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Understanding barriers and resiliency: experiences from Latina leaders in local government

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Understanding barriers and resiliency: experiences from Latina leaders in local government

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Content Understanding Barriers and Resiliency: Experiences from Latina Leaders in Local
Government
Anita D. Gutierrez
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2024

© Copyright by Anita D. Gutierrez 2024
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Anita D. Gutierrez certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Christopher Riddick
Adrian Huerta
Esther Kim, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024

iv
Abstract
This qualitative study sought to address the underrepresentation of Latina women in senior
leadership positions within local government, exploring the multifaceted factors influencing their
career progression, barriers to success, and resilience. The study examined the intersectional
identities of Latina women and the barriers they face in the workforce, contributing to
discussions on diversity, equity, and inclusion within government institutions. The research
employed in-depth interviews and qualitative analysis to uncover organizational and personal
factors impacting the psychological, physiological, and social-behavioral well-being of Latina
women in local government. Drawing on theories such as Social Cognitive Career and Racial
Battle Fatigue, the study delves into the experiences of Latina leaders, highlighting the enduring
influence of early experiences on career trajectories. Key findings include the recognition of
intersectional identity, perceptions of psychological, physiological, and behavioral stress, and
their impact on self-efficacy—a crucial determinant of career choices. The conceptual
framework developed elucidates the complex interplay between individual experiences,
organizational dynamics, and career trajectories among Latina women in the public sector.
Recommendations include developing local networks for Latinas to share experiences and
building confidence, implementing organizational leadership development and mentorship
programs tailored to Latinas, and creating youth workforce exposure programs to introduce
young Latinas to diverse career paths and provide mentorship. These initiatives are crucial for
empowering Latinas to overcome barriers and pursue leadership roles in local government.

v
Dedication
I offer this dissertation to the following individuals who have been my constant sources
of inspiration, hope, and joy, supporting me throughout my life and during this challenging
journey of completing my doctoral degree.
To my daughters Sofia and Eliza and my son Noah – my beloved children, your presence
in my life fills it with immeasurable love and purpose. As you grow and eventually embark on
your journeys toward realizing your dreams, may you be abundantly blessed with opportunities
to learn and thrive. May this work serve as a source of inspiration, nurturing your self-efficacy
and determination to persevere through life's challenges. I hope you emerge as champions for
social justice and gender equity, fearlessly advocating for yourselves and others. May you
embrace the joy of continuous learning, becoming lifelong learners who contribute positively to
the world around you.
To my parents, Enselmo “Sam” Gutierrez, Jr., and Eileen Gutierrez, who inspired my
passion for public service through their own public service careers and active lifelong
community involvement. You gave me one of the greatest gifts you can give a child – the gift of
nurturing my independent spirit and fostering my leadership traits. You never imposed limits on
my aspirations, always believing in my potential to achieve greatness. Your unwavering support
and encouragement have been the cornerstone of my success; I am eternally grateful for that. To
my sister, Maria: your steadfast support and unwavering defense of your tenacious and
adventurous younger sister have been a constant source of strength. You have stood by me
through every endeavor, even when you may not have fully understood my pursuits. Your
unconditional love and encouragement have been a guiding light, propelling me forward in
moments of doubt and uncertainty.

vi
To my brunch bunch group of amazing, empowered, and talented amigas, Fatima, Carly,
Griselda, Vanessa, and Julissa, thank you for your unwavering support, pep talks, shared
experiences, and genuine love. Our friendship has been a constant source of strength and
inspiration. Thank you for being there for me through thick and thin, for celebrating my
victories, and for being a pillar of support during the tough times. I am truly fortunate to have
each of you in my life, and I cherish the bond we share.
To the love of my life, Jarrod, who came into my life and captured my heart in the final
season of this journey, your unwavering love, support, and partnership have been my rock when
I needed it most. Thank you for your constant love and support, as well as the countless latenight conversations as I toiled away on my dissertation into the wee hours, your genuine interest
in my progress, and your encouragement during the last push to complete this dissertation. Your
presence has made this challenging endeavor more bearable, and I am thankful for your steadfast
support every step of the way.
To all the strong, trail-blazing women and Latinas who came before me, my mentors,
whom I had the great privilege to know, admire, and learn from. Thank you; it is your shoulders
that I stand on today.

vii
Acknowledgments
To the 10 brave, trailblazing Latinas who shared their stories for my research, thank you
for sharing your experiences, insights, and opinions. Your voices are being heard! I am eternally
grateful for your contributions to this study and the impact you will continue to make in local
government.
I extend my heartfelt gratitude to my dissertation committee, Dr. Esther Kim (chair), Dr.
Adrian Huerta, Dr. Jennifer Phillips, and Dr. Christopher Riddick, for their invaluable guidance,
support, and expertise throughout this research journey. Their constructive feedback and
unwavering commitment have been instrumental in shaping the outcome of this study.
Thank you to my entire family and dear friends for creating space so I could focus on my
dissertation. Specifically, I want to express my heartfelt appreciation to Juanita for providing
invaluable assistance with caring for and showering my children with love throughout this
period. Her love and devotion created a nurturing environment for my family, enabling me to
focus wholeheartedly on my academic pursuits. Juanita’s kindness and support have truly been a
blessing, and I am forever grateful for her unwavering commitment to our well-being during this
time.
To the City of Pomona family, including the City Council, my colleagues, and the entire
city team, thank you for giving me the space to accomplish this journey. I am filled with a
profound sense of gratitude for the opportunity to grow both personally and professionally. With
this newfound knowledge and expertise, I am committed to serving our organization with even
greater dedication and passion. Looking ahead, I am excited about the possibilities that lie before
us. Together, let us embark on a journey of meaningful change and transformation, shaping a
future that is brighter and more inclusive for all.

viii
Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgments......................................................................................................................... vii
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures............................................................................................................................... xii
List of Abbreviations ...................................................................................................................xiii
Chapter One: Overview of the Study.............................................................................................. 1
Summary of the Problem .................................................................................................... 2
Context and Background of the Problem............................................................................ 4
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 9
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 9
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology .................................................. 12
Definition of Terms........................................................................................................... 15
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................. 17
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ........................................................................................ 18
Latina Demographics........................................................................................................ 18
Systemic inequities in Government .................................................................................. 20
Barriers and Coping Mechanisms..................................................................................... 29
Microaggressions.............................................................................................................. 32
Social Cognitive Career Theory (SCCT).......................................................................... 36
Conceptual Framework..................................................................................................... 40
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 45
Chapter Three: Methodology........................................................................................................ 47
Research Questions........................................................................................................... 47

ix
Research Setting................................................................................................................ 48
The Researcher.................................................................................................................. 48
Data Sources ..................................................................................................................... 50
Participants........................................................................................................................ 50
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 52
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 53
Data Analysis.................................................................................................................... 53
Trustworthiness and Credibility........................................................................................ 54
Ethics................................................................................................................................. 54
Chapter Four: Findings................................................................................................................. 56
Participants........................................................................................................................ 57
Results for Research Question 1: What Factors Impact Latinas’ Psychological,
Physiological, and Social-Behavioral Well-Being Within a Local Government
Organization?.................................................................................................................... 60
Results for Research Question 2: What Experiences Affect Latina’s Career
Advancement in Local Government? ............................................................................... 71
Summary........................................................................................................................... 86
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 88
Discussion of Findings...................................................................................................... 88
Recommendations for Practice ....................................................................................... 100
Limitations and Delimitations......................................................................................... 104
Future Research .............................................................................................................. 105
Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 106
References................................................................................................................................... 109
Appendix A: Demographic Questionnaire and Interview Protocol............................................ 131
Demographic Questionnaire ........................................................................................... 130

x
Interview Protocol........................................................................................................... 132

xi
List of Tables
Table 1: Demographics of Interview Participants 58
Table 2: Educational Attainment 59
Table A1: Demographic Questionnaire 130
Table A2: Interview Protocol 132

xii
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 45

xiii
List of Abbreviations
CRT Critical race theory
DEIA Diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility
RBF Racial battle fatigue
SCT Social cognitive theory
SCCT Social cognitive career theory

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Chapter One: Overview of the Study
The intersectionality of race and gender inequities manifests in a range of issues creating
barriers to upward mobility, such as unequal pay, disparities in promotions, unequal access to
career paths, and unequal, socially created racist and gendered power structures favoring white
males, particularly in male-dominated career fields (Bloch at al., 2021; Breslin et at., 2017;
Crenshaw, 2016). Latinas in corporate and government positions continue to lose ground at
every step in the pipeline. Between the entry-level and senior-level positions, the representation
of women of color drops by more than 75% (Llamas and Pietrantonio, 2020; LeanIn.Org and
McKinsey & Company, 2021). The significant drop in the representation of women of color
between entry-level and senior-level positions highlights systemic barriers and inequities within
organizations. This disparity suggests that while women of color may initially enter the
workforce at entry-level positions, they face numerous challenges and obstacles that impede their
advancement to senior-level roles.
For this study, Latina/o refers to individuals from or with ancestry from any Spanishspeaking countries and Brazil (Corlett, 2011), a term used familiarly on the West Coast of the
United States. Latina is the feminine form of Hispanic and Latino, and I used the term
throughout this study. Additionally, throughout this study, I referred to populations using the
labels used during data collection for existing data (Borrell & Echeverria, 2022). Therefore, I
used the terms Hispanic and Latina/o interchangeably throughout this study, depending on the
data source that was collected and recognizing their distinctive demographic and cultural
meanings. “Woman” refers to any individual who, through their gender identity, identifies as a
woman.

2
Summary of the Problem
Latinas play a crucial role in the demographic landscape of the United States. They
constitute one in five women in the United States, and projections indicate they will make up
nearly one-third of the country’s female population by 2060 (Executive Order No. 14045, 2021;
Gándara, 2015). Their significance is particularly evident in the national labor force, where
Hispanic women represent the second largest group of women workers, accounting for 16% of
the female labor force.
In the state of California, the presence of Latinas has grown. It has become more evident
over the past decade, with California’s overall Latina/o population increasing more than 11%,
accounting for nearly 70% (68.6%) of the state’s population growth between 2010 and 2020
(NALEO, 2021). Latinas comprise 19.4% of the state’s population, holding a substantial
majority (39%) of California women. However, Latinas remain disproportionally represented in
senior-level positions in local government relative to their demographic representation.
At the state executive level, they are the most underrepresented group in California
executive branch appointments, which are high-level committee and board positions appointed
by the Governor. Latinas comprise only 8.5% of all executive appointments compared to nonHispanic white women, who constitute 18.3% of the state’s population but represent 19.1% of all
executive appointments (Carmona & Barragan-Monge, 2022; Moreno et al., 2022). This
underrepresentation accentuated persistent barriers to Latina advancement and highlights the
urgency of addressing systemic inequities to ensure equitable opportunities for Latinas in
leadership roles.
At the local level, city managers lead entire city organizations, and women represent only
14.4% and Hispanics just 2% of City Managers nationwide; both numbers have only slightly

3
increased in the past 3 decades (Benavides, 2006; Farmer, 2015). This data demonstrates that
despite the high numbers of Latina women in the workforce, they are underrepresented in senior
leadership positions at all levels of government, but even more acutely at the local level. In short,
Latinas need to be equitably ascending to the top decision-making positions relative to their
demographic significance. Structural barriers such as privilege, whiteness, and masculinity
exacerbate these disparities, further hindering Latinas’ advancement in local government
leadership roles. This underrepresentation also occurs in the private sector, with women of color
accounting for only 4% of C-suite leaders in Corporate America (LeanIn.Org and McKinsey &
Company, 2021), Latinas representing less than 1% of U.S. executives, and only 3.3% of women
appointed to California public company boards (Carmona & Barragan-Monge, 2022; Moreno et
al., 2022; U.S. Department of Labor, 2021).
Moreno et al. (2022) reported that 68% of Latinas participate in the labor force in
California. They represent the largest share of women in California and are mothers to more than
half of the children in the state (Moreno et al., 2022). However, the implications of these
demographics have yet to translate into an equitable representation of Latinas in senior-level
leadership positions within local government. Research attributes this underrepresentation to
historical and structural socio-political conditions (Martinez, 2022) as well as a series of factors,
including the “broken rung” (Andrade, 2023, p. 52) in which men significantly outpace and
outnumber promotion to first-level manager. For every 100 men promoted from entry-level
positions to first-level managers, companies only promote 75 Latinas (LeanIn.org, 2022a),
narrowing the potential pool of Latinas in a position to be promoted to senior-level leadership
positions. Another factor is bias and discrimination that women experience in the workplace

4
based on their gender, race, or another aspect of identity (Eggerth et al., 2012). This contributes
to more microaggressions and barriers to advancement (Cyr et al., 2021; Moreno et al., 2022).
Research also investigated, as a factor in the underrepresentation of Latinas in leadership
positions, the cognitive processes they utilized in forming their self-efficacy beliefs considering
environmental and contextual factors such as perceived barriers and their effect on career-related
behaviors (Rivera et al., 2007). Additional research on occupational segregation frames the
disparity in access to positions and the salaries paid to full-time men and women workers around
the social division of most jobs between “men’s work” and “women’s work.” In the United
States, women are overrepresented in “female” jobs that pay less than “male” jobs, contributing
to the wage gap and limiting positions women can even access equitably. This research
highlighted that female jobs also tend to be less prestigious and autonomous than male jobs
while also emphasizing the profound effect of racial inequality in the workplace. Companies
increasingly invest in diversity efforts to address these issues, with diversity policies becoming
integral to organizational strategies (Williams, 1993). Based on the research, a complex interplay
of historical, structural, and socio-political factors contributes to the underrepresentation of
Latinas in leadership positions within local government.
Context and Background of the Problem
Our society framework is deeply rooted in the historical legacies of racial injustice,
systemic inequities, and pervasive oppression (Guess, 2006; Molina, 2023). The endeavor to
confront and dismantle the enduring ramifications of racism entrenched within our government
structures and social fabric remains a continuous and arduous undertaking. Ladson-Billings
(2006) characterized this protracted struggle as a manifestation of our historical debt, whereby
past practices of inequity and racism create systems of oppression. This concept emphasizes the

5
cumulative impact of historical injustices, which reverberate through contemporary societal
structures, perpetuating disparities and marginalization across various domains of life.
A significant example in the Latina/o community that demonstrates these issues have
plagued the Latina/o community for decades is the Lemon Grove incident of 1930 and 1931
(Espinosa, 2005), which resulted in the historic desegregation case of Mendez v. Westminster
(1946), where Latino children were purposely segregated (Espinosa, 2005; Valencia, 2005). The
school board in power at the time built an education system that discriminated based on race,
creating an uneven playing field for Latino children to receive the same education as white
children in the same community, a pattern repeated in the 1960s with school walkouts protesting
the inferior and inadequate conditions of schools and education for Mexicans. Collectively, these
historical episodes laid the groundwork for subsequent legal challenges and advocacy efforts
aimed at dismantling segregationist policies and advancing the cause of educational equity for
Latina/o students, including the landmark Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court decision
of 1954 (Espinosa, 2005) that declared racial segregation of children in public schools
unconstitutional. Brown v. Board of Education was one of the cornerstones of the civil rights
movement and helped establish the precedent that “separate-but-equal” education and other
services were not, in fact, equal at all (Espinosa, 2005; Lacomba, 2020).
While official segregation has ended, it has not eradicated racial inequality. Education
systems continue to struggle with institutional racism and adequate measures to account for
cultural responsiveness. Recent research reinforces the intersectionality of race and income,
highlighting a direct correlation between school poverty rates and the perpetuation of racial
disparities in educational attainment and access to resources (Fahle et al., 2020). This is the
historical debt produced by creating a system that discriminates. Scholars found that racial

6
discrimination and bias experienced during a child’s education may negatively affect how youth
view their opportunities in the labor market (Cooper & Sanchez, 2016; Hora et al., 2022; Perreira
et al., 2013), indicating that youth racial inequities permeate educational experiences. Further
research suggests that students’ experiences with racial discrimination escalate as they age
(Greene et al., 2006; Perreira et al., 2013). The experience of racial inequity influences
individuals’ self-efficacy. When students experience racial discrimination, whether overt or
subtle, it undermines their confidence and belief in their abilities.
A person’s self-efficacy, or belief in their ability to succeed in specific situations or
accomplish tasks, is intricately woven from the fabric of their life experiences. Within education,
the foundation of self-efficacy builds upon individuals' varied encounters within academic
settings. When educational environments prioritize vocational training over fostering collegelevel skills, it can instill doubts in individuals regarding their potential for higher education and
broader career opportunities. Moreover, when teachers hold low expectations for specific
students, particularly those from marginalized communities, it can erode their confidence and
capability. Biases that permeate educational systems exacerbate this phenomenon, leading to
unequal treatment and opportunities for students of different racial, ethnic, or socioeconomic
backgrounds.
Additionally, cultural mistrust, stemming from historical and systemic injustices, further
undermines individuals’ confidence in their ability to succeed within educational contexts and
beyond. Together, these factors create a pervasive atmosphere of doubt about future success
among individuals who face such systemic barriers and challenges within the academic
landscape (Cooper & Sanchez, 2016; Fernandez, 2002; Jensen et al., 2017; Leal-Muniz and
Constantine, 2005). The impacts of racial inequity on self-efficacy extend beyond the realm of

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education, creating the background contextual factors for adult career choices and prospects for
advancement (Wilson, 2012; Wright et al., 2012). While discussing the ongoing racial inequality,
it is imperative to delve into the social construction of race and systemic racism,
Guess (2006) discussed how race was socially constructed, with an emphasis on the
social construction of “whiteness,” and described a difference between racism by intent, which
sets up the social structure as inequitable from the start and then is perpetuated as racism by
consequence creating a vicious cycle of systemic racism. Based on this analysis, it is obvious to
link today’s race and gender inequities in the workforce, particularly for Latinas (racism by
consequence), to historical racism by intent established during the construction of social and
political frameworks. For instance, the founders of our nation did not prove equality for all;
women could not vote until 1919, white people could enslave Black people, and a Black/white
binary had already taken root at America’s inception (Guess, 2006; Molina, 2014). In the context
of government systems, the combination of whiteness and masculinity is embedded within the
historically socially acceptable divisions of labor, with women relegated to care roles in or out of
the home and men responsible for professional work (Bishu, et al., 2020; Kennedy et al., 2020).
Additionally, whiteness and masculinity can be traced back to the establishment of modern-day
public administration practices with the historical understanding of the public sphere as a male
preserve, distinct from the domestic realm that has been the primary living space and
responsibility of women (Bishu et al., 2020; Strivers, 2002). Those racist and patriarchal ideals
do not vanish without deliberate and widespread change; they create institutionalized racism and
discrimination that perpetuate in our organizations and are the foundations of barriers leading to
the current underrepresentation of some communities.

8
In 2021, President Biden acknowledged that within government organizations, “the
enduring legacies of employment discrimination, systemic racism, and gender inequality are still
felt today” (Executive Order No. 14045, 2021). Despite decades of progress, many racial and
ethnic minoritized communities remain under-represented in the federal, state, and local
government workforce, especially in leadership positions (Executive Order No. 14045, 2021;
Moreno et al., 2022; Navarro et al., 2016). Many scholars have posited that local government has
a dual responsibility to civil rights issues. Local government is responsible for administering
essential services and programs, establishing local laws to govern the community, and ensuring
the fair and equitable enforcement of civil rights mandates in the jurisdiction for the benefit of
the community (Yaffe, 1995). As an employer, local government is responsible for combating
discrimination and ensuring the equitable inclusion of all individuals. This task has become
increasingly urgent in the aftermath of significant societal upheavals, including the COVID-19
pandemic, the Black Lives Matter Movement, and a host of enduring divisive political and social
issues. These range from ideological debates to fundamental human rights concerns, such as
transgender rights, perceptions of discrimination, reverse discrimination in education and the
workplace, and reproductive rights. Considering these pressing issues, scholars note the need for
local governments to prioritize efforts to address systemic inequalities and promote inclusivity
within their jurisdictions (Newman et al., 2023). In light of the pressing need for local
governments to address discrimination and promote equity, the underrepresentation of Latinas in
senior-level leadership positions highlights a critical failure in hiring, promotion, and retention
practices within municipalities, despite the size of the majority population or size of the
workforce (Cruz & Blancero, 2017; Executive Order No. 14045, 2021).

9
Purpose of the Study
This study aimed to learn more about the environmental and interpersonal factors and
processes that impact the self-efficacy and decisions of Latina women to pursue and achieve
senior-level positions within local government. Further, this study aimed to understand the
effects of organizational culture (Schein, 2017) on the advancement of Latina women into senior
leadership positions within local government. This study aims to increase the odds of success for
Latinas in local government by identifying and providing insights into common themes
experienced by Latinas in leadership positions and uncovering components supporting resiliency.
Qualitative methods will be used to understand individuals’ lived experiences and identify
themes of perceptions of career advancement opportunities. The research questions that guided
this study focused on barriers to career advancement, how Latinas cope with these barriers, and
how Latinas describe their self-efficacy to persist towards leadership positions, with the hopes of
learning more about environmental and interpersonal factors and processes that impact the selfefficacy and decisions of Latinas to pursue senior level positions within local government.
The following research questions guided the study:
1. What factors impact Latina’s psychological, physiological, and social-behavioral
well-being within a local government organization?
2. What experiences affect Latina’s career advancement in local government?
Significance of the Study
This study is significant because it addresses an existing research gap on the
underrepresentation of Latinas in local government, specifically relative to their experiences of
intersectional identity, barriers to success, resiliency to persist, and self-efficacy. This study aims
to increase the odds of success for Latinas in local government by uncovering information to

10
help younger generations of Latinas move past barriers and achieve leadership positions in more
significant numbers than today. The barriers women, specifically Latinas, face in today’s
workforce were not created overnight; they are a result of deeply engrained historical, cultural,
social, and organizational norms that often manifest in various forms from an early age. This
study uses women’s lived experiences (both past and current) to understand the epistemological
significance of Latina’s perceptions of career barriers, informing current understandings of
oppression (Salinas et al., 2016).
This study holds significant importance as it addresses the notable underrepresentation of
Latina women in senior leadership positions within local government. By delving into the effects
of organizational culture on the advancement of Latina women, the research aimed to uncover
the multifaceted factors influencing their career progression. Understanding these dynamics
actively plays a pivotal role in promoting diversity, equity, and inclusion within government
institutions. Moreover, by identifying common themes and factors impacting Latina’s well-being
and career advancement, the study provides valuable insights for implementing organizational
interventions and policies to foster a more inclusive and supportive environment and
opportunities to explore career options. This research actively seeks to contribute to the
empowerment and success of Latinas in local government, thereby enhancing representation and
diversity in leadership roles.
The impact of early experiences on career outcomes for Latina women cannot be
overstated. With one in four female students in public schools nationwide being Latina and 17
states boasting a kindergarten population of at least 20% Latina (Gándara, 2015), it is evident
that the educational journey of Latina girls starts from a significant demographic presence.
Further, research indicated a consistent association between a child’s academic outcomes and the

11
socioeconomic status, education level, and expectations of their mother (Lareau, 2011;
Magnuson et al., 2009; Mireles-Rios & Romo, 2014; Tang et al., 2016). Scholars generally agree
that the experience or perception of barriers is negatively correlated to a variety of different
educational (e.g., persistence, performance, and school engagement) and career (aspirations,
expectations, self-efficacy beliefs, and outcome expectations) outcomes (Aymans et al., 2020;
Brown et al., 2018). However, the extent or magnitudes of these effects are still unknown, and
there is debate among scholars as to how to measure the effects. Given the demographics, it is
critical to gain further insight into the self-efficacy process of Latinas today to break the cycles
impeding Latina’s attainment of leadership positions in local government and ensuring future
generations are positioned for success. As I delved into the dynamics of organizational culture
and leadership within these contexts, it became apparent the experiences and perceptions of
Latina women in their formative years continue to influence their trajectories within
governmental institutions. By understanding the interplay between early experiences, selfefficacy processes, and career aspirations, we can better comprehend Latina women's challenges
in ascending to senior leadership positions and strategize effective interventions to dismantle
systemic barriers within local government settings.
Senior-level staff substantially influence public policymaking through subjective
opinions, political interactions, strategic direction, and formal recommendations to elected
officials or legislative bodies (Ritchie, 2021). Their influence spans both formal decision-making
and informal administrative decisions and interactions that occur outside of public view
(Lowande, 2019). The representation of minoritized groups in policymaking affects what
policies they create and how those policies are delivered, and it can bring a more equitable lens
to public policy (Kennedy et al., 2020; Pitts, 2011). Greater representation provides more diverse

12
information to decision-makers, and the more information available, the greater the
understanding of the problem, providing the best chance at addressing a policy problem (Pitts,
2011). The decision-maker and organization benefit by having the best chance of effectively
addressing a problem by having a plethora of information, and the community benefits by having
more equitable policies adopted.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
Social cognitive career theory (SCCT) is the theoretical framework that guided this study
(Lent & Brown, 1996). SCCT is focused on the relationship between cognitive-personal
variables (e.g., self-efficacy, outcome expectations, and goal attainment), external environment
factors (e.g., oppression and socialization), and overt behaviors (e.g., career decision) via
feedback loops which can either promote or impede career development processes (i.e., interests,
choice, and performance). In addition, the study utilized the racial battle fatigue (RBF)
framework, which investigates how racial microaggressions impact the psychological,
physiological, and behavioral stress responses of people of color (Franklin et al., 2014; Smith,
2009; Smith et al., 2011) to center how the elements of intersectional identity, cultural
perceptions, perceptions of barriers, and coping with obstacles and resiliency impact each other
and potentially influence one’s belief in oneself that one can achieve leadership positions.
Latina/o critical race theory (LatCrit) helped inform the study through the lens of society’s
relationship to race, racism, and power within institutions and structures (Martinez, 2014;
Guajardo et al., 2020; Solorzano, 2023; Yosso & Solorzano, 2005). LatCrit examines,
acknowledges, and attempts to understand the lived experiences and counter-narratives of
Latina/os by centering the racialized subordination that comprises Latina’s experiences, which
are multilayered and include immigration status, sexuality, culture, language, phenotype, accent,

13
and surname (Guajardo et al., 2020; Solorzano, 2023; Yosso & Solorzano, 2005). For Latinas,
the origins of socially and academically defining that interrelationship have roots in the Chicana
feminist movement, with the words Chicana or Latina as a literal simultaneous expression of a
woman’s race and gender (Baca Zinn & Zambrana, 2019). Some early Chicana scholars focused
on the simultaneity of experience, seeking to understand how Chicanas experienced race, class,
and gender concurrently.
SCCT is appropriate for examining the problem of practice because barriers to Latinas
achieving leadership positions within local government are created within the organizational
environment and home environment, which are internalized within the individual, affecting
behavior patterns and potential career outcomes. For example, when people assume an
executive-level Latina is the secretary in a meeting and is not seen as an authoritative figure, it
affects self-efficacy and sense of belonging as she has little to no value. This can, in turn,
contribute to adverse behavioral outcomes, such as staying silent due to self-doubt, based upon
their changed perception of themselves. In the context of Latina women in local government, this
theory suggests that historical and ongoing discrimination, along with societal perceptions of
gender and ethnicity, may undermine their confidence and aspirations for leadership roles.
Additionally, RBF theory examines how racial microaggressions and systemic racism contribute
to the psychological and physiological stress experienced by people of color. Latinas navigating
local government settings may face these microaggressions, leading to decreased well-being and
motivation to pursue career advancement.
Understanding these theories can inform practitioners in local government on how to
address the underrepresentation of Latinas in leadership positions. By recognizing the impact of
discriminatory practices and racial microaggressions, organizations can implement interventions

14
to create a more inclusive and supportive environment. This may involve training staff on
unconscious bias and cultural competence, implementing policies to prevent discrimination and
promote diversity, and fostering mentorship and networking opportunities tailored explicitly to
Latina employees. Moreover, practitioners can work to promote positive self-efficacy beliefs
among Latina women by highlighting their achievements, providing opportunities for skill
development and advancement, and offering support and resources to overcome barriers. By
applying insights from social cognitive theory and racial battle fatigue theory, practitioners can
develop strategies to dismantle systemic barriers and create pathways for Latinas to thrive in
local government leadership roles.
This study utilized a qualitative methodology through semi-structured interviews of 10
managers or director-level or above individuals in local government who identify as Latina. A
qualitative approach was necessary for the study to capture rich data interwoven in the details of
the stories told by the participants. The semi-structured approach allowed flexibility to navigate
the responses being received and adjust accordingly to keep the flow of conversation going and
reduce the potential to lose momentum by adhering to a highly structured interview in which
questions may not come in the same order the participant recalls their experiences. In collecting
the lived experiences of women of color in management or director roles, it cannot be expected
that every participant will have experienced things in the same order. Less structured formats are
ideal for capturing the unique ways respondents share their lived experiences (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016).
The study methodology further relied on geographic and demographic similarities.
Nationwide, between 2010 and 2020, the Hispanic population increased by 23% over the
previous decade based on 2020 Census data, with Los Angeles County, California, containing

15
the largest Hispanic population in the nation (Lopez et al., 2022). There are 482 cities and 58
counties in the state of California (California State Senate, 2016); five of those California
counties rank in the top 10 of counties nationwide with the largest Hispanic population,
including Los Angeles County, Riverside County, San Bernardino County, San Diego County,
and Orange County (Lopez et al., 2022). This study used Los Angeles, San Bernardino, and
Orange Counties as the basis for the target population as they are all within a 1–2–hour drive of
each other and represent a geographic cluster of the Hispanic population, which increases the
likelihood of identifying Latinas in local government positions from municipalities serving a
majority Latina/o population.
Definition of Terms
This section defines and contextualizes keywords used throughout this study.
Barrier refers to the perception of a career-related factor, event, or phenomenon that is
perceived to impact upward career mobility. They may be tangible or intangible, actual or
perceived by the individual (Ismail & Ibrahim, 2008; Ma & Shea, 2021).
Career decision self-efficacy refers to the confidence in one’s capabilities to successfully
perform the duties of and obtain a particular position (Byars & Hackett, 1998).
Chicana refers to a flexible term that connotes bilingualism, Mexican cultural
connections, a mestizo (mixed-race with Indian ancestry) difference, a broad range of cultural
production and expressive cultural evidence, and a socially conscious brown pride (Macias,
2023).
Familisim refers to a Latina/o social pattern that privileges family interests above those of
the individual, including values and beliefs that prioritize the welfare of the family; decision-

16
making informed by attachment to family ties; and propensity to live in multigenerational
households (Desmond & Turley, 2009; Ovink, 2014).
Gender in organizations refers to behaviors, environmental settings, and interactions
patterned, socially produced distinctions between female and male, feminine, and masculine,
which occur daily during participation in work organizations and many other locations and
relations (Acker, 2006).
Intersectional experiences refer to the multiple identities that result from identification
with more than one salient social group, such as but not limited to race, ethnicity, and gender,
with an emphasis on the multiple identities of Latina women. No single story captures the range
and diversity of women’s experiences; women have multiple and intersecting identities, which
profoundly shape their experiences (Llamas and Pietrantonio, 2020; Sanchez-Hucles & Davis,
2010).
Masculinity, used in the context of how masculinity, stereotypically leaning male within a
binary gender system, contributes to a patriarchal organization (Kennedy et al., 2020).
Microaggressions refers to the commonplace, daily, brief, verbal, behavioral, and
environmental indignities that communicate harmful, hostile, and negative racial or gendered
slights or insults, whether intentional or unintentional, which lie beneath visibility or
consciousness (Nadal et al., 2014; Sue et al., 2007).
Patriarchy refers to an organization, institution, or society in which power, social control,
material wealth, and high social status accrue predominantly to masculine rather than feminine
individuals. Patriarchy is one of the most enduring and pervasive of all social patterns (Hill,
2009).

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Representative bureaucracy theory refers to the idea that diversity within the public
workforce, especially regarding race and ethnicity, will help ensure that policy formulation and
implementation processes are representative of diverse groups’ interests (Bradbury & Kellough,
2008).
Resiliency refers to “psychological capital” (Luthans & Youssef-Morgan, 2017, p. 340)
as a way of interacting within the workplace or social environment; this capital includes hope,
self‐efficacy, and optimism. It is a state of mind that is stable but may be built on and changed
over time (Luthans et al., 2007; Luthans & Youssef, 2007).
Self-efficacy refers to the confidence in one’s capabilities to complete a task or achieve a
specific goal (Elliot et al., 2018).
Organization of the Study
This study includes five chapters. Chapter One presents the problem of practice at the
center of the research study, explains why the study is critical, presents the relevant research
questions and theoretical framework guiding the study, and provides definitions for keywords
used throughout the study. Chapter Two reviews the current literature on topics pertinent to the
study, such as gender and racial inequities in the public sector, barriers and coping mechanisms,
and resiliency, as well as an explanation of the theoretical framework and conceptual
frameworks guiding the study. Chapter Three describes the qualitative research methodology
utilized for the study, the credibility and trustworthiness methods used, and the interview
protocol. Chapter Four summarizes the data analysis and presents the findings of the research.
Lastly, Chapter Five proposes recommendations to improve the pipeline of Latinas achieving
leadership positions within local government based on the study’s outcome.

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Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
The following literature review begins by presenting data on the demographics of Latinas
in the United States and, more specifically, in California to give context to Latinas as a growing
demographic group and their underrepresentation in local government. This chapter then
examines the racial and gendered barriers to upward mobility for Latinas and how these barriers
potentially impact one’s self-efficacy in setting and achieving career goals for leadership
positions. The review then discuses the project’s theoretical frameworks, SCCT and RBF,
guiding this study, their origins, and critical components, and then concludes with the conceptual
framework outlining the interrelated connection of an individual’s intersectional identity, their
perceptions of psychological, physiological and behavioral stress that act as barriers or supports,
and their coping mechanisms used to foster resiliency to their self-efficacy, and ultimately their
career outcomes.
Latina Demographics
Recent data highlighted the significant demographic shifts occurring in the United States.
According to Macias (2020) and Zong (2022), one out of every five residents in the United
States is Latino, comprising approximately 19% of the population. The U. S. Latina/o population
has been steadily increasing, reaching 62.5 million in 2021, with Latinas representing nearly half
of this demographic at 49% (Moreno et al., 2022. This growth trend has been consistent since
2010, with Latinos accounting for 54% of the overall population growth across all categories in
the United States (Macias, 2020). Projections from the U. S. Census Bureau (2022; 2023)
suggested that by 2060, the Latino population will continue to rise, reaching an estimated 111.2
million, constituting 28% of the total U. S. population. Moreover, as of 2021, Latinas represented
9.3% (30.9 million) of the total U. S. population, marking an almost 10% increase from 2015

19
(Macias, 2020). The U. S. Latino population is also diversifying, with Mexicans making up more
than half (59%) of the Latino population in the United States (36.1 million), Puerto Ricans
constituting the second largest ethnic group (5.5 million or 9%), followed by Salvadorans (2.4
million or 4%), Cubans (2.3 million or 4%), and Dominicans (2.2 million or 4%) (Zong, 2022).
Latinos are also currently the nation’s youngest major racial or ethnic group (Lopez et al.,
2018; Peña et al., 2023), with roughly 60% of Latina/os (57.6%) in the United States under 35
years old in 2020 with a median age of 30 up 2.7 years from 2010; underscoring the importance
of bringing equity to leadership opportunities for Latinas (U. S. Census Bureau, 2023). One in
every four children, 25.7% (18.8 million), in the United States were of Hispanic origin in 2020,
up from 23.1% (17.1 million) in 2010, with numbers continuing to rise (Funk & Lopez, 2022;
Peña et al., 2023)
Recent research indicated that Latino educational attainment has grown over the last 20
years yet reveals persistent disparities, particularly among Latinas. Just over 50% of Latinas and
over 60% of Latinos have only a high school diploma or less; this stands in stark contrast to
roughly 28% of white women and 35% of white men (Anthony et al., 2021) who fall within the
same educational bracket. Notably, Latinas have the highest high school dropout rate of any
race/ethnicity of women, except American Indian/Alaska Native women (McFarland et al.,
2019), and graduate from high school at second lowest rates among white, Hispanic, Black, and
Asian ethnic groups (Reeves & Kalkat, 2023). Despite these challenges, there are encouraging
trends. Between 2000 and 2019, the percentage of Latinas aged 25 years or older and earning a
high school diploma or higher increased by 26.6%, and between 2000 and 2021, there was a
291% increase in the number of Hispanic women holding an advanced degree (Mora and Lopez,
2023). These statistics highlight significant strides in educational attainment among Latinas,

20
reflecting both individual determination and broader societal shifts. However, they also spotlight
the ongoing need for targeted interventions and support systems to address persistent barriers and
ensure equitable access to education for all Latina individuals.
Systemic Inequities in Government
The United States Constitution laid the foundation of the American democratic
government system in 1787 (Ray & Mahmoudi, 2022). Crafted by those who held power at the
time—predominantly white men and landowners—they designed the purpose, form, and
structure of these government systems to cater to the interests of the established elite, thereby
perpetuating their dominance (Ray & Mahmoudi, 2022). For over two centuries, this power
dynamic remained essentially unchanged, with those in positions of authority predominantly
reflecting the demographics of the ruling class. It was not until 2008 that a significant shift
occurred at the apex of the American government system: the presidency. Obama’s historic
election as the first person of color, an African American male, to assume the presidency marked
a watershed moment in American political history. Over a decade later, in 2020, Kamala Harris
shattered another glass ceiling by becoming the first woman of color elected to Vice President of
the United States, the second highest leadership position in the nation.
The landmark achievements of Barack Obama’s presidency and Kamala Harris’s vice
presidency, while significant steps forward, also serve to illuminate the persistent influence of
whiteness and masculinity deeply rooted in the American political system. The fact that it took
over two centuries for a person of color to ascend to the presidency highlights the enduring
legacy of systemic barriers and discrimination faced by marginalized communities, particularly
Black individuals, in accessing positions of power. Despite the rhetoric of equality and
opportunity enshrined in American ideals, the reality has been one of entrenched racial

21
hierarchies and unequal access to political leadership roles. Moreover, the election of Barack
Obama and Kamala Harris did not fundamentally alter the demographic makeup of those in
power. While their victories signaled progress toward diversity and inclusion, they did not
fundamentally challenge the predominantly white and male composition of American political
leadership. Instead, they represented exceptions within a broader context of ongoing structural
inequalities that continue to privilege whiteness and masculinity. These recent milestones in
diversified representation in government highlight the persisting presence of whiteness and
masculinity embedded in the American government system (Olson, 2008; Portillo et al., 2022).
Despite these significant strides, the underlying structures of power within local
government institutions continue to reflect the dominance of certain groups, perpetuating
inequities in representation. While the U. S. Presidency and U.S. Vice Presidency have seen
breakthroughs in diversification, local government leadership positions often remain
overwhelmingly occupied by individuals from privileged backgrounds. This disparity
underscores the enduring influence of historical power dynamics, wherein systems designed to
uphold the status quo disproportionately benefit those already in positions of authority.
Understanding these dynamics is crucial for advancing diversity and inclusivity in all levels of
government, necessitating ongoing efforts to dismantle systemic barriers and create opportunities
for underrepresented groups, including Latinas, to ascend to leadership roles.
These inequities exist at all levels of government. Despite the growth of the Latina
population in the United States, there remains a consistent and considerable gap in their
representation in city government, including executive appointments, boards, commissions, and
C-suite positions. Jennings et al. (2017, p. 10) called this the “silent crisis,” shining light on the
systemic underrepresentation of Latina/os in municipal government and policymaking positions.

22
This crisis not only highlights the lack of diversity within these crucial decision-making bodies
but also points to the missed opportunities and consequences of this underrepresentation.
Representative bureaucracy is a concept that emphasizes the importance of having a public
administration workforce that reflects the diversity of the population it serves. In the context of
the United States, where the Latina population is growing significantly, representative
bureaucracy becomes particularly relevant. Representative bureaucracy offers a solution to this
issue by advocating for a public sector workforce that mirrors the demographic makeup of the
community it serves. When achieved, representative bureaucracy ensures that the voices and
perspectives of all segments of society, including Latinas, are included in the decision-making
process. This not only enhances the legitimacy and accountability of government institutions but
also leads to more equitable and effective policy outcomes that address the needs and concerns
of all citizens.
The following sections explore how racial and gender inequities have been socially
constructed and incorporated into the organizational fabric of the public sector. Research
indicates that these structural inequalities both arise and are reproduced dynamically throughout
an organizational setting, each reinforcing the other, socially through interaction, culturally
through ideas, values, and representation, and institutionally through formal rules and protocols
as well as informally through accepted norms and practices (Grindstaff, 2022; Martinez, 2022).
Racial Inequities in the Public Sector
The social construction of race in the United States has a long and complex history with
numerous theories and explanations attached to its creation; however, what is evident from the
research is that structural racism has created processes of structural racism that have actively
minoritized groups of people based on race (Fassinger, 2008; Scarborough et al., 2019) that

23
govern society (Griffith et al., 2007; Molina, 2014; Schaub & Vergnaud, 2019). The implications
of this are vast and far-reaching, but racism in the public sector workplace will be the focus of
this study.
Since the turn of the new millennium, there has been a rising movement toward diversity
and inclusion, particularly in government, to build a workforce that reflects the makeup of the
people it serves (Lynch, 2017), with agencies across the nation creating chief diversity officer
positions and inclusion policies. In addition, in 2021, President Biden signed an Executive
Order to advance diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility (DEIA) in the federal workforce.
The order cited that even with decades of progress toward building a workforce that looks like
America, “the enduring legacies of employment discrimination, systemic racism, and gender
inequality are still felt today” (The White House, para. 2, 2021) (with racially minorized groups
still under-represented in the workforce, especially in leadership positions (Executive Order No.
14045, 2021).
The push for diversity is a simultaneous call to address racial discrimination, which has
impeded racially minoritized persons and groups from accessing leadership positions in
government and across sectors, documented in discriminatory hiring practices and promotional
opportunities (Lippens et al., 2023). Racial discrimination in hiring, as explored by Quillian and
Midtboen (2021), is manifested in a variety of ways across sectors and nations, such as through
implicit bias or prejudice, group stereotyping, perception of racial or ethnic acculturation levels,
and is a pervasive phenomenon that has hardly diminished over the last 25 years. Additionally,
research on the sluggish progress in the organizational transformation to address racial and
gender inequity highlighted the necessity for a structural-developmental approach to women’s
career advancement, particularly through mentorships that lack prioritization in the public sector

24
(Mcilongo & Strydom, 2021). The absence of deliberate mentoring initiatives contributes
significantly to the persistently low representation of women in leadership roles, despite their
considerable educational achievements and professional experience. Scholars such as Gardiner et
al. (2007) and Quinn (2012) emphasized the critical role of mentorship in addressing this issue,
highlighting its potential to enhance career opportunities and success, foster institutional loyalty,
elevate salaries, improve time management and productivity, boost grant procurement, enhance
job satisfaction and work-life balance, increase administrative aspirations, and refine networking
skills. Thus, prioritizing mentorship programs can serve as a strategic intervention to overcome
barriers and propel women into leadership positions, thereby fostering greater diversity and
inclusivity within organizations (Block & Tietjen-Smith, 2016; Hannum et al., 2015).
Gender Inequities in the Public Sector
American government systems, from their inception, were built with systematic exclusion
and suppression of communities of color (Solomon et al., 2019; Stivers, 2002), a scaffold that
permeates every level of government to varying degrees still today. Women’s suffrage, civil
rights movements, legislative action, and social activism have driven change and resulted in
more inclusive government systems; however, inequities persist. Women in traditionally maledominated government organizations routinely encounter gendered experiences and barriers that
directly impact their job experiences and work-related outcomes (Bishu & Headley, 2020).
Those experiences are often undetectable by legislative measures and uncorrectable by
administrative remedies. The systematic exclusion and suppression of communities of color in
American government systems, dating back to their inception, create a structural barrier that
disproportionately affects women of color. These systems, permeated with historical inequalities,
continue to pose challenges for women of color seeking to enter and excel in public sector

25
careers. Despite advancements driven by women’s suffrage, civil rights movements, legislative
actions, and social activism, the lingering effects of systemic exclusion persist, hindering the
progress of women, particularly those from marginalized communities. Furthermore, within
traditionally male-dominated government organizations, women encounter gendered experiences
and barriers that impede their job experiences and career advancement. Gender discrimination,
unequal pay, limited access to leadership positions, and a lack of institutional support are just
some of the challenges women face in navigating their careers in the public sector. These barriers
not only hinder individual professional growth but also contribute to the perpetuation of gender
disparities within government institutions. These gendered experiences and barriers encountered
by women in the public sector are often subtle and difficult to address through legislative
measures or administrative remedies. Despite legal protections against gender discrimination,
many forms of bias and inequality persist in organizational cultures and practices, creating
invisible barriers that hinder women’s progress.
The research on gender inequities in the workforce analyzes what role gender plays.
Research can be generally grouped into two broad categories. The first body of literature focuses
on specific factors fueling inequity and signs that inequity exists, which primarily derive from
implicit gender bias in the workforce. Research in this category has focused on sexual
harassment experiences (Jackson & Newman, 2004), the glass ceiling phenomenon (Bowling et
al., 2006), the glass cliff phenomenon (Yang et al., 2022), and the gender pay gap (Reese &
Warner, 2012), or the difference in pay between men and women. In 2022, women earned an
average of 82% of what men earned (Aragao, 2023).
The second body of research focused on the intricate processes and systemic factors that
perpetuate inequity, consequently leading to the underrepresentation of women in authoritative

26
and decision-making roles. This area of study meticulously examines various facets contributing
to this phenomenon. One focal point of research within this category is the exploration of
gendered hiring and promotion practices, as Bowling et al. (2006) highlighted. These studies
scrutinized how gender biases infiltrate recruitment and advancement processes within
organizations, often resulting in the systematic undervaluation or overlooking of female
candidates for leadership positions. Additionally, scholars such as Bishu and Headley (2020)
delved into the complex interplay between work/life balance choices and women’s career
trajectories. This line of inquiry investigates how societal expectations and structural limitations
intersect with individual decisions, often leading to disparities in career advancement
opportunities between genders.
Moreover, research in this realm sheds light on the persistent barriers women encounter
even after ascending to leadership positions. Despite achieving such roles, women face unique
challenges and systemic hurdles that impede their effectiveness and advancement prospects.
Scholars like Beauvais (2021) highlighted discursive inequities, revealing how gendered
stereotypes and biases manifest in workplace interactions and decision-making processes, further
perpetuating disparities in leadership opportunities and outcomes.
Pay Gap
Based on the most recently analyzed 2022 data, in the United States, women who work
full-time, year-round jobs are paid 84 cents for every dollar paid to men (Lepage & Tucker,
2023), with wage gap disparities significantly wider for Latinas, at only 57 cents for every dollar
paid to white non-Hispanic men (Tucker, 2022). This stark wage gap showcases the
intersectional challenges faced by Latinas who experience compounded discrimination based on
both gender and ethnicity. Moreover, despite Latinas going to college at higher rates than ever

27
before, the pay gap widens for educated Latinas, and that persists across occupational fields, not
just lower-paying roles (Llamas & Pietrantonio, 2020). The gap is most prominent for Latinas
with a bachelor’s degree, who earn 31% less than white men on average (LeanIn.org, 2022b).
This data highlights the persistent and pervasive nature of the gender pay gap in the United
States, particularly concerning its disproportionate impact on Latina women. Even as educational
attainment among Latina women has increased, with more Latinas attending college than ever
before, the wage gap persists and even widens for educated Latinas. This indicates that
educational credentials alone are not sufficient to close the gap, highlighting systemic barriers
and discriminatory practices within the labor market.
The wage gap, especially when compounded by factors like ethnicity and gender, not
only exacerbates income disparities but also widens the wealth gap within society. Wealth
encompasses assets such as savings, investments, property, and other financial resources
accumulated over time. When women, particularly Latina women, earn less than their male
counterparts for the same work, they have less income to save, invest, or build assets, hindering
their ability to accumulate wealth. This lack of wealth accumulation has profound implications
for building generational wealth. Generational wealth refers to the assets and resources passed
down from one generation to the next, providing financial security and opportunities for future
family members (Arundel, 2017). However, when women, especially Latina women, are
disproportionately affected by the wage gap, they have fewer resources to pass on to their
children and grandchildren. As a result, the wealth gap perpetuates intergenerational inequality.
Children of families with limited wealth face greater challenges accessing quality education,
homeownership, entrepreneurship opportunities, and other avenues for economic mobility. This
lack of access further entrenches disparities, making it more difficult for future generations to

28
achieve financial stability and success. Moreover, the effects of the wealth gap are not limited to
the current generation. They have cascading effects that reverberate through subsequent
generations. Without the financial resources and assets necessary to weather economic
downturns, invest in education, or start businesses, families may struggle to break the cycle of
poverty and achieve upward mobility.
The gender inequities deeply entrenched within American government systems,
compounded by factors such as ethnicity and gender, contribute to the underrepresentation of
women, particularly women of color, in authoritative and decision-making roles. From the
systematic exclusion and suppression of communities of color in government structures to the
gendered experiences and barriers faced by women within male-dominated organizations, the
barriers to gender equity persist despite advancements driven by social movements and
legislative actions. Research elucidates the multifaceted nature of gender inequities in the
workforce, from explicit signs of inequity such as the gender pay gap to the intricate systemic
factors perpetuating underrepresentation in leadership roles. Despite progress, Latina women
face compounded discrimination, evidenced by wider wage gaps and persistent barriers to wealth
accumulation, exacerbating intergenerational inequality and hindering economic mobility for
future generations. It is generally acknowledged that while there have been positive
improvements in the last few decades, women, specifically women of color, do not yet have an
equal voice (Breslin et al., 2017). These inequities continue to impact who reaches positions of
power, perpetuating disparities in representation and hindering progress toward gender equity in
the public sector (Solomon et al., 2019).
Gender inequality is not binary; it exists along the intersecting axis of the “wheel of
privilege, domination, and oppression” (Morgan, 2018), which is a paradigm that includes the

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multiple social identities that exist within each individual and combine into a unique experience
for an individual or group recognizing the interconnectedness of various social identities within
individuals, such as race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, sexual orientation, ability, and more.
These intersecting identities intersect to shape the experiences and opportunities available to
individuals or groups, resulting in unique and nuanced forms of discrimination and disadvantage.
For example, a woman of color may experience gender discrimination differently from a white
woman due to the added layer of racial discrimination she faces. Understanding gender
inequality within this intersectional framework is crucial for addressing the diverse experiences
and needs of individuals and communities, and for developing inclusive policies and practices
that promote equity and social justice.
Barriers and Coping Mechanisms
A person’s social identity is a construct and reflection of the society in which they live,
including but not limited to gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, social class, age, ableness,
political ideology, and national origin (Grindstaff, 2022). Scholars note that while these innate
and achieved qualities may, on the surface, seem self-determining, these social identities are
molded and formed in relation to others, with meanings attributed to qualities not entirely within
individual control (Grindstaff, 2022). Social identities are learned and acquired throughout a
person’s lifetime and are influenced by both inside and outside groups; the process that dictates
which identities receive preference over others is rooted in access to power and resources,
leaving those marginalized and oppressed groups more susceptible to being negatively defined
by others (Grindstaff, 2022; Schelenz & Vondermaßen, 2020). Understanding this
intersectionality of one’s social identity is crucial as it acknowledges the complex interplay
between various aspects of identity, such as race, gender, class, and ethnicity, and how they

30
intersect to shape individuals’ experiences of oppression and privilege within social structures
(Rodriguez et al., 2016). The second approach embeds subjectivities within systemic dynamics
of power and explores intersections to highlight these dynamics and make them visible and
available for analysis. One’s ability to cope and persist despite states of oppression experienced
directly impacts their self-efficacy and perception of career barriers. Mejia-Smith and Gushue
(2017) found that self-efficacy expectations were directly associated with perceived career
barriers; the more they believed in their competence and ability to cope with career-related
barriers, the more likely they perceived fewer career-achieving barriers.
Cultural Burden
A common theme among Latina/o cultural experiences is the importance placed on the
familia, resulting in familism that includes a strong attachment and bond to nuclear and extended
family alike and emphasizes cooperation and interdependence throughout all stages of life
(Espinoza, 2010; Rodriguez et al., 2021; Sy & Romero, 2008). For Latinas, this takes on a
nuanced meaning, gendered familism, distinct from the life course decision demands and
pressures experienced by Latinos. With identity and belonging closely tied to family
connections, Latinas often find themselves caught in a cultural bind between their work culture's
demands and their family culture's obligations (Espinoza, 2010; Oivnk, 2014; Rodriguez et al.,
2021). Family roles may include caretaking dependent family members, emotional and financial
support, or spending considerable time with primary and extended family members (Storlie et al.,
2016; Tseng, 2004). Espinoza (2010) referred to this conflict as the “good daughter dilemma” (p.
318). The standard expectation is that Latinas will prioritize family needs above their own. Liferole salience is a construct that scholars have used to describe the various aspects of one’s life in
which one spends significant amounts of time with each culture, diffusing ideas about

31
appropriate social role behavior within their group (Hartung, 2002; Storlie et al., 2016).
Another aspect of familia emphasized within the Latina/o cultural experience is the
importance of motherhood and marriage (Driscoll et al., 2001; Mireles-Rios & Romo, 2014),
which can lead to social pressures to form a family and have children. These pressures can
conflict with the “ideal worker norm” (Grindstaff, 2022, p. 31), particularly within maledominated occupations, and cause Latinas to feel like they have to choose one over the other,
which research has noted that within the Latina/o community, Latinas were more likely to cite
family concerns, such as needing to work near a spouse or take time away from their careers for
their children (Monforti & Michelson, 2008).
Latinas working in local government encounter many complex challenges that impede
their advancement and visibility within public policymaking spaces and leadership positions
(Hannah-Spurlock & Silverboard, 2021; Martinez, 2014). These challenges range from a lack of
representation and recognition in decision-making spaces to facing overt resistance and
marginalization in power dynamics and political relationships. They grapple with needing to be
more noticed and sidelined in discussions and initiatives that shape policies and programs
affecting their communities. Gloria Anzaldúa (1990) described this as a state of perpetual
transition or “un choque” (p. 52), a cultural crash or collision that Latinas must navigate
throughout their career pursuits. It signifies the perpetual clash between the expectations and
norms of their cultural background and the demands and biases prevalent in the predominantly
white, male-dominated environments of local government. This collision of cultures and
expectations poses a continuous challenge that Latinas must negotiate as they strive to carve out
meaningful careers in public service.

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Microaggressions
One of the many obstacles that Latina women may face when trying to advance in their
careers is the frequent, sometimes daily verbal and nonverbal layered assaults: microaggressions,
microinsults, and microinvalidations (Sue et al., 2017) based on race and its intersection with
gender as well as other identity-defining characteristics (Cabell & Kozachuk, 2022; Huber &
Solórzano, 2015a; Nadal et al., 2014). The research concludes that the cumulative impact of
these assaults is a stressor that can take both a psychological and physiological toll on the
individual, particularly affecting those from marginalized statuses (Feigt et al., 2022; Huber &
Solórzano, 2015b; Kohli & Solórzano, 2012; Lui & Quezada, 2019). Furthermore, by combining
one’s inner view and external environment, repeated exposure to microaggressions, microinsults,
and microinvalidations can damage mental health, career development, self-efficacy, motivation,
and performance (Bonifacio, 2018; Cabell & Kozachuk, 2022) by decreasing interest in pursuing
leadership positions and stretching their mental bandwidth to cope with mental fatigue to an
unhealthy limit.
Research indicates that sustained exposure to microaggressions, microinsults, and
microinvalidations often necessitates individuals to develop coping mechanisms to adapt and
succeed in organizations, referred to as career adaptability under career construction theory
(Cabell & Kozachuk, 2022; Savickas, 2013); the higher the rates of adaptability correlating to a
more significant opportunity for success. However, research also contextualizes these deficitladen behaviors within a broader framework of structural racism (Osanloo et al., 2016). These
microaggressions are a manifestation of the normality of racism and are ingrained in policies,
practices, structures, and institutions (Delgado et al., 2017; Osanloo et al., 2016). How one
armors themselves to deflect the harm of these assaults and persist toward career goals varies

33
widely. It may include (but is not limited to) at any particular moment in time: seeking social
support, confrontation with the perpetrator, withdrawing from the interaction, silence or selfaffirmations (Cyr et al., 2021; Lewis et al., 2013; Sue et al., 2019). Additionally, research points
to spreading the burden of adapting to, enduring, and coping with these microaggressions,
microinsults, and microinvalidations in the workplace by relying on colleagues to be allies and
co-conspirators, using their privileged status to acknowledge, resist, and often change unchecked
behavior that allows these assaults to perpetuate (Erskine & Bilimoria, 2019; Sue et al., 2019).
Studies suggest that Latinas in policy-making positions lead collaboratively, include
other communities, and advocate for policies that center on equity (Navarro et al., 2016; Moreno
et al., 2022). However, they do so while facing the burden of having to conform to traditional
societal expectations of women that they appear warm and kind while also demonstrating
conventional leadership traits of being competent and tough; these qualities are often seen as
opposites, and navigating a balance between them is referred to as the “double bind” of female
leadership (Warmington, 2021, p. 73). The “Spicy Latina” trope perpetuated by mainstream
media is a harmful stereotype that contributes to the objectification and sexualization of Latinas
(Santoniccolo et al., 2023; Sasha S., 2017). This stereotype portrays Latinas as hot-headed,
overly emotional, and overly sexualized characters, which not only distorts their identity but also
invalidates their emotions and experiences (Santoniccolo et al., 2023). By reducing Latinas to
one-dimensional caricatures, this stereotype reinforces societal perceptions that Latinas are
exotic and hypersexual, reinforcing harmful gender stereotypes and objectification. Media
representations play a crucial role in shaping societal norms and attitudes, and despite progress in
civil rights, restrictive gender-based representations remain pervasive, particularly within the
cultural context. Exposure to such stereotypes can strengthen beliefs in gender stereotypes,

34
endorse sexist attitudes, and perpetuate harassment and violence against women (Sasha, 2017;
Velez, 2018). Moreover, exposure to objectifying and sexualizing representations in the media
has been linked to the internalization of cultural ideals of appearance and the endorsement of
sexist attitudes and body shame. This affects women’s mental and physical well-being and stifles
their career-related ambitions (Santoniccolo et al., 2023). Latinas may face unique challenges as
they navigate intersecting axes of gender and ethnicity, further exacerbating the harmful effects
of media stereotypes on their self-esteem and aspirations. The detrimental effects of exposure to
such representations can manifest in various forms, including eating disorders, increased body
surveillance, and poorer body image and quality of life. Therefore, it is imperative to recognize
and challenge these harmful stereotypes in media portrayals to promote gender equity, combat
sexism, and foster a more inclusive and empowering environment for all individuals, regardless
of their ethnicity or gender identity.
The burden of stereotype-driven expectations on Latinas, particularly within the context
of policymaking in government, exacerbates the challenges they face in navigating workplace
dynamics. The pressure to appear warm and kind while also being decisive can create a tightrope
for Latinas to walk, making them more vulnerable to microaggressions and verbal assaults. This
was starkly illustrated in the summer of 2020 when Latina Congressmember Alexandria OcasioCortez was verbally assaulted by a white male counterpart on the steps of the White House,
using derogatory language to undermine her advocacy for policy choices he disagreed with. The
incident highlighted the toxic culture of impunity and acceptance of violence and violent
language against women in positions of power, as noted by Congressmember Ocasio-Cortez in
her response on the Congressional floor (Sprunt, 2020). Such instances illustrate the
intersectional challenges faced by Latinas, where gender and ethnic stereotypes intersect to

35
perpetuate discrimination and hinder their ability to advocate for change effectively. These
experiences further emphasize the urgent need to challenge harmful stereotypes and foster a
more inclusive and respectful workplace environment that values and supports all individuals'
diverse voices and contributions.
Resiliency
There is no universal definition of resilience; however, research on psychological wellbeing in the last few decades has focused increasingly on positive psychology (Seligman &
Csikszentmihalyi, 2000) and understanding a person’s productivity and ability to achieve optimal
functionality and realize their full potential (Aburn et al., 2016; Luthans & Youssef -Morgan,
2017), to rebound or to bounce back from adversity, uncertainty, conflict, failure or even positive
events, progress and increased responsibility (Luthans et al., 2007; Luthans & Youssef-Morgan,
2007), this is the construct of resilience used for this study. Resilience as a psychological
resource capacity is commonly defined as the capability of an individual to withstand hardship
and continue leading a functional and healthy life while facing adversity (Turner, 2001).
Gonzalez’s (2020) research on Latina/o resiliency describes liminal “borderlands”
(Anzaldua, 1987) where Latina/os exist in current society, feeling simultaneously accepted and
rejected. It emphasizes the need to promote the conditions that allow Latina/os to find the tools
to persist and be resilient. Those tools include the values, behaviors, knowledge, and community
cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005) of Latina/o culture from their personal lives into their professional
lives. Several scholars have documented how Latina/os use their community’s cultural wealth to
inform their leadership practices (Rodela & Rodriguez-Mojica, 2020), which can benefit those
from similar marginalized backgrounds. This is also documented in the research on
representative bureaucracy, that attitudes, beliefs, and values for some public administrators lead

36
to the formation of minority representative role perception, which leads to the formation of
decisions consistent with minority group’s interests (Bradbury & Kellough, 2008; Keiser et al.,
2002).
Studies have shown that Latinas in government use storytelling and narratives in
policymaking to move agendas forward and persist counter stories towards change despite the
dominant narrative (Martinez, 2022). Policy issues framed as wicked problems, such as
undocumented residents as dangerous criminals, instead re-framed as families lacking access to
certain privileges but wanting to make legitimate contributions to society and their families.
(Martinez, 2022). Their lived experiences and community and cultural wealth aid in shifting the
narratives to solve a problem and gain support for issues affecting marginalized communities.
These successes encourage resiliency and support one’s self-efficacy and effectiveness.
Social Cognitive Career Theory (SCCT)
For this study, I utilize social cognitive career theory (SCCT) (Lent & Brown, 1996),
derived primarily from Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory (SCT) and Hackett and Betz’s
(1981) career self-efficacy theory. Bandura’s (1986) general social cognitive model focuses on
the causal relationship between human behavior and their personal, behavioral, and
environmental influences, the triadic reciprocal relationship. Through the social cognitive lens,
one’s belief in one’s capabilities is the principal component of personal agency to set a course of
action, conduct designated performance, and achieve desired outcomes (Bandura, 1989; Lent &
Brown, 1996). SCT (Bandura, 1986) describes a direct correlation between a person’s perceived
self-efficacy and behavior change, and recent research on Chicano/Latino students, mainly
focusing on males, indicates the relevance of SCT (Bandura, 1986) in understanding their
educational aspirations. With SCT, Bandura (1986) posited that individuals’ beliefs about their

37
abilities, known as self-efficacy, significantly influence their behavior and choices. Within this
framework, Chicano/Latino boys’ educational experiences, including differential treatment,
stereotyping, and cultural biases, shape their self-perceptions and aspirations for the future
(Martinez & Castellanos, 2018). The research noted that negative interactions with teachers and
limited support in middle school may erode their confidence in their academic abilities, reducing
aspirations for post-secondary education and career advancement. As SCT highlights, various
sources of information influence individuals’ perceived self-efficacy, including performance
accomplishments and vicarious learning (Bandura, 1986). Therefore, interventions aimed at
promoting Chicano/Latino boys’ educational aspirations that focus on enhancing their selfefficacy through positive academic experiences, supportive role models, and opportunities for
success. By addressing the systemic barriers and stereotypes that undermine their confidence and
aspirations, Chicano/Latino boys can be empowered to pursue their educational and career goals
with more incredible determination and resilience.
SCT identified four primary informational sources of self-efficacy: (a) performance
accomplishments, (b) vicarious learning, (c) physiological and affective states, and (d) verbal
persuasion, with performance accomplishments identified as the most potent source of
information, followed by vicarious learning (Bandura, 1997).
Hackett and Betz’s self-efficacy theory (1981) applied Bandura’s framework to their
research on examining the effects of math anxiety as a barrier to women’s career advancements
in the math and science field and found the role that cognitive appraisal of abilities played in
influences women’s career choices was significant (Betz & Hackett, 2006). Career self-efficacy
theory uses the principles of self-efficacy that one’s view of one’s capabilities affects
performance to explain the chain of casual influences on career development; higher levels of

38
self-efficacy led to approach versus avoidance behaviors (Betz & Hackett, 2006). This theory
was developed with a focus on understanding the career development of women, recognizing the
underrepresentation of women in particular fields, and centering the influences of perceived
inadequacy as a limiting factor in the range of career options women sought and achieved (Betz
& Hackett, 2006).
SCCT Framework
SCCT (Lent & Brown, 1996) expanded the previous social cognitive and self-efficacy
work. The theory describes a dynamic process of interactive variables, self-efficacy beliefs,
outcome expectations, personal goals, and various other personal inputs dependent on the context
the model is being applied to (e.g., Latinas in local government) that exert an influence on career
self-efficacy and in turn career interest, choice, and outcomes (Betz & Hackett, 2006; Flores &
O’Brien, 2002; Lent & Brown, 1996). SCCT applies a constructivist viewpoint to center the
person as the active shaper of their experience in conjunction with the impacts of social cognitive
variables and environmental factors on career development outcomes (Lent & Brown, 1996).
These cognitive-personal variables (e.g., self-efficacy, outcome expectations, and goal
attainment), external environment factors (e.g., oppression and socialization), and overt
behaviors (e.g., career decision) collectively can either promote or impede career development
processes including interests, choice, and performance (Lent & Brown, 2013). The theory
postulated that individuals who are more career self-efficacious will make positive cognitive
appraisals of their future performance capabilities in a career domain, leading to positive career
outcomes, and those with low career self-efficacy will be limited in career choices.
Limitations of SCCT (Lent & Brown, 1996) primarily rest on the incorrect application and
misuse of background affordances (e.g., mother’s education) versus domain-related processes

39
that mold learning opportunities of individuals, are essential to career-decision making, andretain
the possibility for interventions to increase self-efficacy (Betz & Hackett, 1997, 2006). SCCT
(Lent & Brown, 1996) is appropriate for this study because it frames the examination of how
cognitive and personal factors of Latina women in local government, combined with the context
of their intersectionality, through the LatCrit lens (Salinas et al., 2016), of being a woman and
Latina, interrelate with environmental factors related to organizational culture, organization
policies, and socially constructed barriers to understanding how career position interest develops.
Additionally, scholars have lauded SCCT as a comprehensive model to evaluate self-efficacy
and career outcomes and have emphasized its value in analyzing the career development of
specific groups, in particular, minoritized groups, because the person inputs or variables are
contextual to a behavior domain (e.g., local government) and demographic group (e.g., Latinas)
being studied (Betz & Hackett, 2006; Flores & O’Brien, 2002; Lent et al., 2000; Ma & Shea,
2021; Raque-Bogdan & Lucas, 2016).
Racial Battle Fatigue (RBF)
RBF (Franklin et al., 2014; Smith, 2009; Smith et al., 2011) is a concept used to describe
the cumulative psychological and emotional toll experienced by individuals of marginalized
racial and ethnic groups due to their daily encounters with racism and discrimination. RBF
(Franklin et al., 2014; Smith, 2009; Smith et al., 2011) encompasses a range of experiences,
including but not limited to microaggressions, stereotypes, systemic inequalities, and overt acts
of racism. These constant stressors can lead to a state of chronic stress, anxiety, and exhaustion
among individuals of marginalized racial and ethnic backgrounds. Over time, this chronic
exposure to racial stressors can result in a variety of physical and mental health issues, including
heightened levels of cortisol (the stress hormone), depression, anxiety, and decreased academic

40
or professional performance. While initially developed to understand environmental stress on
black males with varying educational backgrounds by Smith et al. (2011), RBF was adapted in
the context of college settings by Franklin et al. (2014). Expanding the RBF theory (Franklin et
al., 2014; Smith, 2009; Smith et al., 2011) to consider the intersectionality of race and gender
offers valuable insights applicable to the experiences of Latinas navigating local government
structures characterized by systemic inequities and discriminatory practices.
Furthermore, RBF acknowledges that individuals from marginalized racial and ethnic
groups often face additional challenges in seeking support or redress for their experiences of
racism, as institutional structures may perpetuate or minimize their concerns (Franklin et al.,
2014; Smith, 2009; Smith et al., 2011). Therefore, addressing RBF requires not only individual
coping strategies but also systemic changes to create more inclusive and equitable environments
where all individuals can thrive without the constant burden of racial discrimination.
Conceptual Framework
SCCT (Lent & Brown, 1996) and RBF (Franklin et al., 2014; Smith, 2009; Smith et al.,
2011) provided valuable frameworks for understanding the underrepresentation of Latinas in
local government leadership positions. According to SCCT, individuals’ career choices and
trajectories are shaped by their self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and personal goals,
which are influenced by external factors such as socialization, oppression, and institutionalized
discrimination. SCCT emphasizes the role of feedback loops in perpetuating or ameliorating
career development processes, highlighting the importance of addressing individual and
environmental factors to promote equitable career outcomes (Lent & Brown, 1996). The SCCT
framework is relevant for studying the underrepresentation of Latinas in local government due to
its emphasis on the interplay between individual beliefs and environmental influences on career

41
development (Lent & Brown, 1996). SCCT posited that individuals’ career decisions and paths
are shaped by their self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and personal goals, which are
influenced by external factors such as socialization, oppression, and institutionalized
discrimination (Lent & Brown, 1996).
RBF theory is focused on the psychological, physiological, and behavioral stress
responses experienced by people of color because of racial microaggressions and systemic
racism (Franklin et al., 2014; Smith, 2009; Smith et al., 2011). RBF highlights how chronic
exposure to discrimination and racialized stressors can contribute to negative outcomes in
various domains, including education, employment, and mental health (Franklin et al., 2014;
Smith, 2009; Smith et al., 2011). Within the context of this study, RBF (Franklin et al., 2014;
Smith, 2009; Smith et al., 2011) provides a lens through which to understand the unique
challenges Latina women face in local government, including the impact of racialized
microaggressions on their career advancement and well-being. Central to RBF theory is the
concept of racial microaggressions (Franklin et al., 2014; Smith, 2009; Smith et al., 2011), which
refers to subtle, everyday forms of discrimination and bias experienced by individuals from
marginalized racial and ethnic backgrounds. In the context of local government, Latina women
may encounter racial microaggressions in various forms, including stereotyping, tokenism, and
exclusion from decision-making processes. These experiences contribute to psychological stress
responses such as frustration, irritability, and heightened awareness of racism, as well as
physiological manifestations such as muscle aches and sleep disturbances. By examining the
psychological and physiological impact of racial microaggressions through the lens of RBF
theory (Franklin et al., 2014), this study sought to uncover the mechanisms through which
discriminatory practices in local government perpetuate the underrepresentation of Latinas in

42
leadership positions. In addition to psychological and physiological effects, RBF theory also
considers the behavioral responses and coping mechanisms employed by individuals subjected to
racial stressors (Franklin et al., 2014). Latina women navigating the predominantly white, maledominated landscape of local government may adopt various strategies to cope with the
challenges they face, including social isolation, procrastination, and neglect of responsibilities.
Understanding these behavioral responses within the framework of RBF theory (Franklin et al.,
2014) provides valuable insights into the ways in which Latina women navigate and negotiate
their roles within local government structures characterized by systemic inequities and
discrimination.
By integrating these two theoretical perspectives, this study sought to explore the
complex interplay between individual career development processes and systemic barriers within
local government organizations. Additionally, when only viewing inequity in the workforce
through a male-female binary, the disparities unique to women of color are suppressed.
However, by uncovering the data and accounting for the intersectionality (Crenshaw, 2016) of
race and gender, it becomes apparent that all women are not equal and that women of color are
significantly more affected by inequities than white women. Thus, the intersectional identity of
Latinas is the foundational lens to view the impacts of microaggressions and self-efficacy.
Specifically, the study aimed to investigate how self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and
career aspirations intersect with experiences of racial discrimination and institutionalized
oppression to shape the career trajectories of Latina women in senior leadership positions.
Through this conceptual framework, the study aimed to provide insights into the mechanisms
underlying the underrepresentation of Latina women in local government leadership roles and
inform strategies for promoting diversity, equity, and inclusion within these organizations.

43
The study focused on this topic by exploring and uncovering organizational and personal
factors that impact the psychological, physiological, and social-behavioral well-being of Latina
women in local government, ultimately affecting the career pipeline to senior leadership
positions. Beginning with four principal elements from the lived experiences of Latina leaders in
local government:
1. Intersectional identity: This element recognizes the complex interplay of race and
gender in shaping the identity of Latina women. It acknowledges the unique
challenges and opportunities presented by intersecting identities and how they
influence perceptions of self, interactions with others, and experiences within the
workplace.
2. Perceptions of psychological stress: This component focuses on Latina women’s
subjective experiences of psychological stress within the organizational context. It
encompasses feelings of frustration, anxiety, discrimination, imposter syndrome, and
other psychological stressors that may arise from workplace dynamics, bias, or
external pressures.
3. Perceptions of physiological stress: This aspect explores the physiological
responses of Latina women to stressors in the workplace. It includes physical
manifestations such as muscle tension, headaches, fatigue, and other somatic
symptoms associated with stress and anxiety.
4. Perceptions of behavioral stress: This element encompasses Latina’s behavioral
responses to stressors in the workplace. It includes coping mechanisms, adaptive
behaviors, avoidance strategies, and other responses aimed at managing or mitigating
the impact of stress on daily functioning and well-being.

44
In addition to these primary elements, the conceptual framework considers how the
impact of these stressors influences self-efficacy—a crucial determinant of career choices and
advancement. Self-efficacy refers to an individual’s belief in their ability to successfully perform
tasks, overcome challenges, and achieve desired outcomes (Lent & Brown, 1996.) The
framework explores how perceptions of intersectional identity and psychological, physiological,
and behavioral stressors shape Latina women’s self-efficacy beliefs in the workplace context.
The conceptual framework aims to illuminate the interplay between individual experiences,
organizational dynamics, and career trajectories among Latina women in local government. By
examining these factors holistically, researchers can identify key leverage points for
interventions, policies, and support mechanisms aimed at promoting the well-being and
advancement of Latina women in leadership positions within the public sector.

45
Figure 1
Conceptual Framework
Note. This article was adapted from Latina/o College Students’ Perceptions of Career Barriers:
Influence of Ethnic Identity, Acculturation, and Self-Efficacy by Mejia‐Smith and Gushue
(2017) and Bandura’s (1986) Social Cognitive Career Theory and Racial Battle Fatigue for
Latina/o Students: A Quantitative Perspective by Jeremy D. Franklin, William A. Smith,
and Man Hung (2014).
Conclusion
The literature review paints a contextual picture of racial and gendered barriers often
experienced by Latinas, a rationale to understand how structural racism was created in our
society, how it is perpetuated and explains the need for Latinas to cope with the multitude of

46
barriers they face and demonstrate resiliency to persist toward leadership positions. Conducting a
preliminary review of the literature and the demographic data framed the understanding of the
population that is the focus of this study, Latinas—employing SCCT (Lent & Brown, 1996) and
RBF theories (Franklin et al., 2014; Smith, 2009; Smith et al., 2011) to understand the unique
perspectives of Latinas, perceived stressors, the challenges faced when experiencing those
stressors, and how resiliency is needed to overcome the stressors they often face. The review also
highlighted the significance of personal attributes that drive and inform self-efficacy and how
one acquires and internalizes information. Conducting this literature review has provided a dense
yet compact synopsis for understanding the barriers Latinas face when pursuing upward career
mobility and contributed to the comprehension of the stories shared by Latina managers and
directors in local government, supported answering the research questions, informed the
qualitative research methodology and interview protocol.

47
Chapter Three: Methodology
This chapter presents the specific methodology scheme used for this research study. This
study intended to uncover environmental and interpersonal factors that impact the self-efficacy
and decisions of Latinas to pursue and achieve career outcomes within local government. This
chapter details the processes and procedures for establishing research questions, research design,
setting, and instrumentation. It discusses the robust thought put into addressing the approach to
data sources, methods for ensuring trustworthiness and credibility, and ethics.
Research Questions
This study had three principal goals centered on supporting and contributing to the
ongoing research on leadership development in local government. This study intended to
uncover environmental and interpersonal factors that impact the self-efficacy and decisions of
Latinas to pursue and achieve career outcomes within local government and recommend
potential solutions and interventions to remove barriers to upward mobility and improve the
leadership path for Latinas in local government. The methodological design of the study was a
qualitative research approach utilizing 10 semi-structured interviews comprised of 12 openended questions and corresponding probes. Appendix A contains the complete interview
protocol.
The following three research questions guided the study:
1. What factors impact Latinas’ psychological, physiological, and social-behavioral
well-being within a local government organization?
2. What experiences affect Latinas’ career advancement in local government?

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Research Setting
The in-person interviews occurred in multiple settings, four were in-person in a neutral
conference room, one was within the director or manager’s office and five were conducted
online via the Zoom platform. Any manager or director office used their own office and did not
need permission to conduct meetings in their offices; and they provided privacy, convenience,
and accessibility, which Burkholder et al. (2019) cited as critical factors in identifying an
interview location. If participants did not wish to meet in their offices, arrangements were made
for a quiet space at another location of their choice.
The Researcher
As an executive-level Latina immersed in the context of this study through my day-today activities within local government, I applied a critical/transformative worldview (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018) to illuminate and scrutinize issues of power and marginalization stemming from
historically entrenched power structures. My approach centered on amplifying the voices of
those facing injustice and marginalization, seeking to dismantle systemic barriers and foster
equitable outcomes. The setting of this study diverged slightly from my workplace,
encompassing several neighboring cities with comparable demographics. Despite this variation,
the shared socio-political landscape provided valuable insights into shared challenges and
systemic issues prevalent across the region. This broader perspective allowed for a
comprehensive understanding of the structural dynamics at play within local government
institutions, facilitating nuanced analysis and informed decision-making aimed at driving
positive change.

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Positionality
I identify with a positionality of being marginalized and oppressed, particularly as a
Latina within a white male-dominated organizational structure. However, as an executive within
my organization, overseeing a large team within that same power structure brings great privilege
and wields significant power. Some of the privileges I hold within this positional framework are
to serve as a role model to other minoritized women within my team and spheres of influence
and the ability to influence workplace culture and expectations through policy and modeling
within my department. I shared similar experiences with the participants, which could have led to
some implicit bias impacting my judgment, decision-making, and behavior.
My positionality may also be an obstacle in researching this problem as I may have some
bias and preconceived ideas about the barriers to senior leadership positions. I knew some
participants personally, which could have impacted my interpretations of their responses. This
position may have provided me with an “insider” view (Markova, 2009; Merriam & Tisdell,
2016, p. 64) of the issues being studied. To mitigate these assumptions and biases and increase
credibility and trustworthiness, I utilized a positionality statement to acknowledge my
positionality, mechanically recorded data, verbatim transcripts, and reflexivity to disclose my
past experiences relative to the research topic and then write memos during the research process
documenting and reflecting on how my personal experiences shape my interpretations of results I
made during the study (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). My positionality may have had some
benefits; it may have aided in obtaining richer data, as the participants may have identified with
me as a Latina and felt more comfortable sharing personal anecdotes. On transcultural or
intercultural interview experiences, Markova (2009) suggested that interviewers do not need to

50
be members of the same group being interviewed. Either approach can be positive based on the
circumstances of the specific study and interview interactions.
Participants
The target population for this interview project was Latina women with a manager,
director, or higher position in local government. This target population was appropriate because
the research questions aimed to uncover what influences Latinas to pursue leadership positions in
local government, what barriers they experience in achieving those positions, and how they
describe their self-efficacy in achieving them. The target population was purposefully kept
narrow to capture rich data from a specific demographic as opposed to including a broader pool
of potential respondents. Research by Hennick and Kaiser (2022) supports the effectiveness of
using smaller sample sizes to reach ideal saturation in qualitative studies of homogenous study
populations. After completing a qualification survey, I selected participants to ensure they met
the minimum qualifications. This interview project utilized purposeful sampling (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016) in that the characteristics of the population are known before the sample. Those
characteristics were: (a) self-identified as a Latina woman and (b) actively held a manager or
director-level or above position within a local government organization.
Data Sources
This qualitative research study utilized semi-structured interviews with 12 open-ended
questions and additional probes. The individual interviews provided a private environment for
participants to share their unique experiences, paths, thoughts, and perspectives on pursuing,
attaining, and maintaining leadership positions within local government. Appendix A outlines
the interview protocol and application of the conceptual framework. This method was ideal for
this study because it utilized a group of participants from various perspectives to provide insight

51
and rich data. The target sample size was 10 participants, and recruitment was conducted via
publicly accessible local government list-serves, professional social media network outlets, such
as LinkedIn, and in-person recruitment through networking events. Recruitment of participants
included a social media flyer with key study facts and the target population criteria, a detailed
study information handout that outlines participant consent for recording purposes, an
explanation of the study being a voluntary participation process, commitment to confidentiality
and measures utilized and the faculty advisor’s contact information.
Qualifying Survey
The recruitment phase commenced with an embedded survey link in the recruitment
material posted online to social media professional networks and distributed at professional
networking events. The qualifying survey provided enough data to effectively screen potential
participants to ensure they met the target population criteria. The qualifying survey questions are
included in Appendix A.
Semi-Structured Interviews
The study used a semi-structured interview protocol, which provides an interview guide
with semi-structured questions that were asked in a flexible order and varied slightly in wording
or timing (Patton, 2002). The semi-structured approach was appropriate for this interview project
because it allowed some flexibility as I navigated the received responses. I adjusted accordingly
to keep the flow of conversation going and reduce the potential to lose momentum by adhering to
a highly structured interview in which questions may come in different order as the participant
recalled their experiences. In collecting the lived experiences of women of color in management
or director roles, it cannot be expected that every participant will have experienced things in the

52
same order; Merriam and Tisdell (2016) noted that “less-structured formats assume that
individual respondents define the world in unique ways” (p. 110).
Instrumentation
The instrument used for this study was an interview protocol, which is contained entirely
in Appendix A. The semi-structured interview approach with open-ended questions was chosen
to (a) make the best use of the respondent’s limited time by keeping the interactions focused, (b)
to add consistency to each interview, (c) allow flexibility to respond at the moment to the
emerging worldview and unique perspective of each respondent, and (d) have the exact
instrument available for inspection by anyone that might use the findings (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016; Patton, 2002). This is also supported by Burkholder et al. (2019), who noted that new
researchers might feel more confident in data collection with some structure to their interview
questions.
Interview questions were drafted from the perspective of interviewing human subjects,
which allowed me to hear their perspective, which is meaningful and rich with knowledge
(Patton, 2002). The questions had the potential to evoke sensitive or personal responses from the
respondents as I asked them about their lived experiences; therefore, one-on-one interviews
provided the optimal setting to gather rich content while allowing the respondents to feel
comfortable sharing their experiences openly without others present. I sequenced the questions to
explore the individual’s background and career path experiences first, then moved into seeking
opinions and feelings on a range of factors and expectations, with an emphasis on keeping the
questions truly open-ended so as not to presuppose any salient feelings or thoughts the
respondent might favor (Patton, 2002). Questions focused on the respondents’ intersectional

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identity and experiences, cultural perceptions, perceptions of barriers to upward career mobility,
coping mechanisms, and resiliency.
Data Collection
Data collection occurred either in person using an audio recording device or virtually
using the Zoom platform for audio and video capabilities. The choice between the two was
dependent upon the participant. Using the Otter AI service, I transcribed the audio files from
both collection methods into transcripts. Bogdan and Biklen (2007) recommend transcribing the
audio file in some form when interviewing, which is the primary technique in the study. Each
interview took approximately 45–60 minutes.
Data Analysis
The study relied on the five-step sequential qualitative data analysis process described by
Creswell and Creswell (2018). The method based on those steps included:
1. Prepare the data for analysis by transcribing the interviews and typing any notes, then
organizing and sorting the data by storing the digital files in organized passwordprotected files.
2. Conduct a general overview of data and reflect on the overall meaning, ideas
presented, and tone of respondents, noting impressions of generalizability.
3. Begin coding the data and category construction by breaking down the raw data into
words or phrases that become themes or categories (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
4. Build out all the data through coding, creating descriptions for the setting, people,
places, and details that make up the raw data. Identify 5–7 themes representing
multiple perspectives, supported by specific and diverse quotations, and these will
appear as major findings.

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5. Convey the findings through narrative passages.
Trustworthiness and Credibility
In qualitative data collection and analysis methods, true objectivity cannot be attained as
subjectivity is inherent in qualitative research (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). However, Merriam
and Tisdell (2016), and Creswell and Creswell (2018) outlined strategies to validate qualitative
findings, demonstrating that the study and data are trustworthy and credible. The strategies I
utilized in this study include:
1. Reflexivity will include critically self-reflecting on how my personal background,
positionality, identity, and experiences potentially shape interpretations, themes, and
findings. I will record notes or memos during the process to reflect on how I think
about interviews, observations, and the entire process.
2. Mechanically recorded data to ensure all raw data is captured accurately.
3. Verbatim transcripts to document, analyze and organize data.
4. Rich, thick descriptions of themes and categories to add context and situational
relativeness so that the reader can relate to the research content and findings are
transferable to their own situations.
Ethics
Ethical considerations are a crucial factor in the shaping of a research study, data
collection, analysis, and final findings, and the trustworthiness and credibility of the study itself
are tied directly back to the credibility of the researcher(s) creating and administering the study
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Patton, 2015). Ethics includes the methods and strategies put in
place to reduce bias, ensure accurate recording of data, and provide credible and trustworthy
findings combined with the credibility of the researcher. This creates the basis for rigorous

55
thinking and adds integrity to the study, building a solid case as to why the study is credible and
trustworthy (Patton, 2015). To mitigate these assumptions and biases, I used reflexivity to
disclose my past experiences relative to the research topic and then write memos during the
research process documenting and reflecting on how my personal experiences shape my
interpretations of results I make during the study (Creswell & Creswell, 2018) to keep my biases
in check throughout the study.
I adhered to the ethical principles and standards conveyed by the University of Southern
California’s Human Research Protection Program (HRPP) and the Social Behavioral Internal
Review Board (IRB) to recruit participants and conduct research on human subjects. Some of the
participants were from within my organization; however, to address power dynamics and ensure
credibility, no interviewees were conducted with my direct reports. The individuals from my
organization were peer level. Another way I addressed ethics in the study was to ensure that all
participation in the study was voluntary and participants understood they were not required to
complete the study.
Finally, all digital files were stored on a password-protected computer. I anonymized the
participant’s identities by assigning a pseudonym as soon as possible to protect confidentiality. I
stored all notes about the interviews and participants in a designated file cabinet that always
remained locked.

56
Chapter Four: Findings
This study aimed to understand and unravel the intricate interplay between organizational
culture and the progression of Latina women into senior leadership roles within the context of
local government. At its core, the investigation sought to delve into the organizational and
interpersonal dynamics that not only influence Latina women's psychological, physiological, and
social-behavioral well-being but also exert a profound impact on the trajectory of their careers,
particularly in the journey toward senior leadership positions. Employing a qualitative research
approach, the study aimed to provide nuanced insights into the lived experiences of Latina
women, elucidating the intricate web of factors that either propel or impede their ascent in local
government settings.
The research questions that guided beacons for this inquiry centered on the factors that
impact the overall well-being of Latinas and the experiences that shape their career advancement
trajectories, laying the foundation for a comprehensive exploration of the subject matter. To
unearth these insights, the research design incorporated semi-structured interviews, providing a
platform for Latina women occupying leadership roles in local government to share their
narratives, perspectives, and lived experiences.
This chapter has three distinct sections that summarize the study’s findings. It begins with
an overview of interview participants, proceeds with a presentation of findings related to each
research question, and concludes with a summary of the findings.
The research questions that guided this study were:
1. What factors impact Latina’s psychological, physiological, and social-behavioral
well-being within a local government organization?
2. What experiences affect Latina’s career advancement in local government?

57
Participants
The diverse tapestry of leadership perspectives within this study is woven from the rich
experiences of 13 individuals who responded to a demographic questionnaire and 10 participants
interviewed, all holding managerial roles or higher within local government agencies within Los
Angeles, San Bernardino, and Orange Counties. These participants collectively brought a wealth
of expertise and dedication to public service, with six individuals contributing 11–20 years, three
over 21 years, and one with 6–10 years of committed service to the public sector. While all
participants were engaged in local or county government roles, the specific areas of expertise
varied, encompassing fields such as economic development, law, elections procedure, capital
improvement, planning, and city administration.
Delving into the participants’ educational journeys revealed a striking pattern: Nine out
of 10 (except Doris) proudly identify as first-generation college graduates within their families.
Moreover, six (Cynthia, Frances, Hannah, Julia, Elena, and Georgia) out of 10 trailblazers
emerged as the inaugural professionals in their immediate families, embodying a narrative of
achievement and breaking new ground. The recruitment process collected essential details,
including ancestral and family history, education levels, and years of service in the public or
private sector, to illuminate the context of their diverse backgrounds.
Ensuring the study’s eligibility criteria were met, all participants confirmed their age as
18 or older, contributing a depth of experience and maturity to the insights shared. A meticulous
documentation of the participants’ demographics, presented in Tables 1 and 2, encapsulates their
distinct identities through pseudonyms, job titles, and the types of organizations they represent.
This comprehensive overview serves as a foundational reference point, setting the stage for a

58
profound exploration of the organizational dynamics influencing Latinas' well-being and career
trajectories in local government leadership.
Table 1
Demographics of Interview Participants
Pseudonym Job Title Type
of org. County
First
gen
U.S.
First
gen
career
First
gen
college
Years
in role
Years
in
private
sector
Kayla*
Dir. of
HR/Risk
Mgr.
City Los
Angeles Yes Yes Yes < 5
years
< 5
years
Luz* City Mgr. City Los
Angeles No No Yes < 5
years
0
Ana
Community
Dvlpt. Dir. City Los
Angeles Yes No Yes < 5
years
0
Beatrice
Economic
Dvlpt. and
Housing
Mgr.
City Los
Angeles No No Yes < 5
years
11–
20
years
Cynthia
Capital
Improvem
ent Mgr. City
San
Bernard
ino
Yes Yes Yes < 5
years
< 5
years
Doris
Economic
Dvlpt.
Project
Mgr.
City
San
Bernard
ino
No No No < 5
years
< 5
years
Frances
Deputy City
Mgr. City Los
Angeles Yes Yes Yes < 5
years
0
Hannah City Clerk City Los
Angeles No Yes Yes < 5
years
6–10
years
Ines
Asst. City
Mgr. City
San
Bernard
ino
No No Yes < 5
years
< 5
years
Julia
City
Attorney City Los
Angeles No Yes Yes > 21
years
> 21
years

59
Note. *Demographic data only; did not complete interview.
The educational backgrounds of the participants and their parents stress a notable
disparity in academic achievements. Among the participants, most hold advanced degrees, with
seven having master’s degrees and one possessing a professional degree (JD and MD). In
contrast, there is a significant difference in the educational levels of the participants’ mothers and
fathers. Five mothers have less than a high school degree, highlighting a distinct contrast to the
participants’ higher educational achievements. Similarly, the fathers exhibit varied educational
backgrounds, with five having less than a high school degree. This disparity in educational
attainment emphasizes the diverse academic trajectories within the Latina participants’ families.
This data and the participants’ narratives shed some light on the cultural and familial challenges
in pursuing higher professional careers.
Table 2
Educational Attainment
Less than
high
school
degree
High
school
diploma
or GED
Some
college
but no
degree
Bachelor’s
degree (4-
year)
Master’s
degree
Professional
degree (JD,
MD)
Highest
education
level of
participant
2 10 1
Monica* Case Mgr. City Los
Angeles Yes Yes Yes < 5
years
0
Elena
Supervising
Regional
Planner County Los
Angeles Yes Yes Yes 6–10
years
0
Georgia
Mgr. of
Watermast
er and
Water
Resources
Local
Water
Agency
Los
Angeles Yes Yes Yes < 5
years
6–10
years

60
Highest
education
level of
mother
7 4 1 1
Highest
education
level of
father 7 3 2 1
Results for Research Question 1: What Factors Impact Latinas’ Psychological,
Physiological, and Social-Behavioral Well-Being Within a Local Government
Organization?
Exploring Latinas’ experiences in local government through research question one
reveals three key themes shaping their career trajectories and well-being. Theme 1, “The
Organizational Family,” highlights the profound influence of a supportive workplace
environment akin to a “work family” on Latinas’ success and fulfillment, rooted in cultural
values emphasizing support and camaraderie. Theme 2, “Stress Factors vs. Compensation,”
explores the complex interplay between career aspirations, psychological well-being, and the
physiological impacts of workplace stress, reflecting a shift in values towards quality of life over
financial gain. Theme 3, “Mentorships,” illustrates mentors' pivotal role in empowering Latinas
to navigate professional complexities and pursue higher-level positions, filling the gaps left by
familial limitations and providing invaluable guidance and support. Overall, these themes offer a
comprehensive exploration of the experiences shaping Latinas’ career advancement in local
government, emphasizing the importance of cultural values, workplace dynamics, and
mentorship in shaping their professional journeys.

61
Theme 1: The Organizational Family
To questions and probes of the role, workplace environment plays in pursuing higherlevel positions and how the organization values them, eight (Ana, Beatrice, Cynthia, Doris,
Frances, Hannah, Ines, and Georgia) out of 10 responses indicated that having a strong
supportive team or “work family” was critical in their physiological and social-behavioral wellbeing. Emphasizing the confidence and support derived from having a trustworthy team, Frances
articulated, “I’ve got my people that I really use and get their help … sometimes I carry a lot of it
on my weight on my own, and I need to ask for help,” illuminating the pervasive sentiment
among participants that a nurturing and supportive work environment, akin to a cohesive work
family, not only contributes to their professional success but also plays a vital role in maintaining
their overall health and well-being. Beatrice emphasized the familiarity and sense of safety of
having a “family” team, “We just are able to talk freely … I will say it really is kind of like a
family, even with our director.” Ana shared:
My team is like a family to me. And, you know, I want to give them the resources, even
developers, … I treat them like family, I understand what they need and walk them
through the process, even if it’s a process, they’re going to hate, you know, I give them
my word that we will get them to their finish line. And it all stems from family.
Nine (Ana, Beatrice, Doris, Frances, Hannah, Ines, Julia, Elena, and Georgia) of 10 participants
described the family as a culturally relevant source of purpose, motivation, and inspiration in
pursuing careers in public service. The family is the most pervasive and central of human
institutions, and for Latina/o households, family is experienced as a cultural value emphasizing
support and attachment, loyalty, honor, and obligation.

62
The data revealed a strong relationship between cultural upbringing emphasizing the
institution of family and the creation of fictitious or voluntary families in the work setting, with
eight (Ana, Beatrice, Cynthia, Doris, Frances, Hannah, Ines, and Georgia) out of 10 participants
stating that a strong supportive team or “work family” was critical in their physiological and
social-behavioral well-being. For example, Ana described the desire to help others as “incredibly
cultural, that you are helpful, and that you are resourceful. And that you really, you know, you go
above and beyond for your family.” In this quote, Ana expresses her desire to help others. She
characterizes this desire as deeply ingrained in one’s culture, suggesting that being helpful and
resourceful is a cultural trait. Ana also emphasized going “above and beyond” for one’s family,
highlighting the extent to which individuals with this desire are willing to support and assist their
family members. Overall, the interpretation suggests that the impulse to help others is not just an
individual inclination but that it exists because of cultural values, and it manifests in acts of
generosity and dedication, particularly within the family context. In reflecting on the significance
of fostering solid familial relationships within a team, Hannah vividly depicted the
transformative impact of witnessing her team members “blossoming” and “become[ing] their
own person,” enabling them to freely share jokes and embrace a more relaxed and trusting
dynamic, revealing a more personal side. Her retrospective perspective encapsulates the joy of
observing the collective growth and comfort within the “work family.” She expressed, “So that
makes me happy. Because kind of like, okay, they feel comfortable. This is a team that feels
comfortable with each other.” Her reflection illustrates the enduring value of cultivating a
supportive and familial work environment, wherein individual growth and camaraderie converge
to create a cohesive and harmonious team culture.

63
For some, when they did not see their community function like the institution of family
they knew, they attempted to create it. For Example, Julia contributed that the sense of family
and community she experienced growing up had a significant impact on her career decisions,
“So I think that, that I tell folks that I think that had a real impact on me choosing a career
because I always saw that at home, that sense of community and sense of helping,” and described
the isolation she felt that not having that “work family” to rely on “I was very cognizant that I
was different, that I was going to pave a path and I was going to do it quite frankly, with nobody
to help.” Julia, who learned about a helpful attitude at home, aimed to craft something similar at
work, where she had the capacity and position to create.
Responses from eight (Ana, Beatrice, Cynthia, Doris, Frances, Hannah, Ines, and
Georgia) out of 10 participants highlighted the critical role that a solid and supportive workplace
environment, often characterized as a “work family,” plays in their physiological and socialbehavioral well-being. The participants expressed a deep sense of familiarity, safety, and
camaraderie within their teams, with Beatrice highlighting the freedom of
open communication and the familial atmosphere, even with leadership, “we talk freely and
everyone … I will say it really is like a family even with our director and I know he gets stressed
out and I think he appreciates the ability to talk just like a normal person sometimes.” The sense
of family not only facilitated open communication, creating a workplace where employees felt a
deep sense of familiarity, safety, and camaraderie, but fostered a positive environment for
professional growth and success “having that work family ... what comes to mind is just small
things that help support that work environment as a place that you want to work … a place that I
want to stay for the next 5–10 years.” Ana emphasized the reciprocal relationship between her
team and even the developers she interacts with, treating them like family and providing

64
resources to help them succeed. The connection between cultural values, particularly within
Latina/o households, and the importance of family as a source of purpose, motivation, and
inspiration in pursuing public service careers is evident.
For nine out of 10 participants (all but Cynthia), the influence of family as a culturally
relevant institution is significant, emphasizing support, loyalty, honor, and obligation. The data
highlighted a strong relationship between the cultural upbringing that emphasizes family values
and the creation of fictitious or voluntary “work families” within the organizational context. Ana
articulated the cultural aspect, expressing the importance of being helpful, resourceful, and going
above and beyond for one’s family. Julia reflected on the impact of her sense of family and
community growing up on her career decisions, emphasizing the sense of community and
helping others. Moreover, the absence of a “work family“ as noted by Julia, highlighted the
challenges and isolation she faced, determined to pave her path without external support.
Overall, this section emphasizes the profound impact of a supportive workplace environment,
akin to a “work family,“ on the participants’ well-being, with strong ties to their cultural values
and upbringing.
Theme 2: Stress Factors vs. Compensation
To questions and probes about career aspirations, career path, and career choices, seven
(Ana, Beatrice, Frances, Hannah, Ines, Julia, and Georgia) out of 10 participants indicated that
once a mid-management position is achieved, having a work environment with supportive
leaders and less chaotic spikes was a more significant factor in their career decisions than
compensation when deciding to pursue higher level positions with greater responsibility and
expectations. Beatrice shared that early in her career, “I financially needed an income to support

65
my family. So, it was important for me to continue to move up.” However, once she gained
financial stability, she noted:
Now, I’m really not concerned about income anymore. I feel comfortable with my
salary. So now it’s more a matter of quality of my life. And what do I want? I’m not
pursuing money anymore. So, it’s going to be, do I feel that moving up is going to
benefit? Really, am I really going to be able to make a difference for the additional stress
that it’s going to take on? I value my well-being and my ability to not take stress home,
money is not worth it to me anymore.
Beatrice’s comments highlight a shift in priorities from financial concerns to a deeper
consideration of the impact on her overall well-being and the significance of making a
meaningful difference in her professional journey. The decreased emphasis on monetary gains
underscores the evolving nature of career aspirations and the pursuit of a fulfilling and balanced
life.
Participants described the impact a stressful organizational environment has on their
psychological well-being and the factors they weigh against that impact, such as the ability to be
present and available for their families, which was found to be a particularly significant factor for
Latinas. As a woman feeling the need to succeed in the role of wife and mother and the
intersectionality of being a Latina, the added cultural obligation to fulfill that role. Ines said, “I
do value very much the balance of my life, and I also I want to be the best at my career. But I
also like care to be a good mother and good wife and good friends.” This poignant reflection by
Ines sheds light on the intricate balance women, especially those of diverse backgrounds,
navigate in pursuing personal and professional success and brings to the forefront the ongoing
challenge of harmonizing various roles and responsibilities.

66
Additionally, three (Frances, Ines, and Julia) of the 10 participants noted the
physiological impacts stress can have on them. When reflecting on being the only Latina in her
organization early in her career and dealing with the stress of her position and work environment,
Julia said, “I think for me, the cost of doing what I did was my physical health.” She further
noted, “I wish that I had learned earlier on to take care of myself physically.” This introspective
perspective stresses the importance of recognizing the toll that workplace stress can take on
one’s well-being.
The findings highlight that, for seven (Ana, Beatrice, Frances, Hannah, Ines, Julia and
Georgia) out of the 10 participants, achieving a mid-management position is a pivotal point in
their career trajectory that provides some privilege to be more selective and consider more
factors when advancing. The participants prioritize a work environment with supportive leaders
and stability over financial compensation when considering higher-level positions with increased
responsibilities. The shift from an initial focus on financial needs to a later emphasis on quality
of life is exemplified through Beatrice’s journey. The impact of a stressful organizational
environment on psychological well-being is a common concern among participants, with a
particular focus on the importance of being present for family, a significant factor for Latinas.
The intersectionality of gender roles, cultural obligations, and career aspirations is evident in the
narratives, as exemplified by Ines’s desire to balance career success with fulfilling roles as a
mother, wife, and friend, a factor unique from the experiences of white male counterparts.
Moreover, three (Frances, Ines, and Julia) out of the 10 participants expressed awareness of the
physiological impacts of stress on their health, emphasizing the importance of self-care and
physical well-being, as noted by Julia’s reflections on her early career experiences. Overall, the

67
section stressed the intricate interplay between career decisions, psychological well-being, and
the physiological impacts of stress within the context of the participants‘ diverse experiences.
Theme 3: Mentorships
In response to inquiries about the influence of mentorship on their career advancement,
all 10 participants emphasized the pivotal role mentors played in encouraging them to apply for
positions sooner than they might have independently, thereby bolstering their self-confidence.
Notably, six out of the 10 participants were pioneers in their families, being the first to venture
into professional fields, and an even higher proportion, nine out of ten, were the inaugural
college graduates within their families. It is worth highlighting that half of the participants’
parents had received education levels below high school. This distinctive family background was
identified as a significant factor shaping the participants’ perceived need for mentorship and
signaled the substantial impact mentors had on their professional journeys. For example, Julia
described the limits of her family support; although her family wanted her to succeed, they did
not have the experiences to help her navigate a professional workplace or career advancement, a
sentiment shared by nine out of 10 of the participants. In discussing the impact of mentors on her
career, Julia shared, “I left a law school environment where friends are like, what are you doing,
you know, family couldn’t help and just luckily, having these mentors for life, it will be the
difference.” Julia’s comments encapsulate the profound influence of mentorship in filling the
gaps left by familial limitations and peers unfamiliar with the professional landscape. Julias’s
recognition of mentors' pivotal role in her career journey emphasized the lasting impact of
guidance and support from seasoned individuals who provided valuable insights and paved the
way for her success. It also emphasizes the transformative power of mentorship, highlighting its

68
instrumental role in navigating complex career paths and overcoming challenges in the absence
of familial expertise.
All interview participants unanimously identified mentors as pivotal social-behavioral
influencers in their career trajectories. A notable majority, eight (Ana, Beatrice, Doris, Frances,
Hannah, Ines, Julia, and Georgia) out of 10, articulated mentors' positive influence on their
professional journeys, highlighting the invaluable insights provided for navigating the intricacies
of a professional organization. Moreover, seven (Ana, Beatrice, Frances, Hannah, Ines, Julia, and
Georgia) out of 10 participants specifically credited mentors for aiding their persistence in
navigating the challenges of being a Latina in a predominantly white, male-dominated
environment. Two participants (Elena and Doris) candidly expressed the longing for mentorship,
detailing the challenges faced when grappling with career obstacles without the support and
guidance of a mentor, accentuating the importance of mentorship in fostering professional
growth. Elena described the psychological struggles with not being able to lean on family for
shared experiences or having a mentor:
I felt lost in how do I advance, and I did not have a lot of mentorship … there wasn’t
someone to show me the path to that I just had to observe and see what are these people
that are in these positions that I wanted? What are they doing? And a lot of them are
mostly you know, men, we had a male director. So, I struggled with that, because it’s
like, how do I be myself and succeed against these positions when all these positions
have male like men in it right there, these are all men, and it’s very different of you
know, who I am. … I didn’t get to grow up and watch my mother put on a suit or you
know, be in charge of something be a leader.

69
Elena’s poignant account unveils the profound psychological challenges stemming from the
absence of familial support and mentorship in her professional journey. Her reflection on the
struggles of not having a familial or mentor figure to lean on accentuates the emotional toll of
feeling lost and navigating a path without a guiding hand. The realization that there was not
someone to illuminate the way and that she had to rely on observation to discern the trajectory
toward her desired positions reflects the resilience required in the face of such challenges.
A significant majority, comprising eight (Ana, Doris, Elena, Frances, Hannah, Ines, Julia
and Georgia) out of 10 participants, expressed a heightened awareness of their identity as Latinas
within predominately white male environments. Doris, lacking a robust mentorship early in her
career, described the introspective questions that surfaced in these spaces: “How does somebody
get to those positions? Who looks like me? How do I support other people getting to those
positions who identify like, with myself or with like, other minorities that I identify with?” The
absence of mentors in her professional development led her to “keep kind of exploring, like, how
do I become represented in those spaces?”
For half (Ana, Beatrice, Frances, Hannah, and Ines) of the participants, mentors improved
their self-efficacy to pursue higher-level positions faster than they might have pursued without a
positive push. When discussing the timing of career advancement, Frances noted, “I’ll take the
risk because I know they’re there with me … we’re a team, they’re gonna help me succeed. So, I
feel like if I hadn’t had that, from the beginning, I would maybe stay as an analyst for a lot
longer time.” Hannah discussed the importance of mentors, particularly those who looked like
herself, played in feeling confident in being her authentic self, “I learned that … those coming up
the ranks that they can see that they can still be in management, they can still be a director but
not lose sight of who they are.” Frances and Hannah’s perspectives converge in emphasizing the

70
pivotal role mentors play in bolstering self-efficacy and guiding career trajectories. Frances
articulates the supportive network and teamwork cultivated by mentors, providing the confidence
to embrace risks and pursue higher-level positions. Her reflection echoes mentors' transformative
influence, steering individuals toward growth and success. Cynthia noted “in every position that
I had, I always had, you know, a good mentor, like, to guide me.”
On the other hand, Hannah distinguishes the importance of mentors who share similar
backgrounds, emphasizing the impact of seeing oneself reflected in leadership roles. Her insight
adds a layer to the discussion, highlighting the significance of diverse mentorship in fostering
authenticity and ensuring that individuals, regardless of background, can ascend in their careers
without compromising their identity. Together, Frances and Hannah’s perspectives form a
compelling narrative, highlighting mentorship's multifaceted impact on self-efficacy and its
crucial role in shaping a professional’s journey toward authentic success. Their reflections
collectively spotlight the need for inclusive mentorship that transcends traditional boundaries,
empowering individuals to navigate their career paths confidently and authentically.
The findings in this section delve into the profound impact of mentorship on the career
trajectories of participants, revealing a consensus among the majority that mentors played a
pivotal role in encouraging them to apply for positions earlier than they might have
independently, thereby boosting their self-confidence. The absence of mentorship in Julia’s case
highlighted the limitations of family support, reinforcing the shared sentiment of nine (Ana,
Beatrice, Frances, Hannah, Ines, Julia and Georgia) out of 10 participants facing career obstacles
without adequate guidance. The unanimous acknowledgment of mentors as crucial socialbehavioral influencers reflects their positive impact, with eight (Ana, Beatrice, Doris, Frances,
Hannah, Ines, Julia and Georgia) out of 10 participants highlighting mentors' invaluable insights

71
for navigating professional complexities. Additionally, seven (Ana, Beatrice, Frances, Hannah,
Ines, Julia and Georgia) out of 10 participants specifically credited mentors for aiding their
persistence in negotiating the challenges of being a Latina in a predominantly white, maledominated environment. Elena and Doris’s narratives emphasize the psychological struggles
faced without family support or mentors to navigate the professional landscape. Specifically,
Elena’s experience of feeling lost and observing male-dominated leadership positions without a
mentor’s guidance emphasizes the need for mentorship in providing a path to success. Frances
emphasized the collaborative and supportive nature of mentorship, stating that the presence of
mentors emboldened her to take risks and progress in her career. Hannah stresses the importance
of mentors who shared her identity, contributing to her confidence in being authentic while
advancing in her career. Overall, the narratives emphasize the transformative impact of
mentorship on career progression, self-efficacy, and navigating identity challenges in
professional spaces.
Results for Research Question 2: What Experiences Affect Latina’s Career Advancement
in Local Government?
The research question aimed to explore the nuanced experiences that shape Latinas’
career advancement in local government. The findings focus on three prominent themes from the
responses, shedding light on the intricate interplay of motivations, challenges, and societal
biases. Theme 1, centered around the participants’ ability to make a difference, unveiled the
importance of effectuating change and contributing positively to their communities and
organizations. The participants intricately weaved their cultural upbringing emphasizing the core
value of helping family into their motivation to make a meaningful impact. Theme 2 explored the
pervasive experience of self-doubt among the respondents in the context of career progression,

72
illuminating its pervasive influence on their decisions to pursue high-level positions. Lastly,
Theme 3 delved into the complex landscape of gender and racial bias, revealing the challenges
faced by Latinas as they often navigate white male-dominated spaces within local government.
The study elucidates how these themes collectively shape the career trajectories of Latinas,
providing valuable insights into the intricate factors influencing their professional journeys.
Theme 1: Ability to Make a Difference
In response to questions and probes about motivation and career progression, all of the
participants indicated that the ability to effectuate change and contribute to making positive
changes in the community they serve and the organization they work in was a critical factor in
their job satisfaction and personal motivation to continue to grow and move into roles with more
significant influence. Seven (Ana, Beatrice, Frances, Elena, Ines, Julia and Georgia) out of 10
respondents cited their cultural upbringing with a core value of helping family as a contributing
factor to the underlying desire to make a difference in their positions. When describing her
motivation for wanting her work to result in making a difference in the community she serves,
Elena also mentioned the sense of obligation to prove her worth from a cultural perspective, “I
do not want to be that stereotypical lazy government employee, I want to show people that that’s
not who we are.” She further described her work ethic stemming from her parents, “My parents,
you know, they had these just awful jobs, and they never complained, and they always were
there on time, they did a good job at anything they did, whether it was sweeping floors [or]
whatever.” Elena’s reflection not only showcased the impact of cultural upbringing on the
participants’ motivation but also underscored the enduring influence of familial values. It
illuminates the internal drive that propels individuals, transcending professional roles and

73
echoing the sentiment that each role, whether sweeping floors or serving the community, holds
significance.
For nine (Ana, Beatrice, Cynthia, Doris, Frances, Elena, Ines, Julia and Georgia) out of
10 participants, the direct influence of witnessing their parents’ work ethic and struggles to attain
the American dream within their families significantly shaped their career perspectives and
approaches. Ana shared her journey, her passion for helping others, and her origins in public
sector work. She began helping her mother, a limited English-speaking immigrant, navigate a
public system, “I grew up here, and helping my mom kind of navigate through some stuff with
the city, and I always felt like, I needed to help.” Ana added, “that always kind of kept me in
public service … if I can help my mom and she was happy and she gets it, you know, there’s
dozens and dozens of other people like her.” These accounts emphasized the distinct perspectives
shaped by a Latina/o cultural background and how such cultural influences impact both
workplace experiences and approaches. Frances stresses the importance of hard work and
making a positive impact, instilled by her parents’ values:
So, I feel that working hard was always part of me. And I learned that from my parents.
And so, when I started working at 15, and then through college, right, I had two jobs, it’s
a lot of the times I helped my parents pay the bills … So, I feel that really set the path for
my work ethic to be like, you’re going to go wherever you go, you’re going to make a
difference, you’re going to work hard, make the best of it don’t complain. No, people
have it a lot worse off than you do.
Frances’ comments unveiled the enduring impact of parental influence on the participant’s work
ethic and approach to life. The early exposure to the responsibility of working from the age of 15
and the commitment to balancing two jobs during college reflects a profound sense of dedication

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rooted in familial values. The participant’s acknowledgment of contributing to their parent’s
financial responsibilities adds a layer of familial responsibility, illustrating the tangible impact of
work on broader family dynamics. Her experience highlighted a formative period during which
the participant internalized the ethos of hard work, resilience, and gratitude. The emphasis on not
complaining and maintaining a positive outlook, even in the face of challenges, serves as a
testament to the enduring life lessons instilled by her parents. The recognition that “people have
it a lot worse off than you do,” as Frances mentioned above, echoes a humility and empathy
cultivated through personal experience. A sentiment echoed by Julia, “Mom, she was always
working, she never gave up,” and Georgia, “So, I think it was just always ingrained in me by my
parents to always give back and always help those with less.” These reflections encapsulate a
profound sense of humility and empathy forged through firsthand experiences. They emphasized
the enduring impact of familial values and personal resilience in shaping one’s commitment to
service and advocacy, resonating with a universal ethos of compassion and solidarity.
All participants expressed a shared commitment to effectuating positive change in their
communities and organizations, attributing their job satisfaction and motivation for professional
growth to this overarching goal. Seven out of 10 participants emphasized the influence of their
cultural upbringing, particularly the core value of helping family, as a driving force behind their
desire to make a difference in their positions. Elena’s narrative includes a cultural dimension to
her motivation, stressing the obligation to defy stereotypes and showcase the strong work ethic
ingrained by her parents. The subsequent exploration of participants’ career perspectives
underscores the significance of witnessing their parents’ struggles and work ethic in shaping
their approaches to work and the pursuit of the American dream. Ana’s journey exemplified the
cultural ties, as she found purpose in helping her limited English-speaking immigrant mother

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navigate public systems. The overarching theme reflects a deep connection between cultural
background, familial experiences, and the participants’ dedication to public service. Frances
encapsulated this sentiment, emphasizing the value of hard work instilled by her parents, creating
a foundation for a strong work ethic and a commitment to making a positive impact. This section
on the ability to make a difference thus unravels the intricate interplay between cultural
influences, personal motivations, and career perspectives among Latina participants in local
government.
Theme 2: Self-Doubt
In response to inquiries about career progression, self-doubt, and strategies for
overcoming it, the findings revealed a universal experience among all respondents, as each
participant acknowledged grappling with self-doubt at various junctures in her professional
journey. While admitting that self-doubt is a common phenomenon, the participants delved into
the nuanced ways in which their family and cultural backgrounds contributed to these feelings of
uncertainty, particularly emphasizing the distinctive aspects faced by Latina individuals. This
exploration aimed to shed light on the unique dimensions of self-doubt experienced by Latinas in
navigating their career paths.
A sentiment expressed by eight (Ana, Doris, Elena, Frances, Hannah, Ines, Julia and
Georgia) out of 10 participants was the awareness of their minority representation in professional
spaces. In describing experiences in one organization that precipitated self-doubt, Hannah
mentioned “There were a lot of men at the table and, you know, you’re maybe one or one of
maybe two, maybe it was like three of us that were, you know Latinas and female. I mean, that
was kind of scary.” This reflection unveiled a common thread among the participants—an acute
awareness of their minority representation as women, and more specifically as Latinas, in

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professional spaces. Hannah’s candid expression of the challenges she faced in an organization
dominated by men provides a poignant glimpse into the emotional impact of such
underrepresentation. The use of terms like “scary” encapsulated the vulnerability and isolation
that can accompany being a minority in certain professional settings.
The data found that for eight (Ana, Doris, Elena, Frances, Hannah, Ines, Julia and
Georgia) of the 10 participants, being the only or one of the few Latinas in a predominately white
male work environment significantly contributed to feelings of self-doubt about belonging in the
space and ability to succeed. Julia’s experience highlighted this: “There wasn’t a single person
who looked like me when I entered the door … for some people, for some it was like, I think
they didn’t know how to interact with me.” This sentiment, expressed by most participants,
acknowledges the obstacles faced and the resilience required when navigating spaces where
diversity is lacking. Hannah’s and Julia’s words resonated as a powerful testimony to the
palpable impact of being one of the few Latinas and females at the table, hinting at the isolation
and self-doubt that can arise in such situations.
Building on the challenges of minority representation, the narratives further illuminated
the impact of these dynamics on participants’ feelings of belonging and their perceived ability to
succeed in professional spaces. Reflecting on overcoming self-doubt, Ines added, “I think that’s
the thing when I reflect on my childhood is like, I didn’t even know this stuff existed, like, I
didn’t know any of this was even possible. And so now that I can, like, see more and more, and
it’s not only is it possible, I’m capable.” This reflection on the challenges of minority
representation deepens our understanding of the profound impact on participants’ sense of
belonging and their perceived potential for success within professional spaces. Ines’ realization
that, during her upbringing, she was largely unaware of the possibilities and opportunities

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available to her in the professional world highlights the pervasive lack of representation and
access. Ines’s journey of self-discovery, transitioning from a state of unawareness to a realization
of both possibility and capability, is a powerful testament to the transformative power of
awareness and representation. The retrospective lens allows for an appreciation of the resilience
and growth inherent in her narrative, illustrating the profound impact that increased visibility and
understanding of possibilities can have on an individual’s self-perception and aspirations.
Additionally, the impact of the relationship with direct supervisors on self-doubt is
noteworthy, particularly for five (Ana, Cynthia, Frances, Ines and Georgia) out of the 10
participants. In the context of Latinas, this aspect gains significance when considering the
participants’ upbringing, given that six (Cynthia, Elena, Frances, Hannah, Julia, and Georgia) out
of the 10 participants were first-generation professionals. The interplay between their
professional experiences and familial backgrounds added a distinct layer of complexity to the
impact of supervisor relationships on the self-doubt experienced by Latinas in their career
journeys.
Latinas who grow up with parents who were not part of professional spaces may lack the
confidence in their early professional experiences to believe they can perform their jobs
adequately. For Cynthia, this insecurity was palpable as she reflected:
I’ve been doing this for seven years, like, I’m only like, a pro when it comes to this. And
I’m still doubting myself as simple as proofreading my email, like a million times just to
make sure that my tone wasn’t too aggressive, or the tone wasn’t too, you know, might
rub her the wrong way. So, I think just having that insecurity with the manager and not
the, you know, the anxiety … But now things are different because I don’t have that
environment. You know, like I said, like that environment, changes everything.

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This reflection emphasizes the lasting impact of early experiences on professional confidence
and the transformative power of evolving work environments. Even after 7 years in her
profession, Cynthia’s candid acknowledgement of her lingering self-doubt speaks volumes about
the enduring influence of formative years. The reflection on proofreading emails multiple times
to ensure a perceived balance in tone highlights the intricacies and complexities Latinas may
navigate in professional spaces due to a lack of early exposure. In examining Cynthia’s journey
through a retrospective lens, it became evident that the initial insecurity and anxiety she faced
were deeply rooted in the absence of a supportive environment, particularly during her early
professional experiences. The shift in her narrative, marked by the statement, “But now things
are different because I don’t have that environment,” unveiled the transformative impact of a
more supportive and inclusive workplace. This highlighted the malleability of professional
confidence and the role that evolving work environments play in shaping individuals’
perceptions of their capabilities. It emphasized the importance of fostering workplaces that not
only recognize and address early insecurities but actively contribute to the empowerment and
self-assurance of individuals, creating spaces where teams celebrate diversity, and individuals
feel validated in their professional journeys.
Among the eight (Ana, Doris, Elena, Frances, Hannah, Ines, Julia and Georgia)
participants who shared insights into their awareness of minority representation in professional
spaces, one participant highlighted the concept of hardiness as a psychological support for
resilience. This notion gained relevance within the context of Latinas, many of whom hailed
from family backgrounds where they assisted their parents in navigating government systems, as
seen in Ana’s case, contributed to financial stability like Frances, or observed their parents

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grappling with challenging manual labor jobs, exemplified by Julia and Elena. Julia described
her mental process utilizing that hardiness aspect:
What makes us hardy is our ability to use experiences in this world, like we suffer a
setback at work. And instead of thinking I’m not worthy, I can never, you know, oh my
gosh, I’ve cited the wrong case, instead of thinking, ‘Oh, I’m done.’ The mental …
attitude is, that really sucks that that happened. Now what am I going to do to fix it? It’s
kind of a fix-it mentality.
Julia’s articulation of the mental process contributing to her hardiness provided a compelling
insight into the resilience and adaptability required in professional life. Her perspective
transcends setbacks, emphasizing the transformative power of mindset. She acknowledges that
setbacks may occur, such as citing the wrong case, and meets it with a remarkable shift in
attitude from self-doubt to a proactive “fix-it mentality.” Her narrative encapsulates a profound
understanding of the human capacity for resilience, where she views challenges as opportunities
for growth and improvement rather than insurmountable obstacles. For Latinas, the journey
involves grappling with individual setbacks and contending with external perceptions and
systemic barriers that may compound the complexity of professional challenges. Julia’s ability to
maintain a positive and solution-oriented mindset reflects her resilience and serves as an
inspiration within the broader context of the Latina experience in professional settings. In
examining Julia’s statement, it became evident that her hardiness is not just an individual trait
but a form of empowerment that contributes to breaking down stereotypes and challenging
preconceived notions about Latina professionals. It prominently displayed the uniqueness of the
Latina experience, where resilience and a “fix-it mentality” become tools for navigating a path
toward success despite potential obstacles and biases.

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Additionally, these experiences exemplify more than just personal fortitude; they
symbolize a proactive approach to addressing challenges faced by Latinas in professional
spheres. It is not merely about finding solutions but recognizing the responsibility to enact
change. In a world rife with injustices, not everyone shoulders the burden of rectifying them, but
for Julia and others like her, it is an inherent duty they willingly embrace.
This finding highlighted the prevalent theme of Latinas being a minority within their
work environments, with only a limited number of individuals sharing their cultural background.
Qualifiers like “maybe one” or “maybe two” highlighted the participants’ awareness of the
scarcity of Latina representation in their respective professional spheres. Their recognition of
their minority status in the workplace emphasized the challenges associated with being a
minority in these contexts.
Theme 3: Gender and Racial Bias
When responding to inquiries about experiences of gender or racial bias, eight (Ana,
Doris, Elena, Frances, Hannah, Ines, Julia and Georgia) out of 10 participants conveyed the
recurrent theme of being among the few women and Latinas in their immediate teams or the
broader organization. Gendered and racial microaggressions were prevalent among the
participants. Elena noted, “even in my current role, which is mostly all men … I still am asked to
organize the party, buy the shirts for the manager …can you put you know, put together The
retirement party, can you organize it?” She recalled questioning these requests to herself “It's his
birthday, why don’t you pick something up? Why don't you do it?,” Never daring to speak up
and push back against the requests for fear of being labeled difficult.
This circumstance led respondents to express a heightened need to validate their presence
by exerting extra effort, taking on additional responsibilities, and demonstrating competence.

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Furthermore, a substantial portion (Ana, Doris, Elena, Frances, Hannah, Ines, Julia and Georgia)
of participants reported encountering overt bias from the public, who consistently dismissed their
opinions and advice throughout their professional journeys, as well as covert bias in a “boys
club” environment. Ana shed light on the pervasive “good old boys’ culture” within her
workplace, acknowledging the challenges of fitting into a fraternity-like setting. Feeling the need
to fight harder and prove herself more, Ana’s experiences highlighted the impact of workplace
culture on her behavior and the extra effort required to establish herself in this challenging
environment. Ana described the workplace culture:
The culture is a good old boys’ culture … and I think I’ve always kind of found myself
being one of the boys in the city that I work for now. Because it’s just kind of a, it’s kind
of a fraternity setting, you know, and does that make you act different or behave different
to be part of the boys?
Ana’s description of the workplace culture as a “good old boys’ culture” revealed a complex
dynamic that transcended professional norms. Her reflection on aligning with this culture, being
“one of the boys” in her current city, shed light on the nuanced challenges individuals,
particularly women like Ana, may encounter in traditionally male-dominated environments. The
term “fraternity setting” carries connotations of exclusivity and a set of established norms that
may not always align with diversity and inclusion. Being excluded showcases a form of
microaggression and can be pervasive in organization culture as Ana describes, “… it's always
kind of been known in the city that I work for that it's a good old boys club, and you know, the
girls don't get to participate.” Ana’s contemplation on whether this culture influenced her
behavior illuminated the impact of workplace dynamics on individual authenticity. The question
she posed, “Does that make you act different or behave differently to be part of the boys?”

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resonated as a poignant inquiry into the sacrifices one might make to assimilate into a culture
that may not fully reflect one’s identity. Her comments highlighted the complexities of
workplace culture, especially in environments where traditional norms may inadvertently
perpetuate exclusionary dynamics. It invited reflection on the compromises individuals may
navigate to fit into established structures and the potential impact on their authentic expression
within the professional realm.
This culture led Ana to push herself harder: “I’ve always kind of felt that I have just to
fight a little harder, and, you know, prove myself a little more in the city that I work for.” In
highlighting the challenges Latina’s face in predominantly white male-dominated workplaces,
Ines shared her recent experience, expressing her observations about a poker game she finally
received an invitation to after achieving a director position that epitomized the exclusive “boys’
club” culture within the professional sphere.
I noticed it recently, we were, so I got invited to a poker game. I go to this poker game
and it’s all men, I do not like poker, I don’t think it’s fun. I don’t want to do math. Like I
want to relax. I don’t like juice. But I also know like, these are the golfing, like these are
where people, usually men, are hanging out, they feel very comfortable.
Ines’ observation of an all-male poker game served as a poignant example, highlighting the
cultural spaces where men often congregate and where Ines perceived, they feel extremely
comfortable. This exclusive gathering echoed the challenges Latina’s face in navigating
environments that may not naturally embrace diversity and may inadvertently perpetuate
exclusionary practices. Additionally, Cynthia noted, “…being a female makes it a little bit harder
...[to be] taken serious … sometimes when I had meetings with developers, they always felt like,
I want to speak to your supervisor, or who is your manager.” Similarly, when reflecting on

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showing up to a job interview and being the only Latina in the room, appearing visibly different
from everyone in the room, Julia recalled one person actually asking her, “What are you doing
here?” implying she didn’t somehow belong there. In addition to encountering overt
exclusionary practices, Latinas like Julia often endure subtle yet damaging microaggressions,
such as being questioned about their presence in professional settings solely based on their
ethnicity, further marginalizing their experiences and contributions.
Examining Ana and Ines’ narratives together provides a comprehensive understanding of
the cultural and social hurdles Latinas face in professional spheres. It emphasizes the ongoing
need for inclusive workplace practices that go beyond superficial diversity initiatives, fostering
environments where individuals can thrive authentically without needing to conform to exclusive
norms. The collective reflection brings to the forefront the importance of challenging and
dismantling entrenched “boys’ club” cultures, creating spaces where everyone, regardless of
gender or background, can contribute meaningfully and feel a sense of belonging.
When dealing with these gendered and racial biases, Hannah reflected on the enduring
influence of traditional gender roles in her family, acknowledging a lingering “old school type of
thinking” that expects women to be at home despite her mother’s successful career with the
federal government. This mindset, rooted in the dichotomy of being smart “but not too smart,”
accentuates the complexities she navigates within a family that simultaneously appears to
valuewomen’s accomplishments while adhering to traditional Latina/o cultural and familial
expectations, which compounded with workplace environment experiences, create psychological
obstacles to overcome. Hannah noted:
You know, kind of, I still came from very kind of old school type of thinking where, you
know, the, the woman’s supposed to be at home, my dad, my mom being a full-time

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employee and having a great job working with federal government, and I won’t, but she
was also a single mom as well. And, you know, she had to take care of business and stuff.
But still, there was still that mentality of, you know, you be smart, but not too smart.
Hannah’s poignant reflection on her upbringing reveals a dynamic interplay between traditional
expectations and the pursuit of professional success. Her acknowledgment of the “old school
type of thinking” that places women in domestic roles contrasts with the reality of her mother’s
full-time job within the federal government and the responsibilities she shouldered as a single
mom. The juxtaposition of these experiences encapsulates the complexity Latinas face in
navigating societal expectations, personal aspirations, and cultural norms. The phrase “you be
smart, but not too smart” encapsulates the nuanced challenge presented by societal and cultural
norms that, despite acknowledging Latina’s capabilities, impose limitations on the extent of their
success. Her insights highlight the internal conflict that may arise when one strives for
excellence in a society that sends mixed messages about the appropriate boundaries for Latina’s
achievements.
In the predominantly white male workplace, Latinas often find themselves facing
pervasive discrimination. Whether subtle or overt, biases manifest, impacting their professional
experiences and hindering equitable engagement with colleagues and clients. When describing
experiences of bias based on the intersectional identity of being a Latina, Ana said, “A good 75%
of the time, I was discriminated against by the public. And the customers coming to the counter
didn’t want to speak to me.” Frances described working in male-dominated fields:
You’re one of maybe two females in a room of 60 males, you kind of could feel you
know, when you know, you are part of the meetings or the group or discussing topics that
they kind of discount your thoughts or your what you have to say on a matter.

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These insights shed light on the persistent discrimination and biases that shape their professional
journeys. Ana’s poignant revelation about experiencing discrimination from the public, where
customers actively avoided engaging with her, prominently showed the pervasive nature of bias
that Latinas might encounter in their roles. This discriminatory behavior not only reflects
individual prejudices but also exposes systemic barriers that hinder equitable engagement for
Latinas in customer-facing positions. Frances’ perspective adds another layer to the narrative,
particularly in male-dominated fields. Her portrayal of being one of the few females in a room
dominated by males resonates as a familiar struggle. Frances highlighted the tangible impact of
such dynamics, where the discounting of thoughts and contributions in meetings reinforces the
gender disparities that persist in professional settings. The intersectionality of being both a
woman and Latina compounds these challenges, making it essential to navigate nuanced biases
that may arise from multiple facets of identity.
The findings revealed a consistent pattern of gender and racial bias experienced by
Latinas in predominantly white male workplaces. Participants commonly expressed being among
the few women and Latinas in their professional settings, leading to a heightened need to validate
their presence through extra effort and competence demonstration. Gendered and racial
microaggressions, such as being tasked with stereotypical administrative duties based on gender
and ethnicity, further exacerbated the challenges faced by Latinas like Ana, perpetuating a
culture where their competence and professional contributions are continually undermined. The
pervasive “good old boys’ culture” poses a significant challenge, requiring Latinas like Ana and
Cynthia to navigate a fraternity-like environment and exert additional effort to establish
themselves. Ines’s experience at a poker game symbolized the exclusive “boys’ club” culture
within the professional sphere. Furthermore, the enduring influence of traditional gender roles in

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family settings, as reflected by Hannah, adds complexity to the psychological obstacles faced by
Latinas.
Summary
The findings of this study suggested that for all participants, a sense of belonging and
fictive kinship contributed to creating a psychologically brave space within an organization that
supports their ability to persist, stay within the organization, and contribute to confidence in
pursuing leadership roles. Additionally, the research indicated this brought a sense of needing to
prove themselves, work harder, and do more work to demonstrate they belonged. The findings
also suggested that when pursuing the highest positions in local government, a work environment
with supportive leaders and less chaotic spikes was more important than compensation,
particularly regarding work-life balance and family obligations. Participants discussed sacrificing
financial benefit for mental and, more significantly, family benefit. Lastly, the findings suggested
that mentorship, especially for first-generation college graduates, is a crucial factor contributing
to Latinas’ psychological and social-behavioral well-being within the organization and tempering
self-doubt.
In conclusion, the study’s findings illuminated the multifaceted challenges faced by
Latina participants in predominantly white male workplaces. The mid-management career
milestone emerges as a pivotal point, where participants prioritize a supportive work
environment and stability over financial compensation. The narratives displayed a shift from an
initial focus on financial needs to a later emphasis on quality of life, exemplified by the impact
on Beatrice’s journey. The complex interplay of gender roles, cultural obligations, and career
aspirations is evident, influencing decision-making and creating psychological obstacles for
Latinas. Mentorship emerged as a transformative force, boosting self-confidence and aiding

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persistence in navigating workplace challenges. A strong and supportive workplace environment,
often resembling a “work family,” proved crucial for physiological and social-behavioral wellbeing, deeply rooted in participants’ cultural values. The consistent theme of Latina minority
representation accentuated the challenges of navigating gender and racial biases within
predominantly white male work environments. Overall, the findings provide valuable insights
into the experiences of Latinas in professional settings, emphasizing the importance of
addressing systemic biases, fostering mentorship, and cultivating supportive workplace cultures
for the well-being and success of Latina professionals.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
This chapter serves as the culmination of this dissertation, providing a comprehensive
discussion of the findings and results within the broader context of existing research on the topic
of career advancement for Latinas in local government. Using the social cognitive career theory
(SCCT) (Lent & Brown, 1996) and the racial battle fatigue theory (RBF) (Franklin et al., 2014;
Smith, 2009; Smith et al., 2011) as the framework, this study aimed to understand the
psychological, physiological, and behavioral stress responses experienced by Latinas as a result
of racial microaggressions, systemic racism, and personal factors that ultimately impact the selfefficacy and decisions of Latina women to pursue and achieve senior-level positions within local
government. Additionally, the study sought to explore how individual experiences influence the
progression through the career pipeline to senior leadership positions. By identifying and
elucidating common themes experienced by Latinas in leadership roles, as well as uncovering the
factors that contribute to their resilience, the study aimed to provide insights at both the
individual and broader organizational levels.
Each subsection of this chapter systematically connects the findings (described in the
previous chapter) with the relevant literature reviewed in chapter 2, elucidating the emergent
themes identified through the study. This chapter concludes with practical recommendations and
delves into unforeseen limitations and delimitations inherent in the study, offering insights for
future research directions and implications for fostering equity in the field.
Discussion of Findings
This section presents the findings of a comprehensive exploration into the experiences of
Latina women in local government organizations, addressing two central research questions. The
first research question delved into the multifaceted factors impacting the psychological,

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physiological, and social-behavioral well-being of Latina women within local government, while
the second question focused on the experiences affecting Latinas’ career advancement in this
context. Through in-depth interviews and thematic analysis, this study aimed to uncover the
nuanced dynamics shaping the professional journeys of Latina women, including barriers to
success, the impact of stressors, resilience, and factors incorporated into making carer choices.
Themes From Research Question 1
The findings for research question one delved into the multifaceted factors that impact
Latina women’s psychological, physiological, and social-behavioral well-being within local
government organizations. Through the comprehensive exploration of participants’ experiences,
the themes revealed the crucial role of the organizational family, stress factors versus
compensation, and the influence of mentorships.
The first theme, the “Organizational Family,” highlighted the significance of a strong and
supportive workplace environment, often characterized as a “work family,” in shaping
participants’ well-being. This concept resonates with the literature on familism (or fictive
kinship), which emphasizes the importance of strong attachments and bonds within nuclear and
extended families. Studies by Espinoza (2010), Rodriguez et al. (2021), and Sy and Romero
(2008) have highlighted how familism promotes cooperation and interdependence across various
life stages. Similarly, the “Organizational Family” theme highlights how a workplace
environment that fosters a sense of belonging and support can mirror the principles of familism,
contributing positively to individuals’ well-being and professional satisfaction. Eight out of 10
participants emphasized the critical role of a strong and supportive workplace environment, often
characterized as a “work family,” as described by Beatrice, Frances, and Ana, to support their
physiological and social-behavioral well-being. The participants highlighted the familial

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atmosphere, camaraderie, and cultural relevance of family values, emphasizing support, loyalty,
and obligation in pursuing public service careers.
However, it is important to note that there are two distinct forms of familism
demonstrated in this context. One pertains to the sense of family at work, where colleagues and
supervisors become akin to family members, providing support and camaraderie. The other form
reflects the impact of participants’ own families on their career trajectories and decision-making
processes. Many participants discussed how their familial obligations and values influenced their
choices and aspirations, indicating a dual influence of familial dynamics on their professional
lives. Therefore, while the concept of family plays a significant role for these Latina leaders, it
manifests both in their pursuit of a familial atmosphere at work and in their consideration of
familial values in their career journeys.
From a critical perspective, this finding marked the profound influence of familial
dynamics on the well-being and professional experiences of Latina women in the workplace. The
notion of a “work family” serving as a cornerstone of support and camaraderie echoes deeply
ingrained cultural values and traditions within Latina/o households, emphasizing the significance
of loyalty, support, and collective responsibility. However, while creating a supportive work
environment akin to a family unit can foster a sense of belonging and fulfillment, it also raises
questions about the broader organizational culture and the extent to which it adequately
addresses systemic inequities and structural barriers. While participants overwhelmingly
expressed the importance of a nurturing work environment characterized by open
communication and mutual support, it is crucial to critically examine whether such environments
are accessible to all employees, regardless of their cultural background or identity. The emphasis
on familial ties and cultural values within the workplace may inadvertently perpetuate

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exclusionary practices by reinforcing norms and expectations that may not align with the
experiences of all employees, particularly Latinas. When organizational cultures prioritize
certain cultural values over others, they may inadvertently exclude individuals whose
backgrounds differ from the dominant cultural paradigm. This exclusion can manifest in various
forms, such as language barriers, cultural insensitivity, or a lack of recognition for diverse
perspectives. As a result, Latinas may feel marginalized or undervalued within the workplace,
hindering their ability to fully participate and thrive in their professional roles.
Further, the reinforcement of existing power dynamics occurs when organizational
cultures, despite their intentions of inclusivity, inadvertently prioritize certain cultural norms or
values over others. In failing to address intersecting forms of discrimination and marginalization
experienced by Latinas, these cultures perpetuate inequalities by favoring individuals who align
more closely with dominant cultural paradigms. Consequently, Latina women may find
themselves marginalized or excluded from key decision-making processes, further hindering
their professional advancement within the organization.
Moreover, while the creation of a “work family” may provide a sense of comfort and
belonging, it also highlights the absence of broader institutional support systems and resources
designed to address systemic inequities and promote inclusive practices. Without structural
changes at the organizational level, the reliance on informal networks and familial dynamics to
navigate workplace challenges may inadvertently perpetuate disparities and limit opportunities
for professional advancement, particularly for marginalized groups. The notion of a “work
family” can indeed be a double-edged sword, as it blurs the lines between professional
relationships and personal connections. While on the surface, it may foster a supportive
atmosphere, the underlying power dynamics can be problematic, especially when those in

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positions of authority exploit the concept of fictive kinship to manipulate or exert control over
subordinates. In such cases, the guise of familial bonds may be used to coerce individuals into
compliance or silence dissent, reinforcing existing hierarchies and marginalizing those who do
not fit into the perceived “family” mold. This manipulation of fictive kinship not only
undermines the integrity of interpersonal relationships but also perpetuates exclusionary
practices by reinforcing unequal power dynamics within the workplace. Therefore, while
fostering a sense of camaraderie is important, it must occur within the framework of equitable
and transparent organizational structures to prevent the exploitation of fictive kinship for ulterior
motives.
The second theme, “Stress Factors vs. Compensation,” illuminated the participants’
shifting priorities in their career trajectories. The literature acknowledges the complex interplay
between work/life balance choices and women’s career trajectories and how societal
expectations and structural limitations intersect with individual decisions, often leading to
disparities in career advancement opportunities between genders (Bishu & Headley, 2020).
Seven out of 10 participants emphasized that once they achieved a mid-management position,
factors such as a supportive work environment and a balanced life become more significant
considerations than financial compensation. The narratives highlight a transition from initial
financial concerns to a later emphasis on the quality of life, underlining the evolving nature of
career aspirations and the pursuit of a fulfilling and balanced life.
This finding shed light on the complex interplay between career aspirations,
organizational culture, and personal well-being among Latina women in the workplace. For
example, Beatrice’s narrative exemplifies a significant shift in priorities, moving from an initial
focus on financial stability to a deeper consideration of the impact on her overall quality of life

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and well-being. This transition reflects a broader evolution in career aspirations, highlighting the
growing importance of achieving a sense of fulfillment and making a meaningful difference in
one’s professional journey.
Moreover, participants’ narratives call attention to the unique challenges faced by Latina
women in navigating their career paths, particularly in balancing cultural obligations, gender
roles, and career aspirations. Ines’ reflection on the importance of being a good mother, wife,
and friend alongside her career aspirations resonates with the complex intersectionality of
identity and cultural expectations that shape the experiences of Latinas in the workplace.
Additionally, some participants’ acknowledgment of the physiological impacts of stress on
health, such as Julia’s recognition of the toll her early career experiences took on her physical
well-being, highlights the importance of prioritizing self-care and well-being in pursuing
professional success. This insight emphasized the need for organizations to create supportive and
inclusive environments that prioritize employee well-being and provide resources for managing
stress and maintaining physical health.
The third theme, “Mentorships,” delved into the pivotal role of mentors in local
government career advancement of Latinas. The literature accentuated the slow pace of
organizational transformation to address racial and gender disparities, emphasizing the need for a
structural approach to women’s career advancement, particularly through mentorship programs,
which the public sector often overlooks (Mcilongo & Strydom, 2021). The absence of mentoring
initiatives significantly contributes to the ongoing underrepresentation of women in leadership
roles, despite their significant educational achievements, professional experience, and interest in
serving local government (Gardiner et al., 2007; Quinn, 2012).

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All 10 participants highlighted the influential role mentors played in encouraging them to
apply for positions earlier than they might have independently, thus boosting their selfconfidence. The narratives highlighted the transformative impact of mentorship on career
trajectories, self-efficacy, and the ability to navigate challenges in a predominantly white, maledominated environment. Together, these themes offer nuanced insights into the experiences of
Latina women in local government, revealing the interconnectedness of organizational culture,
career decisions, and psychological well-being. The findings showed the importance of fostering
a supportive workplace environment, navigating career choices that prioritize holistic well-being,
and the transformative influence of mentorship in empowering Latina women to overcome
challenges and achieve professional success.
The unanimous acknowledgment of mentors as pivotal influencers emphasized the
transformative power of guidance and support from seasoned individuals who provide valuable
insights and pave the way for success. One aspect that stood out was the family backgrounds of
the participants, with many being pioneers in their families, venturing into professional fields for
the first time, and being the inaugural college graduates. This distinctive upbringing offers
insight into the perceived need for mentorship among Latina women and highlights mentors'
substantial impact in filling the gaps left by familial limitations. Specifically, Julia’s narrative
poignantly illustrated the transformative influence of mentorship in navigating the professional
landscape and overcoming challenges in the absence of familial expertise.
Moreover, the narratives of Elena and Doris shed light on the psychological struggles
faced by individuals without family support or mentors to navigate the complexities of the
professional environment. Elena’s experience of feeling lost and grappling with the absence of
mentors to illuminate the path toward desired positions reinforces the profound need for

95
mentorship in providing guidance and direction. Similarly, Doris’s introspective questions about
representation in leadership positions highlight the importance of mentors in fostering
persistence and resilience in the face of adversity.
Frances and Hannah’s perspectives further emphasize the collaborative and supportive
nature of mentorship, with Frances emphasizing the confidence and support provided by
mentors, enabling her to take risks and progress in her career. Hannah’s emphasis on the
importance of mentors who share her identity demonstrates the significance of diverse
mentorship in fostering authenticity and ensuring individuals can advance in their careers
without compromising their identity. Prioritizing mentorship programs emerges as a strategic
intervention to overcome barriers and propel women into leadership positions, thereby promoting
greater diversity and inclusivity within organizations (Block and Tietjen-Smith, 2016; Hannum
et al., 2015).
Themes From Research Question 2
The findings for research question 2, exploring the experiences affecting Latinas’ career
advancement in local government, revealed three prominent themes: the ability to make a
difference, self-doubt, and experiences of gender and racial bias. In terms of making a difference,
participants, driven by cultural upbringing and familial values, emphasized the desire to
positively impact their communities and organizations. This theme highlighted the enduring
influence of parental work ethics and early exposure to responsibility, illustrating the profound
impact of familial values on participants’ work ethic and dedication.
The unanimous emphasis placed by all participants on the significance of making a
difference in their positions accentuated the intrinsic motivation and job satisfaction derived
from contributing to meaningful change, which aligns with the cultural value of familism.

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Familism emphasizes the interconnectedness and collective welfare of the family unit, extending
beyond immediate relatives to include extended family members and the broader community.
(Espinoza, 2010; Rodriguez et al., 2019; Sy & Romero, 2008). The emphasis on familial bonds
fosters a sense of responsibility and duty towards one’s family and community, with Latina/o
individuals often feeling a strong obligation to contribute positively to the well-being of their
loved ones and their community overall. This sense of duty became a driving force behind their
motivation to make a difference in their professional roles. They perceived their work as not only
benefiting themselves but also their family and community, aligning with the values of familism
(Espinoza, 2010; Rodriguez et al., 2016).
The narratives of Elena, Ana, and Frances offered poignant insights into the profound
influence of cultural upbringing and familial values on participants’ motivations and career
perspectives. Elena’s reflection on her cultural obligation to defy stereotypes and showcase a
strong work ethic instilled by her parents illuminates the enduring impact of familial values on
professional aspirations. Ana’s journey, rooted in the experience of helping her immigrant
mother navigate public systems, exemplifies the cultural ties that shape participants’ dedication
to public service.
The narratives collectively unraveled the intricate interplay between cultural influences,
personal motivations, and career trajectories among Latina participants in local government. The
emphasis on helping family as a core cultural value, combined with the experiences of
witnessing parents’ struggles and work ethic, underscores the deep connection between cultural
background and professional aspirations. Moreover, the narratives reflect a shared commitment
to public service grounded in a sense of duty to effectuate positive change and make meaningful
contributions to the community and organization. These insights reinforced the significance of

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acknowledging and valuing the diverse cultural backgrounds and experiences that shape
individuals’ motivations and contributions to the workplace.
The theme of self-doubt emerged as a universal experience among participants, with
eight out of 10 acknowledging grappling with self-doubt at various stages in their professional
journeys. This finding aligns with the literature, which indicates that individuals’ self-efficacy
expectations are directly associated with their perceptions of career barriers. In other words, the
more individuals believe in their competence and ability to cope with career-related challenges,
the less likely they are to perceive these challenges as insurmountable barriers to career
achievement. Thus, addressing and overcoming self-doubt can play a crucial role in bolstering
individuals’ self-efficacy and mitigating perceived career barriers (Mejia-Smith & Gushue,
2017). It further emphasized the need for supportive and inclusive work environments that
recognize and address the challenges faced by minority individuals, fostering a sense of
belonging and empowerment among Latina professionals.
Minority representation in predominantly white male professional spaces contributed
significantly to their feelings of uncertainty and isolation. The narratives underscored the impact
of workplace culture and the role of direct supervisors, particularly for first-generation
professionals, in shaping Latinas’ early professional experiences and confidence. The recognition
of self-doubt as a common phenomenon among participants underscored the importance of
understanding the unique dimensions of self-doubt experienced by Latinas in professional
spaces. This exploration sheds light on the emotional impact of minority representation and
cultural background on individuals’ feelings of belonging and confidence in professional
settings.

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The narratives of participants like Hannah and Julia revealed the acute awareness of
minority representation in professional spaces, particularly as Latinas. Hannah’s candid
expression of feeling scared in an organization dominated by men highlights the vulnerability
and isolation that can accompany being a minority in certain work environments. Julia’s
experience of being the only person who looked like her upon entering a professional space
further underscores the challenges of isolation Latina’s face in such settings.
Furthermore, the concept of hardiness emerged as a psychological support for resilience
among Latina professionals. Julia’s articulation of a “fix-it mentality” in response to setbacks
highlighted the resilience and adaptability required in professional life. Her narrative underscores
the importance of maintaining a positive mindset and proactive approach to overcoming
challenges, particularly in the face of external perceptions and systemic barriers.
Gender and racial bias were pervasive, with eight out of 10 participants expressing the
challenges of being among the few women and Latinas in their workplaces. This led to a
heightened need to validate their presence through extra effort and competence demonstration.
The literature outlined how structural racism and gender inequities have created processes that
have actively minoritized groups of people based on race and gender (Fassinger, 2008;
Scarborough et al., 2019; Solomon et al., 2019; Stivers, 2002). This phenomenon further
resonated with the literature on microinvalidations, which examines subtle forms of invalidation
based on race and its intersection with gender, along with other identity-defining characteristics.
Studies by Cabell and Kozachuk (2022), Huber and Solorzano (2015), Nadal et al. (2014), and
Sue et al. (2017) shed light on how individuals from marginalized groups navigate
microinvalidations, which undermine their competence, contributions, and sense of belonging in
professional settings. The experiences shared by participants underscore the complex interplay of

99
gender and racial bias in the workplace and highlight the importance of addressing these issues
to foster inclusive and equitable environments.
The existence of a “good old boys” culture and exclusive environments, such as all-male
poker games, highlighted the complexities faced by Latinas in navigating traditionally maledominated spaces. Additionally, the enduring influence of traditional gender roles in family
settings added another layer of psychological obstacles for Latinas. Ines’s experience at an allmale poker game is a poignant example of the exclusive spaces where Latinas may feel
marginalized, further highlighting the need for inclusive workplace practices that foster
environments where everyone can thrive authentically. The intersectional lens through which
Frances and Ana described their experiences added depth to the discussion, emphasizing the
compounded challenges faced by Latinas who navigate biases stemming from gender and
ethnicity.
Hannah’s reflection on the enduring influence of traditional gender roles in her family
struck a particularly personal chord, resonating with my own upbringing and the societal
expectations placed on Latina women. The internal conflict she described, balancing societal
norms with personal aspirations, reflects a struggle familiar to many Latinas striving for success
in professional spheres that may not fully embrace their identities. The narratives collectively
underscored the persistent discrimination and biases that shape Latinas’ professional journeys,
highlighting the need for systemic change to address these inequities. From a research
perspective, these findings reinforced the importance of amplifying marginalized voices and
advocating for inclusive workplace practices that recognize and celebrate the diverse
contributions of all individuals, regardless of gender or ethnicity, the need for transformative

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change in workplace cultures to create environments where Latinas can thrive authentically and
contribute meaningfully without fear of discrimination or marginalization.
Recommendations for Practice
The problem addressed in this study is the underrepresentation of Latinas in senior-level
positions in local government. The purpose of the study was to understand the effects of
organizational culture on the advancement of Latina women into senior leadership positions
within local government with a focus on exploring and uncovering organizational factors that
impact the psychological, physiological, and social-behavioral well-being of Latina women in
local government, affecting the career pipeline to senior leadership positions. Based on the
participants’ responses and the literature review, this section includes recommendations to
improve the upward career mobility pipeline for Latinas in local government.
Recommendation 1: Develop Local Networks for Latinas to Share Experiences and Build
Confidence
Through interviews, participants consistently expressed the desire for a dedicated space
within local networks where they can share their experiences, fostering a sense of solidarity and
understanding among themselves. This indicates a clear need to develop supportive communities
beyond conventional professional networks. Participants emphasized that knowledge-sharing
within a localized network would enhance their career development and serve as a potent
antidote to imposter syndrome. By sharing their journeys, challenges, and triumphs, Latinas can
build confidence and dispel feelings of inadequacy, empowering each other to navigate career
hurdles with resilience. The opportunity to share experiences, exchange insights, and offer
mutual support can be incredibly empowering, especially in environments where Latinas are
underrepresented.

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Local networks can be helpful as informal gatherings to connect individuals with similar
lived experiences naturally and may function as a bridge for aspiring Latinas in local government
to connect Latinas in more senior positions (Canli & Aquino, 2023; Matza et al., 2018). The
networks facilitate the building of trust relationships, which creates a vehicle for confidence that
fosters flows of information and the exchange of tacit knowledge (Hardwick et al., 2013).
Imagine a scenario where Latinas in local government come together in a dedicated space,
whether it be a physical meeting or a virtual platform, to share their stories and offer guidance to
one another. In such a setting, they could freely discuss their unique obstacles, from navigating
cultural biases to overcoming systemic barriers. By hearing from others who have walked similar
paths, they can gain valuable perspectives and strategies for advancing their own careers.
Applying this recommendation to the field of local government would include
establishing a dedicated support group or networking group within the region where individuals
can come together regularly to share their experiences. Moreover, these networks serve as more
than just forums for discussion; they also become catalysts for action and change. Through
collaboration with community organizations and leveraging resources within local government,
we can organize workshops, events, and mentorship programs tailored specifically to the needs
of Latina professionals. In essence, developing networks for Latinas in local government is not
just about creating connections; it is about building a community that uplifts and empowers each
other. It is about breaking down barriers, challenging stereotypes, and paving the way for future
generations of Latina leaders. Investing in these networks is also an investment in the collective
success and advancement of Latinas in local government, ultimately creating a more diverse,
inclusive, and impactful public sector.

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Recommendation 2: Organizational Leadership Development and Mentorship
Participants expressed the need for encouragement and mentorship, pointing to the need
for organizational leadership development. These conversations highlight the potential impact of
targeted mentorship programs in providing the necessary guidance and support and fostering a
more inclusive and empowered leadership landscape reflective of diverse perspectives and
experiences. Employees are more likely to thrive when they have organizational support. Not
having the organization’s leadership development scaffolding, including effective onboarding
and mentoring, can set employees up to fail. Failure can be an experience that leads to imposter
syndrome by leading otherwise intelligent and competent employees to believe they are
inadequate rather than lacking organizational support (Gutierrez, 2023). Research shows that
leadership training and development programs are not only worthwhile investments for public
organizations, but they can also result in higher performance for public organizations that adopt
them (Seidle et al., 2016).
Implementing leadership development initiatives tailored to Latinas requires a strategic
approach. This could include designing leadership course tracks specifically for Latinas,
providing resources and support tailored to their unique needs and experiences, and actively
promoting mentorship opportunities within the organization. Ideally, Latina leaders within the
organization would serve as champions for these programs, advocating for their importance and
encouraging participation among their peers. Organizational leadership development and
mentorship are essential components of creating an inclusive and empowered workforce in local
government. By investing in these initiatives, organizations can support the professional growth
and advancement of Latinas and cultivate a leadership landscape that reflects diverse
perspectives and experiences.

103
Recommendation 3: Youth Workforce Exposure Programs
Focusing on early exposure to diverse career opportunities through youth development is
an essential tool to drive change in the career pipeline for Latinas. In my conversations with
participants, I was shocked by the widespread lack of awareness about various career
opportunities, especially among young Latinas. Many expressed that they had never encountered
individuals in top positions or even knew that certain jobs existed. This revelation highlighted
the urgent need for youth workforce exposure programs that can introduce young Latinas to
diverse career paths and provide them with the mentorship and guidance they need to succeed.
Research supports the effectiveness of internships in creating career pathways for
underrepresented youth (Bonfield et al., 2021). Internship programs not only provide valuable
firsthand experience but also help to build social capital, which is essential for navigating the job
market and combating exclusion (Rodriguez-Soler & Verd, 2023). It is paramount to prioritize
cultural competence in any youth workforce program, including internships, as studies have
illuminated the exclusionary barriers faced by Latina/o young adults who need more financial,
social, and institutional support to participate in such initiatives (Hora et al., 2022). By providing
internships specifically targeted at young Latinas, local government organizations can help to
bridge the gap between aspiration and opportunity, empowering them to pursue leadership roles
in the future. Implementing a youth workforce exposure program in local government would
include an internship program partnering with local middle schools and high schools to expose
youth-aged Latinas to careers in local government. Furthermore, integrating outreach efforts
through school partnerships would actively engage and inspire young Latinas, highlighting the
diverse career opportunities within local government and encouraging their active participation
in internships to gain firsthand experience.

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Limitations and Delimitations
All research is bounded in some way, formally or not; the two most common forms are
limitations and delimitations (Coker, 2022). Research limitations are issues out of the
researcher’s control and addressed after the study’s completion (Coker, 2022). Two anticipated
limitations in this study included the ability to capture the full reflections of the respondents’
experiences, as the research questions require self-reflection and for the respondents to recall
details truthfully and accurately about their lives, circumstances, thoughts, or behaviors.
Participants may have inadvertently left out critical details due to human error. Another
limitation of the study pertains to the potential for respondents to withhold information due to
discomfort with the subject matter. This concern is particularly relevant in qualitative interviews,
because I asked participants personal questions about sensitive topics such as family dynamics,
racial experiences, and gender issues. Given the personal and sensitive nature of these inquiries,
participants may have felt hesitant to fully disclose their experiences or perspectives. This
hesitance could stem from concerns about privacy, fear of judgment, or discomfort with
revisiting past experiences of discrimination or marginalization. As a result, respondents may
have chosen to withhold or selectively disclose information, leading to incomplete or biased data
that may not fully capture the nuances of their experiences. I attempted to mitigate this through
the creation of a supportive environment that encouraged open and honest communication during
the interview process.
Delimitations are what the researcher purposefully includes or excludes from the study to
meet the study objectives and keep the study focused on the research questions, supporting the
conceptual framework (Coker, 2022). Two delimitations identified for this study were the sample
size, which I limited to 10 respondents due to time constraints and resource availability to

105
conduct the interviews. However, the respondents represented a geographic area with similar
characteristics and management positions with comparability and, therefore, still provided a level
of transferability.
The conceptual framework chosen for the study is a second delimitation. It is based on
Lent and Brown’s (1996) social cognitive career theory (SCCT) and Franklin et al.’s (2014)
racial battle fatigue theory. The framework focused on the individual’s intersectional identity
based on race and gender, their perception of psychological, physiological, and behavioral stress
responses experienced because of racial microaggressions, systemic racism, and personal factors
and how those perceptions influence Latina’s self-efficacy to pursue and achieve senior-level
positions within local government. This conceptual framework shaped the research questions and
study objectives, directly affecting the data collected and the creation and analysis of themes,
categories, and findings. The specificity of the conceptual framework may also limit the
generalizability of the study findings. As these theories emphasize the unique experiences and
challenges faced by Latina women in local government settings, the insights derived from this
study may not be directly applicable to other demographic groups or organizational contexts.
Thus, while the chosen conceptual framework provides valuable insights into the specific
phenomenon under investigation, it also imposes constraints on the broader applicability and
transferability of the study’s conclusions.
Future Research
Future research in this area could explore longitudinal studies to examine the long-term
effects of organizational interventions and policies aimed at fostering inclusivity and support for
Latina women in local government. By tracking the career trajectories of Latina professionals
over time, researchers can assess the effectiveness of initiatives such as mentorship programs,

106
leadership development opportunities, and diversity training in facilitating career advancement
and breaking down systemic barriers. Additionally, comparative studies across different
geographical regions or levels of government could provide insights into the contextual factors
that influence the experiences of Latina women in leadership positions. Understanding how
cultural, political, and organizational contexts shape career opportunities and challenges for
Latina professionals can inform targeted interventions tailored to specific contexts, ultimately
enhancing the representation and leadership of Latinas in local government.
Furthermore, future research could explore the intersectionality of identities and
experiences among Latina women in local government leadership roles. Intersectionality theory
suggests that individuals hold multiple social identities that intersect to shape their experiences
of privilege and oppression. By examining how factors such as race, gender, ethnicity,
socioeconomic status, and immigration status intersect to influence the career trajectories of
Latina professionals, researchers can develop a more nuanced understanding of the challenges
they face and the strategies they employ to navigate their professional journeys. This approach
can inform more comprehensive interventions that address the intersecting barriers faced by
Latina women and promote greater equity and inclusion in local government leadership.
Conclusion
In conclusion, this dissertation addressed a significant research gap concerning the
underrepresentation of Latinas in senior leadership positions within local government. By
exploring the experiences of Latina women, this study aimed to uncover the multifaceted factors
influencing their career progression, barriers to success, and resilience to persist in their pursuit
of leadership roles. The importance of this study lies in its potential to increase the odds of
success for Latinas in local government by providing insights to help younger generations of

107
Latinas overcome barriers and achieve leadership positions in greater numbers. Through
thoughtful exploration of the intersectional identities of Latina women and the barriers they face
in the workforce, this research contributes to broader discussions on diversity, equity, and
inclusion within government institutions. Furthermore, by identifying common themes and
factors impacting the career advancement of Latina women, this study offers valuable insights
for implementing organizational interventions and policies aimed at fostering a more inclusive
and supportive environment.
The impact of early experiences on Latina women’s career outcomes underscores this
research’s significance. With the educational journey of Latina girls beginning from a significant
demographic presence, understanding the barriers they face and the factors influencing their selfefficacy is crucial for breaking cycles that impede their attainment of leadership positions not
only in non-profit or government organizations but in all career sectors. By delving into the
dynamics of organizational culture and leadership within local government contexts, this study
sheds light on the enduring influence of early experiences on career trajectories and highlights
the importance of strategizing effective interventions to dismantle systemic barriers.
Furthermore, greater representation of minoritized groups in policymaking, including
Latina women, can lead to more equitable policies that effectively address community needs. By
providing insights into the experiences and perceptions of Latina women in senior leadership
positions, this research contributes to more diverse information available to decision-makers,
ultimately benefitting both the decision-makers and the communities they serve. Essentially, this
dissertation serves as a call to action to address the underrepresentation of Latina women in local
government leadership positions. By understanding their experiences, barriers, and resilience, we
can work towards creating more inclusive and equitable environments that empower Latina

108
women to thrive and contribute meaningfully to the policymaking process and the communities
they serve.

109
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Appendix A: Demographic Questionnaire and Interview Protocol
This appendix includes the demographic questionnaire as well as the interview protocol.
Demographic Questionnaire
All participants completed the demographic questionnaire, but not all who completed the
demographic questionnaire participated in the study.
Table A1
Demographic Questionnaire
Question Answers
Do you identify as a Latina woman? a. Yes
b. No
Do you identify as a first-generation Latina? a. Yes
b. No
Do you identify as the first in your immediate family to
attain a professional job in the United States?
a. Yes
b. No
Are you a first-generation college graduate (the first to
attend a college in the United States in your
immediate family)?
a. Yes
b. No
What is the highest degree obtained by your mother? a. High school diploma
b. Bachelors
c. Masters
d. Doctorate or other terminal
degree
What is the highest degree obtained by your father? a. High school diploma
b. Bachelors
c. Masters
d. Doctorate or other terminal
degree
Do you work in a local government organization in
California?
a. Yes
b. No

132
Which of the following counties do you currently work
in (select one)?
a. Los Angeles County
b. Riverside County
c. San Bernardino County
d. Orange County
How many years in total have you worked in the public
sector (select one)?
a. Less than 5 years
b. 6–10 years
c. 11–20 years
d. 21 years or more
Is your position a manager, director-level, or above? a. Yes
b. No
How many years have you been in your current
position?
a. Less than 5 years
b. 6–10 years
c. 11–20 years
d. 21 years or more
Have you ever worked in the private sector? a. Yes
b. No
If you have worked in the private sector, how many
years did you work in that sector?
a. Less than 5 years
b. 6–10 years
c. 11–20 years
d. 21 years or more
Have you ever contemplated working in the private
sector?
a. Yes
b. No
c. Not applicable
If yes, what was the primary factor in considering
switching from the public to the private sector?
This question was open-ended.
Have you ever been recruited for a private sector
position?
a. Yes
b. No
What position did you begin your public sector career
with (e.g., intern, analyst, supervisor, etc.)?
This question was open-ended
If you are interested in participating in an interview for
this study, please include your contact information
below.
This question was open-ended.

133
Interview Protocol
Research Questions:
1. What factors impact Latinas’ psychological, physiological, and social-behavioral
well-being within a local government organization?
2. What experiences affect Latinas’ career advancement in local government?
Respondent Type: Individuals who self-identify as both a woman and Latina who are managers
or directors in local government.
Introduction to the Interviewee:
Thank you so much for taking time out of your busy schedule to meet with me today. As
you may know, I am a doctoral candidate at the University of Southern California. I am
interested in learning about Latina’s experiences in local government, their paths to career
advancement, and what influences their self-efficacy to persist toward leadership positions. This
interview is confidential, and I will keep any identifiable information you provide completely
confidential. I will not use your name or position in any documents published without your
express permission. Do you have any questions for me? Do I have your consent to participate in
the study?
Some of the questions today may cover sensitive content about your lived experiences; if
you would like to stop at any moment, please don’t hesitate to let me know. You also have the
option to skip a question you do not want to answer. I hope to audio record this session. Do I
have your permission to record? Do you have any questions for me before we begin?
Thank you. [turn on recorder now]

134
Table A2
Interview Protocol
Interview questions Potential probes
1. Can you tell me about your current
position and what inspired you to pursue
this career?
Has it been easy to rise to a leadership
position (probe based on response)?
Did you encounter any obstacles in
achieving this position?
Did you always want to be a ….?
2. How did the career path to local
government leadership align or differ from
your expectations?
What do you feel motivated you to stay on
this career path?
Were there times that you were
discouraged about making progress in
your career? If so, what discouraged you?
3. What role, if any, do you think your gender
plays or played in your local government
career aspirations?
What role, if any, do you think your ethnicity
or race plays or played in your local
government career aspirations?
How did being a woman influence your
career path?
How did your race or ethnicity influence
your career path?
Was this consistent throughout your
career?
Can you describe instances when you felt
different from your colleagues due to
gender or ethnicity?
Was this consistent throughout your
career?
4. In what ways has being a Latina influenced
your career choices and decisions?
Did it benefit you or create a barrier?
How does that identity factor into your
own expectations of success and other’s
expectations of success for you?
5. Did you have any mentors?
In what ways, if at all, did mentors impact
your local government career choices?
Can you tell me little about your mentors?
How did you connect with a mentor?

135
In what ways have mentors been
instrumental in your advancement to
leadership in local government?
6. What drove you to pursue higher positions
in local government?
Did you set a goal in mind or pursue the
position on a whim?
How did timing play a role?
How did your capabilities and aspirations
play a role?
7. Have you experienced self-doubt in your
career in local government?
how have you overcome it?
What has helped you overcome that
feeling the most?
What have you found triggers that
feeling?
8. Have you experienced bias based on your
gender or race in your career, either in this
organization or another?
What are some of the other challenges that
impact your well-being in local government?
What motivates you to keep going?
Are there any specific instances that stand
out to you?
How did those instances influence your
career choices to pursue leadership
positions?
9. How does the leadership in the
organization demonstrate that it values you?
Is it demonstrated differently from other
levels within the organization?
10. What role, if any, does workplace
environment play in your interest to pursue a
higher-level position?
Any specific instances that made you feel
like you did not belong?
What are the everyday actions in the work
environment like?
11. How did your initial expectations of your
current position align or differ from the reality
of the position?
In what ways?
12. Is there anything else you would like to
share on the topics we discussed today?

136
Conclusion to the Interview
This concludes the formal questions I have today. Thank you very much for your time.
Are there any concluding thoughts on the topics we have discussed today that you would like to
share?

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Asset Metadata

Creator Gutierrez, Anita Dolores (author)

Core Title Understanding barriers and resiliency: experiences from Latina leaders in local government

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2024-05

Publication Date 05/01/2024

Defense Date 04/23/2024

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag barrier,career decision self-efficacy,Chicana,familisim,intersectional experiences,masculinity,microaggressions,OAI-PMH Harvest,patriarchy,Racial Battle Theory,representative bureaucracy theory,resiliency,self-efficacy,social cognitive career theory

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