, the demographics of the United States are changing, becoming more
culturally and ethnically diverse. According to U.S. Census Bureau projections, by 2060, the
non-Hispanic White population will decline from 58.9% to 44.9%, while the Hispanic population
will increase from 19.1% to 26.9%. This demographic shift means more students of color will be
in the school classrooms across the United States; therefore, it is important that our schools and
teachers make an active effort to create an inclusive environment for all the students. Part of
creating an inclusive environment is putting teacher of colors in the classrooms with our
students. All students, especially students of color, benefit from having a teacher of color at some
point during their school careers (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Carver-Thomas, 2018; Jackson &
Kohli, 2016).
For reasons related to academic achievement, a study in Tennessee demonstrated how
students of color who were race-matched with a teacher of color had reading and math gains
3 to 5 percentage points higher than students who did not have teachers of color (CarverThomas, 2018). Jackson and Kohli (2016) discussed the role that teachers of color play in not
only remedying academic disparities but also serving as role models for students and being more
likely to utilize culturally relevant pedagogies in the classroom.
Carver-Thomas (2018) also discussed the social and emotional benefits of having a
teacher of color in the classroom:

16
A study using longitudinal data on North Carolina K-5 students and teachers between
2006 and 2010, found that students with teachers of another race had more unexcused
absences and an increase likelihood of being chronically absent than students with racematched teachers. (p. 5)
This quote illustrated the powerful impact that having a teacher of color has on students’
emotional well-being and sense of belonging. It is imperative that every effort be made to
actively recruit and retain teachers of color for the benefit of the increasing the number of
students of color.
Salary
One of the most cited reasons that students of color are not entering the teaching
profession is salary (Aldeman, 2022; Croft et al., 2018; Han et al., 2018; Peske et al., 2001; Watt
et al., 2012; Witmer & Wimer, 2022). Other professions offer much more competitive salaries
than teaching with the same level of college degree. According to the data compiled by the
NCES (2022), the average teaching salary for public school teachers was $66,397 nationally and
$92,222 in New York State. The top-paying careers for students coming out of master’s programs
in the United States ranged from $83,444 to $105,894, and these jobs were not in the education
field (Gray, 2023). This discrepancy highlighted one of the pitfalls for students entering master’s
programs for teacher preparation. In their discussion of salaries as a contributing factor, Croft
et al. (2018) suggested that an increase in the base salary would not guarantee more students
entering these programs, but only increase the number of students who would consider it as an
option.

17
Alternative Career Choices More Desirable and Valued
The low average starting salary for teachers also brings to light another reason that
students of color are not entering the profession; other career choices are more desirable and
valued (Aldeman, 2022; Goings & Bianco, 2016; Han et al., 2018; Watt et al., 2012). Over time,
education has become a less desirable career pathway for students of color. Societal trends have
shown that more students are entering business, nursing, and computer science and other STEM
fields instead of going into education (Aldeman, 2022). Teaching, unfortunately, is not valued in
our society as a profession of high regard. “If the teaching profession is highly valued in society,
students might be more likely to expect to have a teaching career compared to students in
countries where the teaching profession is not valued” (Han et al., 2018, p. 33). Goings and
Bianco (2016) discussed how media portrayal of Black males and stereotypes within the
education system influence the decision to consider alternative career paths over teaching. They
went on to discuss how teaching is not glorified or appreciated compared to other professions,
particularly for Black men (Goings & Bianco, 2016). Compounding this issue is that there are so
few teachers of color to act as positive influences to join the profession so that students of color
could envision this profession as something they could do. In their study, Goings and Bianco
(2016) interviewed teachers of color to obtain a better understanding of the influences on their
career choice. One participant reported, “If you ask kids to draw a picture of a teacher, they
would probably draw a White female teacher…. It does have an effect, it maybe pushes students
of color away from becoming teachers” (p. 640). The combination of the lack of teachers of
color to act as role models and the draw of more desirable professions is a large contributing
factor to the lack of students of color in teacher preparation programs.

18
Working Conditions
Working conditions, lack of respect for the profession, and overall job satisfaction (Croft
et al., 2018; Darcey Gray et al., 2022; Han et al., 2018; Hernández-Johnson et al., 2023; Peske et
al., 2001) were also very large contributing factors to the career choice pathway when students of
color make their career choice. Poor working conditions, classrooms with too many students, and
students who are out of control are some of the reasons students of color are deciding to enter the
profession. Students see the few teachers of color in their classrooms struggling with supplies,
classrooms in need of repair, and students who do not follow instructions and become
uninterested in the profession. Teachers’ dissatisfaction with their own jobs is palpable in the
classroom, and the students, especially students of color, question whether a profession like this
is worth it (Darcey Gray et al., 2022). According to the results of an online survey conducted by
the Pew Research Center which asked questions that illustrated what it was like to be a teacher
today, 77% said their job was frequently stressful, 68% said it was overwhelming, 70% said their
school was understaffed, and 52% said they would not advise a young person starting out today
to become a teacher (Lin et al., 2024, p. 5). These numbers are staggering, especially the statistic
that over half of the teaching force would not recommend a young person going into this
profession when starting out. Consider the already low number of teachers of color in the United
States, then consider that half of that low number would not recommend teaching as a profession
to young people. Clearly, this is a strong contributing factor that can explain the lack of students
of color in teacher preparation programs.
Negative Learning Environment
This environment created by such poor working conditions is not conducive to the
establishment of a positive setting for any students, especially students of color, to learn. A

19
predominantly White teaching force who is dissatisfied with their jobs are also not trained or
willing to learn about culturally responsive pedagogy in order to educate an ever-growing
population of students of color (Leonardo & Boas, 2021). This situation in schools is detrimental
to the potential development of future educators because it thwarts their view of themselves in
the role of teachers. This environment negatively impacts the self-efficacy of students of color
with regard to being a teacher and having the belief that they can be successful in the profession.
In their study investigating teacher recruitment, Christensen et al. (2019) identified self-efficacy
as the strongest predictor of whether an individual would consider teaching as a career. Croft et
al. (2018) reported that among various reasons for the decline in interest in the profession, selfdoubt about teaching ability is among the most important, with 40% of participants reporting that
they would not consider teaching because they would not be good at it. Students of color need
to be encouraged that not only is this an admirable profession, but also that they can do it
successfully. Considering the current teaching force in the classrooms, this does not seem to be
the case and needs much effort to change.
Family and Peer Influence
Family and peers also have a significant impact on students of color making a choice in
the career path they will follow (Christensen et al., 2019; Curci et al., 2023; Flores & Niklasson,
2014; Han et al., 2018). Encouragement from family and others is the second and third highest
predictors, respectively, of students considering teaching as a career, according to Christensen et
al.'s (2019) study on teacher recruitment. “Those who felt teaching was not a viable career option
for them did not receive encouragement from family (39%) or others (58%)” (p. 6). Curci et al.
(2023) found similar results about the impact of encouragement from family and others in the
field. “Formalized interactions with educators in the field (e.g., classroom teachers, department

20
leads, principals) overtime may help to expand students’ worldview when it comes to
recognizing the possibilities associated with this career path” (p. 239). These experiences with
family, friends, and others in the school itself provide an opportunity for students of color who
are potentially interested in the profession to receive the necessary encouragement so they can at
least consider entering a teacher preparation program. Unfortunately, many of these opportunities
are lost due lack of encouragement from the people students of color look up to the most and
they decide to pursue other careers.
Lived Experience
Lived experiences during K–12, specifically during the high school years, also have an
impact on students of color choosing to enter the teaching profession. Student experiences vary
depending on where they attend school, but unfortunately, given a predominately White teaching
force, students of color are subject to racial micro- and macroaggressions during this time,
which can be a factor in the decision to enter the teaching profession (Goings & Bianco, 2016;
Hernández-Johnson et al., 2023; Plachowski, 2019). In their work studying teachers of color
who left the profession, Hernández-Johnson et al. (2023) found that participants touched on
experiences that gave them pause during their schooling years about entering the profession.
Ultimately, these participants chose teaching and left the profession (an entirely different issue in
itself), but their experiences were impactful enough for them to question whether this profession
was right for them:
They shared their struggles to survive and thrive in schools, where, regardless of student
demographics, the culture and climate reflected whiteness and white supremacy in terms
of who the teachers and school leaders were, what the curriculum covered, conveyed, and
was expressed by mostly white teachers. (p. 1936)

21
In Plachowski's (2019) work on trying to understand the teacher diversity gap, participants
discussed positive and negative experiences during K–12 schooling that impacted their
professional goals. This group of participants cited twice as many negative experiences as
positive ones. According to Plachowski:
For example, Ellen explained that the majority of her high school experiences made her
feel like an outsider. “And then in high school I felt like the teachers, they picked their
favorites, or they picked who they liked the most and they just stuck to them and the rest
of us just got the sloppy seconds.” (p. 11)
Plachowski also identified themes that emerged related to the negative experiences that these
preservice teachers experienced during K–12 schooling: Teacher Apathy/Lack of Care, Poor
Academic Supports, Linguistic Challenges, and Overt Racialized Experiences. Goings and
Bianco (2016) focused specifically on the perspectives of Black male high school students
about becoming teachers. They discussed how the participants shared that experiencing low
expectations, racial microaggressions, and stereotyping had an impact on their desire to enter
the teaching profession. Given these experiences, it is understandable that teaching might not be
their first choice when making decisions about their careers coming out of high school.
Theoretical and Conceptual Frameworks
The theoretical framework used in this study was the social cognitive career theory
(SCCT). The work done by Robert Lent and his colleagues regarding the identification and
consolidation of variables that impact career choice was applicable as a lens through which to
look at the work of this study. SCCT, developed by Robert W. Lent, Steven D. Brown, and
Gail Hackett in the 1990s, built on Albert Bandura’s social cognitive theory, emphasizing the

22
interplay of personal, behavioral, and environmental factors in shaping human behavior. SCCT
extends this by focusing specifically on career-related behaviors and outcomes (Lent et al.,
2002). In Brown and Lent’s (2018) words:
From a content perspective, SCCT offers testable predictions about the types of
educational and vocational activity domains toward which people will gravitate (e.g.,
whether to major in math or literature; whether to become a writer or plumber), and how
they achieve success and satisfaction in their work and educational pursuits, under
diverse social and economic conditions. (p. 148)
Five theoretical models of SCCT have been identified by Brown and Lent (2018): Interest,
Choice, Performance, Satisfaction, and Self-Management. For the purposes of this study, the
Interest and Choice models were used as the theoretical framework as they were most applicable
to the conditions that exist in a student’s choice of career path. Below is Figure 2, published as
part of an article written by Brown and Lent in 2018 to illustrate the combination of all aspects of
the Interest and Choice models.
Using SCCT as a lens through which to analyze the choices that students make when
deciding to enter the education profession reveals a number of factors that impact that decision.
This particular model of SCCT is the most useful for framing this study as the factors are most
applicable to students at the critical moment when they make a decision about their career.
In other words, interest in an educational or career domain in likely to blossom when
people view themselves as competent (self-efficacious) in that domain and expect that entering
and performing in it will lead to more positive than negative or neutral outcomes (outcome
expectations). (Brown & Lent, 2018, p. 152).

23
Self-efficacy and outcome expectations emerge as very prominent factors in the decisionmaking process for a student who is choosing a career path. Interests are also very important
roles in what career path a student will choose. Other contextual factors (race, gender, sexual
orientation, socioeconomic status) are also present in Figure 2 showing how these can also
directly, or indirectly, impact this choice for a student. Some of these factors are beyond the
student’s control but still must be considered when looking at why a student chooses one
profession over another.
However, not all people are free to translate their primary interests into congruent
educational or career choices. Rather SCCT hypothesizes that a variety of personal and
contextual influences may facilitate (e.g., supportive parents and teachers, adequate economic
resources) or limit (e.g., gender or racial discrimination, limited economic resources) individuals’
abilities to enter congruent educational and work environments (Brown & Lent, 2018, p. 153).
After a close analysis of the various factors identified by Brown and Lent that impact
career choice decisions, a conceptual framework specific to this study was developed. Figure 2
represents the interplay of the factors that were identified as part of the career choice path a
student makes in either choosing a career in education or not. The size of the boxes is
representative of how impactful I feel that these factors are.

24
Figure 2
Conceptual Framework: Interplay of Internal and External Factors
to Decide to Enter the Teaching Profession
It is my belief that the interplay between the internal and external factors represented in
the conceptual framework has the largest impact on a student’s decision to enter the teaching
profession. Each student enters school and develops their own internal compass of what they feel
they can do in a profession and what the potential positive and negative outcomes of doing that

25
are. Internally, it is my belief that these two factors play the largest role in a student’s choice. The
student’s interests, how they feel their choice will help society as a whole and how they feel
personally they can help, also play a part in this. Externally, I believe the lived experiences of the
student in the classroom during their own schooling, as well as the relationships formed with
their teachers, have the largest impact on their decision to enter a teacher preparation program.
Other influences, such as peers, family, and the courses they take in school, also have an impact,
although it is less profound.
In the next chapter, the methods through which the research questions were answered are
discussed.

26
Chapter 3: Methodology
The purpose of this dissertation was to understand how the schooling experiences of
students of color impact their decision to enter teacher preparation programs in higher education.
The number of individuals, particularly students of color, who enter teacher preparation
programs has been declining over the years. It is my belief that having an understanding of
how these lived experiences can positively or negatively impact decisions to enter teacher
preparation programs can inform how schools can change their practices to potentially entice
more students to choose teaching as their career. Changing practice at the secondary level could
help to motivate more students of color to enter teacher preparation programs and help to address
the shortage of teachers in certain subject areas. Moreover, changing practice can help to make
the demographic makeup of our current teaching force more representative of the population of
the United States.
Research Purpose and Primary Research Questions
This chapter describes the methodological procedures undertaken for this study. The
research questions that guided the inquiry are as follows:
1. What are the lived experiences of college-age students of color who did not enter
teacher preparation programs?
2. What are the chief incentives that would draw students of color into teacher
preparation programs?
The methodology of phenomenology, along with the rationale for its application, is
discussed as well as the selection of participants, research procedures, and an overview of the
data collection methods. Special attention is given to addressing researcher bias and ensuring

27
validity by bracketing preconceptions and assumptions. I engaged in self-reflection by
maintaining a journal throughout the process to examine potential barriers to the research.
Researcher Positionality
As with all qualitative research, and phenomenology in particular, the researcher is also
the primary instrument of data collection (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Prior to data collection, I
explored my own positionality and experience in school and how it impacted my career path in
higher education. Douglas and Nganga (2023) use Villaverde’s (2008) definition of positionality
as “how one is situated through the intersection of power and the politics of gender, race, class,
sexuality, ethnicity, culture, language, and other social factors” (p. 60). I am a cis-gender
heterosexual White male who grew up on the South Shore of Long Island in a suburban
neighborhood made up of predominately White families. The public high school I went to was
large, with just under 2,000 students in Grades 9-12. Like the neighborhood, the school was
made up primarily of White students, and my teachers in high school were also all White. I know
that the school district where I went had many resources and opportunities that some of the
neighboring districts with larger populations of students of color did not have. This made my
high school experiences predictably more different than those of the individuals I interviewed. I
felt extremely supported and encouraged in my pursuit of my educational goals not only by the
staff members and teachers of my high school, but also by my parents and friends. Education
was highly regarded in my family, as both of my parents were college graduates, and I was
encouraged to pursue a career as an educator and, eventually, an administrator. As I interacted
with the participants of the study, I realized how important it was to be constantly aware of the
power dynamics that my positionality as a White male brought to the interview process. I needed
to be sensitive to the fact that the participants may have had negative experiences that turned

28
them away from the education profession which I, as a White male, represented. Creating an
environment of comfort and trust was vital in order to have meaningful conversations about the
experiences they had that turned them away from pursuing a career in education. I identified and
bracketed personal prejudices, viewpoints, and assumptions so that a deep examination of the
participants’ experience could be achieved (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As the degree to which
bracketing of biases and assumptions can be achieved is debatable, I also kept a journal during
the data collection process to assist in continued self-reflection. This journal assisted in keeping
my own personal experiences and upbringing from impacting the way I responded when hearing
the participants’ responses.
Methodology and Research Design
I identified phenomenology as the specific methodological approach to best answer the
research questions. Phenomenology was pioneered as a major orientation to social science by
philosophers Edmund Husserl and Alfred Schutz in the early 20th century (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016).
Patton (2015) explains that ‘by phenomenology Husserl (1913) meant that the study of
how people describe things and experience them through their senses. His most basic
philosophical assumption was that we can only know what we experience by attending to
perceptions and meanings that awaken our conscious awareness’ (p. 116).” (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016, p. 9)
Merriam and Tisdell (2016) further described how the experience of a person includes the way
the experience is interpreted. Since I wanted to understand how the lived experiences of the
participants during their schooling led them to reject education as a viable career choice, my
interpretation of that experience was necessary. These experiences could be positive and/or

29
negative, depending on the student’s individual experience, and could potentially stir intense
emotional reactions, given that the goal of phenomenology is to depict the essence or basic
structure of this experience (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). By identifying the specific issues that
steered these potential educators away from becoming educators, we can inform schools on how
to target and avoid these types of experiences for future students coming through the schools.
As I specifically sought participants who had decided against education as a college
major, I used nonprobabilistic or purposeful sampling for this study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I
chose to gather my participants from four different colleges and universities on Long Island.
These colleges and universities all have education as an available major and it is very likely that
students enrolled in one of these schools would consider education as a major but decided to
follow another career pathway. The sample for this study was made of 7 first-year college
students who identify as people of color. The participants should have considered a career in
education at some point but ultimately chose to pursue another major. I sent a canvasing letter
and initial survey to the colleges and universities identifying myself as a doctoral candidate at the
University of Southern California and outlining the criteria for potential participation in the
study. To increase the number of potential participants for the survey, I also distributed the flyer
with QR code to survey by hand to students in the student campus centers. Those interested were
asked to fill out the initial survey through a QR code on the letter. Participants were chosen based
on those who answered the survey and indicated that their experiences in high school were a
contributing factor to their choice not to pursue education as a major. Every effort was made to
control for the number of individuals who identified as males and females in the sample, as well
as to have a demographically diverse sample, representative of the demographics of New York
State. After my canvasing and analyzation of survey results, my cohort participation sample was

30
made up of 2 Hispanic/Latina females, 1 African-American male, 1 Asian/Pacific Islander
female, 1 female who preferred not to say but does identify as a person of color, and 2 Mixed
race individuals, 1 male and 1 non-binary. My attempt at chain sampling failed as none of the
participants were able to suggest additional individuals for the study
As this was a phenomenological study, I used interviews as the main form of data
collection. Participants agreed to sit for an in-depth interview over Zoom that was recorded and
transcribed by the Zoom software. Each interview lasted between 25 and 45 minutes and focused
on their lived experience as students and how these experiences led them away from choosing
education as a major. All participants were over the age of 18 and therefore did not require
parental consent, but the participants did sign consent to participate in the study. The interview
protocol was formatted in a semi-structured manner to allow for the unique lived experiences of
each participant to be expressed and spontaneous revelation to occur. In constructing the
interview questions, I included broad questions to allow space for the participant’s own personal
experience to fit within the parameters of the targeted aspects of the conceptual framework. One
assumption I had was that the participant would define the world in a unique way; thus, I made
the questions less structured and only guided by the aspects of the conceptual framework that I
identified as impacting the decision to make education their college major or not. The results
were an interpretation of the data once the interviews were transcribed, coded, and analyzed to
find patterns of explanation for why the participants did not choose education as a career.
Identification of Participants
To identify individuals who would be viable candidates for the study, I followed a twostep approach. I sent a letter identifying myself as a doctoral candidate at the University of
Southern California to the deans of the four colleges and universities that were used in the study.

31
The colleges and universities were chosen because their proximity to my location, as well as
offering education/ teacher preparation as a major. The letter indicated the criteria for
participation and also included a survey to be distributed to the academic advisors in their
schools. The survey was to be given to students who the dean or academic advisors felt may fit
the criteria for participation. The advisors, who have a closer relationship with the students, were
best able to identify students who would fit the criteria for this study. I also printed paper copies
of the participation flyer and distributed them by hand to the student campus centers on campus.
The flyer identified the participant criteria and also had the QR code linked to the survey printed
on it. The survey was completed by scanning a QR code which linked the individual to the
survey. Since the survey was available via QR, I encouraged the school officials to share it via
their social media platforms as well. This exposed enough of the university student body to the
research criteria and survey to glean a viable group of participants for the study. I chose to
contact and interview those individuals who answered the survey in a way that indicated they
had an experience in high school that impacted their choice to choose a major other than
education.
Screening Survey for Research Participation
The survey used with the selected participants is presented in full below.
Introduction: Thank you for your interest in participating in this research study. This
survey is designed to identify individuals who can provide valuable insights into the
experiences of students of color in secondary education and their decisions regarding
pursuing a career in education. Please answer the following questions as accurately as
possible.

32
Section 1: Demographics
1. What is your age?
-Under 18
-18-24
-25-30
-31 or older
2. Which racial or ethnic group(s) do you identify with? (Check all that apply)
-Black or African American
-Hispanic or Latino
-Asian or Pacific Islander
-Native American or Alaska Native
-White or Caucasian
-Two or more races
-Prefer not to say
3. What is your gender?
-Male
-Female
-Non-
-Prefer not to say
4. What is your current major in college?
[Open-ended response]
5. Have you ever considered pursuing a career in teaching or education?
Yes
No
Section 2: High School Experience
1. How would you describe your overall experience in high school?
-Very positive
-Somewhat positive
-Neutral
-Somewhat negative
-Very negative

33
2. Did you have a teacher or teachers in high school who inspired you to consider
teaching as a career?
-Yes
-No
3. Did you have any teachers of color during your time in high school?
-Yes
-No
If yes, do you believe having teachers of color influenced your experience in school?
-Strongly agree
-Agree
-Neutral
-Disagree
-Strongly disagree
4. Did you experience any racial or cultural challenges in school that affected your
career choices?
-Yes
-No
If yes, please describe briefly:
[Open-ended response]
Section 3: Career Choice and Influences
1. What factors influenced your decision not to pursue a career in teaching?
(Check all that apply)
-Salary expectations
-Job satisfaction concerns
-Lack of role models in teaching
-Negative experiences with teachers or schooling
-Preference for another field of study
-Family or peer influence
-Lack of encouragement from school personnel
-Other:
[Open-ended response]

34
2. Do you know anyone who is currently a teacher?
-Yes
-No
If yes, how would you describe their opinion of the teaching profession?
-Very positive
-Somewhat positive
-Neutral
-Somewhat negative
-Very negative
3. Would you consider changing your major to education if certain incentives or
conditions were met (e.g., scholarships, mentorship programs, etc.)?
-Yes
-No
-Maybe
Section 4: Final Screening Questions
1. Are you currently a first-year college student?
-Yes
-No
2. Are you willing to participate in a 45- to 60-minute interview about your high school
experiences and career decisions?
-Yes
-No
Thank you for completing this survey. If you are selected to participate in this study, we
will contact you soon with additional information. Your responses will remain
confidential.
Interview Protocol
Below is the interview protocol used for the data collection of this study. Given the
study’s focus on the lived experiences of students, the interview was structured in a semistructured manner to allow the students to expand on areas where their experiences were
particularly salient. The concepts which I identified as potentially impactful on students’

35
decisions to make education their major were drawn from Brown and Lent’s (2018) work on the
social cognitive career theory (SCCT) as well as a variety of research sources. These concepts
that were explored in the interview questions are listed below:
Outcome Expectations
Self-Efficacy Beliefs
Social Utility Value
Personal Utility Value
Interests
Lived Teaching and Learning Experiences
Teacher-Student Relationships
Peer Influence
Family Influence
Coursework Taken in School
The protocol script that follows was used as a guideline while I conducted the interviews, with
the understanding that if a participant wanted to elaborate on areas in greater depth based on their
personal experiences, they would be welcome to do so.
Introduction
Thank you for agreeing to participate in my research. Your willingness to dedicate time
to answering my questions is greatly appreciated. As discussed previously, the interview
is expected to last approximately one hour. Is this still suitable for you?
Before we begin, I’d like to provide a brief overview of the study, as outlined in the
Study Information Sheet, and address any questions you may have regarding your
involvement. I am a student at USC conducting research on how the lived experiences of
high school students impact their decision to enter teacher preparation programs in
Institutes of Higher Education. I will be speaking with several undergraduates to gather
insights on what led them to choose the current major they are in.
It's important to emphasize that today, I am solely acting as a researcher. This means that
my questions are not intended to judge your personal career choices. My objective is to
understand your viewpoint.
You were chosen for this study because you are a college freshman who identifies as a
person of color with a declared major in a subject area other than education or teacher
preparation. My goal is to understand the factors that led you away from teaching as a
potential career choice and how your experiences in schools before this impacted that
decision.
As mentioned in the Study Information Sheet, confidentiality is paramount. Your identity
will not be disclosed to anyone outside the research team, including other participants in
the study. I may utilize excerpts from our conversation in my report, your responses will
be anonymized using pseudonyms. I will also take measures to protect your data and can

36
provide you with a copy of the final paper if desired. Additionally, all data will be
securely stored and destroyed after three years as outlined in the Study Information Sheet.
Do you have any questions about studying before we begin? I have brought a recorder to
accurately capture our discussion for research purposes only. This recording will not be
shared outside the research team. May I have your consent to record our conversation?
Questions
I would like to start by getting some background information from you.
1. First tell me about yourself. (CF-Self-Efficacy Beliefs/Outcome Expectations, TypeBackground/Demographics)
2. How old are you?
3. Where did you grow up?
4. What would you say is your cultural background?
5. Demographically speaking, what do you consider yourself?
6. Why did you choose to come to this university?
7. What is your major currently?
8. If a major isn’t decided, what do you intend your major to be?
9. Now I’m going to ask you some questions about your experience in school leading up
to now. How would you describe your high school experience? (CF-Lived Teaching
and Learning Experiences, Type-Experience/Behavior)
10. Was it positive or negative?
11. Did you have a lot of friends?
12. Did you enjoy school?
13. Did any of the courses you took lead you to wanting to become a teacher?
14. Tell me about your relationship with your teachers in your high school. (CF-TeacherStudent Relationships, Type-Experience/Behavior) Were your teachers supportive
when you struggled?
15. Did you feel that you could go to them for issues you were having?

37
16. Did your teachers encourage you to go into teaching as a career?
17. Was there a teacher(s) that you had in high school that stood out to you as
exceptional?
If yes: Tell me what made this teacher(s) exceptional in your opinion. (CF-TeacherStudent Relationships/Lived Experiences, Type-Opinion/Value)
If no: Describe what experiences you had that led you to answer no to that question.
(CF-Teacher-Student Relationships/Lived Experiences, Type-Opinion/Value)
18. Was there something specific that happened? If so, what was that and how did it
make you feel? (CF-Teacher-Student Relationships/Lived Experiences, TypeFeeling)
19. Describe the factors that led you to choosing your current major. (CF-Personal and
Social Utility Value, Type-Experience/Behavior)
20. Why did you choose this major? (CF-Interests)
21. Do you have friends that are also in this major? (CF-Peer Influences)
22. Do you have family members that are also in this major? (CF-Family Influences)
23. Are any of your friends or family members teachers?
If yes: How would you describe their quality of life because of their career choice?
(CF-Personal Utility Value, Type-Opinion/Value)
If no: Do you know anyone personally who is a teacher? [Same question once a yes is
received] (CF- Personal Utility Value, Type-Opinion/Value)
24. In your opinion, is teaching a respectable career? (CF-Social Utility Value, TypeOpinion/Value)
If yes: Tell me about why you say that.
If no: Describe the factors that make you feel that it is not a respectable profession.
25. What are your friends’ thoughts on teaching as a career? (CF-Peer Influence, TypeExperience/Behavior)
Positive?
Negative?

38
26. Did their opinion on teaching or teachers impact your decision to choose a major?
27. Describe a scenario that would result in your changing your major to teacher
preparation. (CF-Personal Utility Value, Type-Ideal Position)
28. What incentives would you need to have to consider teaching as a profession?
29. If I waved a magic wand and made you a teacher, do you think you could do it? (CFOutcome Expectations/Self-Efficacy Beliefs, Type-Hypothetical)
If yes: What would you teach?
Describe the type of teacher you would be with the students.
If no: Describe the parts of the job that make you feel you wouldn’t be able to do it.
(CF- Self-Efficacy Beliefs, Type- Opinion)
30. Did you have any teachers of color in your high school? (CF-Lived Teaching and
Learning Experience, Type-Experience/Behavior)
If yes: What class(es) was that in?
How did that impact your learning in the classroom?
If no: Do you think your experience in the classroom would have been different?
Closing
31. Is there any additional insight you would like to offer regarding the discussion about
the conditions or incentives that could have influenced your decision to pursue a
career in teaching? If so, please feel free to share.
Trustworthiness
Establishing trustworthiness, or the degree to which my data collection, analysis, and
presentation of findings are presented in a thorough and verifiable manner (Lochmiller & Lester,
2017, p. 180), is important to ensure validity of results. For this reason, I used three different
strategies for establishing trustworthiness. Member checking, in the form of sharing emergent
findings to elicit participants’ feedback and perspectives (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017), was used
to ensure participants trusted that what they shared during the interview process was presented

39
accurately. After the initial interview, an email was sent to the participant with their transcribed
interview attached. They had 3 days to read it over and make corrections if necessary.
I also handed out flyers and talked to students on campus at the various sites where I
looked for participants to increase my engaged time in the field (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017).
Lastly, I engaged in peer debriefing with a colleague who was also doing doctoral work at a
different university. She was familiar not only with my study but also with the field of study,
given that she is the principal of a Long Island high school. This variety of methods worked to
establish my study as trustworthy and ensure an accurate and ethical portrayal of the data
collected.
Reliability and Validity
To establish reliability in the study, the interview questions were tested on my colleagues
at my job as Assistant Principal of a high school in New York. The interviews took between 40
and 50 minutes to complete, with one test interview lasting longer than 50 minutes. One of the
questions elicited a longer response than I expected when I tested it on my colleagues. I was
cognizant of this as the interviews took place as I wanted all the interviews to last approximately
45 minutes. Considering that most of the test interviews I conducted fell between 40 and 50
minutes, I felt that 45 minutes was an appropriate estimation of a participant’s time. The
interview items were also reliable in the responses the participants gave. All their answers
reflected the factors in the conceptual framework that were the target of study.

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Chapter 4: Results
This chapter explores the variety of aspects that each of the participants lived through
during their school experiences that impacted their decision to pursue a major other than
education. The purpose of the study was to better understand how these experiences led these
students away from education as a major and to identify the incentives that could persuade
future students to choose to study education as a major. The overall goal is to minimize or avoid
experiences that turn students away and to better inform practice at the secondary level in order
to draw more students of color into the teaching profession when they leave high school. I used
the social cognitive career theory (SCCT) as the theoretical framework with which to identify the
variety of factors that go into career choice for individuals. I drew up a conceptual framework
that I believe guides the specific choices that enter into the career choice of education. The
research questions guided by this study were:
1. What are the lived experiences of college-age students of color who did not enter
teacher preparation programs?
2. What are the chief incentives that would draw students of color into teacher
preparation programs?
The following results were grouped by the themes I identified from the participants’
responses as they related to each of the two research questions and the aspects of the conceptual
framework with which they were associated.
Participants
Seven college students comprised this research study’s cohort. Of the 56 individuals who
filled out the screening survey, 31 were individuals of color. Of the 31, 20 answered that they
were willing to sit for an interview. After reaching out to each of those 20, 10 responded and set

41
up appointments. Three individuals failed to show up for the agreed-upon time for the interview,
which left the research cohort at seven. The seven included four females, two males, and a nonbinary individual ranging in age from 18 to 21. The research criteria identified a person of color
as one who is over 18 years old, not currently an education major, and willing to discuss
experiences that influenced their decision to major in something other than education. I was
pleased with seven as the final number because I wanted to have a variety of backgrounds and
majors in the representative pool of participants. The participants came from four different
universities on Long Island, all identified as a person of color and no one an education major.
The demographics of the participants are presented in Tables 1–6.
Table 1
Participant Genders
Name Female Male Non-Binary Total
Participant A 1 0 0 1
Participant B 1 0 0 1
Participant C 0 0 1 1
Participant D 0 1 0 1
Participant E 0 1 0 1
Participant F 1 0 0 1
Participant G 1 0 0 1
Total 4 2 1 7

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Table 2
Participant Cultural Background
Cultural Background Female Male Non-Binary Total
Hispanic/Latino 2 0 0 2
Black/African American 0 1 0 1
Asian/ Pacific Islander 1 0 0 1
Mixed Race 0 1 1 2
Native American/ Alaska Native 0 0 0 0
Prefer not to say 1 0 0 1
Total 4 2 1 7
Table 3
Participant Age
Age Female Male Non-Binary Total
18 2 1 1 4
19 1 1 0 2
21 1 0 0 1
Total 4 2 1 7

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Table 4
Participant Majors
Major Female Male Non-Binary Total
Criminal Justice/Psychology 1 0 0 1
Cybersecurity 0 1 0 1
Economics 1 0 0 1
Forensic Science 0 0 1 1
Liberal Arts 1 0 0 1
Nursing 1 0 0 1
Political Science 0 1 0 1
Total 4 2 1 7
Table 5
Participant K–12 Schooling
K-12 Public or Private School Female Male Non-Binary Total
Both 1 0 1 2
Private 0 1 0 1
Public 3 1 0 4
Total 4 2 1 7
Results for Research Question 1
What are the lived experiences of college-age students of color who did not enter teacher
preparation programs?

44
The lived experiences of students of color during their schooling before college is vitally
important in understanding their decisions about career choice in college. The literature reviewed
in Chapter 2 of this study highlighted several themes present in the existing research base that
looked to explain the reason why students of color are not choosing education as a career.
Factors such as lack of teachers of color, salary, alternative career choices being more desirable,
poor working conditions, negative learning environments, family influences, and negative racial
experiences (Aldeman, 2022; Christensen et al., 2019; Darcey Gray et al., 2022; Goings &
Bianco, 2016; Han et al., 2018; Hernández-Johnson et al., 2023) all emerged as contributors to
students of color choosing not to enter teacher preparation programs.
The lived experiences of the seven participants in this study spoke to how these
experiences impacted their decision to choose a major other than education. A variety of
experiences, in both public and private schools, were positive and negative. For the purpose of
this study, the participants’ responses were transcribed and then coded based on each response’s
relation to the various aspects targeted in the conceptual theory that I hypothesized contributed to
their decision ultimately to choose a major other than education.
The participants’ lived experiences highlighted financial concerns, lack of
encouragement, systemic inequities, and negative schooling experiences as major deterrents to
entering the teaching profession. While some had considered teaching at some point, they
ultimately found it unappealing due to job conditions, salary concerns, and personal negative
experiences in school.
The major themes that emerged through the analysis and coding of the transcripts of
interviews with the participants were: negative perceptions of teaching as a career, financial
concerns and job stability, negative school experiences, lack of representation and support in

45
schools, lack of encouragement from teachers, preference for more dynamic or higher-paying
careers, and systemic barriers and underappreciation of teachers. It is important to highlight that
the participants all had positive experiences in their schooling experience, but the variety of
deterring factors far outweighed their positive experiences.
Negative Perceptions of Teaching as a Career
All of the participants expressed negative perceptions of teaching as a career in their
responses during the course of the interviews. Each participant had at least one situation that led
to a negative perception as teaching as a career.
Participant A, an 18-year-old Hispanic female nursing major, was asked if she had any
negative experiences with a teacher and her response was “I had a really, mean, mean, mean
teacher. She would always pick on me for no reason.… She made me feel so stupid.” This
negative experience with her teacher gave the participant a negative perception of teaching and
made her less likely to pursue teaching. Participant A also had considered teaching as a career
because of a positive teacher experience, but still chose to pursue nursing. “I wanted to pursue
teaching at one point because of one teacher who was really nice to me. But I changed my
mind.” While this teacher initially inspired her, she ultimately chose a different career,
suggesting that teaching did not seem like a viable option for a long-term career.
Participant B, an 18-year-old female Criminal Justice major who identified as an Asian/
Pacific Islander, perceived teaching as monotonous and uninspiring. When asked if she ever
considered teaching, she said, “I looked into it at one point. I wanted to be a teacher, but I kind of
figured I was like, that might not be for me. I’m a very spontaneous person. In fact, teaching gets
a little boring over time.” Participant B also expressed frustration at a situation that was not
handled appropriately by one of the school deans. When I asked her to elaborate, she said: “I told

46
one of my deans. I brought it up to her and she was like ‘Oh, I’ll look into it.’ But she never did.
So, I was like, okay, that was useless. So, I didn’t tell anyone anything after that.” The
combination of uninspiring experiences with her teachers and lack of administrative action on an
issue contributed to Participant B’s negative perception of teaching as a career.
Participant G, a 21-year-old female Hispanic Biology major, aspired to be a teacher after
her middle school years because of having very positive experiences with her teachers. Upon
entering high school, she again connected with an inspiring educator to whom she looked up.
When asked about her plans, she shared that she wanted to become a teacher. She described the
situation: “He asked me my plans and I told him I wanted to be a teacher. He said that teaching
wasn’t really something for everybody. He told me that teaching wasn’t really it was cracked up
to be.” I asked Participant G if she thought that she could teach biology after this, and she said, “I
did. I really did, but then I just remembered the conversation I had with my teacher, and I was
like, maybe he is right. Maybe I’m not fit to be a teacher.” In this case, the participant had a
teacher that she looked up to, who in her words was “inspiring,” but he actively discouraged her
from joining the profession, reinforcing the perception that teaching is not a rewarding
profession.
Overall, the participants expressed a variety of experiences that led to a negative
perception of the profession and drove them away from education as a career choice. The
participants’ experiences described here highlighted how negative school experiences, lack of
support in the school, detached or unsupportive teachers, and teachers who actively discouraged
students from becoming educators all played a part in deterring these individuals from the
profession.

47
Finances and Job Stability
All of the participants expressed issues with the financial and job stability aspects of an
education career. Some of the more prevalent concerns expressed by the participants were that
teachers are underpaid compared to other professions, career advancement was limited in
teaching, and teaching is less stable than other professions by comparison.
Participant B, an 18-year-old female Criminal Justice major who identified as an Asian/
Pacific Islander, spoke candidly about the financial security of the profession as a deterrent to
entering an education career. She said, “I think psychology has always been an interest of mine,
but teaching? It’s not really something that is financially stable.” I asked her to describe a
scenario in which she would change her major to education, and the financial aspect of the job
came up again. “The money was one of the fundamental reasons I didn’t go into education…. I
grew up in a very poor household, living paycheck to paycheck. So yes, if teachers made a little
more money, I might have thought about it a little more.” This perceived financial instability and
desire not to live like she grew up was a strong deciding factor in her choice of major.
Participant F, a 19-year-old female mixed-race Economics major, expressed her desire to
able to provide for herself. Being a teacher, in her opinion, is a low-income profession, compared
to a job she would get as an Economics major. When I asked her to elaborate, she said, “I’m
really good at math and science, and ideally, I do want to be able to purchase a home one day.
So, I knew I had to pick something that would make a ton of money.” She also expressed a
perceived financial struggle for teachers: “I don’t think teachers get paid enough for what they
do. That’s probably why not a lot of people want to do it,” she said. This remark indicated that
she recognized low pay as a deterrent to the profession, but she also thought that teachers do
more than they are compensated for, creating a stressful job environment.

48
Participant G, a 21-year-old female Hispanic Biology major, discussed how her family
strongly discouraged her from becoming a teacher due to the low pay. She said, “When I would
tell my family about wanting to be a teacher, they kind of thought the same thing about teachers.
They said, ‘You know they don’t get paid well.’” With a strong connection to her immediate
family, comments like this weighed heavily on Participant G’s decision to major in Biology
instead of Education. These comments were only further reinforced when a teacher she looked
up to told her that teachers are “underpaid, understaffed, and overlooked.” We discussed finances
and jobs, and I explained how the pay structure works in education. I explained that the
estimated starting salary would be about $50,000 (National Education Association, 2024). She
was surprised and said:
See, that’s my thing…because right now at my job I’m making close to what a starting
teacher is. I don’t need a degree for my position. I don’t need years of school for this
position. I would be very frustrated knowing that an entry level bank employee is making
the same as me, and I have a degree in teaching.
This direct discouragement from the profession itself further contributed to this participant’s
decision to pursue another career.
Negative School Experiences
All of the participants discussed negative experiences they had during their schooling
prior to entering college. These factors included lack of support from teachers, racial or cultural
isolation, discrimination, feeling out of place due to socioeconomic status, and academic
unfairness.

49
Participant A, an 18-year-old Hispanic Nursing major, experienced discrimination due to
language barriers. She was born in the United States and had to return to her father’s home
country until his immigration status was fixed. She said:
“Yeah, so we were there and my dad fixes the situation and everything, and we come
back, but now I only speak Spanish and that was an issue because, you know, kids are
mean and they would see me as an outsider. I came home to Bayshore and the elementary
school I went to was primarily White, and they would look at me different because I
didn’t speak their language. I always felt really bad about not speaking English.
Later in high school, Participant A described a negative situation with a teacher in which she was
accused of plagiarizing an assignment. She said:
I had one teacher who I felt wanted to give me low grades for no reason. This one time
she accused me of plagiarizing like my whole assignment, and I didn’t plagiarize my
assignment. And she made me come in on my lunch periods to her class for a week and
just redo the assignments to prove that it was my actual writing and wasn’t like AI or like
I don’t know what she was claiming, but it was my actual writing. And I proved to her
that it was my writing. After all that she just dropped the subject but still left the zero in
my grade.
These experiences contributed to this participant’s negative school experience in a variety of
ways. She expressed that feelings of cultural isolation and shame over her inability to speak the
language and then being unfairly accused of plagiarism contributed to an overall negative
experience in school for this individual.
Participant B, an 18-year-old female Criminal Justice major who identified as an Asian/
Pacific Islander, also experienced cultural isolation in her school experience. She wears a hijab,

50
and as one of the few Muslims in her school, she felt that her school experience was negative due
to the ignorance of many of her classmates. She said:
I was pretty isolated. I went to a predominantly White school, and I’m Muslim, I’m a
hijabi, so in that sense, I felt pretty isolated. It was a pretty racist school if that makes
sense. It was pretty difficult everyday. A lot of the kids were rude, I had to deal with a lot
of stupid people.
She went to explain how she reported this to the administration, but little or nothing was done. It
impacted her ability to express herself on social media and while doing group projects for
classes. She said:
In the beginning, it was just online, I used to get a lot of comments. I used to post on
Instagram, but like, people would comment under my post, so I stopped posting after that.
And, like, we would be doing a group project and people would be saying rude things to
me while we were working on the projects, stuff like that.
These anti-Muslim, racist experiences created a school environment for this participant that was
and isolating and unwelcoming learning environment.
These examples highlighted some of the more negative experiences that participants
described during the course of the interviews. Overall, each participant shared experiences that
negatively impacted their schooling, including a lack of support from teachers, racial and cultural
isolation, discrimination and lack of administrative action, shame due to socioeconomic gaps
with classmates, and academic unfairness.

51
Lack of Representation and Support in School
All the participants expressed concerns about the lack of representation of teachers and
staff members of color during their school experience. I asked questions about teachers of color
whom they had during their time and how those experiences impacted their choice of major.
Participant C, an 18-year-old non-binary mixed-race Forensic Science major, noticed a
stark contrast in teacher diversity between public and private schools. The participant attended
public schools for elementary and middle school and then attended a private Catholic high
school. They said:
I had a lot more teachers of color in middle school and elementary school than I did in
high school. When I was filling out the survey, I actually thought about it for the first
time, and I only had three teachers who were people of color in my entire time during
high school.
They went on to describe how being a person of color and having someone with a similar
cultural identity in the building was a welcome presence. They said:
One of the teachers of color I had in high school ended up leaving before I graduated. He
had started the Black Student Union class and was really involved in it. I always wanted
to take this class because he seemed like a really nice and caring person, but I didn’t get a
chance to. But yeah, having a teacher like that around, since there weren’t many teachers
of color in my school, in way made it feel more like home.
This participant’s experience of how the presence of a teacher of color positively impacted their
school experience is important to note. This educator was not even their assigned teacher, but
just knowing that he was in the building created a feeling of “home” in their words. This feeling

52
of belonging or home is important in the creation of a positive school learning environment,
especially one that wishes to draw more students of color into the profession.
Participant D, a 19-year-old African American Cybersecurity major, had a similar
experience. This participant only attended private Catholic schools where the students and staff
were primarily White. He grew up in Hempstead, a town on Long Island made up of
predominantly African American and Hispanic/Latino families. He said, “I went to Kellenberg
High School. It was different from where I lived—mostly White students and teachers.” Both of
his parents are Haitian, and he identifies strongly with his Haitian cultural heritage. I asked him
if he had any teachers during school that he identified with. He said:
Both of my parents are from Haiti, so I’m like 100% Haitian. In school, there weren’t
many other Haitian students or teachers, so I wouldn’t say I identified with anyone, but I
had a lot of friends. I guess it would have been nice to have a Haitian teacher at some
point.
I asked him about any teachers of color he had and the experiences he had with those teachers,
and he said
I guess back in high school, well, like, I wasn’t really looking at my Spanish teacher and
being like ‘Oh, she’s a teacher of color.’ To me, she was just like a teacher. I wasn’t
looking like, ‘Oh she’s Hispanic, she’s White, she’s Black, you know, if she knew how to
teach, she knew how to teach.”
This participant had many positive experiences with the teachers he had, both White teachers and
teachers of color. He did not have a teacher with whom he could strongly identify culturally,
which may have impacted his decision to choose Cybersecurity.

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Participant E, an 18-year-old mixed-race Political Science major, attended public school
for his whole life before coming to a private university for college. His school experience was
almost entirely with White educators, despite growing up in communities made of up African
American and Latino families. He described his school environment by saying:
High school was, well, the schools I grew up with and went to were mostly Black and
Brown and Latino communities, so there weren’t really many White people. Despite that,
there were an abundance of White teachers, like more White teachers than anything else.
It was definitely a disproportionate amount of White teachers and pretty much only like
the security guards and a step down from that, like aides, were Black. So those were the
only people who looked the closest to me, but I didn’t really interact with them.
Participant E did have some teachers of color in his elementary and middle school years, and the
experiences with them were positive. He said:
They were all White mostly, except my math teacher who was a Black woman in
elementary school. She was Black, and then in seventh grade my English teacher, he got
me into the Thurgood Marshall program, which was like this mock trial thing, and I really
enjoyed it. It is kind of what sparked my passion for law and stuff.
This participant was very aware of the disparity in the cultural differences between the students
and teachers in the school. He also experienced a very positive school experience with a teacher
of color introducing him into a program that eventually led him to pursue Political Science.
When I asked him to why he thought the disparity between White teachers and teachers of color
existed, he said, “We’re not seeing enough people of color in the teaching field for sure. Maybe
that’s because there are better opportunities elsewhere.” This statement reflected a direct

54
acknowledgment of the lack of racial representation in education and how it played into his
decision. He saw political science and politics as better opportunities than education as a career.
Low Outcome Expectations and Self-Efficacy
Many of the participants expressed how their experience in school led them to believe
they did not have the capacity to even get through the process of becoming a teacher. Further,
participants described how they felt that they would not be good in the classroom with students if
they did become teachers. The participants were very confident in their ability to work in the area
of their current majors, but when asked about their ability to teach within that same area, they
felt they would not be successful.
Participant A, an 18-year-old Hispanic Nursing major, described multiple situations in her
school experience that gave her the feeling she would not be successful in the profession. She
reflected on a situation where a classmate was out of control and disrespectful to the teacher,
then went into the lunchroom and threw food around. I asked her if having to deal with situations
like that dissuaded her from wanting to become a teacher. She said:
Yeah, but like I feel like I would have to deal with stuff like that in nursing as well, but in
a way it’s different because I don’t think teachers should have to do that. I don’t think I
could do that with kids. That would stress me out.
She had a very close relationship with her Biology teacher and was considering teaching before
nursing. Her teacher described how she worked at a summer camp and got experience teaching
there. Based on this experience, the participant felt hesitant to commit to it because she was not
confident in her ability to reach the students without some experience in the area first. She said:
I think I would also like to see if I like it first. So, I’ll have some experience and see if I
like my life or if it’s not for me. I wouldn’t want to commit all the way, I don’t know how

55
to explain it, but I would want some type of experience, so I know I’m interested in it.
And I also don’t want my kids to feel like they are struggling in my class because I don’t
know how to explain something.
The last line of this quote spoke directly to Participant A’s low self-efficacy and belief in her
ability to be successful in the profession. She was also concerned about students struggling due
to her inability to explain something, which was in part due to her experience with the teachers
she had and her own struggles to understand what they were teaching.
Participant B, an 18-year-old female Criminal Justice major who identified as an Asian/
Pacific Islander, had a similar experience that spoke to low self-efficacy in the profession. She
also had a teacher with whom she was very close who explained to her the parts of the job
outside of what is taught in the classroom. The teacher described a situation where a student does
not have the best home life and the school is their support system. She said, “Just being in a
caretaker position where I’m not the parent, I don’t know if I can do that. I respect teachers a lot,
I just don’t think I can do that. I can’t see myself as a teacher.” The teacher she was close with
painted a picture for the participant of what were the responsibilities, in and out of the classroom,
beyond the material covered, and this experience made her realize that she wanted to help
people, but not in the way a teacher does. Participant B said:
She kind of like drew a picture from me. She was like, ‘Is this what you are going to do?’
And I was like ‘I don’t think so.’ But, seeing the way she taught us and cared for us, I was
like ‘Oh, I would want to be that person for another kid’ and I can see myself helping
kids, but not as a teacher.
Participant F, a 19-year-old female mixed-race Economics major, expressed her concern
about speaking in front of people as a factor that would impede her from being a teacher. When I

56
asked further if there was anything else she could think of that made her feel like she did not
want to enter the field, she said, “I don’t trust myself being about to take care of like twenty
kids in a classroom when I can barely take care of myself, you know?” As our conversation
progressed, we eventually discussed salary, and I asked if there was any amount of money I
could pay her to become a teacher. She responded, “Honestly, I don’t know. Mostly because of
the fact that I don’t know if I would be a good teacher.” I probed further and asked what made
her think that she would not be good, and she said, “I don’t have a lot of patience and I feel like
teaching kids requires a little bit of patience for sure.” These responses indicated that her
experiences have led her to develop a lack of self-confidence in her ability to be an effective
educator.
Family and Peer Influences
Influences and interactions with family members and peers were a significant factor in
the decision-making process for each of the participants in this study. Each participant had
opinions about pursuing a career in education that strongly influenced the decisions each person
made.
Participant A, an 18-year-old Hispanic Nursing major, reflected on how her experience as
an immigrant strongly influenced her family’s opinion on her career decisions. “I only spoke
Spanish when I moved back, and my family wanted me to do something stable so I wouldn’t
struggle,” she said. Besides the perception that teaching is not a stable career, there were no
family or peer role models for her to look at and see herself as a teacher. She said, “No one in my
family is a teacher. They always talked about going into nursing or business.” Without familial
encouragement and strong role models in the form of family or friends who were educators, it
was easy for this participant to not see herself being a teacher.

57
Participant B, an 18-year-old female Criminal Justice major who identified as an Asian/
Pacific Islander, had a similar experience with her family. Her family also warned against the
stability of the profession. She said, “My family wanted me to do something stable. They didn’t
really think teaching was the best option.” It is important to note that this participant also talked
about how her uncle was a teacher, towards the end of his career. When I asked if he was happy
in his career choice, she said, “He loves teaching, you can tell every time he talks about it his
face like lights up. It’s like he was made for teaching. He is definitely living out his dream.” So
despite having a relative who was very happy in the teaching profession, Participant B’s
experience was that teaching is not the best option for her. She also described that there was
a lot of misogyny in her family, and the idea of pursuing a career before her future husband
suggested that such a situation was okay. Her desire was to use her criminal justice degree to
assist in her pursuit of a law degree after graduation, but her family has told her that “only men
can be lawyers.” The participant described much friction between herself and her family over the
topic of education, which was a strong factor in her pursuing a career that her family felt she
should not pursue. This participant’s peer group also never even considered it as an option. She
said, “None of my friends ever said they wanted to be teachers. It was just not something we
really thought about.”
Participant D, a 19-year-old African American Cybersecurity major, has strong family
connections to education yet still chose to pursue his current major. His mother, a social worker
at a psychiatric unit, noticed his affinity for computer games early and suggested he do
something with computers. This participant’s father is currently the principal of a Catholic high
school close to where they live and served as a professor at Hunter College in Manhattan before
that. I asked him what his dad thought about him choosing cybersecurity, and he said, “He

58
wanted me to go into cybersecurity as well.” I asked if he ever suggested that he consider
education a major when he was making the decision at the end of high school, and he said, “I
don’t think he’s ever told me or even suggested anything about education, to be honest.” This
participant also has a strong peer friend group who is also pursuing careers in cybersecurity at
other universities. At the end of the interview, when I asked if there was anything else he would
like to add to give me more insight into why he had decided on his current major, he said:
You know, I went to St. John’s, just like my dad went to St. John’s. He became a teacher.
And if I become a teacher, you know, I’m following exactly what he’s doing. I want to do
my own thing.
This participant, despite having strong familial ties to education, never even really considered the
profession as an option because of those connections. Education is clearly valued and respected
by the family, but not enough to influence Participant D in even looking into a potential career in
the field.
The participants’ descriptions of their experiences with family and peers suggested that if
more families and peers encouraged education as a profession, more students might choose to
pursue it as a career. Familial and peer influence were strong factors in the decision-making
process for these participants.

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Positive and Supportive School Experiences
It is important to highlight the positive experiences that the participants discussed during
data collection. All of the participants had positive experiences throughout their schooling prior
to entering college, but these positive experiences did not outweigh the other factors that led to
majors other than education.
Participant A, an 18-year-old Hispanic Nursing major, described one of her teachers “as
my only friend when I first came to the country.” She described her experience of being an
immigrant elementary schooler and how the connection she made with her teacher was a positive
and supportive experience. I asked her to be specific, and she said, “She would try to explain
things to me in Spanish, even when she was not getting paid to do that or was probably even
supposed to.” Participant A went on to describe how her high school Biology teacher also
provided the same support and positive school experience: “My Biology teacher and his wife,
they were really good. He was really good at explaining things. He would not get mad if you
didn’t understand something. He would answer all of your questions.”
Participant E, an 18-year-old male mixed-race Political Science major, grew up in an
urban area and had teachers who were primarily White. I asked him about his teachers and the
positive experiences he had, and he said:
No, I loved all my teachers. I thought they did a really good job for the most part. If I
hated something, it was the way they taught it, not the teacher themselves. But I had a
really nice experience. My coaches helped me a lot too.
This participant’s passion is politics, and his aspiration is to be in the White House one day. The
inspiration for this career came from exposure to certain programs in his high school and the
encouragement from his teachers.

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Participant F, a 19-year-old female mixed-race Economics major, discussed the feeling of
pride she felt from having a strong, supportive, and caring teacher during high school. She said:
Yeah, Mrs. Hogan, I got, I think it was like 92 on my one essay And I was very proud of
it because I usually struggle in English, but I poured my heart into and soul into it and it
was Great Gatsby. And it felt so amazing. Found out after the fact that she was a hard
grader, which made me feel even like prouder of myself.
This participant thrived on the support of the teacher and felt that the teacher not only cared
about her understanding the material, but she also felt the pride of receiving a good grade by the
standard that this teacher set in the class.
In conclusion, although each participant recounted positive and impactful experiences
with their teachers throughout their schooling, these moments alone were not sufficient to lead
them to pursue education as their major. Participants emphasized meaningful relationships,
personal encouragement, and supportive learning environments as key aspects of their positive
educational experiences. Yet, despite such inspiring connections, external influences, individual
interests, and aspirations in other fields ultimately guided their decisions to pursue alternative
majors. This highlighted the complexity behind students’ career choices, demonstrating that
while exceptional teaching plays a crucial role in shaping positive attitudes towards education,
other compelling factors significantly influence students’ academic and career trajectories.
Results for Research Question 2
What are the chief incentives that would draw students of color into teacher preparation
programs?
During the data collection process, themes emerged that indicated the incentives that
would draw more students of color into teacher preparation programs. The participants’

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experiences illustrated how if certain incentives were put into place, students of color would be
more likely to enter teacher preparation programs. The major themes that arose were increased
representation, stronger encouragement from teachers, financial incentives, a shift in the
narrative around teaching a profession, and creating a more inclusive and culturally responsive
school environment.
Increased Representation
All of the participants in their responses indicated that seeing a more diverse teaching
workforce would create a sense of belonging and could incentivize students to pursue teaching as
a career because they are seeing adults with whom they identify being successful in the field.
Participant A, an 18-year-old Hispanic Nursing major, had a science teacher when she
was in 12th grade who shared a similar cultural background as she did. As a female Ecuadorian
science teacher in a primarily White district, her presence was comforting for this participant
during her senior year. I asked her to elaborate on how her presence was comforting and she said:
Yeah, well, because I felt like she understood. It was because we would be having
conversations sometimes, and I feel like she would understand like a lot of stuff because
she was Hispanic herself, and it was comforting in a way having somebody that looked
like me because Bayshore is primarily White.
This participant was currently pursuing a degree in nursing and seeing a woman of color
who shared her cultural background teaching a science class certainly made school more
approachable, especially in a school environment that was made up of predominantly White
students.
Participant E, an 18-year-old-mixed race Political Science major, also had a teacher of
color with whom he felt more comfortable during high school as well. When I asked him about

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this teacher and if it felt different to walk into a classroom where the teacher was a person of
color, he said:
Yeah, I felt like, well, of course you want to learn, but I felt like more like I knew that she
knew what she was doing, and it was easier for her to relate to us more. She could use
certain lingos in class, and we would get it easier.
It is important to note that the class in which this participant had this experience was a U.S.
Government class, and he was currently pursuing a political science degree to ultimately seek a
career in politics. This environment that the teacher created in the classroom allowed him to feel
confident and increased his sense of confidence and belonging not only in the school, but in the
subject matter itself.
Participant G, a 21-year-old female Hispanic Biology major, discussed how the teachers
of color that she had in high school made a positive impact on her school experience. When I
asked her about her experience with these teachers, she said:
In high school, I had a couple. I can’t remember exactly…but I remember they were
Hispanic. And I felt I did feel more connected, but I did share a lot more things with them
than I did with my other teachers who weren’t Hispanic. We had similar cultures, like
food and stuff. So, it was easier for me to break the ice with them when I first started then
with any of my other teachers.
This participant’s experience highlighted the importance of having teachers of color represented
in the workforce for the students of color in the school. Being able to relate to and identify with
the teachers who shared her cultural background made an intimidating school environment more
welcoming.

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Stronger Encouragement from Teachers
The participants for this study all had positive experiences with at least one teacher whom
they had during their schooling leading up to college. None of the participants were encouraged
to pursue teaching as a career option, even though some of the participants had seriously
considered it at some point. One participant had a teacher who encouraged her not to enter the
profession when she expressed her interest in becoming a teacher.
Participant A, an 18-year-old female Hispanic Nursing major, discussed how one
of her teachers inspired her to want to become a teacher herself, but there was never any
encouragement from the teacher to do that. She said, “I had like a really nice teacher—she was
amazing actually, and I still have contact with her. And she made me want to become…I wanted
to pursue teaching at some point in my life.” Despite having a close relationship, to the point of
keeping in contact with the teacher after leaving the school, there was no encouragement from
the teacher to pursue a career in teaching.
Participant C, an 18-year-old non-binary mixed-race Forensic Science major, had an
experience similar to that of Participant A. They discussed an experience where they were given
the opportunity to tutor fellow students in the 5th grade. They said, “My old fifth grade teacher,
she had me come in and help tutor kids for math when I had passed fifth grade. Then, in seventh
grade, she had me go and teach like a math lesson to her class.” This was the only participant
who was given an opportunity to experience what actual teaching was like, yet there was still no
encouragement from the teacher to pursue a teaching career. The participant was excited to talk
about this experience and remembered it fondly, despite the lack of encouragement to continue to
pursue teaching a career from the teacher.

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Participant G, a 21-year-old Hispanic female Biology major, was directly discouraged
from going into the profession by a teacher that inspired her and who she strongly respected.
When I asked her about it, she described the situation in which he asked her about her plans for
college:
He asked me about my plans and I told him I wanted to be a teacher. He said that
teaching wasn’t really something for everybody. He told me that teaching wasn’t really
all it was cracked up to be. He told me that teaching wasn’t really something he would
want me to do for my career.
In this participant’s experience, the teacher whom she trusted the most and respected more
than any other teacher had told her directly not to go into teaching as a career. When she was
describing the story to me, there seemed to be some confusion over why the teacher would even
go so far as to say that, considering what she thought of him. In this case, encouragement from
this teacher could have influenced this participant to pursue an education degree and become a
teacher.
Financial Incentives
All the participants expressed their perception that teaching is not a financially rewarding
profession compared to the career each person was looking to pursue. The topic of salary came
up quite a bit, often without me asking directly about it in the question. All the participants,
except for Participant E, would have considered Education as a major if the salary had been
comparable to the salary they anticipated making in their chosen career path. Participant E, an
18-year-old mixed-race male Political Science major, indicated there was no amount of money
he could be paid that would entice him to switch his major right now into education. I offered to
pay him a million dollars to become a teacher, and his response was “Nope, don’t want it.”

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Participant F, a 19-year-old mixed-race female Economics major, felt that teachers should
be one of the highest-paying professions. She said, “I don’t feel like teachers in general get paid
enough because they, in my opinion, should be one of the highest-paying jobs because of how
much they can shape the future of our youth.” This level of insight from a 19-year-old
Economics major was interesting because it indicated her understanding of the value of teachers
as a profession, but she was still unwilling to become a teacher. In our interview, she expressed
her desire to be able to buy a house and felt that a teacher’s salary would not make that possible.
I asked her what she felt was an appropriate starting salary for a teacher, and she said, “A
hundred to two hundred thousand dollars.”
Participant A, an 18-year-old Hispanic female Nursing major, also expressed that she
would be more interested in the profession if the starting salary was higher. I asked her what
would make the major more enticing in general, and her response was starting salary. She said,
“Okay, so probably starting, like I would want my pay to be a little bit higher than $55,000.” I
asked her further about what she thought a teacher should make in the first year. She said:
I don’t know, that’s a good question. Like enough to be stable. It depends though,
because, as a new grad, you are obviously not going to make a lot of money because
you don’t have experience in the job. But that’s every job.
This participant’s response was an indication that she did not feel a teaching salary provides
enough money to be “stable,” in her words. The response also indicated some reflection on her
part about the reality of most jobs in the first years of employment.
Participant B, an 18-year-old female Criminal Justice major who identified as an Asian/
Pacific Islander, grew up in a household where money was scarce. I asked her to describe a

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scenario that would result in her pursuing education as a major and what aspects of her life and
the job would have to change for that to happen. She said:
Okay, I know this is going to sound materialistic, but I guess the money. I think that was
one of the fundamental reasons that I didn’t go into teaching. I grew up in a very poor
houseful, like we were living in the projects, paycheck to paycheck. So, money has
always been a factor in my life when I make any sort of decisions. So, when I saw that
teachers don’t make that much in general, I was like okay, that’s not for me because I
want to make sure that I’m financially well off when I’m older.
This response was very indicative of financial incentive playing a strong role in Participant B’s
decision about a career. This participant respected teaching as a profession, as later in her
response, she said, “I feel like as respected as teaching is as a job, people don’t really
acknowledge teachers. Like people put doctors over teachers. I even feel like teachers are just
as important as doctors.” Despite this intrinsic strong personal utility value she has for the
profession, the perceived instability of the salary strongly influenced her decision not to pursue
education as a career.
Inclusive and Culturally Responsive School Environments
All the participants’ responses expressed experiences that were indicative of where their
school experience was enhanced by inclusive or culturally responsive environments. These
experiences were not widely discussed, which pointed to an area that could incentivize students
to enter the profession.
Participant C, an 18-year-old non-binary mixed-race Forensic Science major, described
an experience with the band director at their school. This teacher went above and beyond to help
the student create an inclusive environment in the school by supporting students, even outside of

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the music program. There was a situation where, in their opinion, the school had implemented a
policy that was not inclusive of all the different students in the school. They said:
We could always go and like talk to him about things and help me. Or to get a reason why
the school had implemented a policy that targeted the Black and LGBTQ members of my
school. And he was always there for us, even outside of music.
The failure of this participant’s school to create an inclusive environment was impactful on their
experience in high school. A more welcoming and affirming environment may have incentivized
this participant to pursue education as a career.
Participant E, an 18-year-old mixed-race Political Science major, expressed how his
choice of university was directly influenced by a program that specifically targeted students who
come from low socioeconomic backgrounds as he did. He said, “I chose Hofstra because of the
NOAH [New Opportunities at Hofstra]program, which was really beneficial for me and
something I couldn’t turn down.” When I asked what the program entailed, he said:
It’s a five-week program in the summer, and it’s almost a full ride, where it helps people
from low socioeconomic backgrounds in New York City. It’s really rigorous, but you are
basically part of this society when you finish with resources to help you throughout
college, and you kind of know a lot of people already before the fall semester starts.
This program drove this participant to choose the university he did. He felt welcomed and
included in the university before most of the other fall semester students even began. He did not
talk about any experiences that fostered this same feeling of inclusion of who he was as a person
in high school, which thus made this program at his university so appealing.
Participant G, a 21-year-old Hispanic female Biology major, also described experiences
that indicated she would have benefitted from and potentially considered education as a career if

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she had been in a more inclusive and culturally responsive school environment. She discussed
how her mother feared they would lose their cultural identity going to the school she attended:
She felt like they were trying to Americanize us in a way she didn’t us to be. I remember
her saying, “Yes, you guys are American, but remember that you are Ecuadorian first and
foremost.” She wanted us to keep that part of ourselves and not completely erase who we
were.
This highlighted how the school did not fully embrace or encourage her cultural identity and that
a more culturally affirming environment would have been beneficial for her. This participant
strongly considered education as a career; a more inclusive and culturally responsive school
environment may have made a difference in the choice she ultimately made for her career.
The findings from this study revel a complex interplay of personal, academic, and
systemic factors that influenced college-age students of color in their decision not to pursue
teacher preparation programs. Participants described a range of lived experiences, including
negative perceptions of teaching, financial concerns, lack of encouragement from educators, and
systemic inequities within their schooling environments. Themes such as underrepresentation of
teachers of color, limited exposure to culturally responsive teaching, low self-efficacy, and
significant family and peer influence emerged as critical deterrents. These findings will be
discussed through the lens of Social Cognitive Career Theory and offer recommendations for
educational stakeholders seeking to expand the pipeline of diverse future educators.

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Chapter 5: Discussion
The United States faces a critical shortage of teachers, particularly teachers of color.
Despite a growing ethnically diverse population, many teachers remain predominantly White,
leading to a significant representation gap. This shortage negatively affects students of color who
benefit substantially from having teachers with similar racial and cultural backgrounds.
The purpose of this study was to examine the lived experiences of students of color in
secondary schools to understand how these experiences influenced their decision to not enter
teacher preparation programs in institutes of higher education. The study aimed to uncover
barriers and incentives related to entering teacher preparation programs in order to identify
strategies that could enhance diversity within the teaching workforce. The research questions that
guided this study were:
1. What are the lived experiences of college-age students of color who did not enter
teacher preparation programs?
2. What are the chief incentives that would draw students of color into teacher
preparation programs?
For this study, I employed a qualitative phenomenological approach, focusing on
exploring individual lived experiences. The participants were purposefully selected using a
screening survey to identify individuals who fit the participant criteria. The screening resulted
in seven participants who identified as people of color from a variety of cultural backgrounds.
These participants were currently enrolled in universities on Long Island in New York State and
currently not majoring in education or a major that would culminate in a teacher preparation
program. Data were collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews to explore students’
schooling experiences and decision-making processes. The interviews were transcribed, coded,

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and analyzed to identify recurring themes and patterns relevant to the research questions. Using
social cognitive career theory (SCCT) as the theoretical framework with which to interrogate the
choices students made in their career choice process, I developed a conceptual framework of
internal and external factors that influence a student in this process.
Findings for Research Question 1
What are the lived experiences of college-age students of color who did not enter teacher
preparation programs?
Negative Perceptions of Teaching as a Career
The participants described experiences that indicated they had a negative perception of
teaching as a career. Their experiences during their schooling with teachers did not promote the
profession in a way that would have influenced the possibility of pursuing teaching as a career.
Participants experienced teachers who were distant, unhappy, unsupportive, not supported, and
undervalued. They felt some of their teachers were not for them in situations where they did not
understand the course material or if they were having an issue that required administrative
assistance. One participant had a teacher who actively told her not to pursue teaching because “it
wasn’t all it was cracked up to be.” The participants also had very few teachers of color during
their school experience, which compounded the negative perception of teaching as a career. This
linked directly with what Goings and Bianco (2016) discussed in their study for how teaching is
not glorified or appreciated, particularly for Black men.
This perception of negativity of the profession stemmed not only from what the
participants experienced during their schooling but from society as a whole. The participants
walked into their classrooms knowing that teaching is not highly valued because society itself
does not value it in the same way other professions are valued (Han et al., 2018). Despite society

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undervaluing the profession, some participants still strongly considered teaching as a career, but
their experiences—and, in some cases, active dissuasion on the part of their teachers—led them
away from the profession as a career option.
Financial Concerns
The negative financial aspect of teaching as a career and the perceived stability of
teaching as a career were significant deterrents for all participants to pursue teaching. Every
participant expressed in some way that teachers do not make enough money compared to the
profession they were currently seeking. This linked directly with the literature from other
researchers who looked at salary and students of color entering teacher preparation programs
(Aldeman, 2022; Croft et al., 2018; Han et al., 2018; Peske et al., 2001). It was difficult to
ascertain exactly from where the participants were receiving information about teachers’ salaries
as they reported not knowing much about what it takes to become a teacher. Many said that
family members told them the salary was low, but it seemed to be common knowledge that all
participants shared, despite coming from all different sources saying teachers are underpaid.
This financial concern led the participants to be worried that they would not be able to
provide for themselves or their families from the money they would make as educators. All the
participants expressed respect for what teachers do and all that the job entails, but they were not
willing to assume that much responsibility for the low salary that teachers receive on average.
While it is true that top-paying careers for students with a master’s degree range from $83,444 to
$105,894 (Gray, 2023) and it is roughly $15,000-$20,000 more than a starting teacher’s salary,
this was not a significant enough difference for the participants to declare that teaching was a
good career to sustain a normal quality of life or support a family. This led to a perceived
instability about the profession which made it less appealing for students of color to pursue.

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From what the participants revealed, there is not enough information and education around
teaching careers and money in general. Not providing students with concrete information about
the coursework associated with teaching as a career, the salary, insurance benefits, and retirement
benefits perpetuates the perception that a career as a teacher is not a financially advantageous
profession. The participants were unaware of any of the financial advantages that a career as an
educator provides.
Negative School Experiences
The participants reported having experienced several negative experiences during their
schooling that contributed to their decision to pursue majors other than education. Cultural
isolation, discrimination, and racial experiences negatively impacted the participants’school
experience and soured their opinion on the profession. These experiences aligned with Goings
and Bianco's (2016) findings that students, specifically Black male high school students,
experienced low expectations, racial microaggressions, and stereotyping that impacted their
desire to enter the teaching profession. The participants expressed similar experiences,
highlighting isolation based on race, culture, religion, and language barriers as contributing
factors to the negative experiences they had. These experiences created a stressful school
environment where they were isolated from social situations and disengaged from school
activities. One participant felt unsupported by administration due to inaction on their part to
address a discrimination situation that the participant had reported.
There were also instances of academic unfairness due to low expectations set by the
teacher. One participant was accused of plagiarizing a paper by a teacher because the teacher
felt the student was not capable of writing at the level of the paper she handed in. The participant
was forced to stay and rewrite another paper during lunch periods, proving that she had not

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plagiarized. The teacher never acknowledged that she was wrong nor did she apologize to
the student for her error. Such negative experiences significantly discouraged the participants
from considering teaching because they perceived the educational environment as not only
challenging but also potentially discriminatory.
The participants’ experiences also spoke to the lack of emotional and academic support
that they received from their teachers, further contributing to their negative school experiences.
Multiple participants had teachers who, in their words, were disinterested or detached, leading
the students to feel unsupported academically and emotionally. This feeling further decreased
their interest in education as a professional pursuit. In the case of one participant, a teacher
actively dissuaded her from pursuing a career in education after expressing interest in the field in
the future. The student expressed confusion about the experience because the person to whom
she looked up to the most in the profession was an example of what she wanted to be when she
became a teacher, yet this person was telling her to pursue other interests because teaching
“wasn’t all it’s cracked up to be.” This explicit discouragement not only impacted her confidence
but also negatively colored her perception of the profession, leading her away from considering
teaching as a viable career.
Lack of Representation and Support in Schools
Each of the participants’ experiences illustrated how the presence of teachers of color
who were more representative of the student body in the schools they attended would have been
beneficial to them. This aligned with research that showed the benefits of having a teacher of
color for students of color. All students, especially students of color, benefit from having a
teacher of color at some point in their school careers (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Carver-Thomas,
2018; Jackson & Kohli, 2016). The participants did not see individuals who shared their racial,

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ethnic, or cultural backgrounds during their K–12 schooling. This experience impacted their
overall school experience, their sense of belonging, and their view of teaching as a desirable
career.
The participants who did experience limited interactions with teachers of color identified
those interactions as notably positive and impactful. These rare instances of representation
provided temporary yet powerful moments of connection and affirmation that highlighted their
importance. Participant C discussed how the mere presence of one African American teacher
who was active in supporting culturally inclusive clubs, such as the Black Student Union,
provided a sense of “home” in an otherwise predominantly White private school. Participant E
described an influential experience with a Black teacher who introduced him to an academic
enrichment program (Thurgood Marshall mock trial program) that ignited his passion for
political science. The participant reflected on this as one of the few instances where he saw his
racial identity positively reflected in an academic context. The overall lack of representation led
to his perception that teaching may not offer the same career opportunities or sense of belonging
that other professional fields could provide.
The participants directly linked the lack of representation to their decisions not to pursue
career in education, citing it as evidence of limited professional advancement and career
opportunities for people of color in teaching. Participant E clearly articulated that the lack of
representation of teachers of color was indicative of broader systemic issues, perceiving that
people pf color were not sufficiently represented in education because there were potentially
better opportunities elsewhere. This perception reinforced his decision to pursue political science
as a career with presumably more prestige, influence, and opportunities for advancement.
Participant G expressed comfort and connection with Hispanic teachers, finding it easier to relate

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culturally, but still decided against teaching, partly due to broader perceptions reinforced by
limited representation. The rarity of these positive connections underscored for her a wider
systemic challenge in education—that teachers of color often face systemic hurdles and limited
advancement prospects, thus steering her toward other professional opportunities.
The participants’ responses highlighted broader implications of inadequate representation,
including reinforcement of implicit messages that certain career paths or leadership positions
may be implicitly inaccessible or unwelcoming to people of color. These experiences suggested
that limited representation signals to students of color that teaching careers might not be spaces
where they could thrive professionally or personally. Without seeing individuals who share their
backgrounds in successful teaching roles, participants internalized the perception that teaching
might not be an optimal or welcoming career path for them.
Low Outcome Expectations and Self-Efficacy
Participants consistently expressed doubts regarding their capability to perform
effectively as educators. These doubts primarily focused on their ability to manage classroom
dynamics, communicate content clearly, and support student learning effectively. This aligned
with research around teacher self-efficacy, which focuses on the teacher’s belief in their
capability to influence, prompt, and encourage student engagement and learning, regardless of
the students’ differing levels of motivation, academic gaps, and other external factors (Donohoo,
2018; Lazarides & Warner, 2020). Participant A specifically articulated her anxiety about her
potential ability to manage classroom behaviors and effectively teach content. Reflecting on a
disruptive student she had observed, she questioned personal capacity to manage similar
situations. She also explicitly worried that her potential inadequacies as a teacher might
negatively impact her students’ educational experiences, revealing a pronounced lack of self-

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confidence in her teaching abilities. Such self-doubt significantly influenced her choice to pursue
nursing rather than education, a field where she perceived higher personal confidence.
Participants frequently referenced witnessing teachers encountering stressful or
overwhelming classroom situations, leading to their own decreased belief in being able to
manage similar conditions successfully. Participant B described conversations with a teacher
who candidly shared the complexities of handling students’ personal issues and emotional needs.
Although inspired by this teacher’s dedication, she concluded that she personally could not
manage such emotionally intensive aspects of teaching. Her perception that teaching required
extensive emotional and social capacities—capacities she did not believe she possessed—
directly diminished her sense of self-efficacy regarding teaching. In a similar manner, participant
A discussed concerns about teacher’s roles extending beyond instructional responsibilities to
emotional support, classroom management, and interpersonal mediation. Witnessing teachers
facing significant challenges in these areas reinforced participants’ perceptions of teaching as
demanding beyond their perceived capabilities, lowering their confidence and interest in
pursuing education professionally.
Participants also expressed minimal opportunities to practice teaching skills or receive
direct encouragement, which negatively impacted their perceived self-efficacy. Without practical
experience or early exposure, participants doubted their potential teaching success. Low selfefficacy directly shaped participants’ career decisions by guiding them away from education and
toward careers where they believed they could be more successful or experience less stress and
emotional responsibility.

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Family and Peer Influence
Participants consistently cited the strong influence of family expectations regarding
career choice, especially regarding the perceived prestige, financial security, and societal status
associated with various professions. This finding tracked with research that was done around
family and peer influence on students of color considering teaching as a career. Lack of
encouragement from family especially was a very strong predictor that students of color will not
pursue teaching as a career (Christensen et al., 2019; Curci et al., 2023). Participant A explained
that her family prioritized career stability and financial security, explicitly steering her away
from teaching due to concerns about salary and long-term financial prospects. Coming from an
immigrant family who had experienced economic hardship, there was substantial pressure to
pursue careers perceived as financially stable, such as nursing or business, rather than teaching.
The absence of any family members working in education further reinforced her family’s
discouragement of teaching as a viable or prestigious option.
Family influence was often shaped by specific cultural expectations, traditions, or norms
that directed participants away from careers in education toward more traditionally respected or
secure professions. Participant B discussed the gender-specific cultural expectations within her
family, where misogynistic attitudes explicitly discouraged her from pursuing careers perceived
as more ambitious or prestigious. While teaching was seen as financially unstable, the broader
narrative in her family was shaped by expectations about the roles considered appropriate or
prestigious, particularly for women. Thus, family dynamics were intertwined with broader
cultural beliefs, significantly affecting this participant’s career trajectory away from education.
The presence or absence of family role models in education significantly influenced
participants’ choices in unexpected ways. Participant D’s father was both a high school principal

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and a former college professor. Despite his father’s deep involvement and success in education,
this familial connection inadvertently discouraged him from considering education as a major.
He explicitly mentioned a desire to differentiate himself from his father’s career path, suggesting
a complex dynamic where strong familial connections to education can unintentionally push
students toward entirely different career choices. Conversely, for participants lacking family
role models in education, there was an implicit perception that teaching was less appealing or
prestigious. This absence of role models made education seem unfamiliar and less attainable, as
seen in Participant A’s experience, further discouraging her interest in the profession.
Participants’ career choices were also significantly shaped by peer group influence,
specifically regarding how teaching was perceived among their friends and classmates.
Participant B explicitly mentioned that none of her peer group expressed interest in teaching or
discussed it positively as a career path. The collective silence around teaching reinforced a
perception that education was less desirable or not even worth considering, compared to other
professions viewed as more prestigious, dynamic, or financially rewarding. Participant D
described how his peer group actively pursued a career in fields such as cybersecurity and
technology, further reinforcing his personal inclination toward these industries. Being part of a
peer group where education was neither discussed nor valued significantly reduced his likelihood
of considering teaching, reflecting how peer choices implicitly shaped his career direction.
Family expectations shaped participants’ decisions by limiting their sense of autonomy or
freedom in career exploration. Participants frequently described how family members, through
direct or indirect comments, created an environment where career choices were constrained by
explicit or implicit expectations about financial stability and prestige. This limited their sense of

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agency, discouraging them from pursuing careers like teaching that did not align with familyapproved expectations.
Positive School Experiences Insufficient to Influence Career Choice
Participants shared meaningful and impactful positive interactions with teachers and
schools, alongside explicit acknowledgments of the high personal and social utility value they
attributed to teaching as a profession. Despite recognizing teaching as important and valuable,
these positive experiences and perceptions alone did not significantly influence their ultimate
career choices toward education.
Participants frequently recognized teaching as a deeply meaningful and socially impactful
profession, explicitly describing educators as critical to shaping future generations and
contributing positively to society. Participant F explicitly emphasized that teachers should be
among the highest paid professionals because of their immense societal value. She stated clearly,
“Teachers…should be one of the highest-paying jobs because of how much they can shape the
future of our youth.” Despite this profound acknowledgment of teaching’s social value, she
chose economics for perceived greater financial stability and personal compatibility. Participant
B similarly expressed deep respect for the profession, describing teachers as equally important as
doctors due to their vital societal contributions. She recognized teaching’s role in positively
shaping lives and communities but ultimately decided against education, influenced by financial
insecurity concerns and family expectations.
Participants experienced significant emotional support and academic inspiration from
teachers, but these positive interactions were typically temporary and insufficiently integrated
into career mentorship or professional identity development. Participant A experienced profound
gratitude for teachers who provided emotional and academic support, particularly highlighting a

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teacher who supported her during linguistic isolation and another who fostered confidence
academically. Despite recognizing these positive experiences and deeply valuing teaching as
socially impactful, she chose ultimately to pursue nursing, driven by family pressure and
concerns about financial stability. Positive interactions, though impactful personally, remained
isolated brief experiences insufficient to influence career aspirations toward teaching. Participant
E praised teachers who introduced him to influential academic programs and encouraged
personal growth. However, these experiences reinforced his passion for politics rather than
teaching. Although recognizing the immense personal and societal contributions of educators, he
saw these positive relationships as personally enriching but unrelated to his career ambitions in
education.
Participants acknowledged the high societal and personal utility of teaching, but negative
factors such as financial instability, self-efficacy concerns, systemic issues, and family pressures
overshadowed positive experiences. Participant F deeply respected teaching but perceived
significant barriers, including inadequate financial compensation stress and concerns about
personal ability. Despite recognizing teaching as highly socially valuable, these perceived
negatives ultimately dominated her decision-making, steering her towards economics instead.
Participant B clearly articulated teaching’s social importance, describing educators as crucial
societal figures. Yet, her choice of criminal justice was strongly influenced by concerns about
financial security, gendered family pressures, and cultural expectations, factors strong enough to
overshadow her high valuation of teaching as a profession.
Participants also often perceived their positive interactions with supportive teachers as
exceptional rather than reflective of typical conditions or environments, reducing the likelihood
of considering teaching as a broadly attractive career. Participant A viewed her supportive

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teachers as uniquely exceptional, implicitly believing such relationships and experiences were
uncommon or atypical. Despite recognizing teaching’s value and importance, her view of these
supportive experiences as unusual reinforced her broader perception that teaching was generally
challenging, undervalued, and financially insecure, ultimately guiding her away from the
profession. Participants repeatedly described positive relationships as rare exceptions, indirectly
reinforcing perceptions that typical educational environments were less supportive and
rewarding, further deterring them from considering teaching as a sustainable or desirable career.
Findings for Research Question 2
What are the chief incentives that would draw students of color into teacher preparation
programs?
Increased Representation of Teachers of Color
Participants highlighted the significant positive impact that greater racial and cultural
representation among educators would have on their willingness and motivation to consider a
teaching career. This aligned with the research that was conducted on the benefits of having a
teacher of color, including increased academic gains, improved attendance, and increased chance
of being exposed to culturally relevant pedagogies (Carver-Thomas, 2018; Jackson & Kohli,
2016). The participants in this study repeatedly emphasized how having educators who shared
their racial, ethnic, or cultural backgrounds positively influenced their school experiences and
would potentially encourage their consideration of teaching as a career.
Participant A explicitly described the presence of a Hispanic teacher as personally
comforting, making the predominantly White school environment less isolating. She noted how
having someone who understood her culturally enhanced her emotional comfort and sense of
belonging in school. The participant suggested that consistently seeing more Hispanic teacher

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would significantly impact her view of teaching as a profession where she could feel comfortable
and successful. Participant G indicated how connecting with teachers who shared her cultural
background facilitated easier relationships and increased her comfort level in engaging
academically. She described how teachers of color naturally understood and related to her
culturally, leading to a more positive and affirming school experience. This suggested that
increased representation directly strengthens students’ emotional and cultural connection to
schools, which could, in turn, incentivize their entry into teaching.
Increased visibility of teachers of color was described as a critical motivator, providing
concrete examples of professional success and directly influencing career aspirations. Participant
C highlighted how simply observing a respected Black teacher actively involved in the Black
Student Union significantly influenced their perception of school as a culturally affirming
environment. Even without directly having this teacher in class, this participant’s emotional wellbeing and sense of inclusion significantly improved due to this teacher’s presence and advocacy.
The participant explicitly indicated that more representation would have made education a more
appealing and viable professional option. Participant E described how a teacher of color
effectively related to students using culturally familiar language, creating a more engaging,
inclusive, and relatable classroom environment. This participant explained that this experience
significantly boosted his confidence and academic engagement, suggesting that seeing educators
who shared his background succeed professionally provided motivation and clarity around
potential career paths.
Participants consistently described increased representation as directly correlated with
higher levels of personal and academic engagement in schools. The participants emphasized that
seeing teachers who shared their backgrounds actively involved in their academic and social

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communities would significantly enhance their enthusiasm, interest, and active participation in
school activities. Increased academic engagement would potentially translate into greater interest
in educational careers, as participants would likely see teaching as a profession closely aligned
with their experiences and identities. The participants described the beneficial role of teachers of
color in leading culturally affirming clubs, affinity groups, and supportive academic programs.
Participant C’s reflection on a teacher leading the Black Student Union highlighted how
inclusive environments driven by teachers of color positively impacted their emotional wellbeing, engagement, and connection to the school community. Such sustained engagement could
serve as a direct incentive toward teaching careers.
Participants indicated that greater representation could help mitigate negative perceptions
of teaching careers caused by their broader school experiences. Participants noted that negative
experiences such as racial isolation, cultural marginalization, and discrimination were
exacerbated by the lack of educators who shared their racial or ethnic identities. Increased
representation of teachers of color could actively reduce these negative experiences by providing
positive, inclusive role models, and by visibly demonstrating career success in education, thus
reducing students’ perceptions of systemic barriers. Increased representation was seen as
potentially transformative, countering the perception that teaching is not an accessible or
welcoming profession for individuals of color. For example, Participant E explicitly noted the
lack of teachers of color as reflective of broader systemic problems, suggesting that improved
representation would signal education as a desirable and attainable pathway for students of color.
Participants also suggested that greater representation of teachers of color could have
lasting positive impacts beyond schools themselves, potentially reshaping community
perceptions of education as a prestigious and meaningful career. Participants discussed the

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potential for increased representation to influence broader family and community attitudes
toward teaching. For example, Participant G described family concerns about preserving cultural
identity and indicated that seeing more Hispanic teachers succeed could shift her family’s
perceptions, making teaching careers more acceptable, prestigious, and encouraged within her
community. Increased representation could thus create a positive feedback loop, fostering more
inclusive schools and communities, and leading to future generations of students of color to view
teaching as a respected and highly valued profession. This long-term impact could significantly
enhance the attractiveness of teaching careers among students who otherwise might never have
considered them.
Stronger Encouragement from Teachers
The participants repeatedly emphasized the profound potential impact that meaningful,
explicit, and sustained encouragement from influential teachers could have on their willingness
to pursue teaching careers. The issue that these participants faced was their exposure to teachers
who, for the most part, were not happy in their career as educators and would not encourage
young people into the profession. This aligned with the research that showed that one of the
largest contributing factors to the career choice pathway was the overall job satisfaction of the
teachers to whom students are exposed (Croft et al., 2018; Darcey Gray et al., 2022; Han et al.,
2018). The students saw teachers who were dissatisfied with their own jobs and wondered if the
profession was worth it. Additionally, these teachers were not likely to encourage students of
color to pursue a career in the profession in which they themselves were so unhappy.
The participants in this study highlighted the importance of direct encouragement from
teachers as a key motivational factor that was frequently missing in their experiences. Participant
A expressed that despite having meaningful, supportive relationships with inspiring teachers,

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none actively encouraged her toward a teaching career. She described having seriously
considered teaching due to positive interactions, but without explicit career guidance or
affirmation from influential educators, her interest ultimately waned and she pursued nursing
instead. This underscored how explicit encouragement could have significantly influenced her
decision-making process, potentially shifting her trajectory toward teaching. Participant C had a
similar experience when she was tutoring younger students at the request of a former teacher.
Despite clearly enjoying this experience, the participant received no explicit encouragement to
consider teaching professionally. Participants indicated that explicit affirmation of their abilities
and potential from a respected teacher would significantly increase their self-confidence and
interest in pursuing teaching as a career.
Participants also clearly articulated how direct discouragement from influential teachers
negatively impacted their perceptions of teaching as a profession, underscoring the need for
consistently positive encouragement. Participant G recounted a pivotal moment when an admired
teacher directly discouraged her from pursuing teaching, implying that it was not a rewarding or
desirable career choice. This discouragement profoundly influenced her self-perception and
career decision, leading her away from education. This experience highlighted the critical
important of teacher encouragement, demonstrating that negative comments or even subtle
discouragements can significantly deter students who might otherwise consider the profession.
Participants highlighted the importance of structured early exposure and focused
guidance regarding careers in education, suggesting that sustained encouragement could be
most effective if combined with practical experiences. Participant A emphasized that practical
exposure to teaching would help students more effectively explore teaching as a career. She
specifically indicated that having opportunities to experience teaching first-hand, combined with

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encouragement and affirmation from teachers, would likely have motivated her to consider
education seriously as a career choice. Participants expressed the value of structured programs
that explicitly engage students in early teaching experiences, supported by ongoing
encouragement from educators. They identified that practical experiences combined with direct
mentorship and encouragement would clarify career pathways and help overcome initial
reservations or doubts about their suitability for teaching.
From the participants’ experiences, it is clear that positive encouragement from teachers
could significantly shape their professional identities and self-efficacy. The participants noted
that strong, positive reinforcement from teachers can significantly enhance their self-perception
as future educators, addressing self-doubts about their abilities and suitability for teaching.
Participant F doubted her patience and interpersonal skills, but indicated that with
encouragement, reassurance, and practical guidance from respected educators, she could have
strengthened her confidence in her ability to manage classroom dynamics effectively, making
teaching a more viable career option. Participant B articulated deep respect and admiration for
teaching but expressed self-doubt regarding her ability to handle the emotional and relational
demands of teaching. She suggested that explicit encouragement and direct mentorship from
supportive teachers could meaningfully shift these self-perceptions, enhancing her belief in her
capabilities and increasing the likelihood of her seriously considering teaching as a profession.
The participants all clearly recognized teaching as deeply meaningful and socially
valuable. Encouragement from influential teachers would affirm these inherent values, validating
their perceptions and making teaching a more attractive and credible career choice. Participants
suggested that such validation from respected teachers would help align their personal values and
professional ambitions more closely, increasing their willingness to enter teacher preparation

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programs. Encouragement from teachers could also effectively counteract negative societal and
familial perceptions of teaching as a less financially rewarding or prestigious career. By directly
affirming teaching’s intrinsic value and potential professional fulfillment, teachers could
positively influence not only students’ career choices but also family and peer perceptions,
thereby fostering broader community support for teaching careers.
Financial Incentives
The participants repeatedly underscored the necessity of financial compensation and
stability as pivotal factors influencing their decisions about pursuing teaching careers. This
aligned with the research conducted previously that was conducted on salary and students of
color entering teacher preparation programs. Salary was the most cited reason for why students
of color are not entering the teaching profession (Aldeman, 2022; Croft et al., 2018; Han et al.,
2018; Peske et al., 2001). Participants consistently identified concerns about financial security
as a primary reason they chose other career paths instead of teaching. Participant B stated that
financial instability was one of the fundamental reasons she rejected teaching as a career option.
Having grown up experiencing significant economic hardship, she emphasized that financial
considerations deeply influenced all her career decisions. She viewed teaching salaries as
insufficient to secure the stable, financially independent future she desired, thereby dissuading
her from seriously considering education as a viable profession.
The participants also strongly emphasized the importance of increased starting salaries
for teaching positions as an essential step toward making education careers competitive with
alternative professions. Participant F stated that teachers should be among the highest-paid
professionals due to their significant societal contributions. She recommended substantially
higher starting salaries, suggesting $100,000 to $200,000 annually as necessary for teaching to

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be competitive and appealing. This viewpoint reflected participants’ common perception that
teaching’s financial rewards must align more closely with its societal importance and
professional demands. Participant A expressed that if teaching salaries were higher than current
starting levels, the profession’s appeal would be significantly enhanced. She specifically cited
that a higher, more stable starting salary could have potentially influenced her decision toward
education rather than nursing, highlighting that competitive compensation is critical to attracting
talented students into teaching.
Participants emphasized the importance of financial incentives in addressing familial and
cultural pressures to choose financially stable professions, particularly given socioeconomic
backgrounds. Several participants described how families encouraged careers with clear financial
stability, such as law, medicine, nursing, or technology. Teaching was frequently perceived by
families as financially unstable or insufficiently rewarding, making it difficult for participants to
consider education, despite intrinsic interest or social utility value. Improved financial incentives,
such as higher salaries, bonuses, or loan forgiveness, could directly counteract these familial
concerns and help shift perceptions toward education as a respected and financially secure
profession.
Participants also clearly indicated the importance of visible long-term career
advancement pathways, emphasizing that structured opportunities for financial growth were
essential to attracting students of color into teaching careers. Participants noted the necessity of
clear career pathways involving incremental salary increases and opportunities for professional
growth. They frequently compared teaching unfavorably to other careers that offered structure
advancement opportunities and consistently rising compensation, such as cybersecurity,
economics, nursing, or law. Participant F specifically indicated that a clear trajectory of

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increasing pay, similar to other professional fields, would significantly enhance the attractiveness
of teaching careers. The participants also noted that if teaching’s potential for career
advancement—including roles like administrative leadership, educational policy, or curriculum
development with high salaries—was more widely advertised to students, then it would further
incentivize students to see teaching as a career that offers stable, upward financial mobility.
Participants articulated a clear belief that improving teacher compensation would validate
teaching’s inherent societal importance, creating alignment between the social value participants
already ascribe to education and its financial rewards. Participants consistently recognized
teaching as a socially valuable and deeply impactful career but frequently expressed frustration
that financial compensation did not match societal importance. Improved salaries and financial
incentives would align teaching’s financial rewards with participants’ strong personal and social
utility value for the profession, significantly increasing the appeal of teaching as a career choice.
Participant F’s argument that teachers deserve significantly higher pay due to their vital societal
roles clearly illustrated this alignment. Increasing financial incentives would tangibly affirm and
validate teaching’s societal significance, transforming positive perceptions into practice career
choices for students of color.
Inclusive and Culturally Responsive School Environments
Participants strongly emphasized how environments that affirm, include, and celebrate
diverse cultural identities could significantly motivate students of color to pursue teaching as a
career. This aligned with the research done on the detrimental effect that negative, non-inclusive
learning environments have on students of color. Those in the predominantly White teaching
force are dissatisfied with their jobs and are not trained or willing to learn about culturally
responsive pedagogy in a growing population of students of color (Leonardo & Boas, 2021).

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Participants described how inclusive and culturally responsive school environments directly
affirmed their cultural identities, significantly enhancing their sense of personal validation,
belonging, and academic engagement.
Participant C recounted positive experiences where culturally responsive teachers
actively advocated for marginalized student groups, such as LGBTQ+ students and students of
color. This explicit support and advocacy significantly enhanced their feelings of acceptance and
validation, reducing feelings of cultural marginalization and isolation. Participants emphasized
that when their identities were actively affirmed, their engagement, self-confidence, and overall
school experiences were positively transformed. Participant G shared how her family’s concern
about losing their cultural identity could have been alleviated by a more culturally responsive
school environment. She noted how affirming cultural identities in schools would help students
maintain a sense of cultural pride, increasing comfort and potentially influencing career
decisions toward education, as students would see schools as spaces that are actively supportive
of diverse identities.
Inclusive and culturally responsive environments significantly increased the participants’
motivation, enthusiasm, and academic engagement according to what they shared during the
data collection process. Participant E described how participating in an inclusive, culturally
responsive college preparatory program designed for students from economically disadvantaged
backgrounds significantly increased his confidence, motivation, and engagement. He emphasized
that such programs created an environment where students felt empowered and affirmed, directly
influencing their academic commitment and potentially guiding them toward considering
teaching careers as a meaningful way to contribute back to their communities. Participant A
described how culturally responsive practices, such as a teacher actively supporting her language

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development by using Spanish in class, significantly improved her engagement, confidence, and
emotional well-being. Participants consistently indicated that culturally responsive educational
practices could positively reshape their perceptions of teaching as a career, fostering deeper
emotional and academic connections with schools.
Participants clearly indicated that culturally responsive environments would directly
address and reduce experiences of cultural and racial isolation, a major barrier to entering the
teaching profession. Participant B described experiences of severe cultural and racial isolation in
predominantly White educational settings. She indicated that culturally responsive practices,
such as affirmation of her religious and cultural identity, visible support systems, and culturally
informed administrative responses to harassment, would have significantly improved her school
experiences, potentially increasing her openness toward educational careers. Participants
repeatedly highlighted how culturally responsive practices, such as visible advocacy for diverse
groups and systemic inclusion policies, would have mitigated experiences of isolation, enhancing
their comfort and positive associations with school environments. By directly addressing racial
and cultural isolation, schools could transform perceptions of teaching for negative to positively
affirming, significantly influencing career interest among students of color.
Participants also emphasized the necessity of schools’ institutional commitments to
diversity, equity, inclusion, and cultural responsiveness, describing this as critical to making
teaching a viable, appealing career. Participants consistently pointed out the significant positive
difference institutional commitment would make, such as explicit diversity policies, culturally
responsive professional development for educators, and system support for marginalized
communities. Participant C’s reflections on the importance of culturally responsive educators
leading inclusive initiatives demonstrated the impact such institutional commitment has on

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students’ emotional well-being and career considerations. Participants suggested that schools
demonstrating strong, authentic commitments to cultural responsiveness, including hiring diverse
educators, implementing culturally inclusive curricula, and providing ongoing professional
training, would significantly shift their perceptions positively toward teaching as a meaningful,
inclusive, and socially impactful career.
Implications for Practice
The findings from this study highlighted several critical implications for educational
leaders aiming to address the persistent shortage and underrepresentation of teachers of color in
the teaching workforce. These implications focus on strategic actions that educational leaders can
adopt to foster a more inclusive, supportive, and culturally responsive educational environment,
thereby attracting and retaining diverse educators. By enhancing representation, creating
inclusive school cultures, elevating the perceived value of teaching, offering tangible financial
incentive, promoting strong mentorship, addressing familial and peer influences, and bolstering
teacher self-efficacy, educational leaders can significantly reshape perceptions and practices
surrounding teaching careers. Implementing these targeted strategies can help create meaningful
pathways for students of color, ultimately contributing to a more diverse, effective, and equitable
education system.
Enhance Representation and Visibility of Teachers of Color
The findings indicated that the lack of teachers of color significantly impacted students’
perceptions of teaching as a viable and desirable career path. Participants specifically reported
that seeing few educators who shared their racial or cultural backgrounds contributed to feelings
of isolation and a sense of teaching being an inaccessible career for people of color. Leadership
teams need to actively recruit and retain educators of color to reflect the increasingly diverse

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student population. Efforts should be made to highlight and support the visibility of teachers of
color as positive role models and mentors. School districts should develop targeted initiatives to
recruit and retain educators of color by offering mentorship, professional growth opportunities,
and leadership roles.
Create Inclusive and Culturally Responsive Environments
Findings clearly demonstrated that negative school experiences, such as discrimination,
cultural isolation, and racial microaggressions, were significant factors deterring participants
from pursuing careers in education. Students described school environments where their racial,
ethnic, and cultural identities were neither affirmed nor respected, leading to disengagement and
negative perceptions of teaching careers. District leadership teams need to provide professional
development on culturally responsive pedagogy and inclusive teaching practices, directly
addressing the need for teachers who understand and affirm diverse identities, and thereby
improving students’ emotional and academic engagement. Building leaders need to foster a
school building culture that actively celebrates and respects diversity to address the experiences
of marginalization and isolation that students may be experiencing, with the goal to create a
sense of belonging and a positive association with educational environments. Systemic racial
inequities within school environments must be addressed through comprehensive diversity,
equity, and inclusion policies. This will assist in the creation of an educational environment
where students of color see teaching as inclusive, supportive, and professionally rewarding.
Improve Perceptions and Public Valuation of Teaching
The findings revealed that negative perceptions of teaching, both within schools and
society, significantly discouraged students of color from pursuing careers in education.
Participants described observing teachers who appeared dissatisfied, undervalued, and

94
unsupported, reinforcing societal perceptions of teaching as an undesirable and less prestigious
profession. Leadership teams on the district level need to promote positive public narratives
about teaching as a valuable, impactful, and prestigious career, countering what the participants
experienced and reshaping the public image of the profession as worthy of respect and
admiration. It is also recommended that these same leadership teams engage in community
outreach to enhance societal respect for educators, actively advocating for greater recognition of
teachers’ societal contributions. This would target the participants’ expressed belief that
educators deserve higher societal recognition and appreciation due to their critical role in shaping
future generations.
Increase Financial Incentives and Stability
The findings highlighted that financial concerns were the primary deterrent for students
of color considering teaching careers. Participants consistently cited low teacher salaries,
perceived financial instability, and limited opportunities for financial advancement as major
factors influencing their decision not to pursue teaching. Building and district leadership teams
need to advocate for higher salaries and transparent pathways for financial advancement. The
lack of available information regarding the financial positives of the teaching profession that is
available to students perpetuates the perception that it is a financially less competitive career
than others. It is also recommended that loan forgiveness programs, scholarships, and targeted
financial incentives be created and made available to students of color. This would help to
alleviate the familial and cultural pressures that the participants expressed, making teaching a
more economically attractive and feasible option.

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Enhance Supportive and Encouraging School Culture
The findings from the study demonstrated that a lack of encouragement from teachers,
along with instances of active discouragement, significantly contributed to participants’
reluctance to pursue teaching careers. Participants reported that meaningful support and positive
affirmation from influential teachers could have strongly influenced their career decisions.
District and building leadership need to encourage teachers and counselors to actively support
and affirm students’ interest in teaching careers; this will validate and strengthen students’ selfefficacy and motivation. Programming should also include career exploration programs that
provide early, positive experiences in teaching for students. This will help in building confidence
and clarifying career paths for students in education. Teacher burnout and dissatisfaction also
needs to be addressed to mitigate negatively influencing student perceptions of teachings. This
can be accomplished through teacher support systems targeting teacher dissatisfaction ensuring
that educators model teaching as a fulfilling and sustainable career choice.
Address Family and Peer Influences
The findings clearly indicated that family expectations and peer influences heavily
impacted students of color in their career decision-making processes. Participants reported
significant familial pressure to pursue careers perceived as more prestigious, financially secure,
and culturally valued, steering them away from education. Keeping this in mind, educational
leaders should engage with families and communities to reshape perceptions of teaching
addressing financial and societal prestige concerns. Leaders can emphasize teaching as a stable
career with clear advancement opportunities and financial stability. Promoting the success of
educators of color can also work to counter the perceptions that teaching lacks prestige, while at

96
the same providing students of color with role models with whom they can identify that are
successful in the profession.
Build Teacher Self-Efficacy
The participants’ concerns regarding their ability to manage classroom dynamics
effectively and meet the emotional and instructional demands of teaching can be addressed at the
K–12 school level. Providing students with practical experience and mentorship opportunities
can help to break the lack of self-confidence and discouragement that students feel towards being
able to teach. To address this issue, district and building leadership can offer practical classroom
experiences for students interested in teaching in the form of elective classes during the school
day. Current teachers can act as mentors and provide guidance and targeted support. Partnerships
with local colleges and universities could enhance such experiences and create a bridge to
teacher preparation programs at the college level. Students would be able to practice teaching
skills and strengthen their self-confidence and clarity about their potential as an educator.
Limitations
One of the major limitations that impacted this study was the accessibility to college
students. The methodology called for all the participants to come from Molloy University in
Rockville Centre, New York, but unfortunately, I was unable to distribute the screening survey in
a way that would have reached enough people to gather the required sample. The university said
it would distribute the survey, but not many students filled it out. In response to this, I decided to
print paper copies of the flyer and distribute them by hand to other universities in the area
(Hofstra University, St. John’s University, and Farmingdale State University). I placed the flyers
in the student common spaces near where students would congregate to eat or socialize on
campus. This worked, and many more students scanned the QR code and filled out the survey. I

97
still was unable to reach as many university students as I would have liked, but for the purposes
of this study, the sample was sufficient.
Another limitation was that by gathering participants for the study in the manner I did, I
limited myself to students who were in fact willing to sit for the interview with me. I believe,
based on the responses to the screening survey, this study would have been richer in student
experiences had I been able to interview all the students that filled out the survey. The students
who did agree to the interview were willing to sacrifice their time because they saw the
importance of the study. I am sure there were potential participants who had experiences just as
impactful, but they were not willing to give up their time. This could have impacted the internal
validity of the study as I only interviewed seven participants.
The study focused on New York State, and this limitation creates a threat to the external
validity of the findings. By not including participants from all 50 states, the findings of this study
are not generalizable to the nation as a whole. The findings lend themselves to just the Long
Island region of New York State.
Future Research
For future research, the sample size should be increased to have a broader range of
students and experiences to analyze, strengthening the arguments made for changes in practice
made here. Fifty-six individuals filled out the screening survey, but only seven made it into the
cohort sample. Analyzing the responses of the individuals who filled out the survey and
expanding this study into a mixed-methods approach would also provide additional data that
were not part of this study. Differentiating between urban and suburban participants with a larger
sample size could also provide further insight into the decision-making process of students of

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color growing up in different areas. This would help to strengthen the internal validity of the
study.
It would be important to design a study to better understand the implications of the lack
of students of color entering teacher preparation programs in higher education. This study could
have impact on how higher education institutions recruit and partner with school districts to
ensure that students color are not only exposed to teaching experiences in high school, but are
adequately supported during their journey to become teachers.
There are 12 countries that report higher levels of respect for teachers than the United
States, according to the Global Teacher Status Index conducted in 2018 (Dolton et al., 2018).
Further research should be done to analyze different school systems and national respect for
teachers there to better understand how students are brought up and educated to respect and
strive to be educators. This analysis will further inform how school systems in the United States
can be improved to attract more students of color into the profession.
Conclusion
In conclusion, this study underscored a critical gap within the educational practices and
societal attitudes toward teaching as a profession, particularly impacting students of color.
Students journey through their educational experiences receiving active preparation for
numerous career pathways, yet the profession of teaching remains overlooked and undervalued
as a viable career choice. The lived experiences of participants revealed that negative
perceptions of teaching, lack of representation and support, financial concerns, and inadequate
encouragement from educators collectively deter students of color from considering education as
a career path. This must change if there is any hope for the educational system in the United
States.

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Participants repeatedly emphasized that while they experienced moments of inspiration
from and deep respect for educators, these positive encounters were infrequent or not
powerful enough to counteract prevailing negative influences. Financial instability, societal
undervaluation, cultural isolation, and limited exposure to educators of similar racial and cultural
background further diminished the appeal of the teaching profession. Comparatively, professions
in other fields are actively promoted through structured career exploration, mentorship, and clear
pathways to professional and financial growth. Education as a profession lacks such deliberate,
systematic support, creating an implicit narrative that teaching is a less desirable and less
prestigious career. The implications for practice discussed are approachable and achievable for
any school district yet will remain very low on the list of priorities when superintendents assess
their district needs.
Superintendents and central offices cannot simply say they are searching for “diverse
candidates”; they need to recruit and support them actively. In our current political climate,
where the federal government is putting more responsibilities of educating students on the state
governments and local school districts, superintendents must actively work to promote and
support teachers and education as a career. It is sad that teaching is the only career we actively do
not promote as a viable career option in schools. The failure to promote teaching as a respected,
valued, and essential profession not only dissuades students considering it, but fails to respect
the teachers that are currently in the classroom. Simultaneously, it sends the message to the
community and families we serve that we do not value our teachers and the vital role they play
in the social and academic development of our future generations. This collective push to create
an environment that is conducive to the promotion of teaching as a viable and respectable
profession for students of color will not happen without the active work of the school officials

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and the teachers themselves sharing the same message about the importance of the profession.
According to the Global Teacher Status Index conducted in 2018, the United States ranked 16th
in countries that respect their teachers (Dolton et al., 2018). This statistic alone should be enough
to tell us that as a nation, we are failing our students and our teachers. As a country, we do
ourselves a disservice by not looking at what the countries at the top of this list are doing to
promote and support education as a professional endeavor and change the narrative about
teachers and teaching in the United States.
The findings of this study acknowledge an urgent need for comprehensive measures to
actively promote teaching career among students, particularly those of color. Strategies must
include enhancing the representation of teachers of color, improving financial incentives,
fostering inclusive and culturally responsive school environments, and systematically
encouraging teaching as a respected and rewarding profession. Only through addressing these
barriers can we effectively elevate teaching to the status it deserves, ensuring that students
perceive it as a viable and attractive career choice, thus enriching the future educational
workforce. The work will not be easy. It will be met with challenges that are systemic and deeply
ingrained in our education system. However, it is the most important work we can do as
educational leaders.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Miller, James Henry (author)

Core Title Barriers and pathways: understanding the underrepresentation of students of Color in teacher preparation programs in New York State

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2025-05

Publication Date 05/05/2025

Defense Date 04/23/2025

Publisher University of Southern California (original), Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag career decision-making,diversity in education,lived experiences,OAI-PMH Harvest,phenomenology,self-efficacy,students of color,teacher preparation programs,teacher shortage,teachers of color

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Advisor Crew, Rudolph (committee chair), Ott, Maria (committee member), Cash, David (committee member)

Creator Email jameshmi@usc.edu,j.miller523@gmail.com

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Legacy Identifier etd-MillerJame-13997

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Miller, James Henry

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Abstract (if available)

Abstract The United States is experiencing a critical shortage of teachers, particularly teachers of color, at a time when the nation's student population is becoming increasingly diverse. This qualitative phenomenological study explores the lived experiences of college-aged students of color in New York State who chose not to enter teacher preparation programs, despite the growing need for a more representative teaching workforce. Drawing on Social Cognitive Career Theory (SCCT) as the theoretical framework, this study examines the internal and external factors influencing students’ career decisions, including self-efficacy, outcome expectations, social and personal utility values, and environmental influences.
Seven participants representing various racial and ethnic backgrounds and enrolled in non-education majors at four universities were interviewed to uncover how their secondary school experiences shaped their decisions. The findings reveal that negative perceptions of teaching, financial concerns, lack of representation and encouragement in schools, and systemic inequities significantly influenced their choices. Despite some positive school experiences, participants largely viewed the teaching profession as underpaid, undervalued, and lacking support—perceptions often reinforced by educators themselves.
This study provides insight into the barriers that prevent students of color from pursuing careers in education and identifies key incentives that may encourage future enrollment in teacher preparation programs. The implications of these findings can inform policy and practice at both secondary and post-secondary levels, guiding initiatives to diversify the teaching workforce and address the nation’s ongoing educator shortage.