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Effects of early puberty onset in middle childhood on vocal music scores of Latino boys participating in music and sports programs

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Effects of early puberty onset in middle childhood on vocal music scores of Latino boys participating in music and sports programs

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Copyright [] Virginia Landis Stewart

Acknowledgements
This work would not have been possible without the guidance, support, and encouragement of
many extraordinary people, each of whom I hold in the highest regard and deepest gratitude.
To Dr. Ilari - my first advisor and dear friend - thank you for believing in this project from the
very beginning. Your warmth, insight, and unwavering support gave me the confidence to begin
this journey. You made the early stages of this work feel exciting and full of possibility, and I
will always be grateful for the foundation you helped me build.
To Dr. Mattio - what can I say? You stepped in at a moment when I was completely frustrated,
staring down statistical equations that refused to cooperate. With your brilliant mind and a toolkit
of more sophisticated instruments, you found a way to make the data speak - and in doing so,
helped me find my voice again. You have remained my advisor, champion, and the calm in every
storm. Thank you for talking me down from ledges more than once, for your clarity, your
patience, and your fierce commitment to seeing this work through. I am beyond lucky to have
had you in my corner.
To Dr Coppola - thank you for your thoughtful feedback, generous support, and commitment to
helping me shape this research into something meaningful. Your questions challenged me in the
best possible ways, deepening my thinking and sharpening my arguments.
I also want to express my sincere gratitude to Drs. Assal Habibi and Beatriz Ilari for their
groundbreaking work on the longitudinal Brain and Music study and for granting me access to
the rich dataset collected from children ages 5 to 14. Although I did not have direct contact with
the participants, this project would not have been possible without their contributions. Thank you
for your generosity in sharing this data and for your commitment to advancing research at the
intersection of music and human development.
To my family - thank you for your unshakable love, constant cheering, and the deep well of
patience you’ve shown me throughout this journey. To my incredible husband, Alex, I truly
could not have done this without you. Your calm presence, quiet strength, and steady belief in me
have carried me through every twist and turn. You reminded me to rest, to laugh, and to keep
going. And to my five amazing children - Zöe, Reese, Danika, Ian, and Claire - you are the
heartbeat behind everything I do. Thank you for your hugs, your laughter, your understanding
when I disappeared into my work, and your unwavering belief that “Mom can do hard things.”
The nickname you gave me - Dr. Mama - means more to me than any title ever could. I love you
all more than words can say, and I share this achievement with each of you.
To my friends and colleagues, who celebrated every tiny win and helped me laugh through the
chaos: thank you for being my village. Whether through late-night phone calls, texts of
encouragement, or shared coffees and commiseration - you kept me going.
Finally, to anyone who’s ever been told they couldn’t sing, shouldn’t sing, or weren’t good
enough: this is for you. Your voice matters. Keep singing.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………………….ii
List of Tables…………………………………………………………..…………………………iii
List of Figures……………………………………..…………………………………………..….iv
Abstract……………………………………….…………………………………………….……..v
Chapter 1: Introduction and Background………………………………………………………...1
Introduction …………………..………………………………………………………1
Problem Statement…………………………………………………………………... 3
Statement of Purpose…………………………………………………………………8
Research Questions………………………………………………………………… 10
Study Design……………………………………………………………………….. 11
Intentional Decisions That Shaped the Study……………………………………….11
Operational Definitions……………………………………………………………. 12
Theoretical Underpinnings…………………………………………………………. 14
Overview of Chapters……………………………………………………………….15
Chapter 2: Literature Review…………………………………………………………………... 16
Introduction………………………………………………………………………… 16
Chapter Organization………………………………………………………….17
Singing and Vocal Development Across the Lifespan ……………………....……..17
Puberty and the Voice Change………………………………………………...20
Gender Stereotypes……………………………………………………………25
Gender Stereotypes of Music and Musical Behaviors in Childhood……. 26
Machismo, Latin Boys, and Music Participation………………………... 28
Gender and Pitch Matching Ability………………………………………33
Puberty and Adolescence…………………………………………………………... 35
Early Puberty and Bullying…………………………………………………... 38
Music in Teaching and Learning in Childhood…………………………………….. 41
Early Childhood……………………………………………………………… 41
Middle Childhood……………………………………………………………..43
Failure to Connect……………………………………………………………. 45
Socioeconomic Status ………………………...…………………………………… 49
Sports and Music……………………………………………………………………52
The Present Study…………………………………………………………………...56
Chapter 3: Methodology……………………………………………………………………….. 59
Introduction …..……………………………………………………………………..59
Data Collection……………………………………………………………………...60
Assessment of Musical Skills……...…………………………...……………..62

Singing Task Procedure………………………………………………………..64
Data Preparation….……………...………………………………….…………65
Factors to Consider When Analyzing Singing Data………………………………...66
Live vs. Recorded Singing Prompts……………………………..….……...….66
Precision Versus Pitch……………………………………………………...….67
Hertz Versus Cents……...………………………………………...…………...68
Limitations of Using Hz to Assess Pitch Accuracy………………………69
Limitations of Using Cents to Assess Pitch Accuracy……………………71
Problematic Assessment of Poor Pitch Singing……...…………………….….73
The Far-Reaching Implications of Poor Pitch Singing……………………………...73
Singing Inaccuracies Specific to Children…………………………………………..75
Interpreting Results………………………………………………………………….77
Calculating Scores in the Present Study………………………………………78
Two-Way Mixed ANOVA…………………………………………………………...85
Fixed Effects (Repeated Measures) Regression……………………………………..86
Chapter Summary…………………………………………………………………....88
Chapter 4: Results…………………………………………………………………………..…...91
Research Questions Revisited ………………………………………………………91
Differences in OSS Between Groups………………………………………… 91
Differences in LTP Between Group...…………………………………………92
Can OSS be Predicted by LTP, Age, and Group?.............…………………….95
Predictors of OSS……………………………………………………….……..95
Summary of Results…………………………………………………………………96
Chapter Summary …………………………………………………………………..96
Chapter 5: Discussion and Implications………………………………………………………...98
Findings in the Context of Existing Literature……………………………………...99
Research Question 1……………………………………………………………….102
Research Question 2……………………………………………………………….103
Implications for Practice…………………………………………………………...105
Implications for Music Educators………………………………………………… 105
Recommendations for Parents of Young Boys in Music…………………………..106
Broader Implications for Future Research…………………………………………107
Summary of Implications…………………………………………………………..109
Limitations of the Current Study…………………………………………………..110
Chapter Summary………………………………………………………………….114
Chapter 6: Conclusions and Implications………………………………………………………115
References………………………………………………………………………………………119

List of Tables
Table 1: Cooksey's Stages of Male Changing Voice by Lowest Terminal Pitch (LTP).................83
Table 2: Statistically Significant Differences Between LTP Time Points………………………. 94
Table 3: Prediction of Boys’ OSS on LTP, Age, and Group……………………………………..96
i

List of Figures
Figure 1: Age of Psychosocial Maturation (Adolescence) and Menarche (Female Puberty)
Cooke, DiVall, and Radovick (2020)..........................................................................36
Figure 2: Component 6, Musical Skills, from the ATBSS…………………………………….. 63
Figure 3: Component 6, Musical Skills, from the ATBSS plus 5 additional exercises………...64
Figure 4: Contextual Factors Related to Pitch Inaccuracy…………………………………….. 74
Figure 5: Thematic Strategies and Research-Based Insights for Addressing Pitch
Inaccuracy in Singing……………………………………………………………77
Figure 6: Overall Singing Scores (OSS) by group over all 5 years of the study………………81
Figure 7: Overall Singing Scores (OSS) for each group by participant’s age………………….82
Figure 8: Stage of Development Level by Age using Cooksey's Stages of Male
Changing Voices……………………………………………………………………..84
Figure 9: Average Lowest Terminal Pitch (LTP) for Each Group by Participant's Age……….85
Figure 10: Long Form Data Set Observations…………………………………………………...88
Figure 11: Ways Parents Can Support Boys’ Singing and Vocal Development……………….. 107
ii

Abstract
This dissertation investigates the developmental trajectories of boys aged 6-11 from a
socioeconomically disadvantaged area of Los Angeles, focusing on how intensive participation
in music versus sports programs influences physiological and developmental outcomes.
Employing a quasi-experimental design, the study compares three groups: boys enrolled in an
intensive music program, those participating in an intensive sports program, and a control group
with no structured extracurricular involvement. A prominent developmental indicator examined
is the rate of boys’ voice changes as measured by their lowest terminal pitch, which serves as a
biological gauge of pubertal development. The study examines whether a boy’s singing ability
can be predicted by age, pubertal stage, and participation in either sports or music, exploring
whether the cognitive, motor, and auditory demands of musical training correspond with a slower
developmental trajectory compared to the physical demands of sports. Initial results show that
boys in the music program experienced different rates of voice changes compared to those in the
sports program, which suggests that musical training may affect vocal development in
unexpected ways. Results showed patterns related to age, vocal development, and activity group,
though several limitations may have influenced the outcomes and should be considered when
interpreting the findings. Findings from this research may have significant implications for
educational policy, program design, and understanding child development within
socioeconomically disadvantaged communities.
Keywords: music education, vocal development, pubertal development, puberty, singing,
quasi-experimental design, developmental trajectories.
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Effects of Early Puberty Onset in Middle Childhood on Vocal Music Scores of Latino Boys
Participating in Music and Sports Programs
Chapter 1: Introduction And Background
Introduction
Singing is ubiquitous in childhood. It is as natural as speaking as a primary means of
human expression and communication (Samama, 2016; Cohen, 2015; Nguyen et al., 2023).
Henwood (2023) said, “I believe that singing is a natural form of human expression and, for this
reason, is for everyone” (p.13). The pitch, tone, and timbre of the voice communicate ideas,
feelings, physical health, and stages of development in a way that words may not convey,
especially if the speaker is unaware of the particulars of their situation. Children begin to sing
very early in life as a form of communication, expression, and play (Ilari & Habibi, 2015, p. 266;
Welch, 2006). Many continue to sing recreationally and professionally through adulthood and
into old age. Many more, however, stop singing around 8 years old (Cohen, 2015), which is also
when many boys believe that singing is only meant for those who are musically inclined (Ilari &
Habibi, 2015).
The idea that singing is not an activity in which everyone can participate could begin
forming as early as age five, before boys even begin formal schooling, in the form of masculine
and feminine gender associations with musical activities (Hall, 2005; Harrison, 2007). The idea
that singing is not appropriate can also emerge later on, when boys' developing identities are
influenced by several factors, including but not limited to parental, teacher, or other adult’s
comments, peer feedback, culture, socioeconomic status (SES), and the challenges of changing
bodies and voices in the pubertal stage (Cooksey, 1977, 1999; Demorest & Clements, 2007;
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Killian 1999; Laube & Fuhrmann, 2020). Physical maturation also plays a vital role in shaping
and fine-tuning boys' musical identities, including in the relationship to singing.
There is consistent reciprocity between social and biological experiences throughout life,
especially during puberty. Studying puberty and the onset of adolescence into adulthood is vital
to understanding maturation's social and physical ramifications. Puberty forms a critical pathway
between childhood and adulthood, creating new connections between social and biological age.
Puberty is generally believed to begin between the ages of 11 to 15 for boys and 10 to 14 for
girls, and one of the primary markers of the onset of puberty is the adolescent vocal mutation,
also known as voice change (Cooksey, 1977). Both boys and girls experience voice change as
part of pubertal development (Cooksey, 1977; Gackle, 1985), though the voice change in boys is
much more pronounced and has been more thoroughly researched (Henwood, 2023; Cooksey,
1977; Demorest & Clements, 2007). Voice change in girls is much less dramatic but just as
influential and potentially traumatic as in boys (Gackle, 2019; Sweet, 2018).
Fear of rejection by one’s peers, or failure and the ensuing punishment - including
disapproval, ridicule, or disappointment by a respected authority figure (i.e., teacher, parent, or
other role model) - could make even attempting to sing for others too much of an emotional risk.
Embarrassment from the reaction (or anticipated reaction) of being singled out for either singing
well or poorly could be a deterrent from singing at all when finding one's place and fitting in is a
fundamental social goal (Hall, 2005). As Hall (2005) once asked: “Why do girls like singing?
Because boys don’t like it. Why? Because I don’t like it. Why? Because some people might
laugh at you” (p. 13). These pressures may be heightened for Latino boys, particularly in
communities where machismo reinforces traditional norms of masculinity that discourage
expressive or performative behaviors like singing. In such contexts, singing may be perceived as
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inconsistent with “masculine” identity, which can further suppress participation and negatively
shape a boy’s perceived ability or willingness to sing in front of others (Palkki, 2020; Freer,
2014).
Physical issues such as discomfort and vocal strain can also lead one to think that they are
just not meant to sing. Whatever the reason, be it frustration, puberty, fear of rejection,
embarrassment or pain, or any other potential scenarios, effective deterrents abound to keep
people from pursuing this activity that should be pleasurable and a way to connect with others.
Problem Statement
Researchers have studied voice change for decades and have created an extensive body
of work focused on understanding how the physical mutations of puberty change in conjunction
with the psychosocial changes in adolescence (e.g., evolving awareness of self and others,
emotions, and cognition) may affect a boy’s desire to sing (Henwood, 2023; Hall, 2005;
Warzecha, 2013). We have learned from exhaustive dives into this subject how youths respond
and process the voice change during puberty in adolescence. However, there is a paucity of
studies, longitudinal or otherwise, on the potential emotional and practical toll of early vocal
development due to the onset of early puberty in boys. This is specifically the case for
elementary school-aged boys between first grade and fifth grade, who are approximately
between the ages of 6 and 10 years old, and sometimes younger (Fisher, 2010). The failure of
current literature to address the potential effects of early pubertal onset in middle childhood is
most likely a result of the belief that the age of pubertal onset (11 to 15 in boys and 10 to 14 in
girls) does not correspond with the years of elementary school education (roughly ages 6-11
years old), and, therefore, does not require inquiry. However, children are in a constant state of
development, and there is evidence that depending on a combination of race, culture and SES,
3

the onset of puberty may start as early as eight years old (Mendle & Koch, 2019; Fisher, 2010).
Additionally, because of its continuum status, the onset of puberty could happen even earlier than
that (Styne, 2020), opening up the possibility of early puberty’s influence on physical discomfort,
past singing-related embarrassments, and musical self-esteem all of which affect a child’s
perception and presentation of their musical ability (Martin & Steinbeck, 2017).
While there is a litany of research on the effect of puberty on voice change, little research
has been conducted to study how children perceive and feel about their voices during the voice
change. Many adolescents’ experiences with voice change are not positive, and some of these
experiences may cause a decline in a boy’s belief that he can sing in any acceptable way. (Hall,
2005; Laube & Fuhrman, 2020; Martin & Steinbeck, 2017; Warzecha, 2013). Such defeatist
attitudes toward singing ability may prompt poor performance in singing presentations,
deepening boys' beliefs that they are not singers, ultimately creating a spiral that is very hard to
dispel, if it is even attempted.
High musical motivation is essential to musicians and people who appreciate and
participate in music. Music educators, and vocal music teachers in particular, are profoundly
affected by musical motivation because high levels of vocal music motivation may increase
participation in singing activities both in school and in life (Martin & Steinbeck, 2017). The
unique problems associated with the middle childhood voice change should also be of interest to
elementary general music educators, who are in an optimal position to encourage boys' musical
development and mindset. Elementary school teachers’ lack of knowledge and awareness of this
critical time may inadvertently cause some boys to connect negative experiences related to early
physical development, such as frustration, pain, shame and embarrassment to singing. As noted,
4

these experiences may lead boys to stop singing altogether (Welch, 2006; Freer, 2018; Warzecha,
2013).
Elementary and Secondary music educators must be equipped to recognize the signs of
voice changes in boys of all ages and respond appropriately to their emotional reactions.
Supporting a child’s self-esteem and singing motivation during this critical stage is essential for
their overall development. Choral educators, in particular, have expressed a need for more
information on guiding students through puberty-related voice changes (Fisher, 2021).
Unfortunately, teacher training programs often fail to prepare middle school choral educators for
this challenge and provide even less guidance for elementary music teachers (Fisher, 2021).
Awareness and preparation for this pivotal period in a child’s musical life are nearly absent in
current training frameworks (Phillips & Doneski, 2011). This lack of preparation can
inadvertently lead to emotional damage, as well-meaning but uninformed educators’ comments
or actions by educators may undermine a child’s confidence. When boys enter junior high or
middle school, their perception of themselves as “non-singers” may have already taken root,
making it increasingly difficult for them to re-engage in singing.
A related issue and significant challenge in vocal programs is the well-documented and
widespread lack of male participation (Freer, 2007; Freer, 2014; Sweet, 2010; Kelley, 2020).
This issue is a source of frustration for many choral directors (Freer, 2007; Demorest, 2000) and
often becomes most pronounced during puberty, when many boys leave choirs. This decline in
participation is likely due to the societal perceptions of singing as a feminine activity (Freer,
2007), peer pressure (Demorest, 2000), and a lack of confidence in their ability to sing due to
the voice change experienced in puberty (Sweet, 2010). In pursuit of understanding the causes
and ultimately finding solutions to this problem, researchers and music educators alike have
5

looked for answers in children's and adolescents’ perspectives of their own singing experiences
and voice change (Killian & Wayman, 2010). Others have used singing accuracy tests as a
starting point to predict a boy’s interest in singing over other pursuits, like sports.
Testing children can be significantly more difficult than testing and interviewing adults,
and ample literature exists on this topic (Piaget, 1965; Stumm and Plomin, 2015; Yeung, et al.,
2020). Interviewing and testing children involves unique challenges and can be more
challenging than testing adults due to differences in their development, emotional responses,
and how their environment affects their performance.
A child’s physical, cognitive, and emotional development can significantly impact test
performance. Research has shown that children often think and process information differently
than adults, making it harder to interpret their results (Stumm & Plomin, 2015). This
developmental difference means that tests designed for adults may not be suitable for children, so
assessments need to be age-appropriate to accurately measure what children can do (Yeung et al.,
2020). Emotions also play a big role in children’s performance. Children may feel anxious or
nervous during testing, which can lead to results that don’t reflect their actual abilities. This is
especially true in high-pressure situations, where the perceived stress of needing to perform well
can be scary or overwhelming (Robson et al., 2023). The environment can equally affect how well
children do on tests. Children are often more sensitive to distractions, like outside noises or
unfamiliar surroundings, making it harder for them to focus (Santangelo et al., 2018; Klatte et al.,
2013).
Children's feelings and expectations about the test can also complicate testing. Their
behavior and performance can be influenced by their understanding of what important adults, or
their peers think about the test (Stumm & Plomin, 2015; Mokrova et al., 2023; Rosenthal et al.,
6

1968). Testing children usually requires discrete methods, diversion, and constant assessment of
the child’s attentional and emotional states, all while recognizing and accommodating the
physical and emotional elements affecting their voices and attitudes as they mature and change in
puberty (Rutkowski, 1990). These factors suggest that assessments must be specifically designed
to consider boys' unique cognitive and emotional development.
Many major studies on puberty have primarily looked at white adolescents from middleand upper-class backgrounds (Mendle & Koch, 2019). Findings from these studies are
problematic because conclusions based on their results, such as the age of the voice change, the
importance of music to everyday lives, and even gender stereotypes, have limited
generalizability beyond this group. Many studies do not necessarily apply to the rest of the
non-white, non-middle-class population. Some reasons for this might include:
● Sampling bias: research participants frequently come from convenience samples (college
students, affluent communities), limiting the diversity of study participants. As a result,
findings might not generalize beyond the predominantly white, middle-class populations
frequently studied.
● Cultural bias and assumptions: Many studies are based on theoretical frameworks or
measurement tools developed within Western, middle-class cultural contexts. These tools
may not accurately capture behaviors, values, or experiences in other cultural or
socioeconomic contexts.
● Economic or Social inequalities: Socioeconomic factors (poverty, limited access to resources,
education disparities, systemic racism) profoundly shape experiences and development.
Studies that ignore these factors or fail to explicitly account for them may not accurately
reflect the lived experiences of diverse populations.
7

● Representation and inclusion: Lack of representation among researchers themselves can limit
perspectives included in study design and interpretation of results. Researchers may
unintentionally overlook culturally specific factors, further constraining applicability.
Addressing the issues of gender stereotyping, Socioeconomic Status (SES), puberty, and
the societal relevance of singing is critical to student retention in music programs, and research
must look beyond white middle-class middle school students to get a better understanding of
what is making a difference for the student population as a whole. More studies from low- and
middle-income populations are needed to help us better understand attitudes about gender-based
music-making in middle childhood and adolescence (Kågesten, 2016). Additionally, there is a
need to examine the experiences of students from diverse racial and ethnic groups, as well as
longitudinal research with multiple data points per child participant.
Statement of Purpose
The purpose of this study is to determine if the singing ability of males, as assessed by an
overall singing score, can be predicted by the child’s participation in music or sports, age, and
level of pubertal development as established by Cooksey (1977). By examining these factors,
the study aims to explore the relationship between structured extracurricular activities and vocal
development during critical stages of childhood and adolescence, contributing to a deeper
understanding of how environmental and biological influences shape developmental trajectories.
The idea for this study was inspired by Habibi and Ilari’s (2014) longitudinal Brain and Music
study, which explored the effects of music and sports training on various aspects of child
development. Their work provided a foundation for investigating how intensive engagement in
different extracurricular activities influences vocal and musical development. The singing scores
calculated in this project reference data collected from Habibi and Ilari’s study, which tracked
8

brain, cognitive, socio-emotional, motor, and musical development of underserved students
involved in extracurricular music and sports programs. The data recorded to address musical
development, and more specifically, singing development consisted of spoken interviews with
boys, a test of their pitch-matching ability using the AIRS Test Battery of Singing Skills or
ATBSS (Cohen, 2015), and their ability to improvise endings to a musical prompt.
Study participants were predominantly underprivileged children of Latino ethnicity in
Los Angeles. They had been selected via lottery to participate in an intense after-school soccer
program or a similarly intense instrumental music program with the Youth Orchestra of Los
Angeles. A matched control group of children from the same communities and schools not
involved with either after-school program also participated in this study.
Based on early evaluations, I suspected that there was a way to predict a boy’s overall
singing score using each boy’s lowest terminal pitch (LTP) and their ability to match a pitch
based on their association with either the music or sports programs. Children in music programs
are vigorously trained to perceive and produce pitches and pitch sequences through singing and
performing. They are to practice playing with the correct pitches and strive to always perform
music correctly on pitch, since pitch, according to Krumhansl (1990), “...is one of the
fundamental dimensions of music, providing the basis for melody, harmony, and tonality.” (p. 1).
Sports teams typically do not address musical pitch in their programs or put any effort into
training participants to achieve accuracy with the pitch of their voices.
This quantitative study analyzed data from three groups of boys participating in music,
sports, and a control group at five different time points between the ages of as they age from 6
years old to 11 years old. After calculating the OSS for each boy for each session, I calculated
the OSS means for each study group. I found that the Music group had an overall percentage
9

score of 75%, the Control group had an overall percentage score of 67.60%, and the Sports group
had an overall percentage score of 59.49%. I expected the music group would perform well and
would achieve higher performance scores than the boys in sports and control, since they were
being tested on pitch matching, a musical skill. But why would boys in the sports group perform
poorer than the control group? Upon further investigation of the different factors that might
influence the boys’ Overall Singing Score (OSS), I suspected that early puberty might be playing
a role in boys’ pitch-matching abilities, and that somehow, the very nature of their participation
in sports or lack of involvement in any systematic, extra-curricular program (i.e., sports and
control groups) could also be making some sort of impact on their pitch matching abilities. I
wondered how age, stage of puberty, and participation in an intense sports or music program
might be used to predict the overall singing score of boys between the ages of 6 and 11 years old.
Each boy’s individual stage of puberty was determined based on Cooksey’s (1977) stages
of vocal development, which reference a boy’s lowest terminal pitch (LTP) as an indicator of
developmental progress. Terminal pitches were collected over the entirety of the spoken
interview and singing sessions, with concerted attempts to recognize and disregard obvious
“vocal fry” in the boy’s spoken pitches, possibly due to voice change, among other factors,
which would skew the results. In general, puberty is believed to start in middle childhood,
oftentimes after age 11, and in this study, I sought to understand the relationships between LTP
scores and puberty, and in light of Cooksey’s (1977) Developmental Stages of Vocal Growth.,
Specifically, I aimed to understand whether some boys were already in what Cooksey (1977)
termed “later stages of vocal maturation” (Cooksey, 1977).
Research Questions
The research questions that guided the current study were:
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1. Are there differences in boys’ ability to sing accurately - as determined by the
Overall Singing Score (OSS) calculated from the ATBSS, and different rates of pubertal
developmental using the Lowest Terminal Pitch scores (used in Cooksey’s (1977) Stages of Male
Changing Voice by Lowest Terminal Pitch, the metric developed to determine a boy’s stage of
pubertal development) based on their involvement in a music program, where accurate pitch is a
primary focus, or a sports program, where pitch accuracy is not part of import nor interest?
2. Can LTP scores, age, and participation in sports or music programs predict a boy’s
OSS scores?
Study Design
This study employed a quasi-experimental design to explore the physical developmental
trajectories of boys in three groups: music, sports, and a control group. Data were collected at
five key points corresponding to the boys’ ages, from 6 to 11 years. This design enables an
examination of how participation in music or sports activities might influence developmental
outcomes compared to the control group, which does not engage in these structured activities.
The absence of random assignment reflects the real-world nature of group membership (Shadish,
et at., 2002), while the use of multiple data points allows for a longitudinal analysis of changes
over time, offering valuable insights into age-related patterns and differences between groups
(Singer & Willett, 2003).
Intentional Decisions That Shaped the Study
This study provides valuable insights into how participation in intensive music and sports
programs may affect the rate of boys’ voice changes, measured by their lowest terminal pitch.
The design choices made in this study were intentional to keep the focus clear and the research
11

manageable. The lottery-based assignment to the music and sports programs helped reduce
selection bias, though the control group was not randomized.
A key factor in this study was that the data came from an existing dataset, so the
information available for each participant was limited to what had already been collected. While
factors like health, nutrition, genetics, and stress could also affect voice changes, I focused on
program participation as the main factor since other data were not available. Similarly, more
detailed biological measures, like hormone levels, could have given additional insights, but they
were not part of the original dataset.
This study looked at boys from a specific low-income community, so the findings may
not apply to other groups. The long-term design allowed for tracking changes over time, but it
did not focus on short-term shifts in pitch. These choices helped keep the study practical while
still providing useful information about how different activities might influence voice changes
during childhood.
Operational Definitions
The following definitions help contextualize this dissertation’s focus on the possible
developmental differences between music and sports participation and their effect on a boy’s
overall singing score. Considering the current political climate, it's wise to clarify the term "Boy"
to reflect contemporary sensitivity clearly and inclusively. Below are the definitions of the terms
relevant to this dissertation:
1. Boy: Refers to a participant assigned male at birth, recognizing that gender identity may
or may not align with biological sex assigned at birth.
2. Child: In specific reference to this study, the term “child” refers to boys.
12

3. Gender: though frequently conflated with biological sex, refers to socially constructed
roles, behaviors, and attributes considered appropriate for individuals based on cultural and
social expectations, distinct from biological sex. Mixing these terms can oversimplify research
findings, especially when studying how musical experiences might differ based on biology
versus social expectations.
4. Lowest Terminal Pitch (LTP) is the lowest pitch that a person produces casually and
comfortably. LTP is often used as an indicator of voice maturation, especially during puberty.
5. Middle Childhood: A developmental stage usually defined as the ages between 6 and 11
years. It is a time of significant physical, cognitive, social, and emotional growth.
6. Music Program: A structured program of instrumental practice and performance. In this
study, it refers to an intensive program whose focus was on musical training with the Youth
Orchestra of Los Angeles. This program also emphasized skill development and practice, and its
participants were also selected by lottery.
7. Overall Singing Score: A composite measure evaluating a participant’s singing
pitch-matching ability over a series of ten vocal exercises.
8. Pitch Matching: the ability to copy a specific pitch or tone when singing. In the original
study, the boys' ability to replicate pitches was used to assess musical ability and vocal control.
9. Sports Program: Organized physical activities or games that involve skill, competition,
and teamwork. In this study, “sports program” refers to intensive participation in a structured
soccer program aimed at increasing physical skill, physical development, and teamwork whose
participants were chosen by lottery.
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10. Voice Change: A natural developmental process during puberty, more pronounced in
boys, where the vocal cords grow longer and thicken, causing the voice to deepen and become
more resonant. Voice change is usually measured through changes in pitch or vocal range.
Theoretical Underpinnings
This dissertation is guided by the theoretical framework and literature on vocal
development, mainly from the writings of Cooksey (1977, 1992, 1999), Sweet (2016), and Fisher
(2014), all of whom give valuable insight into the physiological and developmental process of
the pubertal voice change in adolescents.
Cooksey’s (1992) Theory of Adolescent Vocal Development creates a framework for
understanding pubertal voice change. Cooksey developed a systematic progression of vocal
changes in boys during puberty, marked by lowering pitch ranges and changes in vocal quality.
His work defines voice change stages and the effect of physical maturation on vocal abilities,
offering a structured lens for analyzing the rate of vocal development in boys going through
puberty.
Sweet’s (2016) Growing Musicians: Teaching Music in Middle School and Beyond
piggybacks on Cooksey’s (1992) theories by emphasizing the social and emotional elements
influencing voice change. Sweet explains how environmental factors and participation in music
programs affect vocal development. In her writing, she offers a systematic series of stages for
voice change in girls. She encourages consideration of not only physiological but also
psychological changes and suggests pedagogical strategies to help support children during the
vocal changes that happen during puberty, particularly in structured programs like choirs.
In addition to Cooksey (1992) and Sweet (2016), Fisher’s (2014) Theoretical Framework
on Vocal Development also guides the analysis. Fisher’s research emphasizes the relevance of
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physiological and psychological factors in the puberty-related voice change process. His writing
centers on the relationship between emotional expression, social identity, and voice maturation
and suggests that external influences, like the social and educational environment, can impact
how boys experience puberty-related voice change.
Together, the theoretical perspectives of Cooksey, Sweet, and Fisher provide a
comprehensive lens for understanding pubertal voice change. Cooksey (1992) focuses on the
physical stages of voice maturation, Sweet (2016) explores context and environment, and Fisher
(2014) adds emotional and social considerations to form a multi-level view of the voice change.
This combination of theories helps to frame the exploration of how the lowest terminal pitch,
age, and participation in intensive music and sports programs can be used to predict the overall
singing score in boys going through puberty. By integrating these perspectives, this dissertation
considers biological, contextual, and psychological contributors to the observed differences in
voice change rates.
Overview of Chapters
The remainder of this dissertation is organized as follows: Chapter 2 includes a literature
review. Chapter 3 offers a thorough description of the study design, data collection tools, and
analytical approaches used to analyze the data. Chapter 4 discusses the results. Chapter 5 offers
conclusions, implications, and suggestions for future research and practice.
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Chapter 2: Literature Review
Introduction
The literature review consulted various sources, including documents regarding puberty
and singing (from the National Association of Music Education (NAfME)) that were sought out
and reviewed. The music educator practitioner journals General Music Today and Teaching
Music provide information on teaching and testing young children to the music education
community. Practitioner journals outside of music education, such as Current Opinions in
Behavioral Sciences, Child Development Perspectives, Adolescence and Sports, and Frontiers in
Human Neuroscience, looked at music and sports group differences before intense training
began, how adolescents in sports programs deal with puberty, issues of early puberty and gender
attitudes in early adolescence. Peer-reviewed journals within the arts, music, and general
education, such as Journal of Historical Research in Music Education, Journal of Research in
Music Education, British Journal of Music Education, Musicae Scientiae, and Update:
Applications of Research in Music Education focus on the changing male voice, the changing
female voice, the effect of ethnicity on the age of onset in the voice change and boy’s perception
on singing. The peer-reviewed journal outside of the arts and education, the Journal of Child and
Adolescent Behaviour, focused on boys’ and girls’ differing attitudes during adolescence.
Peer-reviewed book chapters within the Body, Mind, and Voice, The Routledge International
Handbook of Young Children’s Thinking and Understanding, and The Oxford Handbook of
Singing series provided in-depth studies of musical thinking and the male and female adolescent
voice transformation. Finally, I reviewed several dissertations on topics such as singing during
puberty, singing in childhood, and case studies of music educators and their experiences with
adolescent singers.
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Chapter Organization
This chapter is organized as follows: I begin by discussing singing in early childhood,
exploring how cultural influences and singing accuracy shape boys' perceptions of vocal
programs, particularly as they transition through puberty. The next section examines differing
perspectives on the impact of voice changes during puberty. This is followed by an analysis of
gender stereotypes, including gender’s role in childhood musical choices, the selection of
instruments, and pitch-matching ability.
The chapter then transitions to a discussion of the disparity between puberty and
adolescence, focusing on the potential connections between early puberty and bullying. Finally,
the literature review concludes with an exploration of music in schools, covering topics such as
early childhood music programs, the failure of school music programs to align with students’
interests, the similarities between music and sports programs including advantages and struggles
with children going through puberty, and a review of studies directly relevant to this current
study.
Singing and Vocal Development Across the Lifespan
There is evidence of people singing in every cultural setting across time and place, and
over the centuries, singing has been recognized and understood as a method for expressing and
sharing the human experience and cultural relevance (Phillips, 1985). “Music, specifically
singing, may provide a viable outlet for self-expression and a mechanism for encouraging
positive self-esteem in young females” (Gackle, 2006, p.32). Phillips (1985) asked, "If singing is
such a powerful means of expression, captivating the hearts and minds of youths, why do so few
youths choose to participate actively as singers (p.20)?” This question is not new, as 400 years
17

ago, William Byrd (1543-1623) asked, “Since singing is so good a thing… Why don’t all men
want to sing?” To date, no one has found the answer.
Singing is as natural and widespread as speaking (Berkowska & Dalla Bella, 2013; Dalla
Bella, et al., 2007; Pfordresher & Brown, 2007). Singing is also ubiquitous throughout childhood
(Ilari, 2014). Research in early childhood has helped situate singing within a wide array of
learning contexts and has enabled us to better understand young children as social-musical actors
and music as a social-cultural practice (Ilari, 2014). Singing is a natural form of communication,
expression, and play (Ilari & Habibi, 2015). Many people sing throughout their lives–from early
childhood into late adulthood. However, as we will see later on, many others stop singing for
various reasons, including social and gender expectations or simply the feeling that they cannot
do it (Fisher, 2014).
Culture plays a prominent role in children’s perceptions of and responses to music (Ilari,
2014), and in their overall socialization. Throughout history, children have been socialized from
very early ages to conform to cultural rules of how to “be” girls and boys (Kågesten, et al.,
2016). Gender stereotypes in adolescence, for example, assign different motivations and
activities to girls and boys according to culturally sanctioned interpretations of what is
appropriately masculine and feminine.
Early adolescence, which is generally thought to happen between ages 10–14, is when
personal gender attitudes intensify as puberty reshapes male and female self-perception and
social expectations from others (e.g., family members, peers) (Kågesten, 2016). The idea that
singing is not an activity in which everyone can participate could begin forming as early as age
five before children even begin formal schooling in the form of masculine and feminine gender
associations with musical activities (Hall, 2005; Warzecha, 2013). Over the course of child
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development, boys may adopt the belief that they do not or should not sing as part of their
ongoing process of identity formation. At this time, their developing identities are influenced by
other factors, such as the challenges of changing bodies and voices in the pubertal stage (Laube
& Fuhrman, 2020). Physical maturation plays a vital role in shaping and fine-tuning children’s
musical thinking (Welch, 2006). Negative feelings about singing could come from negative
singing experiences, a negative perception of their own ability to sing, and social and cultural
influences and expectations (Ilari, 2014; Kågesten, 2016). Parental pressure (Harrison, 2007),
poor instructors (Phillips and Aitchison, 1999), the culture of schools, and harassment from peers
(Fisher, 2009; Harrison, 2007) can all play a part in a boy’s motivation to sing. These factors
create the norms shaping how children and adolescents see themselves, form relationships, and
engage in all social behaviors (Kågesten, 2016).
Voice control and pitch matching can be challenging during the voice change associated
with puberty. Unsuccessful attempts to sing that cause physical discomfort, embarrassment, or
feelings of failure could add to a boy's negative attitude toward singing. Physical discomfort can
result from trying to sing notes outside of the comfortable singing range, which is very limited
during puberty (Cooksey, 1999; Freer, 2018). The physiological changes associated with early
puberty can lead to a mismatch between a boy's emotional maturity and his physical
development. Ansari (2015) suggested that while boys’ bodies mature at earlier and earlier ages,
their emotional development may not keep pace. During this transitional period, many boys may
find themselves physically mature but lacking the emotional skills necessary to cope with the
challenges and social expectations of a more mature person (Ansari, 2015). While boys navigate
the complexities of their changing bodies, they struggle to maintain their social identities (Freer,
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2018). The emotional toll of feeling different from peers can lead to increased anxiety and a
sense of being out of sync with their peers.
Existing research has not found correlations between participation in music programs,
such as children’s choirs, and the development of the singing voice as measured in stages or
levels (Mizener, 1993; Phillips & Aitchison, 1999). These findings support the idea that boys
with negative attitudes toward singing are not necessarily those with the least developed singing
voices (Phillips & Aitchison, 1999). Gender and sociocultural factors may well be influencing
their singing behavior (Hall, 2005). However, the successes or failures from previous
singing-voice development experiences may influence the motivation to sing later in adolescence
(Laube & Fuhrman, 2020; Martin & Steinbeck, 2017). While there are ample studies on the
adolescent voice change commencing in Jr. High School (Fisher, 2014; Sweet, 2015; Cooksey,
1999), most of them do not examine musical motivation at the elementary school level, when,
according to Cohen (2015), most people stop singing.
Puberty and the Voice Change
In past eras, such as the Mesolithic and Roman, and until the late 20th century, puberty
and adolescence were described as being commonly experienced concurrently. Adolescence
occurred somewhat before puberty, making the term “adolescent” applicable because it
encompassed both stages of development (Steinberg, 2014). Today, there is evidence that various
factors such as SES, nutrition, lifestyles, and obesity have led to a mismatch in development
rates in which the physical stages of development in puberty occur markedly earlier than the
abilities to meet the psychosocial maturation of adolescence (Steinberg, 2014; Mendle & Koch,
2019)
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In this dissertation, the term puberty is used to refer to the physical changes generally
believed to occur between the ages of 9.7 - 14 for girls and 10.4 - 13 for boys, while the term
adolescence will refer to the psychosocial changes encountered around this time (Cooke et al.,
2020; Steinberg, 2014; Kågesten, et al., 2016). While often conflated, the two terms refer to
different physical and psychosocial stages that may or may not overlap.
Physically, puberty marks a time of reproductive maturation, intensified awareness of
gender roles and increased engagement in sex-stereotyped behavior (Mendle & Koch, 2019).
During this time, the male vocal folds grow somewhere between 4-11mm - up to 60% - to a
length of 17-23mm. The larynx grows horizontally as the angle of the male thyroid cartilage
decreases to 90 degrees, resulting in the appearance of an Adam’s apple and the deepening of the
voice by more than an octave. In contrast, female vocal cords typically grow 2-4mm - about 34%
- and reach a length of 13-14mm by the end of puberty (Harries et al., 1998). The female's larynx
vertically while the thyroid cartilage remains at 120 degrees (Kahane, 1982). For both sexes, the
epiglottis flattens, grows, and elevates, while the laryngeal mucosa becomes stronger and thicker
for both sexes (Kahane, 1983). Timbre and vocal weight are the most significant changes
noticeable in adolescents going through the voice change. Increased huskiness in the voice can
be heard in both male and female voices as they mature (Cooksey, 1977).
The earlier a boy goes through puberty, the more developed they appear. This mismatch
of maturing bodies and boyish understandings of the world may cause adults to assume the boy
has also matured psychosocially, misleading adults about boys’ psychosocial and emotional
abilities and needs (Steinberg, 2014; Styne, 2020). In current times, topics of sex and gender are
exceptionally prominent for the very young, presented through social media, advertising,
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gaming, and other entertainment sources, possibly in response to the perception of children’s
earlier physical maturation (Mendle, Beltz, & Carter, 2019).
Studies show that race, culture, BMI, and SES affect the onset of puberty, causing groups
of children to start developing even earlier (Fisher, 2010; Styne, 2020). Observable physical
changes caused by rises in adrenal hormones (e.g., dehydroepiandrosterone, or DHEA) and
gonadal hormones (e.g., estrogen and testosterone) – the hormones that rise at the start of puberty
- begin at roughly 6 to 8 years of age, which bring voice changes. These hormones also change
the skin, body hair, and height (Mendle & Koch, 2019; Styne, 2020) - well before adolescence is
believed to begin.
An area of voice research that has received significant attention over the past several
decades is the declining age of onset of voice change (Cooksey, 1977, 1999; Evans et al., 2009;
Fisher, 2010; Gackle, 1991, 2019; Killian, 1999; Wright, 2021). Voice change has been proven to
accurately indicate puberty's developmental stages (Cooksey, 1999; Friddle, 2005). Incidents of
early voice changes may align with recent studies performed in the medical community that have
shown the onset of pubertal maturation to occur earlier than ever (Fisher, 2010; Styne, 2020).
According to boys' choirmasters in Europe, boys are beginning puberty at increasingly
younger ages (Woolston, 2019), a finding that is consistent with academic research (Cooksey,
1977; Fisher, 2010; Friddle, 2005; Killian, 1999; Wright, 2021). In the 1900s, a typical boy's
voice may have changed between 16 and 18 years. A study of the onset of voice change in boys
approximated the average onset in 1939 at 14.25 years (Sturdy, 1939; as cited in Fisher, 2010).
By 1971, the age of onset in boys had decreased to 13.8 years (Friesen, 1972; as cited in Fisher,
2010), and in 1988, Cooksey wrote, "For the majority of boys, voice maturation begins at twelve
22

to thirteen years of age, reaches its most active phase between thirteen and fourteen, then tapers
off between fifteen and eighteen" (as cited in Fisher, 2010, p. 127).
Mendle and Koch’s (2019) highlighted the need for a broader understanding of puberty,
emphasizing the importance of examining not only its biological aspects but also its
psychological and social dimensions. They argued that puberty is a time of significant emotional
and social development, affecting self-esteem, identity, and relationships, yet much of the
existing research overlooks these important areas. They called for more attention to how puberty
interacts with environmental factors, such as family and SES, and how these influences shape
adolescents' experiences. The authors also advocated for using diverse methodological
approaches to capture the complexity of puberty's impact on adolescents and how they cope with
its challenges (Mendle & Koch, 2019).
Several studies have been conducted on the topic of voice maturation and change.
Hollien, Green, and Massey (1994) measured the vocal range and speaking fundamental
frequency of 48 males over five years and concluded that the age of onset of the voice mutation
was 13.4 years (as cited in Fisher, 2010). It should be noted that the researchers did not use
Cooksey's Contemporary Eclectic Theory's voice mutation stages. Later studies that used
Cooksey's voice mutation classification stages found an earlier onset of voice change (Fisher,
2010; Killian, 1999; Mendle & Koch, 2019; Rutkowski, 1984).
Rutkowski's (1984) research focused on developing a reliable method to evaluate the
singing voice development of children and adolescents, particularly during pubertal voice
change. She introduced the Singing Voice Development Measure (SVDM), a tool designed to
assess aspects such as pitch matching, vocal range, and vocal quality as they evolve through
puberty. During assessments, children were asked to echo patterns sung by the examiner, both
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with text and on a neutral syllable like "bum," to evaluate their use of singing voice (Rutkowski,
1984; Rutkowski & Miller, 2002). The study examined how external factors, such as musical
training, influenced children’s ability to use their singing voices. The longitudinal approach taken
by Rukowski has provided valuable insights into how adolescents navigate the challenges of
voice changes, particularly during puberty, when the voice change is the most dramatic.
Killian (1999) conducted a study on fifth- and sixth-grade students (N =99) to explore the
vocal development of pre-pubescent boys and boys starting to go through the voice change to
better understand the onset of and progression of the effects of puberty on the voice. She gave
the boys a set of tasks designed to assess vocal range, tessitura, and the overall timbre of the
boys’ voices during the pubertal voice changes. Specifically, boys’ ability to match pitch, sing
scales, and sustain a single note to evaluate their voice quality, control, and breath support were
examined. Results indicated that of the 56 fifth graders in this study, 50% had already entered
one of Cooksey's voice change stages. Only 8 of the 43 sixth-grade students' voices were
unchanged, leading Killian to conclude that the average age of onset in her fifth- and sixth-grade
participants was 11.74 years (Fisher, 2010; Killian, 1999)
Fisher (2010) conducted a study to compare the onset of the pubertal voice changes
between African American, White, and Hispanic boys in 4th, 5th, and 6th grades using
Cooksey’s vocal maturation stages. Participants (N =197) were recorded singing three ascending
and three descending glissandi on an “ah” syllable. The study found that 46% of fourth-grade
participants, 62% of fifth-grade participants, and 67% of sixth-grade participants were classified
as having changing voices. The mean for the onset of the voice change in participants in this
study was 11.2 years of age (Fisher, 2010).
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These findings illustrate the diverse patterns in vocal development during puberty and
suggest that educators should consider these developmental differences when teaching music. It
is also important to look at broader cultural influences, including gender stereotypes in music.
Gender Stereotypes
Gender stereotyping in music, including musical practices and instrument choices, is a
long-standing issue. Across cultures and throughout history, people have been enculturated into
societal rules and expectations of how to "be" a girl or boy. Kågesten et al. (2016) conducted a
cross-cultural study using approximately 20,000 adolescents aged 10-14 from multiple countries
to understand the factors, specifically the cultural, social, and environmental influences that
shape gender attitudes during early adolescence. The study concluded that societal norms, family
dynamics, peer relationships and media exposure all influence the development of gender
attitudes. Boys are often encouraged to embody traits associated with masculinity, such as
assertiveness and competitiveness, while girls are socialized to embody traditionally feminine
traits which center around passivity, nurturing, and cooperation (Kågesten et al.,2016)
Connell & Messerschmidt (2005) introduced the term hegemonic masculinity to refer to
the "pattern of practice that allows men's dominance over women to continue" (p. 832). This
concept is built on a hierarchy of masculinities, where traditional masculinity occupies the upper
echelon and is privileged. In contrast, femininity and alternative expressions of masculinity -
such as those associated with queer men - are deemed less legitimate and, by extension, diminish
the perceived value of individuals who do not conform. The term "queer" serves as an inclusive
umbrella for people whose sexual orientation or gender identity does not align with traditional
heterosexual or cisgender norms.
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The concept of hegemonic masculinity explains how societal norms shape boys' gender
role definitions and behaviors. To maintain their status within a masculine hierarchy, boys may
deliberately avoid activities perceived as feminine, such as singing or other musical pursuits.
This avoidance stems from fears that participation in these activities could challenge their
masculine identity and social acceptance (Hall, 2005; Henwood, 2023).
Opinions on singing among adolescents are influenced by various factors, including
encouragement or discouragement from parents and family, support or lack thereof within school
culture, and the impact of peer dynamics, ranging from pressure and harassment to
encouragement and acceptance. Overall, researchers have found that adolescents tend to have
more negative views about singing than positive ones (Harrison, 2007; Warzecha, 2013). One
adolescent reflected on this dynamic, stating, “It [my school] wasn’t really a place for singers
because it wasn’t considered ‘normal’ for a young man to sing” (Harrison, 2007, p. 275)
It is argued that singing neither constructs nor defends traditional notions of masculinity.
As a result, hegemonic masculinity frames singing as a feminine activity, positioning it as
non-conforming to dominant masculine ideals (Fisher, 2009; Hall, 2005). This classification
labels singing as an “unacceptable” behavior for men within this framework, further perpetuating
its stigmatization, and the stereotyping of music and musical practices
Gender Stereotypes of Music and Musical Behaviors in Childhood. Gender
stereotypes surrounding music and singing can influence boys' behavior at a young age, even if
they are not fully aware of them. From a developmental perspective, there is evidence that
children can understand the concepts of 'boy' and 'girl' as early as age two and that they belong to
one of those groups (Kågesten, 2016). However, Hall (2005) argued that there is little evidence
to suggest that boys’ declining interest in singing before the age of six is connected to avoiding
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femininity. Boys in early childhood are often enthusiastic participants in singing activities
without any concern about gender. Any reluctance to sing typically develops later, particularly
when they enter school when societal influences such as peer pressure and media portrayals of
masculinity begin to play a role.
Between the ages of five and seven, children start to internalize behaviors and attitudes
deemed "appropriate" for their gender (Kågesten, 2016; Hall, 2005). Children often view gender
through binary constructs, seeing masculinity as the opposite of femininity (Hall, 2005). Earlier
research suggests that boys may thus avoid activities perceived as feminine, such as singing, due
to cultural stereotypes about gender. Additionally, increased exposure to contemporary
discussions of gender and identity through social media, advertising, and entertainment may
further influence boys' ideas about gender appropriateness and behavior (Hall, 2005).
In a European study, Freer (2015) interviewed 12 boys between the ages of 12 and 18 to
explore their knowledge of their changing voices and if the perceived effects of voice change
affected their singing ability and musical self-efficacy. Data analysis revealed that the boys’
societally-ingrained perceptions of singing as a feminine activity significantly influenced their
decisions to stay in a choir.
Similarly, Hall (2005) studied how boys in various school activities, including music
programs, perceive singing and its association with femininity. She conducted interviews and
focus groups to explore the social dynamics that influence boys' participation in singing activities
and how hegemonic masculinity shapes their perceptions. Her findings revealed that many boys
distanced themselves from singing due to fear of peer judgment and a desire to align with
traditional masculine norms. Hall (2005) concluded that the association of singing with
femininity creates a barrier for boys and leads them to identify more as consumers of music
27

rather than active participants. Although this is an earlier study, it is important to include it here,
given its relevance for research on gender stereotyping of singing. The present study builds on
this work by showing that boys in supportive, gender-aware musical environments are more
likely to maintain their singing identity through puberty, despite prevailing stereotypes.
Sullivan (2018) discussed how gender stereotypes affect students’ participation in music
programs and revealed that students often feel pressured to conform to traditional gender roles in
their musical choices, while Rogers (2017) stressed how gender stereotypes shape musical
identities and preferences. According to Rogers, societal expectations can limit an individual’s
engagement with certain genres or styles of music. Taken together, all these studies are similar in
their findings that many boys avoid singing due to the belief that it is a feminine activity. This
avoidance was often reinforced by peer pressure and societal norms that dictate acceptable
behavior for boys. Interestingly, all studies also advocate for music educators to create
supportive environments that challenge these stereotypes and encourage boys to sing without
fear of judgment. By addressing these issues early on, educators can help break down barriers
that limit boys’ musical expression (Sullivan, 2018; Rogers, 2017; Hall, 2005). Peer influence
has the strongest effect on personal gender attitudes among 10–14-year-olds, far more so than in
the developmental stages before or after (Kågesten, 2016).
Machismo, Latin Boys, and Music Participation
Cultural constructions of masculinity significantly shape boys’ engagement with music,
particularly singing. Within many Western and non-Western societies, music has historically
been gendered, with vocal performance often coded as feminine, especially in school contexts
(Koza, 1993; Lamb, 1994). This gendered perception intersects with border sociocultural forces,
such as machismo, which influences how boys evaluate their own musical behaviors.
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Machismo, a cultural value system commonly associated with traditional Latino
communities, emphasizes male dominance, emotional restraint, and avoidance of activities
perceived as vulnerable or expressive (Mirandé, 1997). Scholars have explored how machismo
restricts emotional expression in boys and men, leading to the avoidance of behaviors like
singing, which require both vulnerability and public exposure (Palkki, 2017; Freer, 2014).
Freer (2014) found that adolescent boys often perceive singing as a threat to their
masculine identity, especially when peer approval is highly valued. Boys who internalize rigid
gender norms may avoid dinging altogether or downplay their musical identity to avoid social
consequences. This is especially true for Latino boys, where machismo, along with peer
pressure, family expectations, and cultural identity, can make them less likely to take part in
music or singing (Palkki, 2017).
Additionally, Latino boys’ participation in music programs has decreased in boys during
puberty, a time when gender expectations become more strongly reinforced, and voice changes
add new difficulties (Lamb, 1994, Cooksey, 2000). When cultural pressures like machismo are
combined with the uncertainty of a changing voice, boys may feel even more aware of peer and
family pressure, which makes them more likely to stop singing altogether (Mirandé, 1997; Freer,
2015)
Understanding the dynamics of how machismo intersects with gender, cultural, and
musical identity is critical for researchers and educators who want to create inclusive and
supportive music environments. Recognizing the role of machismo does not mean criticizing
cultural values but rather encourages a more thoughtful understanding of how social norms shape
musical behavior. Future research should explore ways to work within these norms- supporting
cultural identity while helping all students to feel welcome to express themselves through music.
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Harrison (2015) examined the gender differences within the music industry, emphasizing
how societal norms and cultural expectations shape the roles and opportunities available to
musicians based on gender. The review highlights systemic issues such as the
underrepresentation of women in leadership roles, gendered stereotypes influencing career
trajectories, and the wage gap between male and female musicians. Harrison emphasizes the
need for comprehensive strategies to address these inequalities, including policy reforms and
educational initiatives.
Similarly, Bennett (2009) explored the relationship between gender and music, discussing
how music reflects and reinforces gender norms. He engaged critically with sociological theories
to examine the intersection of gender and music, rather than presenting original empirical data.
Bennett analyzed conceptual frameworks, explored theoretical debates, and synthesized existing
literature to discuss how gender shapes musical experiences and structures within society.
Bennett also highlighted how women are often associated with vocal music and domestic,
nurturing roles, such as singing lullabies, participating in choirs, or performing folk songs, while
men are more commonly linked to instrumental music, particularly in genres like classical, jazz
and rock, which are often seen as more masculine. He also addressed societal expectations
surrounding musical performances and composition, noting that women are often put into less
important or ornamental roles, like featuring women as backup singers. This dynamic is
particularly evident in classical music, where women are often seen as vocalists or accompanists,
while men are in the more dominant roles as composers, conductors, or virtuoso instrumentalists.
These cultural hegemonic traditions and societal norms perpetuate gender stereotypes in musical
practices, including instrumental performance.
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Building on the discussion of gender stereotypes in musical practices, it is important to
consider how they not only affect singing, but also instrumental performance and learning. For
example, some cultures even prohibit women from playing certain musical instruments is a
phenomenon that can be seen in cultures around the world based on traditional beliefs, societal
norms, and gender roles (Harrison, 2015). For example, Hoffman (2018) explored how, in
Japanese culture, women are historically and culturally restricted from playing the shakuhachi, a
traditional Japanese bamboo flute. This exclusion stems from long-standing societal norms and
traditions that associate the instrument with male-dominated practices, such as Zen Buddhist
rituals and samurai culture, reinforcing gender-based limitations on musical participation.
Meyer (2016) examined how cultural gender beliefs in Turkey prohibit women from
playing the saz, a traditional string instrument deeply tied to male-dominated traditions and
practices. Zarins (2019) investigated the cultural barriers that restrict women’s participation in
gamelan ensembles in Indonesia, as well as other instruments deemed inappropriate for female
musicians. For example, women were traditionally excluded from playing certain instruments
like the kendang (drum), which is central to leading the ensemble and requires assertive playing
styles associated with masculinity. Baker (2020) discussed women’s role in music in West
African music, focusing on the cultural restrictions that prevent women from playing the djembe.
Similarly, Katz (2021) examined the prohibition against women playing the kora, a traditional
West African harp, and discussed the broader implications of these restrictions for gender
equality in music. This is just a glimpse of a much broader issue. Gendered music socialization
occurs worldwide, including in the United States, shaping cultural practices and expectations.
For instance, instruments such as the koto (zither) in Japan and flute or piano in the U.S. are
typically considered feminine, whereas boys are often steered toward percussion or brass
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instruments, viewed as more masculine due to their physicality and louder sound. Music
socialization shapes how we see ourselves and others while also reinforcing social structures that
perpetuate social structures that perpetuate gender inequality and limit the ways people can
express themselves.
Children are exposed to gendered expectations regarding musical instruments from a
young age. In elementary school, as children begin to move beyond the musical toys of the
general music classroom and start playing real instruments, gender stereotypes play a significant
role in determining which instruments are considered “appropriate” for boys and girls
(González-Limón, 2023). Brass instruments, like the trumpet or trombone, are often seen as
more masculine, while woodwinds, such as the flute and clarinet, are often viewed as more
feminine (González-Limón, 2023; Harrison, 2019). Even the terminology used to describe these
instruments’ timbre and range, like Soprano, Alto, Tenor, and Bass, has gendered connotations.
Soprano and Alto are traditionally associated with female voice types, while Tenor and Bass are
considered male voice types. These gendered associations continue to shape boys' musical
choices and reinforce societal expectations; however, several studies have aimed to dismantle
these gendered musical associations. For example, Hallam, Rogers, and Creech (2008)
conducted research on musical instrument choices among children, showing that educational
interventions and role modeling (such as showcasing female percussionists or male flutists) can
significantly reduce gendered instrument stereotypes. Pickering and Repacholi (2001)
demonstrated that exposing children to musicians playing gender-atypical instruments (e.g.,
women playing drums and men playing flute) positively influenced children's instrument
choices, challenging traditional gender associations. Bruce and Kemp (1993) found that
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programs actively promoting gender-neutral experiences in music classrooms can encourage
children to choose instruments based on genuine interest rather than gender expectations.
Gender socialization around musical instruments can influence the development of
musical skills, including pitch matching ability, by steering children toward or away from
instruments and activities that foster particular auditory experiences. For example, gendered
instrument assignments may shape early musical exposure, affecting boys' and girls' confidence,
vocal exploration, and ultimately their ability to accurately match pitch.
Gender and Pitch Matching Ability. At this point, it is important to clearly restate the
differences between biological sex, which refers to physical characteristics like anatomy or
hormones, and gender, which involves social roles, behaviors, and identities. Mixing these terms
can oversimplify research findings, especially when studying how musical experiences might
differ based on biology versus social expectations.
Gender has been studied in relation to children's singing abilities, especially their
capacity to match pitch accurately. Researchers have explored whether differences in pitch
matching skills among children may be influenced by gender-based socialization, vocal models,
or developmental factors. Research has shown that boys' and girls' vocal pitch-matching abilities
are relatively the same in the initial years of schooling. During this time, children of both
genders generally exhibit similar abilities to match pitch with few differences in their ability to
perform vocal tasks (Gelfer & Denor, 2004; Habibi et al., 2014; Pereira & Rodrigues, 2019). For
example, Gelfer and Denor (2004) analyzed sung renditions of boys and girls between 6 and 12
years of age (N =126), to compare vocal pitch-matching abilities between the genders. The
researchers used a combination of vocal assessments and observational techniques to evaluate
the children’s singing abilities. Their findings indicated that boys and girls have similar
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pitch-matching skills in the early school-age years. The study also mentioned that boys may
experience vocal changes as they approach puberty, but these changes do not impact their
pitch-matching skills.
Similarly, Habibi and Ilari’s (2014) study involved children aged 6 to 9 (N =129) from
Brazil and the United States and focused on their singing abilities, including pitch matching. The
children were selected from a diverse range of cultural backgrounds and musical experiences to
compare children’s singing skills across different contexts. The researchers used the Assessment
of Singing Voice Development Measure to evaluate the participants’ pitch matching and vocal
range. The children were also asked to sing familiar songs to allow analysis of their accuracy
and vocal quality. The research found that girls outperformed boys in both improvisation and
pitch-matching tasks. Interestingly, scores for these tasks increased with age, but no significant
differences in their levels of pitch-matching abilities or vocal development were observed
between musically trained children and their untrained peers. This suggests that early singing
skills may not be significantly influenced by gender or cultural contexts.
Pereira and Rodrigues (2019) conducted a quantitative study investigating the
relationship between children's singing voice use and singing accuracy among Portuguese
children (N=137) aged 4–9. Participants individually performed two tasks—singing a melody
both with text and using a neutral syllable—which were rated by three expert evaluators using
the Singing Voice Development Measure (SVDM). Results indicated a significant relationship
between children's use of singing voice and their pitch-matching accuracy, with higher accuracy
when singing on a neutral syllable. Additionally, older children and girls demonstrated greater
use of singing voice and more accurate pitch matching.
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Research exploring gender differences in children's pitch matching consistently suggests
that girls often outperform boys in accurately matching pitch, potentially influenced by both
biological factors, such as vocal maturation, and gendered musical socialization practices. While
studies like the ones conducted by Habibi and Ilari (2014) and Pereira and Rodrigues (2019)
highlight these trends, emphasizing how girls typically show greater pitch-matching accuracy,
scholars caution against oversimplifying these findings as purely biological, advocating instead
for consideration of gender roles and expectations within musical contexts. Future research
should continue to distinguish between gender as a social construct and biological sex, while
promoting inclusive musical experiences to foster accurate pitch matching in children of all
genders.
Puberty and Adolescence
Cooke, DiVall, and Radovick (2020) explored how, throughout history, physical puberty
and intellectual adolescence happened at the same time and marked the change from childhood
to adulthood but today, this alignment has shifted (see Figure 1). There is a growing gap
between the physical developmental changes of puberty and the intellectual developmental
changes of adolescence. Physical puberty is marked by significant hormonal and physiological
changes, such as growth spurts, the development of secondary sexual characteristics (e.g., voice
changes), and the onset of menstruation in girls. Puberty is happening earlier (8-12 years of age
in girls and 9-13 years of age in boys) due to changes in nutrition, healthcare, and environmental
influences, all leading to earlier physical development.
On the other hand, intellectual adolescence, a term which is commonly associated with
cognitive and emotional development, lags behind, currently peaking much later, around age
16-18, and full maturation can take even longer (Cooke, et al., 2020; Steinberg, 2014). The
35

authors describe the misalignment as a growing rift where physical maturation occurs before
cognitive maturation. Adolescents may look or feel physically mature, yet they still lack the
intellectual tools necessary to navigate the complexities of their social world, which can lead to
challenges in decision-making, impulse control, and identity formation. Understanding this
mismatch is critical for supporting adolescents through this transitional phase, as their physical
changes may provoke behaviors or decisions that their still-developing cognitive skills struggle
to regulate. There are also social implications, as society often expects adolescents to behave
according to their physical maturity, even though their cognitive and emotional maturity may not
align. This mismatch between physical and intellectual maturity underscores the challenges of
modern adolescence, which may be more complex than in past generations when puberty and
intellectual maturity occurred more in sync (Cooke, et al., 2020; Steinberg, 2014; Hall, 2005).
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Adolescence, which is generally believed to happen between the ages of 10–15 (Cooke,
et al., 2020; Patel, et al., 2010; Steinberg, 2014; Arnett, 2014), intensifies male and female
self-perception and social expectations from family members and peers (Ilari et al., 2015;
Kågesten, et al., 2016). According to Patel, Greydanus, Omar and Merrick (2010), it is during
adolescence that concerns with emotional separation from the home environment, comparisons
and competition with peers, worries over perceived physical abnormalities, and the establishment
and maintenance of relationships emerge. Adolescence is also when abstract thinking begins to
develop. This includes the ability to envision future possibilities and ask “what if” questions -
skills that are essential for making decisions and assessing risks. Unsurprisingly, adolescence is
also marked by feelings of inadequacy, insecurity, and a strong desire for peer acceptance. In
fact, for many adolescents, acceptance by others often takes priority over self-acceptance
(Gackle, 2019). This is the case because one of the main characteristics of adolescence is the
pressure to conform to peer groups (Hall, 2005). Peer influence has the greatest impact on
personal gender attitudes among 10–14-year-olds, far more than at any other developmental
stage (Kågesten, 2016). Comparisons between oneself and peers are common during this period
and can lead to feelings of distress or superiority, depending on the situation (Patel, et al., 2010).
Unfavorable comparisons can result in poor self-esteem, especially for youth who struggle to
meet their own or others’ expectations, potentially leaving a lasting dislike for the previously
experienced difficult or failed activities (Patel, et al., 2010). Yet, competition is a significant
factor in U.S. education. Youth learn about competitive behavior as children; students compete
from day one at very early ages in everything from high stakes testing and classroom
competitions to competitive games in physical education classes and extracurricular sports
teams. Even music classes participate in contests and concerts, as is the case of Band, Orchestra
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or Choir Festivals. Some would even argue that very little is done in school without the
motivation to win (Patel, 2010). This focus on competition can further magnify the pressures
faced by early maturing boys.
Physically early maturing elementary school-age boys have both the combined advantage
and curse of being perceived by authority figures and their peers as more mature, attractive, and
intelligent. They are often given more leadership roles (Steinberg, 2014), yet these same boys
may have fewer opportunities to prepare cognitively and socially for the changes and challenges
of puberty and adolescence. While boys’ singing voices change earlier due to faster physical
maturation, their higher-order cognitive functions - such as critical thinking and
problem-solving- do not develop at the same pace. This mismatch between physical and
cognitive growth underscores the importance of providing support and compassion, as boys may
struggle to manage these differing growth rates (Steinberg, 2014; Styne, 2020). Adolescence,
which is generally believed to happen between the ages of 10–15 (Patel, et al., 2010; Steinberg,
2014) involves substantial cognitive development characterized by increased capacity for
abstract thinking, problem-solving, and emotional regulation, distinct from the physiological
changes associated with puberty.
Early Puberty and Bullying. Youth who develop earlier physically are often celebrated
in sports for their physical abilities. These pubescent/pre-adolescents may become accustomed to
considerable attention and praise from others and learn to value themselves through winning.
Many develop a win-at-all-costs attitude and find it challenging to deal with failure (Hall, 2005;
Patel, et al., 2010). In contrast, children and adolescents whose voices mature early and sing
poorly may see themselves as ‘losers’ and experience negative social consequences such as
embarrassment, rejection, criticism, ridicule, and even psychological trauma (Patel, et al., 2010;
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Miranda, 2013). These same children may be the ones who turn around and bully the children
who can sing well out of anger or frustration for losing their “winner” status.
Miranda (2013) discussed bullying within the context of adolescent musical participation,
particularly singing. In this primarily theoretical paper, Miranda reviewed existing literature on
how music listening influences adolescents' psychosocial growth, including identity formation,
emotional regulation, and socialization. She noted that adolescents often become increasingly
self-conscious about their singing abilities, and their lack of confidence can lead to reduced
musical participation. Additionally, Miranda highlighted how teens who participate in musical
activities, especially singing, frequently experience bullying or social stigma driven by
stereotypes and gendered perceptions (Miranda, 2013).
Palkki (2020) researched the intersection of pubertal voice change and the social and
psychological factors that can influence young singers. He examined how physiological changes,
such as a shifting vocal range and the lack of voice control, can impact boys' confidence and
willingness to participate in singing activities. Palkki further discussed bullying and how
children, especially those with changing voices or who do not conform to traditional gender
norms, can be targets of bullying or ridicule, especially in choir environments where voice types
are typically rigidly defined (Palkki, 2020).
There have been several studies on the perception among earlier-developing boys that
singing is an activity for younger or less-developed peers. These perceptions seem to come from
the social and cultural ideas about masculinity during puberty and adolescence and the physical
changes associated with them (Ashley, 2009; Killian & Wayman, 2010; Harrison, 2004)
Ashley (2009) looked at boys’ experiences in choir and the cultural stigmas that frame
singing as a feminine or childish activity. Boys who experience earlier voice changes often view
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singing as incongruent with their developing sense of what it is to be a man, which leads to their
not wanting to participate in singing. (Ashley, 2009). Similarly, Killian and Wayman (2010)
focused on boys going through a voice change and their subsequent attitudes about singing.
Boys with earlier-developing voices often viewed singing as something more suitable for
younger, prepubescent peers, which reinforces the idea that singing does not align with mature
masculinity (Killian & Wayman, 2010).
Along the same lines, Harrison’s (2004) theoretical paper explores why boys are
underrepresented in choirs, pointing to stereotypes and cultural pressures that discourage their
participation. Harrison explains that earlier-developing boys often avoid singing because they see
it as childish, a perception reinforced by teasing or fear of teasing from peers, especially when
their changing voices sound unstable. Additionally, later-developing boys may unintentionally
worsen this problem by mistakenly thinking off-pitch singing is intentional or due to lack of
effort, leading to further teasing or bullying (Harrison, 2004).
The themes common to the abovementioned studies are that earlier-developing boys often
see singing as incompatible with their developing masculine identity; social stigma and bullying
add to this perception; and boys who stop singing during adolescence usually attribute it to their
voice change and the shift in their peer relationships and social hierarchies. Additionally, other
perceptions may also exist because later-developing boys might assume that the
earlier-developing boys’ voices have already settled, and they have control over their singing.
Following this logic, later-maturing boys may see the off-pitch singing as something their
earlier-developing peers are doing on purpose, as a form of defiance against singing to fit
perceived social expectations, when in actuality, their singing off-pitch is due to the involuntary
and unavoidable pubertal voice change, where the length and thickness of the vocal folds are
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causing their vocal instability (Killian, 1997; Freer, 2014). Adolescents often view peer behavior
as intentional rather than as a result of physiological changes or psychological factors, especially
in competitive or judgmental contexts (Miranda, 2013; Harrison, 2004). As previously discussed,
a lack of guidance in understanding the natural challenges of voice change can contribute to
tension and judgmental attitudes among boys who are at different stages of vocal development
(Harrison, 2004).
Music Teaching and Learning in Childhood
Early Childhood. Singing takes place in several spaces (i.e., communities, schools) in
early childhood and is often a main part of the curriculum and daily routines of these programs
(Ilari, 2011; Custodero, 2006; Custodero, 2024). As noted, singing is vital to the social,
emotional, and cognitive development of children in early and middle childhood. Ilari (2011)
explored early music learning, which included the role of singing in early childhood
development and how early exposure to music can have a significant impact on a child’s
cognitive and social growth. Hargreaves and North (2001) provided a broad scope of the role of
music in general, and singing in particular in early childhood development and the different
contexts where it is most often used. Preschools, Daycares, and Early Childhood Education
Classrooms often use singing in their daily routines to teach concepts such as letters, numbers,
days of the week, and various routines (e.g. “Clean Up Song”). These songs help children learn
through repetition and involve them in group games that build community.
Custodero (2006) examined the benefits of singing in early childhood settings and its
impact on language development and socialization. She investigated how family singing
practices influenced young children’s development, highlighting the role of music in fostering
communication and social bonds. Additionally, Custodero explores how early musical
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experiences, including singing, contribute to children’s cognitive and social growth. These works
underscore the significance of singing in early childhood settings and emphasize its positive
effects on language acquisition and socialization. Many early childhood centers offer music and
movement classes aimed at developing children’s motor skills by using musical games and
activities. These classes involve singing, dancing, clapping simple rhythmic patterns, and
playing simple instruments to help children develop a sense of rhythm, pitch, and motor
coordination (Zenter & Eerola, 2010). During Storytime, teachers use various songs to enhance
stories, help children understand concepts, and keep them engaged. In religious or cultural
settings, singing is a central element of rituals, prayers, and celebrations, such as Christmas,
Hanukkah, or other significant events. Trehub and Hannon (2006) reviewed existing literature to
explore how exposure to religious and ceremonial music shapes children’s musical preferences
and influences their emotional responses.
Miller (2003) discussed the role of music in religious ceremonies and its use in children’s
ministries and spiritual education programs. Some schools produce performance opportunities or
concerts where children sing in front of an audience of their significant adults or other children to
celebrate holidays or as a terminal event at the end of the term or session. Teachers sing with
children during playtime, where songs engage children in various games or activities and
develop language skills (Gromko, 2005).
Although they are beyond the scope of this dissertation, it is important to stress that
programs for children with special needs often use singing as a therapeutic tool to help children
with speech or language delays, emotional regulation, and social skills development (Wan,
Rüber, Hohmann, & Schlaug, 2010). For example, Wan et al. (2010) demonstrated that
singing-based interventions significantly improved speech production and emotional regulation
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among children diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder. Creech et. al (2013) discussed music
education’s impact on academic achievement, including the development of cognitive abilities,
motor skills, and social-emotional competencies in children with special needs, and Bruscia
(2014) examined the role of music therapy in special education and how it can be used to teach
children with a variety of disabilities and developmental delays.
Altogether, these studies show that music plays a very important role in early childhood
education and can be found in several contexts for several reasons, including children’s
cognitive, social, emotional, and physical development while nurturing their intellectual,
emotional, and physical well-being. It sets the foundation for a lifetime love of learning while
addressing various developmental needs.
Middle Childhood. Singing is a fundamental component of music education in middle
childhood (approximately age 6-11), frequently used to foster musical skills, enhance social
cohesion, and support emotional development. Welch, Saunders, and Himonides (2012) found
that singing activities during this time frame significantly improved children's pitch accuracy and
musical self-confidence. Similarly, Mizener (2008) demonstrated how regular singing
participation positively influenced young children's attitudes toward music and promoted greater
engagement in Music Teaching and Learning activities overall. Barrett et al. (2019) highlighted
that organized singing experiences encouraged collaborative learning and fostered inclusive
social environments. Collectively, these studies underscore singing’s critical role in the holistic
educational experience of children in middle childhood.
Mizener (1993) suggested that educators plan more musical activities to help boys
develop a positive gender affiliation with music. He surveyed elementary- aged schoolboys’
attitudes toward singing and participation in a choir while also assessing their singing skills to
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explore the relationships between their attitudes, choir involvement, and singing abilities, as
measured by specific singing tasks. The findings revealed a range of attitudes about singing and
choir participation, with gender being a key factor - in general, girls had more positive attitudes
and experiences with singing than boys, both in and out of school. The study also found a
correlation between boys' attitudes and their singing skills; those who performed better in the
singing tasks tended to enjoy choir participation and singing more than those who did not
perform as well. She noted that “such activities should be provided for boys in the lower
elementary grades because evidence indicates that attitudes toward music are well-developed by
the age of 8” (Mizener, 1993, p. 242). According to her, middle childhood offers a critical
opportunity for educators to challenge gender stereotypes about singing. She emphasized the
importance of creating positive, engaging singing experiences to foster children’s interest and
skill development while highlighting the role of educators in building supportive and inclusive
music education environments (Mizener, 1993).
Friddle (2005) warned that an elementary music teacher may not be on the lookout or
recognize the changes in the voice to deal appropriately with the child's difficulties the way a
middle school teacher might. Boys going through the voice change must be treated with
sensitivity (Killian, 1997). A loud voice "crack" or "break" that gets laughed at may devastate the
child (Killian, 1997). A well-intentioned but ill-timed joke or laugh at a child's expense could
easily cause a child to believe they are not musical, especially if singing required pitches hurts or
if they are already having trouble singing the notes with the rest of the class. On that note,
Warzecha (2013) offered:
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“. . .there was something in here (points to throat) that I had to force in order to
reach the pitches. I burst into tears and embarrassed myself in front of the whole chorus
and never sang again (Killian, 1997, as cited in Warzecha, 2013, p.45.).”
Along similar lines, when reflecting on her subjects’ experiences with the voice change,
Killian (1997) noted that “...memories seemed so painful for some subjects that they reacted
emotionally while simply relating the incident years after the fact” (p. 531).
Adults working with early-maturing elementary school-age children must be cognizant of
the frustration and anxiety these children may experience if they cannot meet singing task
performance expectations (Mendle & Koch, 2019). Additionally, it is important to consider that
children with smaller frames, less physical strength, and less coordination may also feel
frustration, anxiety, and disappointment when they struggle to meet the physical performance
expectations of their more physically developed peers (Patel, et al., 2010).
Failure to Connect. Despite the many opportunities and benefits of singing in
educational settings, many children and adults consider themselves non-singers due to how
music is presented in schools, and their repertoires of practice. In the U.S., popular music is often
very different from the music taught in schools, both in context and content. If the contemporary
school band, orchestra, and choir models of music-making, which are usually rooted in the
standard literature of the Western Canon, are not accessible or relevant to a child, they may see
themselves as non-musical (Mattio, 2022; Hargreaves & North, 2001; Girod & Genovese, 2009;
Mantie, 2013; Green, 2006), despite continuing to enjoy the music of their preference in other
spaces.
Mattio (2022) critiqued the current state of music teacher preparation programs, arguing
that they fail to adequately support both teachers in training and their future students. She
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highlighted several key issues, including an overemphasis on Western classical traditions,
insufficient training in technology and creativity, and a lack of culturally responsive teaching
practices. According to Mattio, these shortcomings leave music teachers ill-equipped to meet the
diverse needs of today’s classrooms. She advocated for a more inclusive, innovative, and
practical approach to music teacher education programs that better align with today’s students
and their communities' needs and interests.
When students do not see themselves reflected in traditional school music models—such
as ensemble-based or canon-focused classes—they may begin to feel alienated or label
themselves as “non-musical.” Girod and Genovese (2009) suggest that rigid, standards-based
approaches can inadvertently limit students’ sense of belonging and self-efficacy when those
models fail to connect with their lived experiences. Similarly, Mantie (2013) critiques the
dominant narratives in music education that privilege Western art music traditions, arguing that
such frameworks often exclude the diverse musical identities students bring with them. Without
opportunities to engage with music that feels culturally relevant or personally meaningful,
students may disengage from formal music settings entirely—even while maintaining active
musical lives outside of school.
Green's (2006) earlier research on incorporating popular music into the curriculum
reinforced this point. She argued that integrating popular music into the curriculum can offer new
and innovative ways of learning that resonate with students, making music education more
relevant to their lives. This approach aligns with the view that music education’s failure to
connect with students' lived experiences and cultural backgrounds contributes to its perceived
lack of relevance.
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In schools without music programs, the concept of what it means to be a singer, knowing
how to sing, or being musical is even more complex, and can take on entirely different meanings.
Without participatory music opportunities, music changes from something students can actively
engage in into something they consume, spectate, or simply appreciate. This lack of access to
hands-on musical experiences diminishes the role of music as a form of personal expression and
collective participation (Ilari & Cho, 2023; Hargreaves & Marshall, 2003; Baker, 2008; Bresler,
1995; Green, 2006; Morris, et al, 2018).
Ilari and Cho (2023) explored the relationship between musical participation and positive
cognitive and emotional development in middle school students (N =120). The researchers used
a mixed-methods approach to assess the impact of musical participation on positive youth
development, school connectedness, and hopeful future expectations through surveys and
interviews to get deeper insights into the students’ experiences and perceptions of their musical
activities. They found that students who engaged in multiple forms of music education over
longer periods scored higher in areas of competence and hopeful future expectations.
Additionally, starting formal music education before age 8 was associated with higher scores in
hopeful future expectations.
Hargreaves and Marshall (2018) examined how music education plays a significant role
in developing student identity and the consequences of inadequate music programs. They
suggested that the lack of these programs may lead students to identify more as consumers than
as active participants in music making. Similarly, Baker (2008) examined the connection
between music education and student engagement, emphasizing how participation in music
programs can enhance students’ educational experience and reduce the probability of their
becoming simply mere consumers of music. Bresler’s (1995) review of the literature on music
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education in schools also highlights the significant consequences of inadequate or non-existent
music programs. She concluded that without opportunities for participation and engagement in
school music programs, students view themselves as music consumers rather than as active
participants in music-making. Supporting this, Green (2006) argued that when students do not
have music experiences that feel relevant to their identities and cultures, they are less likely to
perceive music education as meaningful, increasing the likelihood of disengagement and
reinforcing a passive, consumer-oriented relationship to music.
Morris (2018) also explored the positive impact of participating in musical ensembles on
children’s development, emphasizing that such involvement fosters social skills and emotional
growth that goes beyond the cognitive benefits of individual training. The authors argued that El
Sistema-inspired programs, which incorporate social components, are excellent examples of how
music education, can promote neuroplasticity and enhance learning. These programs help
transform students into active contributors to musical experiences rather than passive consumers.
Their findings advocate for integrating social elements in music classes to maximize the
developmental benefits for students. Without participatory music programs, music-making
becomes something reserved for a minority group of professionals, musical stars, and people
with recording contracts, leading to a sense that those outside these circles are excluded from
being musical themselves.
In their 2011 study, Elpus and Abril examined high school students’ views of their music
education and concluded that students value their participation in ensembles because they
encourage social connections and personal growth. The study found that students often feel a
strong sense of belonging in their music programs, which has a positive effect on their overall
high school experience. However, the study also revealed racial disparities, with white students
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making up the majority of participants, while Hispanic students were significantly
underrepresented. This raises important concerns about inclusivity and access to music programs
(Elpus & Abril, 2011).
Socioeconomic Status (SES)
Compared with previous decades, youth today enter adolescence in a more stratified
economy (Ilari, 2016). Income inequality in the U.S. has risen sharply since the 1970s, mirroring
a broader global trend. While income growth for middle- and lower-income families has slowed,
income at the top continues to rise steadily, resulting in a historic concentration of wealth not
seen since the 1920s (Kågesten, et al., 2016; Steingraber, 2007). Although this widening income
gap is often discussed in political discourse, it also has important implications for child and
adolescent development (Ilari & Habibi, 2015). Ilari (2016) emphasized that children from lower
socioeconomic backgrounds often face reduced access to quality music education, fewer
opportunities for enrichment, and limited early musical engagement—all of which can affect
cognitive, social, and emotional development. These disparities are particularly relevant when
considering the developmental trajectory of skills like pitch-matching and vocal self-perception.
Furthermore, puberty’s timing and psychological experience may also be connected to SES.
Youth from lower-SES backgrounds tend to experience earlier pubertal onset and a higher
incidence of obesity, both of which can shape not only physical development but also self-esteem
and participation in activities such as singing (Steinberg, 2014; Fisher, 2010; Mendle & Koch,
2019; Styne, 2020).
The above-referenced studies—Cooke, et al., (2020), Fisher (2010), Mendel and Koch
(2019), and Styne (2020)—explored the factors contributing to early puberty and obesity,
particularly in youth from lower SES backgrounds. While each study focused on different
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aspects of puberty and development, they shared common themes and provided valuable insight
into how environmental and physiological factors influence early puberty.
Cooke, DiVall and Radovick (2020) emphasized how environmental factors, such as
limited access to nutritious food and exposure to chronic stress, influence early pubertal onset
and higher rates of obesity in youth from lower SES backgrounds. They linked poor nutrition
and the lack of opportunities for physical activity to disruptions in growth patterns and hormonal
regulation, which contribute to early puberty and obesity. The study also suggested that early
life stress exacerbates these conditions, setting the stage for early developmental changes (Cooke
et al., 2020). Fisher (2010) focused specifically on male voice changes during puberty and how
early puberty is more likely in youth from lower SES backgrounds due to nutritional deficiencies
and obesity. Like Cooke et al., Fisher identified the impact of poor diet and limited resources on
hormonal regulation, which can cause an earlier onset of puberty. Fisher also highlighted how
obesity influences the timing of pubertal changes, linking excess body fat to hormonal shifts that
trigger early puberty. Mendle and Koch (2019) explored the relationship between
socioeconomic status (SES) and pubertal development. They discussed how youth from
lower-SES backgrounds often experience earlier pubertal onset, higher obesity rates, and
increased exposure to psychosocial stressors compared to their higher-SES peers. The authors
emphasized the need for further research to understand how these SES-related differences in
pubertal timing impact adolescents' psychological and physical well-being. Styne (2020) also
examined early puberty’s tie-in with obesity and noted that the rate of obesity has tripled among
children over the past three decades. Styne observed that overweight children tend to reach
puberty sooner than lean children. Interestingly, obesity is not only a consequence of early
puberty but also a contributor. (Cooke et al., 2020; Steinberg, 2014; Steingraber, 2007; Styne,
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2020). This relationship is part of a broader understanding of how environmental stressors and
resources associated with lower-SES contexts may influence biological processes, including
puberty.
SES is critical in shaping access to and participation in music education, highlighting
significant disparities between underserved and more affluent communities. Researchers
Beveridge (2022), Bates (2016), and Reyes (2019) provided valuable insights into how poverty
and inequality influence music-making opportunities and the accessibility of music programs.
Beveridge (2022) explored the systemic underfunding of music education in low-SES
areas, arguing that a “poverty problem” exists in music education. Schools in these communities
often face resource shortages, limiting students’ access to instruments, quality instruction, and
performance opportunities, which impacts their ability to develop musically.
Bates (2016) emphasized the need for music educators to address poverty and inequality
by advocating for equitable funding and implementing culturally responsive teaching practices.
He highlights how systemic barriers, such as inadequate school budgets and societal inequities,
marginalize underserved communities and limit their participation in music programs. Reyes
(2019) introduced the concept of “music deserts,” where social inequality creates a lack of access
to music resources essential for active participation. He illustrated how these deserts
disproportionately affect students in underserved communities, exacerbating the gap between
their experiences and those in wealthier schools with flourishing music programs. Together, these
works underscore the urgent need for systemic change to ensure equitable access to music
education for all students. Addressing these disparities requires advocacy, policy reform, and a
commitment to dismantling the structural barriers that keep music-making from happening in
underserved communities.
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Sports and Music
Sports and music programs have a lot in common in that both offer opportunities for
children to develop many essential skills, including strategic planning skills, social skills such as
team participation and making friends, teamwork and academic habits, self-esteem, and the
ability to integrate these skills into the school and community (Patel, et al., 2010). Music and
sports also play parallel roles in children's emotional and physical development. Yet, keeping
children interested and connected in music and sports during puberty is equally challenging. The
enjoyment of either type of activity can be bolstered or hindered by unintentional pressures and
early successes or failures by the other (Patel, et al., 2010).
Organized sports programs in the United States, for example, are known to be
competitive and primarily emphasize winning (Patel, et al., 2010). Existing studies on early
puberty and sports development, for example, address elementary school-age children's
emotional and physical development through their successes and failures and the experiences'
effects on motivation for sports participation later in life (Patel, et al., 2010) Like music
programs, the increased focus on involving youth in sports activities through schools and
community organizations has shifted from being spontaneous and fun to being highly organized
and competitive. (Patel, et al., 2010)
Moderate levels of competition in music and sports can motivate and help students set
goals, develop resilience, and build self-esteem when handled appropriately. In sports, for
example, competitions teach teamwork, discipline, and the value of perseverance. Similarly, in
music programs, performance opportunities can encourage students to strive for improvement,
develop confidence, and experience success. Excessive competition, in turn, can have negative
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effects on students’ emotional and psychological well-being. Research suggests that high levels
of pressure in sports and music can lead to:
● Increased anxiety: Students may become overly focused on winning or
performing perfectly, leading to fear of failure (Patel, et al., 2010).
● Decreased intrinsic motivation: When competition becomes the sole focus,
students may lose sight of the intrinsic joy and personal growth that comes from
participating in an activity (Hattie & Timperley, 2007)
● Risk of burnout: Intense competition without proper support can lead to burnout,
particularly for young athletes and musicians (Zhang & Chen, 2023)
Arnett (2014) found that for younger students, particularly those in elementary school,
the focus should ideally be on skill development, enjoyment, and social interaction rather than
intense competition. Introducing too much competition at this age can create unnecessary
pressure, leading to anxiety and burnout. According to development theories, such as those
proposed by Piaget (1965), children are still developing cognitive and emotional skills in their
early years, and overly competitive environments can hinder their love for the activity. In
contrast, as students reach adolescence, they may be more prepared for higher levels of
competition as they can handle complex emotions and abstract thinking. However, the intensity
of competition should still be balanced with the opportunity for personal growth and enjoyment
(Arnett, 2014).
Zhang and Chen (2023) studied life satisfaction among adolescents participating in music
and sports programs compared to peers who did not. They surveyed 460 Croatian adolescents
aged 15–19 using the Brief Multidimensional Students’ Life Satisfaction Scale (BMSLSS).
Results indicated that adolescents in music and sports programs had significantly higher overall
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life satisfaction. Both programs foster community, personal growth, and emotional health,
though music programs particularly support creativity and self-expression, whereas sports
emphasize teamwork and physical fitness. However, the study also noted shared pressures—such
as high expectations in performances or competitions—that can cause stress, anxiety, and
burnout, sometimes leading adolescents to withdraw altogether. Additionally, the authors
highlighted socioeconomic barriers: students from lower-income communities often have fewer
opportunities to participate due to limited funding and program availability, missing important
developmental and social benefits (Zhang & Chen, 2023).
Hattie and Timperley (2007) emphasized how effective feedback in sports and music
programs is crucial for skill development and performance improvement. Feedback that focuses
on clear goals, progress evaluation, and actionable next steps helps participants refine their
technical abilities and build confidence. However, poorly delivered feedback like ridicule,
sarcasm, overly critical comments, or dismissive or vague comments, can lead to confusion,
reduced motivation, and disengagement, all of which underscore the importance of constructive
and timely feedback to support learning and growth in these disciplines (Hattie & Timperley,
2007)
Students are often pressured to choose between activities, which ironically creates
another form of competition. Sports are culturally associated with masculinity while
singing—especially in Western contexts—is often seen as feminine. As a result, many boys
avoid musical activities to conform to dominant gender norms (Hall, 2005).
Sports often attract students because the physical development they experience can be
intrinsically motivating (Bailey, 2006). Physical education is frequently mandatory throughout
elementary and secondary school, and as students' physical abilities improve, the sense of
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progress and achievement helps maintain their engagement (Fairclough & Stratton, 2005). In
contrast, music classes are often optional, and students who face challenges—such as frustration
due to voice changes or difficulty mastering an instrument—may lose interest and discontinue
participation early on (Harrison, 2004). Once students opt out of music education, there is
typically little incentive or requirement to return, limiting their opportunities to rediscover music
later in their schooling (Adderley, Kennedy, & Berz, 2003). This lack of continuity can result in
missed chances for personal and social growth in music, an area that otherwise might have
become a lifelong interest or pursuit (Hallam, Creech, & McQueen, 2017).
Habibi and Ilari’s (2018) study aimed to evaluate the impact of participation in an
intensive music and sports programs on children's cognitive, socio-emotional, and musical
development. Specifically, the study investigated how structured music training through the
Youth Orchestra Los Angeles (YOLA) program influenced developmental outcomes compared
to participation in a soccer program and a control group with no specialized extracurricular
activities. The research aimed to identify whether music training provided unique benefits that
extend beyond musical skills to other areas of child development.
The study took a longitudinal approach, following children from underserved
communities in Los Angeles over several years. It examined outcomes such as attention,
working memory, social skills, and emotional regulation while also assessing musical abilities
such as pitch matching and improvisation. By comparing these developmental markers across the
three groups, the study aimed to highlight the potential of intensive music education to foster
holistic growth, particularly in communities with limited access to such programs. One focus of
the study was to see if the developing instrumental abilities of students participating in the
instrumental El Sistema-inspired program would transfer into equally advanced musical
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production abilities. In this context, transfer refers to the phenomenon where skill development
in one domain facilitates the enhancement of a related skill without intentional practice or effort
in a second area. of one skill lending itself to a second related skill without the participant
purposefully studying or putting effort into developing or enhancing the second skill.
Specifically, Habibi and Ilari (2014) investigated whether instrumental training would lead to
improved music-making skills in children who were participating in the Youth Orchestra of Los
Angeles (YOLA), an intensive instrumental music training program.
To assess this, the study used singing as a measure of musical development because not
all children in the program owned or played instruments. Data collection included conversational
warmups with the children to put them at ease, followed by a series of tasks designed to evaluate
their musical skills. These tasks included a test of their pitch-matching ability using the AIRS
Test Battery of Singing Skills or ATBSS (Cohen et al., 2015) and a creative exercise where
children improvised endings to a musical prompt. The study aimed to determine whether the
benefits of instrumental training extended to broader musical abilities, such as vocal production
and improvisation.
The Present Study
The present study uses the singing data originally collected in the longitudinal study by
Ilari et al. (2016) but with a distinct research focus and research questions. Therefore, while the
study employs an ex post facto design by exploring predictive influence of pre-existing group
data, it also utilizes a quasi-experimental analysis, given the newly derived data calculated.
Additionally, it applies a different analytical approach to explore new insights. Specifically, I
investigated whether singing accuracy – as measured through pitch matching skills– can be
predicted using an individual’s age, intense participation in music or sports programs, and their
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lowest terminal pitch (LTP), which is used to indicate early puberty. LTP is grounded in
Cooksey's (1999) theory on the stages of vocal development, which delineated each stage of
pubertal development based on an individual’s LTP. Understanding these relationships is
important because it provides insights into how vocal development and extracurricular
engagement may intersect. It also offers potential strategies for tailoring musical education to
align with students’ developmental stages and interests.
The literature review in this chapter helps to explain why singing accuracy might be
predicted through the combination of the stage of a child’s pubertal development, lowest terminal
pitch, and intense participation in music or sports by linking the complex relationship between
vocal development, puberty, gender norms, and extracurricular engagement. Each factor plays a
role in shaping a child’s ability to match pitch and engage in musical activities.
First, the stage of pubertal development factor is crucial, as it marks a period of
significant physical and vocal changes. During puberty, both boys and girls experience shifts in
their vocal anatomy, which can affect their singing abilities. As noted in Cooksey’s (1999)
theory, Stages of Vocal Development, the LTP can indicate the stage of these changes, with
younger children or those at earlier stages of puberty often displaying more stability in their pitch
accuracy. As children transition through puberty, their ability to control their pitch may fluctuate
due to the physical changes in their vocal cords. Therefore, the stage of pubertal development,
as indicated by LTP, can offer a predictive measure of their singing accuracy during this
transitional period.
Moreover, intense participation in music or sports programs provides a context for
developing musical skills, including pitch matching. In both music and sports, dedication and
practice help build physical and cognitive abilities, including coordination, focus, and discipline.
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In the case of music, children involved in intensive music programs like YOLA (Youth Orchestra
of Los Angeles) are likely to develop better pitch-matching skills due to their consistent training
and exposure to musical concepts. Similarly, children involved in sports programs may develop
skills such as listening to feedback, following patterns, and improving body control, which can
indirectly support musical abilities. The motivation and discipline required for success in either
domain may support the development of skills that translate to improved singing accuracy.
Finally, gender norms and stereotypes also come into play, influencing how children view
their own musical abilities and participation. For example, societal expectations about
masculinity and femininity often discourage boys from participating in music, particularly
singing, due to perceptions of singing as a “feminine” activity. These cultural attitudes may
affect the level of confidence boys have in their ability to match pitch and their willingness to
engage in musical activities. Understanding these gendered influences can provide further
insight into why some boys may struggle with singing accuracy during puberty, as these societal
pressures may lead to a lack of engagement or a reduced sense of self-efficacy in their musical
abilities.
Taken together, these factors - pubertal development, LTP as an indicator of vocal
change, and participation in structured music or sports programs - offer a holistic framework for
understanding why singing accuracy may be predicted by these elements. By examining the
interaction of these biological, social, and extracurricular influences, we gain a deeper
understanding of how boys develop their musical abilities during this crucial development
period.
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Chapter 3: Methodology
Introduction
This chapter defines the methodology used in this study. Using an ex post facto design, I
aimed to investigate the factors that might answer my research questions about the ability to
predict singing accuracy scores in boys, with a focus on how pubertal development, as indicated
by the lowest terminal pitch (LTP), and participation in one of three distinct groups - sports,
music, or control - affect musical ability. The study’s design involved examining the interaction
between these factors to determine how they contribute to singing accuracy, measured through
pitch-matching ability.
The chapter begins with a description of how the data were collected, including the
criteria for participant selection and an explanation of cases excluded from the study. I then
provide an overview of the vocal exercises used to assess the boys' musical abilities, focusing
specifically on component 6 from the AIRS Test Battery of Singing Skills (Cohen et al., 2015).
This is followed by an explanation of how the data were prepared for analysis. Next, I discuss
the analytical approach of the study, with a particular focus on the use of a Two-Way Mixed
ANOVA to explore the relationships between the variables and a Fixed Effects (Repeated
Measures) Regression that was used to examine possible predictive combinations of the variables
on OSS. This section includes a description of the data preparation process and highlights the
factors that need to be considered when analyzing singing data, such as task limitations and
scoring challenges. A critical issue addressed here is the distinction between measuring pitch in
Hertz versus Cents, which plays a significant role in the accuracy of the results. I continue by
discussing the complications involved with testing boys, including variability in vocal maturity
and performance consistency, and the challenges of interpreting the results within these contexts.
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The chapter concludes with a detailed explanation of the methodology, laying the
groundwork for understanding the approach used to assess the factors influencing boys' singing
accuracy.
Data Collection
This study utilized secondary audio data (Ilari et al., 2016) collected from three distinct
groups - Sports, Music, and Control - across two cohorts, each tested annually over five years to
assess their musical development. Vocal pitch matching served as the primary method for
evaluating musical skill because it allows for an in-depth examination of developmental trends
over time. By tracking participants longitudinally, the study examined how engagement in
structured activities, such as music or sports, influenced vocal pitch accuracy, and whether these
effects varied across cohorts. The control group provided an important baseline for
understanding natural variations in pitch-matching abilities (Habibi et al., 2018).
The term cohort refers to the two groups of boys who started participating in the study
one year apart. This design allowed researchers to analyze potential time-based effects on vocal
development, considering how different starting points may affect the outcomes. By structuring
the study this way, the researchers could examine whether developmental trends remained
consistent across cohorts or if external factors, such as changes in the learning environment or
physical maturation, contributed to variations in pitch accuracy and vocal control over time.
To ensure robust data, cases with fewer than three time points were removed. The final
sample included 37 boys (12=music, 11=sports, 14=control), ranging in age from five to eleven,
with a mean starting age of 6.5 years. The focus on boys specifically allowed for a clearer
examination of developmental differences associated with voice change, as vocal maturation is a
measurable physiological event uniquely observable in males during childhood and adolescence.
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The child participants were primarily of Latino ethnicity and came from underserved
communities in Los Angeles. This demographic focus provided a unique opportunity to explore
how structured extracurricular programs, such as music and soccer, could impact the
development of children who might otherwise have limited access to such resources. Including
children from these communities also highlighted the role of SES in shaping opportunities for
participation in enrichment activities and the potential of such programs to mitigate
developmental disparities.
The music group participated in YOLA, an El Sistema-inspired initiative that provided
intensive and immersive music training. This program offers children free access to high-quality
instrumental instruction, ensemble performance opportunities, and music theory education, all
within a structured and supportive learning environment. The curriculum emphasizes both
individual skill development and collaborative musicianship through regular rehearsals and
performances, which develops a sense of discipline, teamwork, and artistic expression.
By participating in YOLA, children engaged with professional music educators and had
access to resources typically unavailable in underserved communities. The program aimed to
enhance musical ability and promote broader cognitive and socio-emotional development.
YOLA’s holistic approach to education was a useful framework for investigating the
developmental impact of intensive music training.
The sports group participated in a soccer program; a community-based initiative designed
to provide children with access to structured, team-oriented sports activities. This program
offered intensive soccer training, focusing on skill development, physical fitness, teamwork, and
sportsmanship. Through regular practices, matches, and coaching sessions, participants engaged
in individual athletic skill-building and collaborative team play.
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The soccer program aimed to foster discipline, resilience, and interpersonal skills. It
offered children from underserved communities an opportunity to benefit from structured
extracurricular activities in a supportive environment. Like the music program, the soccer
program was designed to enhance physical and socio-emotional development, providing a
parallel framework for comparison in the study.
Parents or legal guardians signed informed consent forms, ensuring they fully understood
the purpose, procedures, and potential risks or benefits of the study. Additionally, all
participating children provided their assent to confirm their willingness to engage in the research
activities. This dual process of obtaining consent and assent adhered to ethical guidelines for
research involving children, ensuring that participation was both voluntary and informed.
Assessment of Musical Skills
USC’s Brain and Music Study, which began in 2014, aimed to investigate the impact of
instrumental music education and sports on various aspects of brain, cognitive, socioemotional,
motor, and musical development in children. The study involved in-person interviews and a
series of tests, including brain imaging, with 80 children aged 6-7 from underserved
communities. These children were followed over the course of 5 years, with a two-year
follow-up after the five-year study. The study sought to understand how intensive participation
in music or sports programs might influence child development, particularly in cognitive and
emotional growth.
Among the tasks used in the study, a singing task from the AIRS Test Battery of Singing
Skills (ATBSS) (Cohen et al., 2015) was used to assess boys' pitch-matching abilities.
Specifically, Component 6 of the ATBSS was used to evaluate how well children could match
pitch after hearing a music prompt. This component consists of five musical excerpts that
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involve whole steps to a 3rd
(C-D-E-D-C), whole and half steps up to a 4th
(C-D-E-F-E-D-C), a
major triad (C-E-G), a scale up (C-D-E-F-G-A-B-C), and a scale down (C- B-A-G-F-E-D-C),
using a neutral syllable. A musical score of the year one excerpt is shown in Figure 2.
An expanded version was adopted in year 2 that used 10 musical excerpts; the original
five plus five additional excerpts, three of which introduce minor tonalities in the scale to the 3rd
(C-D-Eb-D-C), to the 4th
(C-D-Eb-F-Eb-D-C), minor arpeggio (C-Eb-G-Eb-C) and two samples
that incorporate rhythmic variations in addition to the new pattern of stepwise ascension up the
major scale to the 5th and down again (C-D-E-F-G-F-E-D-C). These added excerpts were created
by two composers who were also research assistants with the Brain & Creativity Institute. A
musical score of the year two excerpts is shown in Figure 3.
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This methodological approach provides a comprehensive way to measure the impact of
early music and sports engagement on boys' development and offers valuable insights into how
musical training might influence cognitive and socio-emotional growth in addition to musical
skills.
Singing Task Procedure
Before engaging in the singing task, each child was greeted and engaged in conversations
about their favorite type of music or favorite song. This short conversation was an icebreaker
designed to put the child at ease and reduce the stress that may accompany singing tasks
(Hargreaves & North, 2001). The ice-breaker was followed by singing tasks where children
were asked to complete Component 6 of the ATBSS (see earlier description), by echoing the
sung pitches of the interviewer (a trained singer and researcher), Children were also invited to
improvise endings to sung prompts (see Ilari et al, 2018); sing “Happy Birthday” from memory
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(see Ilari & Habibi, 2015), and were asked to sing their favorite song (Cho, Habibi & Ilari,
2018). For the purpose of the original study, only sung prompts from Component 6 of the
ATBSS by the researcher and the child were analyzed.
All interviews were recorded using a Sony ICD-PX333 digital voice recorder and later
converted to either MP3s, WAV files, or AIFFs for analysis. The software Audacity version 2.0.0
was installed on a Macintosh Computer and used for recording purposes as a backup to the
digital recorder (Ilari, 2016).
Data Preparation
All data were provided as MP3 or WAV files from a shared Google Drive, downloaded to
a MacBook Pro, and entered for analysis into Melodyne software application, which uses a
specially designed Discrete Fourier Transform (DFT) algorithm to measure each pitch of both
the interviewer's and participants' voices to a signal frequency spectrum, Hertz (Hz). Audio data
were categorized by child, group, and age at the time of testing. To clarify vocal development
stages common to pubertal development, I conducted preliminary measurements of each child’s
voice sample for each year using the Lowest Terminal Pitch (LTP) heard during the brief
conversations that preceded the singing tasks and on other spoken parts of the audio data when
the child was answering questions and not singing. To clarify the stage of voice development
common to the stage of pubertal development, I conducted two preliminary analyses using
phrase samples and vowel samples from the audio data. First, I separated the data for all three
groups and excluded the girls’ data. Next, I charted each participant’s age at the time of each
interview, regardless of year of participation. I performed upper and lower peak tests across the
entire audio interview to locate the highest and lowest frequency used by each child participant.
These scores were then used to compare the LTP with Cooksey’s 1999 developmental stages to
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determine which stage each child fell into in each testing session. Once all data were prepared, I
used a multiple regression model with the OSS for each child for each session as the dependent
variable and the LTP, age, and group affiliation as the independent variables.
Factors to Consider When Analyzing Singing Data
Before delving more deeply into the analytical approach employed in this study, it is
important to discuss some of the challenges associated with the analysis of singing data. This
includes the nature of tasks that are employed in studies, including if they use live or recorded
singing prompts, considerations of using Hertz or cents to determine singing accuracy, the
problematic assessment of poor pitch singing, and the lack of consensus in terms of cut-off
scores.
Live vs. Recorded Singing Prompts
A key methodological consideration when assessing vocal pitch matching using
Component 6, Musical Elements, of the ATBSS is whether the study will use live or recorded
pitch prompts (Cohen et al, 2015). The choice between live vs recorded pitch prompts is a crucial
component of pitch-matching assessment. Both live and recorded prompt methods have
advantages and challenges, and there is no universally acknowledged superior approach.
Research suggests that children tend to match pitch more accurately when imitating a live human
voice (Granot et al., 2013, Demorest, 2001), but this method can be problematic because the
prompt-singer’s fundamental frequency (F0) may differ from the intended pitch absolute pitch.
Even when guided by an absolute pitch (i.e., A4=440 Hz), the interviewer’s F0 may varied by
several Hz. Absolute pitch targets rarely exist when sung by a live person. The human voice will
make minute changes in pitch away from the absolute pitch due to vibrato, speed of airflow, or
any number of other factors. The human voice cannot be modified and set to a specific
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frequency in the same manner as a recorded voice to guarantee the exactness of the interviewer’s
F0 each time a particular pitch is sung.
Recorded prompts, on the other hand, do offer precise control over pitch consistency,
ensuring that the target frequencies remain unchanged across trials. However, they may lack the
natural vocal inflections and nuances that support and enable pitch imitation. Additionally, a
child experiencing vocal changes due to puberty may have difficulty coordinating their own F0
with either method as their vocal apparatus undergoes physiological adjustments. The
complexity of the implications of either method underscores the need to carefully consider the
live versus recorded prompts decision when designing assessments of vocal pitch accuracy.
Precision vs. Pitch
When scoring an individual pitch or single interval, analysis using sensitive digital audio
equipment is significantly more accurate, while acoustic measurements may be more accurate
when scoring an entire song (Larrouy-Maestri, et al., 2013, Larrouy-Maestri, et al., 2014).
Precision in pitch can be understood as a singer’s ability to repeat the target pitch in
pitch-matching tasks or across complex pitch sequences or musical phrases (Berkowska & Dalla
Bella, 2013; Pfordresher et al., 2010). Note accuracy refers to the proximity of each sung F0 to
the target F0 (Pfordresher, 2007). The equation below has been commonly used to calculate
accuracy scores for participants on single-note tasks:
Wherein 𝑆 refers to the F0 for a sung note, 𝑇 refers to the target F0 and 𝑖 indexes serial
position out of 𝑁 notes in a sequence. In a singing test using live prompts, only precision can be
reliably measured, as the fundamental frequency (F0) of the target pitch varies naturally with
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each production. Note accuracy scores, on the other hand, are only feasible when evaluating
imitation tasks from recorded pitches, where the target notes and sequences have fixed F0 values
for each pitch (Larrouy-Maestri et al., 2013; Pfordresher et al., 2007, Pfordresher et al., 2010).
As mentioned earlier, absolute pitch targets are rare, if not impossible, to replicate exactly and
consistently in live singing performances, even by experienced musicians. Most people lack the
ability to produce the exact frequency of an absolute pitch multiple times in succession or within
a sequence, which further complicates the process of measuring accuracy in live singing
assessments. This distinction between precision and accuracy is crucial when designing and
interpreting vocal pitch-matching tests.
Hertz Versus Cents
There are two main systems of measurement to acquire precise and reliable assessments
of singing proficiency using digital audio equipment, though both methods are problematic.
Hertz (Hz) is the standard objective and discrete measurement of sound waves. When using Hz,
measurements of the pitch change exponentially; this means that each pitch’s measurement in Hz
is doubled with each successively higher octave (e.g., A4=440 Hz and A5=880 Hz), resulting in
each octave having the same number of half steps but having a significantly larger amount of Hz
between notes in the higher octaves compared to the lower octaves which will show fewer Hz
between the same interval (Dalla Bella et al., 2007; Pfordresher et al., 2007; Pfordresher et al.,
2010). If comparing the same half-step interval (e.g., C-C#) between octave 5 and octave 3, C5
has a frequency of 523.25Hz, and C#5 has a Hz frequency of 554.37Hz, making the difference
31.12. In octave 3, C3 has a frequency of 130.81Hz, and C#3 has a frequency of 138.59Hz,
making the difference in this octave 7.78, despite using the same half-step interval in both
octaves.
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Limitations of Using Hz to Assess Pitch Accuracy. In this study, female researchers
collected data by singing the prompt pitch, and most child participants responded in the same
octave as the intended pitch. However, when a child's voice was lowering, their response
sometimes fell an octave below the prompt. Since measuring pitch differences in Hz would not
accurately reflect this shift - for example, comparing a prompt in octave 4 to a response in
octave 3 would suggest a very large pitch discrepancy, making it seem that the child was
significantly out of tune. However, in reality, the child might be accurately matching the pitch
but singing it an octave lower. To accommodate this, I adjusted the frequency accordingly.
Specifically, I halved the prompt’s Hz value when the child sang an octave lower and doubled
the frequency when a male researcher provided the prompt an octave below the child’s
response. While these adjustments helped standardize comparisons, matching pitch across
octaves still posed challenges for some boys.
An additional consideration relates to how pitch accuracy was measured. Because
measurements in this study were taken in Hertz (Hz), it's important to note that lower-pitched
voices—typically associated with more advanced stages of vocal development—show
increasingly smaller numeric differences between pitches the lower they go, compared to
higher-pitched voices. This scaling effect means that boys singing flat may appear more
accurate than they actually are, since deviations register as smaller values in Hz. In contrast,
boys singing sharp—particularly in higher registers—may appear more inaccurate, even when
the musical deviation is equivalent.
This discrepancy can influence how pitch accuracy is perceived across different levels
of vocal development, particularly when comparing prepubertal and pubertal singers. In this
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study, I assessed how accurately a child’s voice matched pitch as it lowered during puberty,
using lowest terminal pitch (LTP) as an indicator. However, smaller frequency intervals in
lower voices made off-pitch responses appear less inaccurate, which likely resulted in boys
who were singing flat receiving higher Overall Singing Scores (OSS) than they would have if a
different measurement system had been used. Conversely, pitch-matching calculations may
have unintentionally penalized boys singing sharp, due to the larger frequency values at higher
pitches, further distorting the results.
Taken together, these issues suggest that Hz-based comparisons may obscure actual
singing accuracy, particularly when voices are changing rapidly due to puberty. Future studies
may benefit from using cents-based pitch analysis, which standardizes deviations across the
frequency spectrum and allows for a more musically accurate and equitable assessment of
intonation.
Another reason as to why using Hertz (Hz) for sound measurement is problematic is
because the numerical difference between two frequencies can itself correspond to a distinct
pitch. For example, the difference between C and C# in the fifth octave is 31.12 Hz, yet 31.12
Hz is also a specific pitch between B0 and C1. This overlap in meaning—where Hz values
represent both pitch differences and individual frequencies—can create confusion in analysis
and interpretation.
To ensure uniformity in pitch measurement, the concept of cents was introduced as a
logarithmic unit that standardizes pitch differences across octaves. The relationship between
Hz and cents is complex, as there is no direct formula to convert one into the other. The closest
approximation A4 (440Hz), where the difference of 1 Hz corresponds to roughly 4 cents above
or below 440Hz.
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In the cents unit of measurement, each semitone is divided into 100 cents, creating a
consistent scale where every octave spans 1200 cents. This standardization allows for precise
comparisons of pitch differences across octaves, regardless of absolute frequency values.
Digital pitch analysis commonly uses cents to compare the accuracy of a response pitch
relative to a given prompt (Berkowska & Dalla Bella, 2013; Hutchins, et al., 2010; Pfordresher
& Brown, 2007; Pfordresher et al., 2010). While cents seem to offer a superior measurement
method, there is one significant and insurmountable problem—it is impossible to accurately
measure the difference between a sung response and a sung prompt in cents.
Limitations of Using Cents to Assess Pitch Accuracy. Using cents to measure pitch
deviation between a given pitch prompt and the responding pitch-matching attempt is a reliable
and accurate method, provided that the audio prompt is generated by a digital, non-human
source. This is because a digitally created or adjusted pitch can be precisely manipulated to
match the exact frequency in Hz of a desired tone, as well as the exact frequencies of the
semitones above and below it. Achieving this level of precision is crucial for accurately
defining 100 cents between each absolute pitch, which in turn allows for precise comparison
and reporting of the responding pitch deviation from the given (absolute) pitch in cents.
Measuring pitch differences in cents relative to an absolute pitch becomes problematic when
the prompt pitch is sung rather than digitally generated. This is because cent deviation can only
be accurately calculated when the prompt fundamental frequency (F0) is an absolute pitch
(e.g., A4 = 440 Hz), as has been commonly practiced in previous studies (Hutchins et al.,
2012). Since there are precisely 100 cents between each semitone, as determined by Hz, only
exact, standardized pitches—measurable in Hz—can be fixed reference points for calculating
pitch deviations in cents.
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Any variation from the absolute pitch in a sung prompt creates the need to redefine the
reference points for measuring pitch deviations. This is because maintaining a consistent
100-cent difference between semitones requires an exact, fixed frequency. For example, the
interval between A4 (440 Hz) to A#4 (466 Hz) spans 26Hz. That same span of 26 Hz
represents 100 cents between those two exact frequencies. However, if the sung prompt
intended to represent A4 is actually sharp at 450 Hz, the difference to A# (466 Hz) is now 16
Hz instead of 26 Hz. This raises a critical question: Should this 16 Hz difference still represent
100 cents to A#4, or should a new A#4 be established to preserve the original 100-cent
interval? Since sung pitches naturally fluctuate and are not absolute, accurate cent-based
comparisons require at least one of the pitches in the comparison to be an exact, standardized
reference pitch.
If one were to forge ahead and attempt to use cents to calculate pitch-matching with a
sung prompt, it would be essential to address the inherent imprecision of the sung pitch. The
natural fluctuations in the human voice often lead to deviations from the intended absolute
pitch. Therefore, before any measurement of the response can take place, the sung prompt must
first be analyzed for its deviation in cents from the absolute pitch. To ensure accuracy, both the
fundamental frequency (F0) of the target and the response must be measured in cents relative
to the absolute pitch. The difference between the two is then calculated in cents, with particular
attention given to avoid scenarios where the target pitch is sharp or flat on one side of the
absolute pitch, while the response pitch is sharp or flat on the opposite side. This could result in
the deviations canceling each other out, which would lead to misleading or inaccurate results.
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Problematic Assessment of Poor Pitch Singing
Once a cent deviation is calculated, there continues to be considerable debate regarding
the number of cents required to assign a binary label of “accurate” or “inaccurate” to a pitch.
This debate overlooks the continuum of accuracy and fails to consider how precise or
imprecise the sung pitch is relative to the prompt (Dalla Bella et al., 2007; Hutchins et al.,
2010; Pfordresher et al., 2007). For example, if the prompt’s fundamental frequency (F0)
deviates by +25 cents from the absolute pitch, and the response aligns exactly with the absolute
pitch (0 cents), should the response be considered “on-pitch” because of its proximity to the
absolute pitch, or “off-pitch” because it is 25 cents from the prompt? This issue highlights the
need for a more nuanced understanding of pitch accuracy rather than a binary categorization
that fails to capture the subtleties of pitch variation
The Far-Reaching Implications of Poor Pitch Singing
The challenges associated with poor pitch singing go far beyond simply not hitting the
right note - they ripple into areas of emotional well-being, musical growth, social interaction,
and cultural understanding. For many children, especially in group settings, singing off-pitch
can impact self-esteem and confidence, particularly if they are met with criticism or feel they
don’t “measure up” musically. This pressure can lead to anxiety or reluctance to participate,
especially in cultures or peer groups where accurate pitch is equated with competence or
acceptability. On a musical level, singing off-pitch can affect the aesthetic quality of group
performances, disrupting harmony and unison, and sometimes signaling deeper issues like
tension, breath control challenges, or unfamiliarity with the song. Yet, it is important to
recognize that pitch accuracy is not universally prioritized - in some musical cultures, rhythmic
precision or expressive qualities matter more, and pitch may be viewed as fluid rather than
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fixed. Understanding these cultural contexts allows educators to approach pitch issues with
more flexibility and inclusivity. From a developmental perspective, children may simply need
more time, practice, or ear training to develop pitch-matching skills - especially if they have
not been immersed in a music-rich environment. Teachers can support this growth by using
fun, low-pressure activities like singing games, call-and-response exercises, or music that
celebrates a wide range of tunings. And when it comes to group dynamics, fostering a
classroom culture where every child feels safe and valued - regardless of pitch accuracy - can
make all the difference. Rather than focusing solely on correcting pitch, educators can
emphasize musical exploration and enjoyment, helping children discover that singing is for
everyone, no matter where they are on their vocal journey. (See figure 4):
Figure 4:
Contextual Factors Related to Pitch Inaccuracy.
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To summarize: while poor pitch singing may sometimes be framed as a technical issue,
it is also a deeply cultural, social, and emotional one. Addressing these challenges requires
recognizing both the individual developmental aspects of pitch matching and the broader
cultural and group dynamics that influence how singing is perceived and performed.
Singing ‘Inaccuracies’ Specific to Children
Children are developing their brains, bodies, and voices. Thus, ‘inaccuracies’ in singing
are to be expected. The analysis of a child’s sung response has additional challenges due to the
natural fluctuations in the F0 trajectory of a given note. These fluctuations, which may appear
to be inaccuracies or distortions in pitch stability, can result from various factors, including
nervousness, excitement, uncertainty, poor singing habits, or the vocal instability associated
with puberty (Hutchins et al., 2012; Pfordresher, et al., 2021).
For example, the analysis could focus on the entire range of pitches, including the
initial vocal scoop toward the target note (Pfordresher, et al., 2007), on the longest sustained
voiced frequency (Hutchins et al., 2012; Pfordresher et al., 2010), or on a specific vowel group
in a dominant syllable (Dalla Bella et al., 2007). Once the F0 segment for the sung response
note is identified, its pitch height must be adjusted to ensure octave consistency. Factors such
as vocal fry, huskiness caused by voice changes during puberty, or other vocal artifacts may
account for octave variations in F0, complicating accurate measurements (Dalla Bella et al.,
2007). Notably, these factors were present in the data analyzed for this dissertation,
underscoring the importance of accounting for such variations when evaluating pitch accuracy
and stability in boys' voices.
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In my experience, addressing pitch inaccuracies effectively means understanding where
they come from and using thoughtful, supportive strategies to help singers improve. As both a
researcher and educator, I have found that the best approach blends technical insight with
developmental awareness (see Figure 5). Pitch issues can stem from a variety of
sources—physical changes like puberty or vocal fatigue, emotional factors such as nervousness
or uncertainty, and technical challenges like poor singing habits, limited training, or difficulty
hearing and matching pitch. Recognizing the root cause is key, because a child navigating
puberty needs a different kind of support than one who simply has not developed
pitch-matching skills yet. In the classroom or studio, I always try to address these issues in a
way that encourages growth without discouraging effort. Instead of framing singing in terms of
right or wrong, I value every small step of progress—like when a student who once sang in a
monotone begins to shift their voice closer to the intended pitch. That kind of growth is
definitely worth celebrating. Tools like pitch-tracking software (e.g., Melodyne) can also be
helpful, giving singers a visual way to understand how their pitch is behaving and where
adjustments can be made (Geringer et al., 2014). Building confidence plays a huge role too;
when students feel more relaxed and less self-conscious, their vocal control often improves
naturally. I also reinforce foundational skills—like posture, breathing, and consistent vocal
production—to give students the tools they need to find their pitch more reliably. On the
research side, it is essential to adopt frameworks that reflect the nuance of real-world singing.
Instead of relying on binary labels like “on-pitch” or “off-pitch,” we should treat pitch
accuracy as a continuum, taking into account things like task complexity, vocal maturity, and a
singer’s experience level. Researchers also need to be aware of artifacts—like octave errors or
vocal fry—that can skew F0 measurements and lead to misinterpretation of a singer’s abilities.
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Ultimately, whether in teaching or research, working with pitch inaccuracies requires patience,
curiosity, and a willingness to adapt. When we reframe these moments not as failures but as
chances to grow, students respond with more engagement and motivation—and that’s when
real progress begins.
Figure 5
Thematic Strategies and Research-Based Insights for Addressing Pitch Inaccuracy in Singing
Interpreting Results
Finally, researchers must interpret the scored data carefully to draw reasonable
conclusions (Larrouy-Maestri et al., 2013). Despite the extensive use of cent-based
measurements for pitch differences, there is no consensus on the cut-off range for defining an
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“in-tune” versus “out-of-tune” singer. Current debates suggest cut-off values ranging from a
quarter of a tone, or 50 cents, in either direction (Berkowska et al., 2013; Demorest &
Clements, 2007; Hutchins & Peretz, 2012), to a full semitone, or 100 cents in either direction
(Pfordresher & Brown, 2007; Pfordresher et al., 2010). This lack of agreement underscores the
need for more consistent and standardized approaches to defining and interpreting pitch
accuracy in vocal assessments.
As previously discussed, a semitone is the smallest interval between two neighboring
tones in Western Music and spans 100 cents (Berkowska, et al., 2013). For some, deviations
within the ±100-cent range around a target pitch - yielding a 200-cent range - are considered
acceptable for a pitch to be classified as “in-tune” (Hutchins et al., 2012). For others, a more
stringent standard, limiting the acceptable range to ±50-cents, or a 100-cent total range, for a
note to be considered “in-tune.” Generally, a deviation greater than 50 cents, or half a
semitone, is perceptible to musicians or otherwise trained ears, who will likely interpret the
note as belonging to the next pitch in the Western scale instead of the target note (Hutchins et
al., 2012).
Even with this general set of criteria for error, most imitation tests involve sequences of
notes rather than single tones. In these cases, some notes of the sequence may fall within the
acceptable range, while others deviate beyond it. While averaging scores across the sequence
can provide general trends of in-tune versus out-of-tune performance, this method reduces
accuracy due to the binary nature of the evaluation (Hutchins et al., 2012). Thus, interpreting
pitch accuracy in sequences requires careful consideration of both individual note deviations
and overall trends.
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Calculating Scores in the Present Study
The procedure for calculating the score in Hertz (Hz) is much simpler and was used in
this study, utilizing a method adapted from the acoustic scoring procedure developed by
Pfordresher and Brown (2007). Each sung pitch, both the prompt and the response was
measured to its precise frequency in Hz. The difference between each discrete sung pitch
produced by the participant and its corresponding target pitch sung by the interviewer was
calculated in Hz and yielded an Individual Pitch Deviation (IPD) score for each note relative to
the target frequency.
The IPD scores for all notes in a sequence were summed and averaged. This average
was subtracted from 100, and the result was divided by 100 to create a Normalized Singing
Score (NSS) for each pitch-matching sequence. The NSS, represented as a percentage, was
calculated using the following equation:
Finally, the NSS from the ten pitch-matching tasks were added together and averaged to
arrive at an Overall Singing Score (OSS) for the entire session. A lower cumulative (averaged)
OSS indicates greater accuracy in the sung responses.
This scoring method quantifies the degree to which a singer is in-tune or out-of-tune
relative to the live prompt, avoiding reliance on arbitrary cut-off thresholds that may or may
not reliably differentiate proficient singers from less accurate ones. By focusing on the
precision of the response relative to the target frequency, this approach provides a nuanced
measure of pitch-matching ability.
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The IPD, NSS, and OSS represent individual scores for each subject group reflecting
their pitch-matching performance. Subsequent analyses revealed that these scores show a
spectrum of singing abilities. The range extends from 0, indicating no difference in frequency
between the sung pitch and the target pitch (perfect accuracy), to a maximum cut-off of 100,
which corresponds to singing that was speech-like or chant-like, with an average deviation
exceeding three whole steps from the target pitch.
Results were reported using the composite score for the three groups (Music, Sports
and Control). These composite scores represent the average score of all participants within
each age group. Additionally, results were visualized through graphs displaying each
participant’s score for each task, broken down by year. A composite score for all participants
was calculated, with graphics comparing the average scores of each group by year (see Figure
6) and then a composite score for all participants was calculated, with graphics comparing the
average scores of each group by age (see Figure 7). These visualizations helped to clearly
illustrate the performance trends across the groups and over time.
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Figure 6
Overall Singing Scores (OSS) by group over all 5 years of the study
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Figure 7
Overall Singing Scores (OSS) for each group by participant’s age
Following the analysis of the pitch matching test, I reviewed each audio clip in its
entirety. All spoken and sung pitches of each session were scanned, analyzed, and measured to
find the exact lowest terminal pitch (LTP) in Hz of each child in each session. The LTP of each
child’s voice was usually found in the spoken part of the session. The LTP was notated and
compared to Cooksey’s Average Speaking Fundamental Frequency chart (1999), as in Table 1.
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Table 1
Cooksey’s Stages of Male Changing Voice by Lowest Terminal Pitch (LTP)
The initial analysis of each group's LTP data revealed a noticeable difference in the
onset of voice change. The sports group exhibited an earlier onset of physical maturation, as
evidenced by an earlier voice change, along with an accelerated rate of development
throughout the study. Notably, participants who experienced earlier voice changes also tended
to have lower OSS scores. In contrast, the music group showed a delayed onset of voice
change and had higher OSS scores compared to the other two groups (See Figure 8).
This prompted the question of whether a child’s singing scores could be predicted by
their age in relation to the start of puberty, as well as their involvement in either sports or music
programs.
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Figure 8
Stage of Development Level by Age using Cooksey’s Stages of Male Changing Voices
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Figure 9
Average Lowest Terminal Pitch (LTP) for Each Group by Participant’s Age
Two-Way Mixed ANOVA
Before seeking possible predictive regression modeling, I ran analyses on the two
newly derived variables (LTP and OSS) based on groups. Although I was not interested in
seeing if time was a predictive variable, it was important to determine if it had any effect on
groups on the two new variables. Due to the repeated measures/longitudinal data, I was unable
to claim independent observations as needed for more commonly used ANOVAs. The mixed
(or repeated measures) approach is built to incorporate both types of independent variables and
allows the analysis to run without independent observations. A two-way mixed ANOVA is a
repeated measure ANOVA that compares the mean differences between groups split into two
independent variables. This type of ANOVA helps to determine if there is an interaction
between the two independent variables, LTP and the different groups, on the OSS, the
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dependent variable. The two-way mixed ANOVA is used to determine whether there are
differences between independent groups over time. The two-way mixed ANOVA is designed
for one between-subjects variable and one within-subjects variable.
For clarity, both the between-subjects variable and the within-subjects variables are
independent variables in this analysis. A between-subjects factor involves independent groups
(e.g., the Music, Sports, or Control groups). In contrast, a within-subjects factor involves
repeated measures - specifically, time (e.g., each child’s LTP measured annually during the
intervention). A two-way mixed ANOVA was used to determine whether there was a two-way
interaction between the between-subjects factor (group participation) and the within-subjects
factors (LTP across years of the intervention) or if the effect of one independent variable
depended on the value of the other.
I suspected that the participants’ OSS would change differently over time depending on
the group they belonged to (i.e., Music, Sports, or Control). The two-way mixed ANOVA was
used to assess how a participant’s LTP evolved during the interventions over time while
accounting for group membership.
Fixed Effects (Repeated Measures) Regression
A fixed-effect (repeated measures) regression technique was used to examine possible
predictive combinations of the variables on OSS. As noted earlier, the longitudinal nature of
the data violated the assumption of independence of observations, and sphericity could not be
assumed. Therefore, a fixed-effects regression model was used to predict OSS based on LTP,
age, and group participation.
Fixed-effects models are particularly useful for reducing possible bias due to
unmeasured variables that may correlate with the variables of interest, especially in
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longitudinal or repeated measure designs. These models control for “random” time-invariant
factors, allowing each subject to serve as their own control (Gunasekara et al., 2014).
Additionally, fixed-effects approaches do not need the assumption of sphericity when used
with repeated measures models. So, by controlling for the correlational bias created due to a
variable not being examined (in this case, the confounding influence of time), this model
creates a "fixed-effects estimator" coefficient, which provides the desired regression coefficient
estimate. The model works by doing the following:
1. To calculate the deviation from each participant's overall mean, each participant’s
individual score at the five time-points was subtracted from their overall average score.
This procedure was applied to both the OSS and the observed LTP data. Specifically,
the overall mean score for each participant’s first five OSS tests was calculated, and
then this mean was subtracted from each of their individual OSS scores. The same
process was performed for the observed LTP scores.
2. The multiple observations are pooled for each person into a single data set, using
long-form setup as seen in Figure 7.
3. Dummy variables are created for both the group variable and for the time variable.
4. The dummy variables, with means subtracted as described in step #1, are then regressed
onto each independent variable (for both the repeated OSS and LTP) as well as the
other within- and between-subjects independent variables This regression follows a
process similar to regular multiple regression. The resulting coefficient, representing
the desired predictor value, is referred to as the "fixed effect estimate."
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5. The fixed-effects estimator uses the individual as his own control, thus neutralizing the
confounding influence of time. In a regular regression, failing to control for the time
variable would create bias and make the analysis invalid.
Figure 10
Long Form Data Set Observations
Chapter Summary
This chapter outlined the research design, participants, data collection procedures, and
analytical approaches used to examine the effects of participation in music and sports programs
on voice change onset and pitch accuracy. A quasi-experimental design was employed, with
participants assigned to Music, Sports, or Control groups. Longitudinal data from a separate
study (Habibi & Ilari, 2018) were collected over multiple years, though this prior research
focused on developmental outcomes different from the current study. While their findings
provided valuable context for understanding long-term changes associated with participation in
music programs, the specific focus of this study was distinct, centering on the relationship
between group participation, voice change onset, and pitch accuracy.
To analyze the data, both between- and within-subjects variables were considered. A
two-way mixed ANOVA was used to investigate the interaction between group participation
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and time, allowing for an understanding of how voice change and pitch accuracy evolved
across groups. Additionally, a fixed-effects regression model was used to account for repeated
measures and predict OSS based on LTP, age, and group participation while controlling for
confounding variables that didn't change over time. The data were prepared by calculating the
average differences for repeated measurements and using reliable methods to make sure the
results were accurate. This approach created an in-depth analysis of the longitudinal data and
identified the trends and possible predictors of the pubertal voice change and pitch accuracy.
Overall, this methodology provided a solid framework to answer the research questions,
which was both thorough and flexible to address the challenges of studying how singing and
vocal development are affected by a child’s environment and the physical changes that happen
in puberty.
This study used an experimental design to investigate developmental differences in
boys' vocal pitch accuracy across three groups: music, sports, and control. The participants,
who were between the ages 6-11, were randomly assigned to either the music or sports group
through a lottery system, while the control group consisted of children not engaged in
structured extracurricular activities. Data collection involved a structured singing assessment,
where children first engaged in an ice-breaker - a short conversation about their favorite music
to reduce performance anxiety. They were then asked to complete Component 6 of the ATBSS,
which involved pitch-matching tasks led by a trained singer-researcher. Additional singing
tasks included improvising melodic endings, singing "Happy Birthday" from memory, and
performing a self-selected favorite song.
The session was analyzed using Melodyne software to measure the participants’
speaking and singing pitches to find their lowest terminal pitch. The study also considered
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cultural factors influencing pitch perception and acknowledged that some cultures prioritize
rhythm over pitch precision. Statistical analyses were conducted to compare pitch-matching
accuracy across groups, examining whether intensive engagement in music or sports
influenced vocal development differently. The methodology ensured that data collection was
both standardized and ecologically valid while allowing for an exploration of cultural and
developmental factors in vocal pitch accuracy.
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Chapter 4: Results
This chapter presents the results of this study to find if a boy’s singing ability, as
assessed in his Overall Singing Score (OSS), could be predicted from a combination of their
age, LTP, and participation in sports or music programs. The data were analyzed using a
combination of a two-way mixed ANOVA, fixed-effects regression, and other statistical
methods, as previously described in the methodology section.
This analysis aimed to determine if the OSS of each group’s scores varied significantly
over time. A fixed-effects regression was performed to try to predict the OSS scores based on
LTP, age, and group participation. The results are presented to show the differences observed
between the three groups. Early indicators suggested that boys in the sports program showed
an earlier onset of voice change and had lower OSS than the boys in the other groups. Results
also showed that the boys in the music group showed later signs of voice change, as well as a
generally higher OSS scores. A discussion of whether OSS can be predicted by the interaction
of the variables of age, LTP and group participation will be included here. I will then
summarize the main findings of the study and include the results of the statistical analysis, and
the significance of the differences observed between the different groups. The implications of
these findings will be addressed in the next chapter.
Research Questions Revisited
Differences in OSS Between Groups
To answer the first part of research question one, “Are there differences in boys’ OSS
scores based on their involvement in a music program, a sports program, or a control group?”,
a two-way mixed ANOVA was performed to examine whether there were any differences
between participation in music, sports, or the control group on OSS. The suitability of the data
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was assessed through assumption checking. Normality for OSS revealed a negative skew,
based on a visual assessment of the histogram. OSS was transformed using the “reflect and
square root” transformation (Lund Research Group, 2013). The transformed OSS met the
assumption of normality based on visual assessment of the histogram and Shapiro-Wilk’s test
(p > .05). No significant outliers were detected. The assumption of equality of variances was
met, as assessed by Box’s Test p > .05. The assumption of homogeneity was met for OSS times
points one, three, four, and five, as assessed by Levene’s Test (p > .05), but not for time point
two (p = .018). Lastly, the assumption of sphericity was initially violated, χ2
(9) = 28.404, p <
.001. Therefore, since epsilon (ε) was 0.933, the Huynh-Feldt (1976) correction was applied,
and further analysis was then suitable.
A mixed design repeated measures ANOVA was performed to examine differences in
OSS over the five time points between the groups (control, music, and sports). This design was
deemed appropriate due to the repeated within-subjects variable of OSS and the
between-subjects group variable. There were no statistically significant differences in OSS
between time points, F(3.730, 96.982) = 1.05, p = .337, partial η2 = .04, or between OSS and
groups, F(2, 26) = .688, p = .337, partial η2 = .05. There was also no statistically significant
combined interaction effect for the different OSS time points and the groups, F(7.460, 96.982)
= 1.15, p = .332.
Differences in LTP Between Groups
The second part of research question one questioned whether boys’ Lowest Terminal
Pitch (LTP) scores differed based on participation in a music program, a sports program, or a
control group, A two-way mixed ANOVA was performed to assess group differences in LTP
scores over time. As with the previous analyses, the data’s suitability was evaluated through
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assumption checking. The assumption of normality was met for all time points, confirmed by
visual inspection of histograms and Shapiro-Wilk’s test (p > .05). No extreme outliers were
identified. The assumption of equality of variances was met, as assessed by Box’s Test p > .05.
The assumption of homogeneity was met for OSS times points one, two, three, and five, as
assessed by Levene’s Test (p > .05), but not for time point two (p = .015). Due to the
robustness of the ANOVA technique, the data for time point two was retained (Laerd Research
Group, 2017). The assumption of sphericity was also met, χ2
(9) = 12.891, p > .05, suggesting
that I could proceed with the analysis of group differences.
A two-way mixed design (repeated measures) ANOVA was performed to examine
differences in the within-subjects variable of LTP over the five time points between the
between-subjects variable of groups (control, music, and sports). There was a statistically
significant difference in LTP between time points, F(4,104) = 22.384, p < .001, partial η2 =
.463. However, there was no statistically significant difference in LTP between groups, F(2,
26) = .440, p = .649, partial η2 = .03, nor was there a statistically significant interaction effect
between the groups and LTP time points, F(8,104) = 1.143, p = .341, partial η2 = .081.
Pairwise comparisons using Bonferroni adjustment revealed that LTP time point 3
(Ltp3), Ltp4, and Ltp5, were all statistically significantly greater than Ltp1. Ltp3, Ltp4, and
Ltp5 were all statistically significantly greater than Ltp2. Ltp1 and Ltp2 were statistically
significantly less than Ltp3, while Ltp4 and Ltp5 were greater. Ltp1, Ltp2, and Ltp3 were all
statistically significantly less than Ltp4, and Ltp1, Ltp2, Ltp3, and Ltp4 were all statistically
significantly less than Ltp5. Table 2 shows scores of the statistically significant differences
between LTP time points, calculated using estimated marginal means using Bonferroni
adjustment for multiple comparisons.
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The initial analysis allowed me to compare the OSS and LTP data for child participants
in each group and examine each group’s mean OSS and LTP scores by age. Visual observation
of the data organized by age and participation group revealed clear differences in the onset of
the voice change between the groups. The sports group showed an earlier drop in individual
and average LTP scores, and participants with earlier voice changes also had lower OSS. In
contrast, the music group showed a delayed onset of the voice change and overall higher OSS
compared to the other two groups. Although I was not specifically focused on puberty rates,
these observations raised questions about whether a child’s singing scores could be predicted
by age relative to the onset of puberty, and whether these outcomes might be influenced by the
participants’ involvement in sports or music programs.
Table 2
Statistically Significant Differences Between LTP Time Points
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Can OSS be predicted by LTP, Age, and Group?
Predictors of OSS. To address the second research question - “Can LTP scores, age
and participation in sports or music programs predict a child’s OSS scores?” - a fixed-effects
repeated measures regression model was used. This approach can reduce bias from unmeasured
variables that may be correlated with key variables, such as those occurring in longitudinal or
repeated measurements, by controlling for random time-invariant factors. In a fixed-effect
model, each subject acts as their own control, reducing variability and enhancing the reliability
of within-subject comparisons (Gunasekara et al., 2014). Additionally, fixed-effects models
handle repeated measurements without needing the assumption of sphericity, which makes
them well-suited for this type of analysis. The assumption of homoscedasticity was met by
visual assessment of the scatterplot of residuals and predicted values, which ensured the
appropriateness of the regression model for predicting OSS scores.
The regression model significantly predicted OSS, F(8, 164) = 3.755, p < .001. The R
2
for the model was 15.5% with an adjusted R
2 of 11.4%, which is a small effect size (Cohen,
1988). LTP, age, and music group participation added statistically significantly to the
prediction (p < .05). A decrease of one point in LTP score is associated with a decrease of
0.021 points in OSS (95% CI, -.035 to -.007). An increase of one year of age is associated with
an increase of 0.532 points in OSS (95% CI, .132 to .932). Participation in the music group is
associated with an OSS of .736 points higher than those in the sports group (95% CI, -1.479 to
.006). See Table 3.
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Table 3
Prediction of Boys’ OSS on LTP, Age, and Group
Summary of Results
The analysis revealed significant differences in LTP scores based on group
participation, with boys in the music group showing distinct vocal development patterns
compared to those in the sports and control groups. A two-way mixed ANOVA confirmed
group differences in LTP scores over time while meeting key statistical assumptions.
Additionally, a fixed-effects repeated measures regression model demonstrated that LTP
scores, age, and group participation significantly predicted OSS scores. This model allowed
each participant to serve as their own control, minimizing biases from unmeasured variables.
These findings highlight the combined influence of biological factors, such as age and
puberty, and environmental factors, such as structured engagement in music or sports, on vocal
development. The results suggest that participation in music programs may have a unique
impact on pitch-matching abilities, while sports participation and natural maturation also shape
boys' singing abilities over time.
Chapter Summary
This chapter presented the data analysis intended to answer the two research questions.
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The first question focused on whether there were differences in boys’ OSS and LTP scores
based on their participation in music, sports, or control programs. A two-way mixed ANOVA
showed that the sports group experienced an earlier onset of voice change, which resulted in
lower OSS scores. In contrast, the music group showed a delayed onset of voice change and
higher OSS scores compared to the other groups.
The second research question examined whether LTP scores, age, and group
participation could predict OSS scores. A fixed-effects repeated measures regression model
revealed that LTP, age, and group affiliation were significant predictors of OSS scores. By
using a fixed-effects approach, each participant served as their own control, which reduced
potential biases from unmeasured factors. The analysis also confirmed the assumption of
homoscedasticity, further validating the model’s reliability.
These findings underscore the interaction between biological factors (such as age and
the onset of puberty) and environmental influences (such as participation in music or sports
programs) in shaping boys' singing ability and vocal maturation. The results suggest that both
innate developmental processes and structured extracurricular activities contribute to vocal
skill acquisition over time.
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Chapter 5: Discussion and Implications
The results of this study provide important insights into the factors that influence vocal
pitch matching and vocal maturation in boys. By examining the effects of group participation
(music, sports, and control) on LTP and OSS scores, as well as the role of age and
developmental factors such as puberty, this research contributes to our understanding of how
both biological and environmental elements shape boys' vocal abilities over time.
In this chapter, I interpret the findings in the context of existing literature, discuss the
implications for music education, and suggest directions for future research. In particular, the
study’s results shed light on how participation in structured activities like music programs can
impact vocal pitch accuracy and development while also acknowledging the influence of
physical maturation. Social and cultural influences also intersect with these developmental
factors, particularly when it comes to how boys perceive themselves as singing.
Gender-related beliefs and expectations play a significant role in shaping boys’ singing
activities and self-perception. Freer (2010) emphasizes that many boys internalize the idea the
singing is a “feminine” activity, especially as they hit elementary school age where singing is
often perceived as more aligned with girls. As a result, boys may hesitate to participate fully or
confidently, even when they possess the ability to sing accurately. These perceptions,
combined with the vocal changes of puberty, may lead some boys to pull away from singing or
to suppress their vocal engagement in or out of school. Addressing these gendered
assumptions - through intentional teaching strategies that affirm boys’ identities as singing -
can be key to supporting their musical development.
The discussion that follows explores how these factors, biological, social and culturalall intersect and what they suggest for creating better music education programs. I also
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consider how these findings can help teachers support boys’ musical growth - especially as
they deal with the challenges of pubertal voice change.
Findings in the Context of Existing Literature
This study’s findings that LTP, age, and participation in music programs align with and
extend previous research on the relationship between vocal development and both biological
and environmental factors. The significant role of age and the onset of puberty in influencing
vocal pitch matching is consistent with established research on voice maturation (Pfordresher.
et al., 2007), which has shown that physiological changes during puberty can impact the ability
to match pitches accurately. Furthermore, this study expands on those findings by
incorporating the influence of structured activities, such as music programs, to enhance
auditory discrimination, vocal control, and pitch accuracy (Habibi et al., 2018; Ilari et al.,
2018; Welch, 2006). Habibi et al. (2018) found that early and sustained engagement in music
training enhances auditory processing, leading to more precise vocal production and pitch
control. Their longitudinal study demonstrated that children who participated in music
programs exhibited superior neural encoding of sound, which supports vocal development. Ilari
et al. (2018) similarly observed that children engaged in music education showed improved
pitch perception and vocal coordination, emphasizing the role of structured musical activities
in fostering vocal accuracy. Welch (2006) further reinforced these findings by documenting
how music training contributes to the refinement of vocal skills, particularly in young singers,
through the development of auditory-motor integration.
Beyond vocal accuracy, this study also investigated whether overall singing score
(OSS) could be predicted by lowest terminal pitch (LTP), age, puberty stage, and participation
group. The findings showed that boys in the music group experienced a delay in pubertal voice
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change compared to their peers in the sports and control groups, suggesting that structured
activities, particularly those requiring vocal refinement, may be associated with differences in
developmental timing. Whereas physically demanding activities, such as sports, have been
linked to differences in growth patterns and hormonal regulation, which may speed up the
onset of puberty (Patel, 2010). High levels of physical activity, particularly in competitive or
endurance-based sports, can affect energy balance and the release of hormones such as leptin
and insulin-like growth factors, which are critical for regulating growth and puberty. These
physiological responses highlight the complex interplay between physical activity, growth, and
developmental timing, suggesting that participation in sports can indirectly impact both
biological and developmental trajectories.
While sports participation contributes to physical development and coordination, it does
not offer the same direct benefits to vocal pitch matching as music programs. This observation
aligns with research by Hargreaves and North (2001), who emphasized the significant role of
cultural and contextual factors in shaping the development of musical skills, arguing that music
learning does not occur in isolation but is deeply influenced by the social environment and
cultural expectations, and access to structured opportunities such as formal music programs.
The potential impact of structured activities on pubertal timing suggests that
participation in music or sports not only shapes vocal development but also plays a role in
broader developmental pathways. Since vocal maturation is closely tied to pubertal
development, the type of structured activity a child engages in could indirectly affect the
timing and progression of voice changes. Physically intensive activities, like sports, may
accelerate biological maturation, including vocal changes, due to their influence on hormonal
regulation and growth patterns. In contrast, musically intensive activities focus on pitch
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accuracy and control, potentially delaying pubertal onset while fostering enhanced
pitch-matching abilities and vocal precision.
Moreover, the study’s use of a fixed-effects model adds to the literature by accounting
for individual differences and longitudinal changes, offering a more robust analysis of how
various factors influence boys' vocal maturation over time. This approach aligns with findings
from longitudinal studies by Habibi et al. (2018) and Ilari et al. (2018), which demonstrated the
long-term benefits of structured music education on auditory processing and vocal accuracy.
By examining boys' development over time, these studies underscore the importance of
sustained engagement in music programs for fostering improvements in pitch perception, vocal
coordination, and cognitive skills. Additionally, this study supports the findings of Gunasekara
et al. (2014), demonstrating the importance of controlling for time-invariant factors to better
understand the effects of group participation on musical outcomes.
This study highlights how participation in music and sports programs influences boys'
voice changes and singing abilities. Differences in OSS scores between the music and sports
groups suggest that the type of program a child engages in may significantly impact the timing
of voice change and overall pitch accuracy. The sports group exhibited an earlier onset of voice
change, accompanied by lower OSS scores, which may reflect the effects of physical
maturation associated with intense physical activity on vocal development. In contrast, the
music group demonstrated a delayed onset of voice change and higher OSS scores, suggesting
that involvement in music programs supports the preservation of pitch accuracy during vocal
maturation.
These findings contribute to the broader discussion of how environmental factors, such
as structured music education, can help mitigate the challenges boys face during the physical
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and vocal transitions of puberty. The delayed voice change observed in the music group aligns
with previous research indicating that music education may help stabilize vocal development
during puberty (Hutchins et al., 2014). Since music programs often emphasize vocal technique
and pitch accuracy, the results underscore the potential benefits of early and consistent music
training in fostering vocal control and maintaining pitch accuracy during this critical period of
growth.
Research Question #1
Are there differences in boys' OSS and LTP scores based on their involvement in a
music program, where accurate pitch is a primary focus, or a sports program, where
pitch accuracy is not part of import nor interest?
This study aimed to determine whether boys' singing abilities (measured by OSS) and
their stage of puberty (assessed by LTP) are different based on their involvement in either a
music or sports program. The findings showed that the sports group demonstrated an earlier
onset of voice change, as suggested by the lower LTP scores, compared to the music and
control groups. Additionally, those participants with earlier voice changes also had lower OSS
scores, suggesting a potential link between early physical maturation and challenges in
maintaining pitch accuracy. Conversely, the music group showed a delayed onset of the voice
change, along with higher OSS scores, which suggests that involvement in music programs
may help smooth the typical pitch fluctuations associated with puberty.
Existing literature supports the idea that puberty significantly impacts vocal
development, often leading to difficulties in maintaining vocal control and pitch accuracy
(Hutchins et al., 2014). Research on vocal maturation has consistently highlighted that children
experience fluctuations in pitch accuracy during the onset of puberty, a process that involves
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both physical changes to the vocal tract and the development of more complex vocal
coordination (Demorest & Clements, 2007). These changes can cause negative, if temporary,
changes in singing ability, such as decreased pitch accuracy and tonal stability. However,
studies also indicate that structured music training may mitigate some of these effects by
promoting vocal control through regular practice and attention to pitch (Dalla Bella et al.,
2007).
In light of this literature, the results of the present study align with previous findings
suggesting that music training may help keep vocal accuracy intact during periods of
significant physical change, such as puberty. This effect may be attributed to the cognitive and
motor skills associated with music education, which often require control over pitch and vocal
movement. Moreover, the delayed voice change observed in the music group may reflect the
stabilizing influence of music training on the development of the voice.
Overall, these findings suggest that the type of extracurricular activity boys participate
in—whether music or sports—can influence both the timing of their vocal maturation and their
ability to maintain pitch accuracy during this critical developmental period. In particular, music
programs may provide valuable support for boys in maintaining vocal stability as they
transition through puberty.
Research Question #2
Can LTP scores, age, and participation in sports or music programs predict a boy’s
OSS scores?
The second research question explored whether LTP scores, age, and participation in
sports or music programs could predict a boy’s OSS scores. A fixed-effects repeated measures
regression model was employed to analyze the potential relationships between these variables.
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The findings revealed that a combination of age, stage of puberty (LTP), and program
participation (music or sports) significantly contributed to predicting OSS scores.
As expected, age and LTP were significant predictors of singing ability, with older boys
and those at later stages of puberty generally achieving higher OSS scores. This is consistent
with existing literature on vocal maturation, which suggests that as boys age and move through
puberty, their vocal tract undergoes physical changes that contribute to improved vocal control
and pitch accuracy (Hutchins et al., 2014; Pfordresher et al., 2010). In particular, the transition
from pre-pubertal to pubertal voice changes has been shown to cause fluctuations in pitch
accuracy, which can be reflected in OSS scores (Demorest & Clements, 2007). The
relationship between LTP and OSS in this study further supports the idea that as boys move
through puberty, their ability to sing in tune improves once the initial voice changes stabilize.
Participation in music or sports programs also played a crucial role in predicting OSS
scores. The music group, which emphasized pitch accuracy, had higher OSS scores than the
sports and control groups. This finding is supported by previous research that demonstrates
how music education, particularly vocal training, fosters better pitch accuracy and vocal
control (Dalla Bella et al., 2007; Hutchins et al., 2012). The discipline required in music
training likely contributed to developing fine motor control over vocal production, which can
buffer against unpredictable vocal changes during puberty.
Existing studies have found that structured music education can not only enhance
general cognitive abilities but also improve auditory-motor integration, which is essential for
precise pitch matching (Berkowska et al., 2013). This suggests that involvement in a music
program could help boys develop vocal abilities more consistently, even as they experience the
challenges associated with puberty. Conversely, the sports group, where pitch accuracy was not
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emphasized, did not show the same improvements, highlighting the influence that focused
musical training has on pitch control.
Implications for Practice
The findings from both research questions that biological factors, such as age and stage
of puberty, and environmental influences, like participation in music or sports programs,
significantly affect boys’ singing ability, as measured by their Overall Singing Scores (OSS).
These results have meaningful implications for how music programs are designed, especially in
relation to the voice changes that occur during puberty.
Implications for Music Educators
Music educators should consider incorporating targeted vocal training that focus on
pitch accuracy throughout puberty when the advancing vocal development can lead to
frustration and (temporary) vocal setbacks. Adjusting vocal expectations and teaching
strategies based on a boy’s age and stage of vocal development—such as using lowest terminal
pitch (LTP) as a guide—can help prevent frustration and keep boys engaged in singing, even as
their voices change. The study also found that boys in music programs had higher OSS scores
than those in sports or control groups. This suggests that regular participation in structured
music programs supports vocal development. Schools and community music programs should
work to expand access to music education, especially in under-resourced areas, and focus on
building skills rather than only performance, particularly during the voice change. These
findings also offer useful guidance for parents, who play an important role in supporting their
child’s musical journey. Singing at home, showing a positive attitude toward music, and
helping boys understand that voice changes are normal can boost their confidence and keep
them singing (please see figure 11 for a summary of suggested strategies for parental support
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during vocal development). Finally, this study opens the door for future research on how
genetics, environment, and development all work together in shaping boys’ vocal growth.
Overall, the findings highlight the importance of a well-rounded approach to music
education—one that supports the physical, emotional, and social aspects of learning to sing
Recommendations for Parents of Young Boys in Music
These findings offer valuable guidance for parents, who play a key role in nurturing
their child’s musical journey. One simple way to support boys in music is to normalize singing
at home—whether during play, daily routines, or car rides—so that music becomes a natural
and enjoyable part of life, not something reserved for formal settings or associated with
specific genders. Parents/Legal guardians can also model enthusiasm by participating
themselves; when children, especially boys, see adults (and particularly male role models)
singing—even imperfectly—it sends the message that music is safe, joyful, and meant for
everyone. Encouraging musical exploration without pressure to be “accurate” or
performance-ready helps kids stay focused on the fun and growth that come with learning. As
boys approach puberty, it’s important for parents to understand how voice changes might affect
confidence. Reassuring them that voice fluctuations are normal and temporary can go a long
way in keeping them singing through the transition. Choosing supportive musical
environments also matters—look for teachers and programs that create inclusive, gender-aware
spaces and value progress over perfection. Use language that affirms their identity as
developing musicians, like “your sound is really growing” or “you’re finding your voice,” to
help them feel seen and encouraged. It’s also worth being mindful of cultural messages that
may discourage boys from singing, and taking the time to talk openly about how music belongs
to everyone. And finally, if local schools or communities do not offer accessible music
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programs, parents can play an important role in advocating for those opportunities—because
the research, including this study, strongly supports the developmental benefits of sustained
participation in music (See figure 11)
Figure 11
Ways Parents Can Support Boys’ Singing and Vocal Development
Broader Implications for Future Research
Results from this study underscore the complex relationship between biological factors
(like age and LTP) and environmental factors (like participation in music or sports programs).
Future research could further investigate this relationship to uncover how these variables
interact over time, particularly during sensitive developmental phases, like puberty.
Longitudinal studies that examine both biological and environmental influences on
vocal development (like Habibi and Ilari’s study, 2018) would be valuable. These studies could
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expand on the current research by investigating how specific aspects of music education,
specifically vocal training, affect vocal maturation and pitch accuracy and whether this impact
varies depending on a child’s stage of puberty. Additionally, research could explore how
environmental factors like socio-economic status, parental musical involvement, or community
music programs influence vocal development.
Given the accuracy range in the OSS scores, future research could focus on identifying
other factors, such as temperament, cognitive development, or even parent or other familial
singing abilities, that contribute to a child’s singing ability. For example, researchers could
explore the role of personality traits (e.g., motivation, anxiety) or cognitive factors (like
memory and auditory processing) in predicting pitch accuracy. Identifying these additional
contributing factors could enable educators to design teaching methods and techniques specific
to each child’s needs and abilities.
Future studies could also examine how social dynamics - including peer feedback,
modeling, and ensemble experiences - contribute to pitch accuracy, motivation to sing and
overall vocal development. For example, exposure to male soloists, participation in men’s or
mixed choral ensembles, and informal feedback from peers may shape not only boys’
willingness to sing, their motivation to engage in singing activities, and their pitch accuracy
and overall vocal development over time. Opportunities for positive reinforcement and the
normalization of male singing may enhance both confidence and skill development. A deeper
understanding of these influences would help researchers and educators to better support boys’
vocal development by leveraging peer interactions and group experiences.
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The study participants were chosen from a specific population, and the results may be
influenced by factors unique to that demographic. Future studies might include more diverse
populations from different cultural, socioeconomic, and educational backgrounds.
Further research could replicate the study with a diverse cohort to assess whether the
trends observed in this study apply to different groups of boys. This would provide a broader
understanding of how universal the impact of music and sports programs is and how cultural or
socioeconomic factors influence vocal development.
Summary of Implications
Taken together, findings from this study underscore the importance of recognizing both
biological and environmental influences on boys’ vocal development. For educators, the results
highlight the need to create age-appropriate, inclusive, and supportive spaces that
accommodate the unique challenges of puberty while encouraging continued musical growth.
For parents, the study reinforces the value of modeling positive attitudes toward singing,
normalizing voice change, and fostering a home environment where music is a natural and
encouraged part of everyday life. These combined efforts can help boys maintain confidence
and connection to music during critical developmental years. Finally, the study points to the
need for future research that further explores the complex interplay of genetic, social, and
developmental factors influencing boys’ singing, and that examines how different types of
musical environments—both formal and informal—shape long-term engagement and skill
development.
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Limitations of the Current Study
The current study, while offering valuable insights into the relationship between music
program participation, age, stage of puberty, and singing ability, has several limitations, some
of which relate to the results obtained from the various statistical tests used in the analysis.
These limitations, along with their implications for future research, are outlined below:
The study’s sample was drawn from a specific group of boys participating in the USC
Brain and Music Longitudinal Study, which may limit the generalizability of the findings. The
population was relatively homogeneous in terms of socioeconomic background, cultural
context, and geographical location, which may have influenced both the vocal development
and singing behaviors observed.
In addition, the small sample size limits the statistical power of the analyses and
increases the possibility that subtle or complex patterns went undetected. A larger sample may
have allowed for more robust subgroup comparisons and a clearer understanding of individual
variability - particularly in relation to age, pubertal timing, and activity group.
Although the study controlled for several key variables, including age, stage of puberty,
and group participation, other potentially important confounding factors were not accounted
for. For instance, differences in family musical background, socioeconomic status, or cognitive
and emotional development may also influence boys' vocal accuracy and engagement with
singing.
Importantly, data on prior musical training were collected as part of the broader
longitudinal study but were not included in the current analysis. This omission represents a
limitation, as early music exposure or formal training could significantly affect a child’s vocal
development and pitch-matching ability. Future studies should consider incorporating this
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existing data to help better isolate the specific effects of music program participation and
pubertal development on singing performance.
Future research should also aim to include more diverse samples and control for a
broader range of variables to assess whether the observed patterns hold across different SES
backgrounds, cultural contexts, and levels of musical experience.
Another limitation of the current study relates to how pitch-matching accuracy was
measured using Hertz (Hz) rather than cents, which may have introduced inconsistencies in
how deviations were represented across different pitch ranges. This approach can skew results,
particularly for lower voices where smaller frequency intervals make inaccuracies appear less
severe. Future studies may benefit from measuring pitch in cents, which provide a musically
standardized unit of comparison across registers. Additionally, the testing procedure could be
improved by simultaneously playing the target note on an electric piano while the interviewer
sings it, offering children both an absolute pitch reference and the natural tonal qualities of a
human voice. This combination may provide a more accessible and supportive cue, particularly
for young singers who rely on social or vocal modeling to match pitch accurately.
The repeated-measures ANOVA for the Overall Singing Score (OSS) by group did not
produce significant results. Similarly, the repeated measures ANOVA for Lowest Terminal
Pitch (LTP) by group was also not significant, although it was significant when assessed across
time points. This lack of significant findings in the group comparisons suggests that
participation in music or sports programs did not have a straightforward or strong effect on
OSS or LTP scores when examined through this method.
The non-significant ANOVA results suggest that while there may be some trends in the
data, the differences between groups (music, sports, and control) are not as pronounced as
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expected. These results underscore the importance of considering more complex models, like
the repeated measures regression, to account for potential interactions between variables and
their impact over time. Future studies could further explore why these group differences were
not significant, possibly by refining the grouping or employing alternative analytical methods
that might reveal more subtle effects.
Although the repeated measures ANOVA did not show significant differences by group,
it did reveal significant differences in LTP scores between time points. This finding suggests
that the voice change process, as measured by LTP, progresses over time, irrespective of group
participation. The significant time effects indicate that vocal maturation during puberty is a
dynamic and evolving phenomenon. Future studies should continue to track LTP over multiple
time points to explore more accurately how vocal changes relate to group participation and
other developmental factors. The finding also supports the rationale for using repeated
measures regression to account for changes over time, as this method can better capture
longitudinal changes.
The Fixed-Effects Repeated Regression Model showed that LTP, age, and group
participation were significant predictors of OSS. This suggests that, even though the individual
ANOVAs did not yield significant results by group, the combination of these factors in the
regression model accounted for some of the variability in OSS. The results from the regression
model provide valuable insight into how age, LTP, and group participation might interact to
influence OSS. Despite the relatively small effect sizes, these findings highlight the importance
of considering the combination of multiple factors (rather than isolating them in separate
analyses). Future research should continue to explore the interactive effects of these variables,
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using more refined statistical models to capture the complexity of developmental and
environmental influences on singing ability.
While the regression analysis identified significant predictors, the low regression
coefficients and effect sizes are notable. This suggests that the predictive power of LTP, age,
and group participation on OSS is relatively small. If the ANOVAs for LTP predicting OSS had
been significant, it is possible that the regression results would have shown stronger effects.
The small effect sizes suggest that while LTP, age, and group participation are important
predictors of singing ability, their impact is modest. This aligns with the non-significant
ANOVA results and implies that other unmeasured factors might be influencing OSS in
addition to the variables considered in this study. Future research could investigate additional
factors, such as individual differences in musical aptitude, family background, or personality
traits, that may moderate the effects of LTP, age, and group participation.
The significance of time in the LTP analysis points to the importance of considering the
longitudinal nature of vocal development. Even though the study did not specifically intend to
test time-related effects in relation to group differences, the findings suggest that time plays a
role in the changes observed in LTP scores. The results support the need for future research to
examine longitudinal trends more closely, especially given that puberty and vocal maturation
are processes that unfold over time. Researchers could benefit from integrating time as a
central factor in their models, as it is likely to influence the relationship between environmental
factors (such as group participation) and vocal development
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Chapter Summary
Despite the non-significant results in some of the individual tests, the findings of this
study provide valuable insight into the complex interactions between age, puberty, and
extracurricular participation in shaping vocal development. The use of repeated measures
regression models proved to be an effective tool for uncovering these interactions. However,
the study’s limitations, including small effect sizes and non-significant group differences in
some analyses, highlight the need for future research to refine methodological approaches,
explore additional predictors, and investigate the long-term effects of music and sports
programs on vocal development.
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Implications
The study was instigated on data that suggested OSS could be determined by LTP, age
of the participant, and involvement in either sports or music programs. Early findings showed
the Music group had an overall percentage score of 75% in their singing accuracy. In
comparison, the Control group had an overall percentage score of 67.60% accuracy, and the
Sports group had an overall percentage score of 59.49%. When I separated each activity group
by age and compared them, the differences were even more pronounced. The LTP by age
suggested that the pubertal voice change was happening earlier in the sports group, which led
me to wonder if the OSS could be predicted based on these variables.
I do not believe that participating in a sport automatically makes a person less able to
sing accurately, but I do wonder if much of a child’s decision to pursue music or sports is based
on which group offers the most positive feedback. A child who is developing earlier may have
trouble matching pitch because of an unwieldy voice and is thereby not given much positive
feedback on their singing ability. That same child might receive significant positive feedback
in a sports program because of being physically bigger and stronger due to early puberty.
Sports often become appealing because continued work on an already developing physique
helps propel interest as a result of positive feedback on development and competitive success.
Likewise, a child whose voice has not changed due to early puberty might receive more
positive feedback because of their child-like vocal tone and ability to match pitch, and at the
same time not receive the positive feedback that their more physically developed peers might
be receiving in sports programs.
There are more studies on sports development than singing abilities in early puberty.
Sports studies provide an understanding of how to address elementary school-age boys'
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emotional and physical development through their successes and failures, as well as the
experiences' effects on a child’s desire to participate in sports later in life (Patel, et al., 2010).
The above statement could also apply to early musical experiences. Music and physical
activity play parallel roles in boys' emotional and physical development, and both disciplines
face struggles to keep children interested and connected during puberty. The enjoyment of
either field can be bolstered or hindered by many factors: positive or negative feedback by
teachers, family, or peers; self-perceived successes or failures; well-meaning but
unintentionally hurtful or embarrassing comments or pressures; and socially accepted or
unaccepted gender roles.
Most elementary schools have some sort of general music program, but elementary
music teachers are rarely prepared to deal with the physical challenges of a puberty-related
voice change, nor are most elementary school music teachers educated in the intricacies of the
socioemotional needs of a child going through early puberty (Steinberg, 2014; Styne, 2020).
Most school-based music education programs end after the sixth grade when puberty in boys is
currently believed to be happening. In fact, most students cease participation in elective music
altogether (approximately 66%) at or after sixth grade (Demorest et al., 2017), yet in a small
number of states, physical education is a requirement sometimes up to the twelfth grade
(ShapeAmerica, 2024).
The findings of this study could inform and affect how elementary and junior high
school music teachers’ various well-meant and inconsequential-seeming comments, criticisms,
rewards, accolades, and other actions can play into a child’s construction of their musical
identities (Hall, 2005). Music teachers at the elementary level are seldom trained to deal with
the physical or emotional challenges of pubertal voice change. The inability to sound like their
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peers, in addition to the noticeable changes in the child’s body and voice, all affect a child’s
concept of self at a time when fitting in is of great importance. Children’s choruses and simple
singing tasks in schools rely on clear sound delivered on pitch, a task that a changing voice
may have great difficulty achieving. Failure in the ability to produce a desired sound can lead
to frustration, embarrassment, and avoidance of any situation that might require these tasks.
Teachers or others who are unaware of the potential reasons a child is not singing on pitch can
easily cause unintentional damage to a child’s sense of a musical self. Similarly, an earlier
physically developing child may find greater success in physical activities, such as sports,
where their stronger and more developed bodies can be an asset. Physical development and a
lower voice might enhance perceived alignment with older boys and sports heroes, and thus
potentially relegating musical endeavors to childhood, elementary school, and the perception
that musical participation is something one “grows out of.”
Elementary music teachers might consider approaching music class and singing like a
sports director might approach a sports practice. Teachers should put an emphasis on team
building to promote peer buy-in, all while being on the lookout for physical changes happening
in their students. Acknowledgement, validation, and compassion for the child’s situation are
all very important. At the same time, teachers must assign challenging but attainable musical
exercises and competitions for their students. Musical activities must have a goal with clear,
attainable expectations to which the teacher can provide enthusiastic support and individual
coaching when possible. Generous, but not insincere, rewards and celebrations can provide
motivation to complete a task or achieve a goal. Competitions can be inspiring, but it is
imperative to not make anyone feel like a “loser” for being unable to match pitch or attain a
desired musical goal. For music educators in elementary and junior high schools, dedicating an
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in-service or professional development day to observing a school-based physical education
class or extracurricular sports practice - particularly those with significant adolescent
participation - could offer valuable insights. Such observations may inspire innovative ways to
incorporate sport-based methodologies, such as goal setting, teamwork, and physical
engagement, into the music classroom, fostering a more dynamic and inclusive learning
environment tailored to the developmental needs of their students.
Further research is needed to explore boys' reasons and motivations for rejecting or
distancing themselves from public singing, as the underlying factors - whether societal,
emotional, or otherwise - remain unclear. Singing is a natural and fundamental aspect of being
human, serving as one of the most powerful forms of self-expression. When individuals refrain
from singing or participating in music, they may inadvertently sever themselves from an
essential outlet for emotional connection and self-discovery, potentially acting against their
own emotional well-being. Understanding the root causes of this disassociation is crucial to
finding ways to reestablish a connection to this universal human activity, ensuring that more
individuals can access the profound benefits of musical and vocal expression.
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Abstract (if available)

Abstract This dissertation investigates the developmental trajectories of boys aged 6-11 from a socioeconomically disadvantaged area of Los Angeles, focusing on how intensive participation in music versus sports programs influences physiological and developmental outcomes. Employing a quasi-experimental design, the study compares three groups: boys enrolled in an intensive music program, those participating in an intensive sports program, and a control group with no structured extracurricular involvement. A prominent developmental indicator examined is the rate of boys’ voice changes as measured by their lowest terminal pitch, which serves as a biological gauge of pubertal development. The study examines whether a boy’s singing ability can be predicted by age, pubertal stage, and participation in either sports or music, exploring whether the cognitive, motor, and auditory demands of musical training correspond with a slower developmental trajectory compared to the physical demands of sports. Initial results show that boys in the music program experienced different rates of voice changes compared to those in the sports program, which suggests that musical training may affect vocal development in unexpected ways. Results showed patterns related to age, vocal development, and activity group, though several limitations may have influenced the outcomes and should be considered when interpreting the findings. Findings from this research may have significant implications for educational policy, program design, and understanding child development within socioeconomically disadvantaged communities.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Stewart, Virginia Landis (author)

Core Title Effects of early puberty onset in middle childhood on vocal music scores of Latino boys participating in music and sports programs

School Thornton School of Music

Degree Doctor of Musical Arts

Degree Program Music Teaching and Learning

Degree Conferral Date 2025-05

Publication Date 04/03/2025

Defense Date 03/14/2025

Publisher University of Southern California (original), Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag adolescence,adolescents,developmental trajectories,interviewing children,music and sports,music education,OAI-PMH Harvest,pubertal development,Puberty,quasi-experimental design,singing,vocal development

Format theses (aat)

Language English

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Advisor Mattio, Candice D. (committee chair), Ilari, Beatriz (committee member), Coppola, William (committee member)

Creator Email vlstewar@usc.edu,Virginiala@yahoo.com

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