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The lack of Black women in higher education executive leadership in four-year colleges and universities

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The lack of Black women in higher education executive leadership in four-year colleges and universities

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Content The Lack of Black Women in Executive Leadership Positions in Four-Year Colleges and
Universities
by
Mechelle L. Garrett
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2024

© Copyright by Mechelle L. Garrett 2024
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Mechelle L. Garrett certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Rudolph Crew
Antony Beckham
Maria Ott, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024

iv
Abstract
This qualitative study examines the lived experiences of Black women in higher education
executive leadership. The study examines how gendered racial stereotypes contribute to the
barriers faced by Black women in reaching executive leadership positions in academia using an
ethnographic methodology. Black female executive leaders in higher education encounter
numerous barriers and challenges (e.g., metaphorical ceilings, lack of institutional support,
oppressive institutional cultures, and lack of social networks) that impede their advancement,
promotion, and retention. This study used a conceptual framework that combined
intersectionality theory (Crenshaw, 1989) and community cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005) to
examine the intersection of race and gender and their influences on the experiences of Black
women in higher education executive leadership. The key findings of this study are as follows: a)
being a Black woman does affect Black women’s lived experiences in higher education, b)
having a sponsor has significant influences on Black women’s careers, and c) the participants in
this study used community cultural wealth to navigate, contend with, and overcome the adversity
and challenges they experienced. The recommendations focused on measures U.S. colleges and
universities should take to address and correct the systemic problems that hinder Black women’s
progress, retention, and success in academic executive leadership to ensure their equitable
representation in higher education.
Keywords: gendered racial stereotypes, controlling images, community cultural wealth,
intersectionality, Black women in higher education executive leadership

v
Dedication
To all the Black girls and women who have suffered the consequences of gendered racial
stereotypes and biases and continue to fight on: “You deserve to be in environments that bring
out the softness in you, not the survival in you.” Ronne Brown

vi
Acknowledgements
First, I give honor to God, who is the head of my life. Thank you, heavenly Father, for
blessing me with loving and supportive family and friends, leading me to this program, giving
me the gifts and talents to complete this program, and placing me in an environment conducive
to my successful completion of this degree. All honor and glory to you.
Second, thank you to my family, who loved, encouraged, and supported me throughout
my education journey. To my parents, Bobby and Elmer Marie Garrett, my siblings, Felicia,
Emmitt, and Brandi (sister-in-law) Garrett, and my nieces, Aisley, Ashton, and Avery Garrett:
thank you guys for being my pep squad, my hype squad, my cheerleaders, my marching band,
and my emotional support humans. To quote Prince, “Love’s too weak to define just what you
mean to me.” Also, thank you to my Uncle James and Aunt Annette Garrett, who have always
loved, supported, and encouraged me throughout my educational journey and been there for me.
Third, thank you to my friends and personal cabinet for their love, encouragement, and
support. To Joshua Brown, Gaudicia Cardona, Shikita Edwards, Shannon Johnson, Angie
Rasheed-Stephens, Dr. Suzie Sang, Dr. Yacouba Sanon, Dawn Sloan, Patrice Thrower, Angla
Walker, and Nandilyn Williams, and Dr. Jumesha Wade and Lenita Dunlap, you ladies joined
the team right on time: thank you all for the text messages, phone calls, gift cards, meals left at
my door, surprise visits, and prayers.
Fourth, a big thank you to the Rossier School of Education’s Organizational Change and
Leadership (OCL) professors and directors. A special thank you to Dr. Monique Datta, Dr.
Jennifer Phillips, Dr. Maria Ott, and Dr. Richard Grad. I suffered a lot of loss during my time in
this program, and thank God, it happened during the times I was in your courses. Not only were

vii
you excellent and knowledgeable educators, but your care, support, and mentorship were a
blessing and a comfort.
Fifth, thank you to OCL cohort 20. The support from our cohort was outstanding! We
truly embodied no doctor left behind (#NDLB). A special thank you to my cohort 20 cabinet:
Keva R. Brown, Gaile Gwynne, Robert Perez, Renata Porter, Samantha Presley, and Tamara
Young. I am grateful to have been on this journey with you. Your love and support were real.
Sixth, thank you to the faculty, staff, and administration of Corban University. Thank you
for your support, assistance, encouragement, words of advice, and eagerness to celebrate this
achievement with me. A special thank you to Dr. Thomas Cornman, who has been my sponsor
since before I knew that was a thing. Seven or eight years ago, when I was considering doctoral
programs, you said to me, “You should look into organizational leadership programs. It’s what
you’re already doing, and you do it well.” I dismissed it at the time, but here we are. Thank you
for believing in me, advocating for me, supporting me, and guiding me, Dr. Cornman. I am
forever grateful for your leadership and sponsorship… and letter of recommendation for
acceptance into this program.
Next to last but certainly not least, thank you to my dissertation committee. Dr. Jennifer
Phillips, I hate that you did not get to finish this journey with me, but I am grateful for the
guidance, support, and encouragement you provided. On the first day of our Diversity in
Leadership class, I knew that I wanted you as my dissertation chair. Thank you for serving our
cohort, university, and country. Dr. Maria Ott, you embody the female leader I aspire to be. From
the first day of our Leadership class, I knew I would ask you to be on my committee. You exude
grace, knowledge, and wisdom. Thank you for agreeing to serve on and then chair my
committee. Dr. Antony Beckham, I still remember God telling you to make time for me all those

viii
years ago. I needed a mentor and a role model. Your love for the Lord, professionalism, and
leadership made you the obvious choice. Thank you for your obedience to the Lord and for being
an ear and voice of reason when I needed it. I am honored that you said yes to serving on my
dissertation committee. Dr. Rudolph Crew, thank you, thank you, thank you for stepping in at the
11th hour to help me finish this process. I am appreciative.
Finally, thank you to the Black female higher education executive leaders who
participated in my study. Thank you for sharing your lived experiences and stories with me. I
appreciate your realness and the laughter. Thank you for your excitement and encouragement
and for offering to support me throughout my professional and personal pursuits. Most
importantly, thank you for your resilience and resolve. I heard so much of my lived experiences
echoed in yours, and I am encouraged to fight on.

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Table of Contents
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
Chapter One: Introduction to the Problem of Practice.................................................................... 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 1
Field Context ....................................................................................................................... 3
Overview of Conceptual Framework .................................................................................. 4
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions .................................................................... 5
Importance of the Study ...................................................................................................... 5
Methodology ....................................................................................................................... 6
Definitions........................................................................................................................... 7
Organization of the Dissertation ......................................................................................... 8
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature .......................................................................................... 9
Black Women and Higher Education ................................................................................. 9
Race, Gender, and Stereotypes Affecting Black Women as Leaders ............................... 11
Effects of Stereotypes on Black Female Leaders ............................................................. 19
Barriers to Leadership for Black Women ......................................................................... 23
How Black Women Have Overcome Barriers to Leadership ........................................... 31
Supporting the Advancement of Black Women in Executive Leadership ....................... 34
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 36
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 42
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 43
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 43
Overview of Methodology ................................................................................................ 43

x
The Researcher.................................................................................................................. 44
Data Source: Interviews .................................................................................................... 46
Ethics................................................................................................................................. 52
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 53
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 53
Research Question 1: How Do Black Women in Higher Education Understand
Gendered Racial Stereotypes’ Influence on Their Experiences Ascending to
Executive Leadership Positions? ...................................................................................... 54
Research Question 2: How Do Black Women in Higher Education Administration
Navigate Their Encounters with Gendered Racial Stereotypes and Barriers? ................. 81
Summary of Findings ...................................................................................................... 118
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations....................................................................... 120
Discussion of Findings .................................................................................................... 120
Recommendations for Practice ....................................................................................... 124
Limitations and Delimitations ......................................................................................... 130
Recommendations for Future Research .......................................................................... 131
Implications for Equity ................................................................................................... 133
Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 133
References ................................................................................................................................... 136
Appendix A: Protocol Crosswalk - Interview ............................................................................. 148
Appendix B: Information Sheet for Exempt Research ............................................................... 151
Appendix C: Participant Recruitment Letter .............................................................................. 153

xi
List of Tables
Table 1: Community Cultural Wealth and the Experiences of 41
Black Women in Higher Education Executive Leadership
Table 2: Participant Demographics 54
Table 3: Participant Background Information 82

1
Chapter One: Introduction to the Problem of Practice
Despite steady increases in the number of women in leadership and executive roles in the
U.S. workforce (Gamble & Turner, 2015), there is a severe lack of Black women in executive
leadership positions (Beckwith et al., 2016; Gamble & Turner, 2015; Smith et al., 2019). Black
women make up 14% of the total U.S. female population (Catalyst, 2023) and represent a
growing body of talent in the U.S. workforce (Catalyst, 2023; Sales et al., 2020). However, they
are underrepresented in executive leadership positions in academia and business (Davis, 2016).
Across academia, female students outnumber male students, and Black female students far
outnumber Black male students (Espinosa et al., 2019). Regardless, Black women represent only
5% of college presidents (Melidona et al., 2023). While research referencing the number of
Black or minority women serving as provosts or other senior executives of academic affairs is
scarce, it does show that less than 10% of those executives are Black (Espinosa et al., 2019).
This study explored the underrepresentation of Black women in academic leadership. More
precisely, this study examined how gendered racial stereotypes impact this phenomenon and
affect Black women’s experiences while ascending to and serving in academic executive
leadership.
Background of the Problem
Colleges and universities are more diverse than at any other point in history (Espinosa et
at., 2019); however, diversity among higher education faculty and administrators is severely
lacking (Espinosa et al., 2019; Melidona et al., 2023). When comparing gender in higher
education, women account for 58% of undergraduate and 59% of graduate student enrollment
(NCES, 2021b). Still, they only hold 33% of higher education executive leadership positions
(Melidona et al., 2023). Moreover, the most significant gender gap between men and women

2
exists among Black students in undergraduate and graduate enrollment. Black women make up
62% of Black undergraduate students and 70% of Black graduate student enrollment (Espinosa
et al., 2019). Still, Black women hold only 5% of college president positions.
Though limited, a growing body of research focuses on the factors impeding Black
women’s progression in higher education executive leadership (Chance, 2022; Davis, 2016;
Davis & Maldonado, 2015; Townsend, 2021). A prevailing focus among researchers is the
challenges and barriers created by the intersecting identities of race and gender for Black women
(Chance, 2021; Lewis-Kirkland, 2021; Walkington, 2017). Being a double minority produces
unique and complex experiences for Black women (Chance, 2022; Lewis-Strickland, 2021).
Several studies have shown that these experiences lead to feelings of marginalization
(Townsend, 2021), tokenism (Gamble & Turner, 2015), invisibility (Davis & Maldonado, 2015;
Rosette et al., 2016), and hypervisibility (Smith et al., 2019).
Essed (1991) coined the term gendered racism to describe the unique form of oppression
Black women experience because they are simultaneously Black and female. Gendered racism
not only affects the experiences of Black women in executive leadership, but it results in
negative stereotypes and perceptions (Essed, 1991) that can create barriers to executive
leadership, such as the glass (Gamble & Turner, 2015), concrete (Chance, 2022), and black
ceilings (Erskine et al., 2021). Further complicating these barriers are the gendered racial
stereotypes that lead to negative beliefs about (Walkington, 2017) and implicit bias against
(Erskine et al., 2021) Black women, which impede their progression into executive leadership
positions. Prevalent racialized gender stereotypes, such as beliefs of Black women as aggressive
(Holder et al., 2015; Walkington, 2017), angry (Motro et al., 2021; Tevis et al., 2020), and
intellectually inferior (Rosette et al., 2016; Tevis et al., 2020), do not reflect the stereotypically

3
desired qualities of effective leaders (Hoyt & Murphy, 2016). As a result, these stereotypes can
damage Black women’s careers (Erskine et al., 2021; Motro et al., 2021) and contribute to their
paucity in executive leadership roles (Beckwith et al., 2016; Rosette et al., 2016).
Field Context
The field of focus for this study was higher education. According to the National Center
for Education Statistics (NCESc), as of the 2020-2021 academic year, there were 2,637 fouryear, degree-granting postsecondary institutions in the United States, including 330 for-profit
institutions. When considering the executive leadership of these institutions, 33% have female
presidents, of which 14% are Black women (Melidona et al., 2023), and less than 10% have
Black provosts or senior executives of academic affairs (Espinosa et al., 2019). This research
study focused on the president and provost (or other senior executives of academic affairs)
positions in higher education. The president’s and provost’s offices are generally the top two
positions in academia, with the provost serving as a complement to the president and being the
step before ascending to the presidency (Selingo et al., 2017). However, in recent years,
academic deans have started moving directly into the president’s office (Selingo et al., 2017). A
disproportionate number of women, 82%, versus men, 57%, move from the provost’s office to
the president’s office (Selingo et al., 2017).
The field of focus for this study includes Black women who currently serve or have
previously served in the president or provost positions at a public or private four-year college
and university in the United States. Black executive leaders in academia have the most
significant percentage of any executive position in the Vice President of Student Life or Student
Affairs roles at roughly 20% (Espinosa et al., 2019). However, while those positions and the
Vice Presidents of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) positions are a part of an institution’s

4
executive leadership team, they were not included in this study. Gagliardi et al. (2017) purport
that only a minor percentage of executives, including 15% of women, hold those positions before
ascending to the president’s office. This study also excluded executive leaders of for-profit
institutions. Current empirical research focuses primarily on public or private, not-for-profit
colleges and universities (Espinosa et al., 2019; Gagliardi et al., 2017; Selingo et al., 2017).
Overview of Conceptual Framework
This study used a conceptual framework that combined intersectionality theory
(Crenshaw, 1989) and community cultural wealth (CCW; Yosso 2005) to examine the
intersection of race and gender and their influences on the experiences of Black women in higher
education executive leadership. Intersectionality theory focuses on the interlocking systems of
oppression created by the intersecting identities of Black women (Ghavami & Peplau, 2013;
Eaton et al., 2020; Sales et al., 2020). The challenges and barriers Black female executive leaders
encounter in higher education result from the combination of their race and gender (Beckwith et
al., 2016; Eaton et al., 2020; Walkington, 2017). The intersectionality theory provided a
theoretical lens to examine the unique effects the intersection of racism and sexism has on the
experiences of Black women (Crenshaw, 1989; Lewis & Neville, 2015).
Community cultural wealth, which is rooted in critical race theory (CRT; JamesGallaway, 2022), highlights the various forms of cultural capital communities of color have and
use to survive and resist systems of oppression (Yosso, 2005). According to Yosso (2005),
communities of color foster cultural wealth through six forms of capital that build on one
another: aspirational, navigational, social, linguistic, familial, and resistant. Community cultural
wealth, then, provided a lens to explore how Black women have navigated their encounters with

5
race and gender-based stereotypes and the barriers they created to their ascension to,
performance in, and representation in higher education executive leadership.
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to examine how gendered racial stereotypes contribute to
the barriers faced by Black women in reaching executive leadership positions in academia. The
primary focus of this study was to provide a greater understanding of Black women’s
experiences in higher education leadership and challenges in their advancement and retention
and to use the knowledge gained to increase their representation in those positions. Previous
research has established that gendered racial stereotypes have negatively affected Black
women’s leadership experiences and identity in academia (Erskine et al., 2021; Lewis et al.,
2016; Lewis-Strickland, 2021; Townsend, 2021; Walkington, 2017). Therefore, this study looked
specifically at the gendered racial stereotypes Black women experience, how encountering those
stereotypes influences their career progression, and how they navigate their encounters with
those stereotypes. Two research questions guided this qualitative study:
1. How do Black women in higher education understand gendered racial stereotypes’
influence on their experiences ascending to executive leadership positions?
2. How do Black women in higher education administration navigate their encounters
with gendered racial stereotypes and barriers?
Importance of the Study
Evaluating the lack of Black women in higher education executive leadership positions
is vital for several reasons. First, the research on the lived experiences of Black women in higher
education leadership positions is limited (Chance, 2022; Croom, 2017; Davis & Maldonado,
2015; Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015). Examining the phenomena that Black women experience in

6
their career advancement and promotion will expand the research in this area and increase their
representation in those positions. Second, increasing the representation of Black women in
academic administration increases social and professional networking opportunities for aspiring
Black women and increases opportunities for them to receive helpful knowledge, guidance, and
advice (Beckwith et al., 2016; Chance, 2022; Lewis-Strickland, 2021). Growth in these areas and
the support aspiring Black women would receive can result in more Black women staying in
higher education after receiving their doctorate (Townsend, 2021; Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015).
Third, racial and gender diversity in executive leadership helps institutions better prepare for,
understand, and meet the needs of their diverse student populations (Gamble & Turner, 2015;
Townsend, 2021; Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015). Diversity in executive leadership offers different
perspectives and voices in decision-making processes and helps better prepare students for a
diverse global market (Beckwith et al., 2016; Gagliardi et al., 2017; Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015).
Methodology
This research used an ethnographic approach to understand how stereotypes associated
with gendered racism influence the careers of Black women in higher education executive
leadership. Ethnography is a qualitative research method that describes and interprets a culturesharing group’s shared and learned patterns of behaviors, beliefs, language, and values
(Creswell, 2007; Merriam & Tisdell, 206). The ethnographic method employed in this study
consisted of one-on-one, semi-structured interviews conducted via Zoom with four current and
one retired Black female executive leaders at four-year colleges or universities who have
completed terminal degrees. The process of accomplishing this academic achievement is a
formative part of the lived experiences of these women in higher education. I performed an

7
online search to find participants for the study and recruited the participants via an emailed letter
of invitation.
Definitions
The terms defined below are used throughout this dissertation, and the definitions are
cited from the literature reviewed for this study.
 Black ceiling refers to the “complex attitudinal and organizational barriers that constrain
Afro-Diasporic women from rising to senior leadership” (Erskine et al., 2021, p.39).
 Concrete ceiling refers to the unique barrier that Black and other minority women face
when pursuing leadership positions in business and academia (Chance, 2022). Chance
further describes it as follows:
[It] is a metaphor for limiting upward career mobility and hindering Black
women’s ability to coexist in an organization, depicting that Black women are
underrepresented and face adversity in seeking or being in senior levels of
leadership in higher education…. With the glass ceiling, women can at least see
what they were being blocked from as well as have the ability to see, shatter, and
breakthrough glass. Concrete, however, blocks vision and is nearly impenetrable.
(p. 48)
 Controlling images refers to the images used to manipulate ideas and beliefs about Black
women to justify their oppression (Collins, 2000).
 Gendered racial stereotypes are harmful stereotypes that develop when race and genderbased stereotypes intersect, creating a uniquely destructive image of individuals or
groups. (Lewis-Strickland, 2021; Smith et al., 2019).

8
 Gendered racism refers to the unique form of oppression people of color experience
because of their overlapping identities (Essed, 1991).
 Glass ceiling refers to the invisible barriers that prevent or limit women or other
minorities from advancing in their organizations (Davis & Maldonado, 2015; Erskine et
al., 2021; Gamble & Turner, 2015).
 Hypervisibility happens when Black women are tokenized and become highly visible
within the academy, causing them and their contributions to be scrutinized more than
others (McCluney & Rabelo, 2019; Smith et al., 2019).
 Invisibility refers to Black women and their accomplishments and potential being
overlooked or ignored by the dominant group (Lewis et al., 2016; Smith et al., 2019).
 Tokenism is when an organization hires minority persons because of race, ethnicity, or
gender, and the organization presents that person or the few minority persons in the
organization as a superficial representation of its diversity (Davis & Maldonado, 2015;
Holder et al., 2015).
Organization of the Dissertation
This dissertation is organized into five chapters. Chapter One introduces the problem of
practice, provides an overview of the theological frameworks and methodology, and defines key
terms and concepts relevant to the study. Chapter Two reviews the existing literature on the lack
of Black women in higher education executive leadership positions. Chapter Three describes the
methodology for collecting the data and the design of the study. Chapter Four presents the
research findings and a qualitative analysis of the data. Chapter Five discusses the research
findings, the implications for practice, and recommendations for further research.

9
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
This literature review examines the unique challenges Black women encounter in
executive leadership roles in higher education caused by gendered racism and gendered racial
stereotypes. The review begins with an overview of the representation of Black women in higher
education, covering their representation from the classroom to faculty positions to executive
leadership roles. It then analyzes how the interplay of race, gender, and stereotypes affects Black
women in leadership positions within academia, followed by a review of the barriers to
leadership that arise from these issues. The review also explores how Black women have
overcome these challenges to advance into executive leadership positions. In addition, the review
examines ways in which institutions, such as colleges and universities, can support and promote
Black women in higher education executive leadership. Finally, the review concludes by
presenting the conceptual framework that guides this study.
Black Women and Higher Education
The underrepresentation of Black women in higher education executive leadership
positions is a multifaceted problem (Chance, 2022; Freeman et al., 2019; Gasman et al., 2015;
Lewis-Strickland, 2021; Wilder et al., 2013). In 2015-2016, Black students accounted for 15% of
the total undergraduate enrollment in the United States. Black women made up 62% of Black
undergraduate students, slightly decreasing from 63% in 1995-1996 (Espinosa et al., 2019).
Additionally, they accounted for 70% of Black graduate students, an increase from 64% in 1995-
1996 (Espinosa et al., 2019). This increase widened the gap between Black men and women
from 27% in 1995-96 to 40% in 2015-2016 (Espinosa et al., 2019). A report from the U.S.
Census Bureau (2023) showed that in 2022, 12% of Black women had earned an advanced
degree compared to 8% of Black men. Despite making up more than 65% of all terminal degrees

10
held by Black people, Black women held 4% of full-time faculty positions in the fall of 2020 and
less than 8% of all associate and tenured faculty positions (National Center for Education
Statistics, 2022a).
Black women account for more than half of the total Black student enrollment and have a
slight edge in faculty positions held, but Black men occupy a more significant proportion of
leadership roles and have greater access to opportunities compared to Black women (Espinosa et
al., 2019; Gagliardi et al., 2017; Melidona et al., 2023). Of the 8% of Black college presidents,
40% are Black women compared with 60% of Black men (Melidona et al., 2023). Black women
are also more likely to hold leadership positions at associate colleges, public colleges, or
minority-serving institutions (MSIs), such as historically Black colleges and universities
(HBCUs; Gagliardi et al., 2017).
Current literature does not disaggregate senior executive positions in higher education by
race and gender. However, 46% of female presidents held chief academic, provost, or senior
executive in academic affairs positions before becoming president, compared to 41% of male
presidents (Gagliardi et al., 2017). When controlling for race, males still dominate senior-level
positions in higher education (Chance, 2021; Gagliardi et al., 2017).
Patricia Hill Collins (1986) coined “outsider within” (p. S14) to describe Black women’s
marginalization in society, particularly in academic settings. In her study, Collins pointed out
that holding marginal positions in higher education has been a longstanding norm for Black
women. Yet, they have managed to confront and overcome the obstacles that have historically
consigned them to those positions. Existing literature on Black women’s experiences in higher
education has highlighted the issues of access and equity and the personal, organizational, and
social dynamics that hinder their progress and achievement (Chance, 2021; Croom, 2017;

11
Gasman et al., 2015; Wilder et al., 2013). The literature has focused on every facet of Black
women’s experiences in higher education: classroom, faculty and staff, and administration
(Croom, 2017; Davis & Maldonado, 2015; Walkington, 2017; Wilder et al., 2013).
Historical and current literature have shown that Black women’s intersecting identities
create interlocking systems of oppression that create unique barriers the women must overcome
in pursuit of a career in higher education (Gamble & Turner, 2015; Lewis-Strickland, 2021;
Walkington, 2017; West et al., 2022; Wolfe & Dilworth, 2015). Racism, sexism, and systemic
biases and stereotypes that favor White and male leaders significantly affect access and
opportunities for Black women in higher education leadership (Bensimon & Associates, 2022;
Collins, 2000; Gasman et al., 2015; Walkington, 2017). These barriers and challenges contribute
to the low number of Black women who continue through graduate and doctoral degree
programs, which creates a paucity of Black female faculty and ultimately contributes to the
underrepresentation of Black women in senior-level leadership positions (Croom, 2017; Gasman
et al., 2015; Wilder et al. 2013).
Race, Gender, and Stereotypes Affecting Black Women as Leaders
Having dual identities creates unique and complex experiences for Black women. To
date, several studies have investigated the relationship between intersectionality and the lack of
Black women in senior-level academic positions (Chance, 2022; Croom, 2017; Davis, 2016;
Lewis-Strickland, 2021; Smith et al., 2019; West et al., 2022). Many researchers have proven
that the intersection of race and gender creates unique barriers to Black women’s promotion to
and retention in executive leadership positions (Beckwith et al., 2016; Chance, 2022; Croom,
2017; Lewis et al., 2016; Lewis-Strickland, 2021; McCluney & Rabelo, 2019; Smith et al., 2019;
Walkington, 2017; West et al., 2022). Because of the compounded effects of race and gender,

12
Black female leaders in higher education struggle with the impact of negative stereotypes and
bias (Smith et al., 2019), gendered racism (Essed, 1991), and gendered racial stereotypes
(Beckwith et al., 2016). Examining how the multiple dimensions of Black women’s identity
influence their experiences in higher education executive leadership roles can create a more
comprehensive understanding of the complex factors contributing to their underrepresentation.
Black women who pursue executive leadership roles in higher education encounter
specific challenges owing to the intersection of their race and gender. Thus, the intersecting of
their dual identities must be considered to understand their experiences and challenges
completely. Crenshaw’s (1989) seminal research on intersectionality emphasized the inadequacy
of earlier studies that examined race or gender as the primary sources of discrimination and
oppression without considering their intersectionality. Intersectionality posits that simultaneous
membership in multiple social groups subjects the members of those groups to interlocking
systems of oppression, such as racism and sexism (McCluney & Rabelo, 2019). Qualitative
research on intersectionality has highlighted how racism and sexism interlock to create unique
experiences and challenges for Black women (Davis, 2016; Collins, 2000; Croom, 2017;
McCluney & Rabelo, 2019). Black female participants in multiple research studies
acknowledged that race and gender (i.e., racism and sexism) affected their experiences in
leadership and leadership development and advancement (Davis, 2016; Davis & Maldonado,
2015; Lewis-Strickland, 2021; Wilder et al., 2013).
Being Black and a woman creates distinctive experiences for Black female leaders.
Empirical research has discussed the pronounced effects gendered and racial stereotypes have on
Black women’s leadership experiences and identity in academia (Erskine et al., 2021; Lewis et
al., 2016; Lewis-Strickland, 2021; Townsend, 2020; Walkington, 2017). When gendered and

13
racial stereotypes are combined, they can create even more complex and powerful images,
especially for Black women (AAUW, 2016; Beckwith et al., 2016; Holder et al., 2015). A study
conducted by West et al. (2022) showed that gendered racial stereotypes create dangerous and
harmful images of Black women that guide what others think about them, which leads to toxic
effects on their experiences as students, faculty, and administrators.
Stereotypes and Gendered Racism
Stereotypes are the generalizations about the characteristics, attributes, and behaviors of a
group of people (Hilton & von Hippel, 1996; Judd & Park, 1993). In their research, Hilton and
von Hippel (1996) adopt a much simpler position that stereotypes “are beliefs about the
characteristics, attributes, and behaviors of members of certain groups” (p. 241). They discussed
two forms of stereotypes: stereotypes based on “real group differences” (p. 241), such as cultural
attire and music, and on “enduring characteristics of the person” (p. 241), such as race, gender,
and religion. They argued that not all stereotypes are negative, but stereotypes about
marginalized groups are more likely to have negative connotations and cause harm to those
groups. Judd and Park (1993) posited that stereotypes do not have to be negative or inaccurate.
They exist to distinguish one group from another group. A growing body of literature has shown
that Black women must contend with stereotypes and the effects of their influences on their
career and leadership experiences (Beckwith et al., 2016; Erskine et al., 2021; Lewis-Strickland,
2021; Walkington, 2017).
Though the research regarding the effects of stereotypes on Black women leaders’
experiences in higher education is limited, current research indicates that many of the obstacles
and challenges these women experience are created by stereotypical assumptions based on their
race and gender. Hill et al. (2016) reported that stereotypes and biases pose significant obstacles

14
to women’s leadership. Stereotypes can block women’s access to networks, resources, and
advancement, contributing to the leadership disparities between men and women (Smith et al.,
2019). Recent studies have shown that race further complicates stereotypical beliefs and creates
unique barriers for Black women (Motro et al., 2021; Smith et al., 2019; Tevis et al., 2020). In
their study, Motro et al. (2021) discussed the influence stereotypes have on interpretations and
expectations of the behavior of Black women. They argued that negatively held stereotypes
influence beliefs about Black women’s performance and leadership abilities, which can damage
their careers and career advancement. In Smith et al.’s (2019) study of executive Black women,
all 59 participants reported having experienced barriers to career advancement stemming from
stereotypes about their race and gender. Through these and other studies, research has
demonstrated that stereotypes can create unique obstacles that impede Black women’s career and
leadership progression and contribute to their underrepresentation in executive leadership roles.
Stereotypes can create biases and prejudices that can manifest in various ways for Black
women, including racism, sexism, or gender-based discrimination. Davis and Maldonado (2015)
argued that Black women typically do not experience racism and sexism separately; the two are
often interconnected. To address this interconnection, Essed (1991) coined the term gendered
racism. Gendered racism describes the unique oppression Black women experience because they
are simultaneously Black and female (e.g., racism and sexism). Essed (1991) argued that because
it is difficult to determine whether race or gender has the most significant impact on the lives of
Black women, it can be assumed that their personal experiences of racism are forms of gendered
racism. Collins (2000), Essed (1991), and Lewis et al. (2016) have argued that the gendered
racism experienced by Black women is rooted in racist and sexist beliefs and stereotypes of

15
gender roles. Like later researchers, Essed (1991) found that gendered racism impedes the career
development and advancement of Black women in higher education.
Gendered Racial Stereotypes
Much of the research on stereotypes about race and gender has focused on one or the
other. Research has shown that race and gender-based stereotypes can have damaging effects on
the experiences of White women and people of color (Lewis-Strickland, 2021; Smith et al.,
2019). Additionally, there is a lack of research that explores the intersection of racial and
gendered stereotypes and how Black women experience those stereotypes. Nevertheless, a small
but growing body of research has proven that because of their interconnection, race and genderbased stereotypes disproportionately affect Black women’s experiences (Lewis-Strickland, 2021;
Smith et al., 2019; Walkington, 2017). These stereotypes can form beliefs of Black women as
incompetent educators, scholars, and leaders, impeding their ability to move into leadership
positions (Erskine et al., 2021; Lewis-Strickland, 2021; Walkington, 2017). Several researchers
have identified various gendered racial stereotypes that affect Black women leaders, including
controlling images (Collins, 1991) and modern-day stereotypes.
Controlling Images
One common form of gendered racial stereotypes, coined by Collins (1991), is
controlling images. Tevis et al. (2020) stated that controlling images describe certain stereotypes
commonly accepted as an accurate portrayal of Black women’s personalities, intelligence, and
behaviors. Collins (1991) theorized that the elite groups holding the instruments of power use
controlling images to manipulate ideas about Black women to justify their oppression. Collins
(1991) argued that controlling images are “designed to make racism, sexism, poverty, and other
forms of social injustice appear as normal, and inevitable parts of life” (p. 69).

16
Existing research has proven that these images have become deeply ingrained in society,
shaping how Black women are perceived and treated in the workplace and in leadership roles
(Collins, 1991; Essed, 1991; Holder et al., 2015; Tevis et al., 2020). Controlling images
commonly referenced in research include portrayals of Black women as the following: the
obedient, faithful, caretaking mammy (Collins, 1991; Lewis et al., 2016), the sexually
promiscuous jezebel or hoochie (Collins, 1991; Carter & Rossi, 2019), and the sassy,
domineering sapphire (Carter & Rossi, 2019; Lewis & Neville, 2015). Despite their harmful
effects, these images continue to exist and perpetuate dangerous biases and discrimination
against Black women.
The mammy stereotype is perceived as submissive, subservient, and self-sacrificing
(Tevis et al., 2020). This stereotype shows up in higher education as expectations of mothering
and supportive behavior toward students and colleagues from Black women. It places them in
support roles (Dickens et al., 2019) and reinforces expectations that Black women should be
seen, not heard (Carter & Rossi, 2019; Collins, 1991; Tevis et al., 2020). The jezebel stereotype
is a hypersexualized, seductive, and manipulative depiction of Black women (Collins, 1991;
Tevis et al., 2020). Black women have reported feeling exoticized, sexualized, or seen as
sexually promiscuous in workplace settings because of this stereotype (Lewis et al., 2016). The
sapphire stereotype depicts Black women as aggressive, argumentative, and sassy (Lewis et al.,
2016; Tevis et al., 2020). These qualities work against Black women’s pursuit of executive
leadership roles in higher education as they are not viewed as qualities of good leaders (Holder et
al., 2015). As Essed (1991) argued, these images justify the oppression of Black women. They
also potentiate Black women’s relationships and professional experiences in higher education.

17
Other Gendered Racial Stereotypes
Controlling images have contributed to the negative beliefs about and attitudes toward
Black women and created obstacles in their career ascension in higher education. More modern
gendered racial stereotypes, such as the angry Black woman (Motro et al., 2021) and the loud or
extra Black woman (Lewis et al., 2016), have also created barriers for Black women and affected
their career aspirations. Some research combines the controlling image of the sapphire with the
gendered racial stereotype of the angry Black woman (Carter & Rossi, 2019; Dickens et al.,
2019; Sales et al., 2020). However, the angry Black woman stereotype is more pervasive and
victimizes Black women in ways the sapphire image does not (Ashley, 2014; Motro et al., 2021).
Like the sapphire image, the angry Black woman stereotype portrays Black women as aggressive
and argumentative, but it also shows them as “irate, irrational, hostile, and negative despite the
circumstances” (Ashley, 2014, p. 28). Popular mass media plays a role in perpetuating gendered
racial stereotypes of Black women (Ashely, 2014; Corbin et al., 2018; Lewis et al., 2016). The
media’s continuous depictions of Black women as loud and boisterous with exaggerated use of
nonverbal communication styles (e.g., eye or neck rolling, wagging a finger, clapping or waving
hands, etc.) has negative influences on the lived experiences of Black women in higher education
leadership (Motro et al., 2021).
All gendered racial stereotypes can be considered controlling images. Each stereotype
reinforces negative depictions of Black women, influences beliefs and treatment of Black
women, and silences and marginalizes Black women in the workplace and leadership roles
(Collins, 1991; Lewis & Neville, 2015). Gendered racial stereotypes can impede Black women in
the workplace and undermine their leadership abilities (Holder et al., 2015; Rosette et al., 2016).
Stereotypic beliefs of Black women as hostile or aggressive, angry or loud are not qualities

18
associated with an executive leader (Holder et al., 2015). The biases against Black women
created by gendered racial stereotypes create unique challenges for those pursuing and in higher
education executive leadership.
Along with controlling images and modern gendered racial stereotypes, Black women
also must contend with perceptions of incompetence (Carter & Rossi, 2019; Ghavami & Peplau,
2013). They are considered intellectually inferior or less competent than their colleagues (Holder
et al., 2015). Participants in Holder et al.’s (2015) study reported receiving negative messages
and expectations regarding their competence and intellect from colleagues. Moreover,
participants in Nelson et al.’s (2016) study discussed having their authority questioned and
having to prove themselves. Black women in leadership roles are also challenged by perceptions
of being less capable and educated and, as a result, often perceived as affirmative action hires
(Tevis et al., 2020). The beliefs about their intelligence and capabilities influence views
regarding their abilities and capabilities as leaders.
Gendered Racial Stereotypes of Leadership
Gendered racial leadership stereotypes also affect the underrepresentation of Black
women in higher education and their leadership experiences. Bensimon & Associates (2022)
reported eight findings from their thematic analysis on racializing college and university
presidential searches. The first finding showed that White men are the archetype of presidential
leadership and, as such, are considered the natural choice for the positions. Gagliardi et al.
(2017) reported that in 2016, 70% of college presidents were men, and of that percentage, 83%
were White men. Even among the 30% of female college presidents, White women made up the
largest share at 83% (Gagliardi et al., 2017). The majority of provosts and chief academic
officers were White people (92%). Bensimon & Associates (2022) argued that the whiteness of

19
college presidents could lead to assumptions that White men are the most experienced and
qualified candidates.
Stereotypically, male leadership is valued over female leadership in business and
academia. Stereotypes of women as less competent to lead than men impede women’s
advancement to leadership positions (Gamble & Turner, 2015). Research has demonstrated that
gendered racial stereotypes of Black women are incongruent with the White male archetype of
executive leaders in higher education (Bensimon & Associates, 2022; Dickens et al., 2019;
Holder et al., 2015; Lewis et al., 2016; Sales et al., 2020). Gendered racial stereotypes of Black
women and leadership frame how others see and value Black women and influence their
professional experiences (Tevis et al., 2020). These stereotypes can lead to biased beliefs that
Black women are only suited for low-status jobs, not executive-level positions (Sales et al.,
2020). Recent studies have established that these subjective beliefs profoundly affect the
leadership advancement, promotion, and retention of Black women in higher education executive
leadership.
Effects of Stereotypes on Black Female Leaders
Various studies have assessed the complex relationship of intersectionality, stereotypes,
and bias that can impede the career advancement of Black women and prevent them from
reaching their full potential in leadership roles. Research has proven that these dynamics can
have harmful effects on Black women’s personal and professional experiences (Beckwith et al.,
2016; Davis, 2016; Holder et al., 2015; Lewis & Neville, 2015; Wilder et al., 2013). In studies
examining the effects, Black women have reported experiences of being invisible, tokenized,
isolated, challenged, and undermined (Davis, 2016; Dickens et al., 2019; Holder et al., 2015;
Sales et al., 2020; Wilder et al., 2013). Black women have also reported that their experiences

20
with gendered racial stereotypes have affected their physical and mental health, resulting in
physical and emotional burnout, depression, and anxiety (Jerald et al., 2017; Wilder et al., 2013).
All research in this area acknowledged that gendered racial stereotypes’ effects on Black
women’s health contribute to their underrepresentation at higher education executive leadership
levels. Gendered racial stereotypes can have multiple consequences on Black female leaders’
personal and professional experiences. These stereotypes can result in the invisibility or
hypervisibility of Black women (McCluney & Rabelo, 2019), feelings of tokenism or isolation
(Davis & Maldonado, 2015), and the questioning of their authority and capabilities (Chance,
2022; Erskine et al., 2021); they can also affect the overall health and well-being of Black
women (Jerald et al., 2017).
The duality of invisibility and hypervisibility plagues black women in higher education
executive leadership positions. McCluney and Rabelo (2019) concluded that Black women’s
intersecting identities make them invisible and hypervisible in the workplace. They argued that
these visibility conditions are gendered, racialized, and sustained through hierarchical structures
that systematically normalize Whiteness and maleness. Invisibility means Black women and their
accomplishments and potential can be overlooked or ignored by the dominant group (Lewis et
al., 2016; Smith et al., 2019). Black women in executive leadership spaces are usually the only
representatives of their race and gender social group, which leads to their hypervisibility
(Dickens et al., 2019). Being hypervisible causes them and their work to be scrutinized more
than anyone else (Dickens et al., 2019; McCluney & Rabelo, 2019; Smith et al., 2019). These
conditions affect the behaviors of Black women as they must navigate and negotiate how they
show up to work.

21
Tokenism and hypervisibility go hand in hand. Tokenism happens when an organization
hires a minority person because of race, ethnicity, or gender and presents that person or the few
minority persons in the organization as a superficial representation of its diversity (Davis &
Maldonado, 2015; Holder et al., 2015). Black women in research studies reported being aware of
their token status, feeling hypervisible and overexposed (Cho et al., 2013; Dickens et al., 2019),
and feeling the pressure to represent their entire race and gender social group (Holder et al.,
2015). Tokenism also heightens the pressure to perform well for Black women (Dicken et al.,
2019). Research studies have shown that Black female leaders in higher education struggle to
feel accepted and treated as equals and with belonging (McCluney & Rabelo, 2019).
Feelings of isolation and exclusion are another effect gendered racial stereotypes have on
Black female executive leaders in higher education. The barriers constructed by gendered racial
stereotypes contribute to the lack of Black women in these positions. Beckwith et al. (2016)
noted that Black women can feel isolated in their roles when they are the only person of their
race and gender. Freeman et al.’s (2019) study affirmed that low representation led to feelings of
isolation for faculty of color. The faculty members reported feeling excluded from the decisionmaking process, having self-doubt, and being less motivated to pursue leadership positions.
Multiple studies have confirmed that Black women are regularly excluded from informal social
networks (Davis & Maldonado, 2015; Erskine et al., 2021; Oikelome, 2017; Ong et al., 2018).
Being excluded from these networks limits Black women’s access to resources and networking
opportunities and creates another obstacle they must overcome.
Numerous studies have shown that Black women constantly struggle to prove their worth
and competence despite pervasive stereotypes and systemic biases. Throughout their careers,
Black women are routinely challenged in their authority and questioned about their success

22
(Chance, 2022; Erskine et al., 2021; Holder et al., 2015). Some people suggest that their
achievements are only the result of affirmative action policies rather than their abilities and
accomplishments (Chance, 2022; McKinsey & Company & LeanIn, 2022). Additionally, the
stereotype that Black women are less intelligent and less competent than their colleagues can
contribute to challenges to their authority and success (Holder et al., 2015; McKinsey &
Company & LeanIn, 2022). Even when Black women hold senior-level positions, their
colleagues can still challenge their authority (Holder et al., 2015). These challenges contribute to
a broader climate of systemic biases and gendered racism, making it more difficult for Black
women to succeed professionally.
Constant experiences with gendered racism and gendered racial stereotypes can affect
Black women’s overall well-being. The unique stressors caused by these phenomena among
Black women affect their mental and physical health (Jerald et al., 2017; Lewis & Neville,
2015). Studies on the health disparities of Black women concluded that everyday experiences of
gendered racism and gendered racial stereotypes might have negative mental health
consequences (e.g., increased depression and anxiety; Holder et al., 2015; Lewis & Neville,
2015). Black women face the daily challenge of navigating biases based on gendered racial
stereotypes. Everyday exposure to these stressors can have long-term effects on the body’s stress
response systems (Jerald et al., 2017). Managing these encounters can deplete women’s energy
to care for themselves, resulting in unhealthy behaviors (e.g., unhealthy eating or substance
abuse; Jerald et al., 2017). The research suggested that navigating perpetual gendered racism can
contribute to physical health conditions such as cardiovascular disease, diabetes, hypertension,
and obesity (Jerald et al., 2017). Research also suggested that managing the effects of consistent

23
gendered racism and gendered racial stereotypes can lead to physical and emotional burnout
(Wilder et al., 2013).
The research has consistently shown that Black women’s experiences in higher education
executive leadership positions are affected by their race and gender and gendered racial
stereotypes. In Davis’s (2016) study, Black women acknowledged knowing that their race and
gender would affect how they were treated and perceived in the workplace: challenged, invisible,
and treated differently. Collins’s (1991) work highlighted how controlling images affect others’
views of Black women and the damage that has on their careers, particularly as leaders. Research
conducted by Dickens et al. (2019), Lewis et al. (2016), and Motro et al. (2021) proved that
modern stereotypes about Black women are more pervasive and damaging than Collins’
controlling images. Additionally, research has proven that gendered racial stereotypes affect
Black women professionally and personally (i.e., physical and psychological health; Holder et
al., 2015; Jerald et al., 2017; Lewis & Neville, 2015). Gendered racism and gendered racial
stereotypes create significant barriers for Black women pursuing executive leadership roles in
higher education. These barriers hinder their advancement and promotion and can prevent them
from reaching their full potential as leaders.
Barriers to Leadership for Black Women
Several studies have shown that Black women encounter significant barriers in attaining
and retaining leadership positions in higher education. Lean In (2020) and McKinsey &
Company and Lean In (2022) recently reported that Black women leaders are more ambitious
about advancing to executive leadership positions than other women and just as likely as White
men. Consequently, they are also more likely than female leaders of other races and ethnicities to
face significant challenges and receive messages that it will be harder for them to do so

24
(McKinsey & Company & Lean In, 2022). Gendered racism and gendered racial stereotypes
reinforce these barriers, uphold the status quo, and justify discrimination against Black women
(Bensimon & Associates, 2022; Chance, 2022; Collins, 1991; Collins, 1986; Erskine et al., 2021;
Wilder et al., 2013). Throughout their careers, Black women in leadership roles face many
individual and institutional barriers, such as a lack of mentors or sponsors and representation, as
well as institutional culture and structure, and lack of support (Burke & Carter, 2015; Chance,
2021; Davis & Maldonado, 2015; Sales et al., 2020; Wilder et al., 2013). These barriers interact
to create metaphorical ceilings (Chance, 2022; Erskine et al., 2021; Gamble & Turner, 2015;
Lewis-Strickland, 2021) that severely hinder the advancement of Black women in higher
education leadership. This section will review the following leadership barriers: metaphorical
ceilings, institutional cultures, and the lack of mentoring and networking opportunities.
Metaphorical Ceilings
Gendered racial stereotypes can generate feelings and beliefs about Black women that
support the metaphorical ceilings that construct barriers to their access to executive leadership
roles. These ceilings symbolize obstacles that obstruct and obscure the progress of qualified
individuals, specifically Black women, in reaching executive leadership positions (Beckwith et
al., 2016). Studies have affirmed that institutional structures, policies, and practices, and racial
and gender stereotypes about leadership sustain these ceilings (Beckwith et al., 2016; Dickens et
al., 2019; Gamble & Turner, 2015). Additionally, societal attitudes about gender roles perpetuate
these barriers (Beckwith et al., 2016; Gamble & Turner, 2015). The following sub-sections will
explore three metaphorical ceilings: glass ceiling, concrete ceiling, and black ceiling.

25
Glass Ceiling
The glass ceiling was the first metaphor used to acknowledge the invisible systemic
barriers (Beckwith et al., 2016; Dickens et al., 2019) that hinder the access of minority groups to
executive leadership positions. Writer and consultant Marilyn Loden coined the term in 1978 at
the Women’s Exposition in New York (Lockert, 2022). The word gained widespread use
following the publication of an article by Hymowitz and Schellhardt (1986) in The Wall Street
Journal. In 1991, the U.S. Department of Labor formed The Glass Ceiling Commission to
investigate the glass ceiling phenomenon. The Commission’s assignment was to determine
whether a problem existed, identify its causes, and propose strategies to address it. In its report,
The Glass Ceiling Initiative, the U.S. Department of Labor (1991) defined the glass ceiling as
“those artificial barriers based on attitudinal or organizational bias that prevent qualified
individuals from advancing upward in their organization into senior-level positions” (Abstract).
The glass ceiling metaphor draws attention to the challenges women face when trying to
reach executive leadership positions (Carli & Eagly, 2016). In their article, Hymowitz and
Schellhardt (1986) pointed out that as women climb through management and leadership ranks,
they ultimately crash into an invisible barrier, the glass ceiling. The glass ceiling conveys how
the obstacles faced by women are invisible and unexpected and become evident when they bump
into the barrier and are denied further progress (Carli & Eagly, 2016). It also implies that women
have the capability to reach executive levels of leadership but are prevented from doing so, being
held to a subordinate level just below the top (Carli & Eagly, 2016). The glass ceiling is a
significant factor in the lack of representation of women in leadership and senior management
roles (Smith et al., 2012). In academia, the glass ceiling is still a persistent challenge for many
women trying to achieve positions in executive leadership.

26
Concrete Ceiling
Regarding career advancement and executive leadership attainment, women of color and
White women have different experiences and face different challenges (Holder et al., 2015).
Therefore, for women of color, the concrete ceiling metaphor is better than the glass ceiling to
describe the systemic barriers that impede and obscure access to executive leadership positions.
Unlike the glass ceiling, the concrete ceiling is more difficult to penetrate and prevents women of
color from seeing past it (Beckwith et al., 2016; Erskine et al., 2021; Khosroshahi, 2021). The
concrete ceiling metaphor refers to the career obstacles that affect the careers of women of color
and their capacity to coexist in an organization (Beckwith et al., 2016; Chance, 2022). Existing
literature on barriers and challenges women of color face in reaching and being in executive
leadership positions contends that issues such as institutional structure, gender-pay gap, isolation
and tokenism, and lack of influential sponsors or mentors contribute to the concrete ceiling
phenomenon (Beckwith et al., 2016; Chance, 2022; Erskine et al., 2021). Previous research has
proven that these factors overwhelmingly contribute to the scarcity of Black women in executive
leadership positions in higher education.
Black Ceiling
The black ceiling is a relatively new term in discussing metaphorical ceilings, and
research is limited. Erskine et al. (2021) used the black ceiling metaphor to build on the glass and
concrete ceiling metaphors by acknowledging the barriers Black women encounter because of
the intersection of their race and gender and the effects of gendered racism. Erskine et al. (2021)
and McGirt (2017) hold similar views regarding the composition of black ceilings. Both research
studies stated that complex socioeconomic and organizational factors cause black ceilings.
Factors that contribute to black ceilings and constrain the advancement of Black women to

27
executive leadership positions are the results of gendered racism and gendered racialized
stereotypes: factors such as invisibility and hypervisibility, isolation and tokenism, and having
their authority challenged, being deemed unqualified for their position (Erskine et al., 2021), lack
of institutional support (Burke & Carter, 2015), and also cultural slights about their hair,
appearance, and communication style (McGirt, 2017; Ong et al., 2018). Metaphorical ceilings
are one of many ways systemic barriers affect Black women’s advancement and leadership in
higher education. Gendered racial stereotypes about Black women and institutional culture
perpetuate the existence of these ceilings.
Institutional Cultures
According to Schein and Schein (2017), the culture of an institution involves anything the
group has learned as the institution evolves. The learning process includes various concepts, such
as “group norms,” “espoused values,” “formal philosophy,” “rules of the game,” and “identity
and images of self” (Schein & Schein, 2017, p. 4). Throughout the history of higher education,
the espoused values and images of the people serving in or who should serve in senior-level
positions and as president have been of White men (Bensimon & Associates, 2022; Espinosa et
al., 2019; Gagliardi et al., 2017; Melidona et al., 2023). As a result, the predominant cultures of
higher education leadership create an unfair disadvantage for qualified women and people of
color who do not fit the traditional mold of a successful leader (Bensimon & Associates, 2022;
Lewis-Strickland, 2021; Ong et al., 2018; Wilder et al., 2013).
White males have a long history of dominance and leadership in American higher
education (Freeman et al., 2019; Melidona et al., 2023; Sales et al., 2020). In contrast, academia
is associated with progressive and liberal ideologies (Tevis et al., 2020). Still, higher education
institutions continue to support traditional and conservative customs and practices, thus

28
maintaining the status quo (Tevis et al., 2020). Within university leadership, the traditional
dominance of White men creates a homogenous environment that privileges experiences,
perspectives, and cultures aligned with White masculine identities (AAUW, 2016; LewisStrickland, 2021). Leadership traits and competence that align with White masculine identities
are often embedded in university policies, norms, and practices (Bensimon & Associates, 2022;
Lewis-Strickland, 2021). The resulting culture and structure reinforce the hegemonic masculine
environment and perpetuates the White male leadership standard, which creates challenges for
Black women, such as being overlooked and undervalued (Erskine et al., 2021; Holder et al.,
2015; Lewis-Strickland, 2021). The prevailing cultural climate leads to the exclusion of Black
women’s identities and experiences and creates barriers (i.e., black ceilings) that impede their
ability to pursue and remain in executive leadership roles.
Bensimon & Associates (2022) stated that the beliefs, values, and images of a college or
university president are often influenced by the norms of White male leaders and favor
individuals who have traditionally held academic executive leadership positions. They also said
that the current status quo in higher education leadership often reinforces existing power
structures and privileges White men while marginalizing women and people of color. Recent
literature supports Bensimon & Associates’ (2022) claims. Melidona et al.’s (2023) research
study found that 46% of college presidents are White men. In their study, Gagliardi et al. (2017)
noted that 26% of college presidents have been a president before. Additionally, Bensimon &
Associates (2022) argued that women and people of color who aspire to senior leadership
positions or are hired in those roles often find themselves conforming to the “[W]hite man
archetype of presidential leadership,” which forces them to have to “present white” and “[follow]
the rules of white expectations” (p. 14). This argument is echoed by Hernandez and Longman

29
(2020), who stated that non-White employees feel pressure to conform to the dominant culture in
order to fit in or succeed within the organization.
Inequality and representation continue to be a problem in academia for Black women
because the cultural practices and norms that preserve gender biases and reinforce maledominated leadership within organizations have become deeply entrenched and difficult to
dismantle (Beckwith et al., 2016). Since White men have historically held authoritative positions
in higher education, they have written many of the policies, norms, and practices that guide
institutional cultures (Beckwith et al., 2016; Freeman et al., 2019). White men have created
institutional cultures to protect themselves and each other’s interests and keep the status quo
(Beckwith et al., 2016; Freeman et al., 2019). These systems of power have been created and
perpetuated by White men through their networking, hiring, and promoting practices, resulting in
the preservation of White male privilege (Freeman et al., 2019). White men decided which
students were admitted and which were successful after graduating (Freeman et al., 2019).
Breaking through this network requires Black women to work twice as hard as their White and
male colleagues while combating gendered racial biases and stereotypes (Freeman et al., 2019;
Tevis et al., 2020).
Lack of Mentoring and Networking for Black Women
The scarcity of mentoring and networking opportunities presents another notable barrier
that inhibits the upward mobility of Black women in leadership positions within higher
education. Data resulting from several studies corroborated that a shortage of mentoring
relationships and institutional support and exclusion from informal social networks contribute to
the barriers Black women face in higher education and their pursuit of executive leadership
positions in those spaces (Davis & Maldonado, 2015; Gamble & Turner, 2015; Erskine et al.,

30
2021; Walkington, 2017). These relationships advantage Black women by providing advice and
information about career development and opportunities (Freeman et al., 2019), offering career,
psychological, and social support (Hernandez & Longman, 2020), and assisting them in
overcoming barriers to career advancement (Burke & Carter, 2015). The lack of mentor
relationships and exclusion from social networks can make it difficult for Black female
executives to find role models and advocates who understand the unique challenges they face
and can provide valuable guidance and support (Beckwith et al., 2016; Erskine et al., 2021; Hill
& Wheat, 2017).
Various studies have reported consistent themes that confirm the need for mentors and
sponsors for Black women in higher education, especially those who aspire to leadership roles
(Beckwith et al., 2016; Hernandez & Longman, 2020; Hill & Wheat, 2017; On et al., 2018).
Black female executive leaders often face a lack of influential mentors and sponsors because of
their underrepresentation in these leadership roles (Beckwith et al., 2016). Low numbers of
Black female executive leaders in higher education result in a lack of Black female executive
mentors within an institution, consequently requiring Black women to network across institutions
and industries for mentoring (Beckwith et al., 2016). Fifty percent of the Black women in
Gamble and Turner’s (2015) study said that although mentoring programs exist in higher
education, few Black mentors are available. Most participants in Hill and Wheat’s (2017) study
also reported that they lacked a primary career mentor. Women in both studies acknowledged
that the lack of mentors created a barrier to them becoming leaders (Gamble & Turner, 2015;
Hill & Wheat, 2017). Without access to mentors or sponsors, Black women executives may
struggle to advance their careers and break through the black ceiling.

31
Consistent with the literature, research has demonstrated that Black women are at a
higher risk of experiencing exclusion, discrimination, and other impediments to their career
advancement in comparison to White women or men (Beckwith et al., 2016; Burke & Carter,
2015; Davis & Maldonado, 2015; Gamble & Turner, 2015; Erskine et al., 2021; Wilder et al.,
2013). Several studies have indicated that limited access to social networks may be a
contributing factor to Black women’s dearth in higher education executive leadership roles
(AAUW, 2016; Burke & Carter, 2015; Hernandez & Longman, 2020). Systemic problems such
as gendered racial stereotypes influence how Black women are perceived, contributing to their
exclusion from social networks and limiting their access to valuable resources (Beckwith et al.,
2016; Gamble & Turner, 2015). Limited access to social networks, whether formal or informal,
disadvantages Black women in advancing their careers as they may miss out on valuable
opportunities, connections, and information (Burke & Carter, 2015; Hernandez & Longman,
2020).
Black women have the desire to lead and are generally more ambitious compared to other
female leaders. Nonetheless, they experience more significant hindrances to their career
advancement than other women and minorities. Factors such as gendered racism, black ceilings,
institutional culture, and inadequate access to mentors and networking opportunities can create
or reinforce barriers that impede the progression of Black women in higher education executive
leadership. Despite these challenges, Black women have managed to overcome them and
succeed.
How Black Women Have Overcome Barriers to Leadership
From the moment they enter college through their careers as faculty, staff, and
administrators, Black women must overcome significant challenges to advance in executive

32
leadership roles in higher education. Nevertheless, 14% of U.S. college presidents are Black
women (Melidona et al., 2023). These women have had to navigate intersectionality, gendered
racism and gendered racial stereotypes, black ceilings, and institutional cultures. The research
focused on the lived experiences of Black women who have advanced to executive leadership
roles revealed that these women prevailed through resilience, speaking up and taking risks, and
social and familial relationships (Chance, 2022; Davis, 2016; Gamble & Turner, 2015; Hill &
Wheat, 2017; Lewis-Strickland, 2021; Smith et al., 2019).
Recent studies have shown that the resilience of Black women has been vital in their
success in higher education executive leadership. Chance’s (2022) research showed that the
challenges Black women face in higher education executive leadership proved pivotal in shaping
their leadership development. According to Chance (2022), resilience refers to “those protective
factors and positive adaptations [Black women] make” (p. 63), considering the barriers they must
overcome. The challenges they experienced were transformative experiences that helped them
survive and thrive and prepared them for leadership (Chance, 2022). The Black female
participants’ strategies for resistance in Walkington’s (2017) study included a combination of
peer mentoring, speaking up, and self-care. Davis (2016) noted that Black women who showed
resilience were likelier to reach executive-level positions. In all three studies, resiliency proved
to be a valuable skill for navigating the adverse experiences of achieving and succeeding in
executive leadership roles in higher education.
Several studies connected resilience and social relationships, such as mentoring,
sponsorships, and networking. Chance (2022) and Davis (2016) found that having these social
relationships was vital in increasing Black women’s resilience by providing professional and
personal support, shielding them from isolation and marginalization, and helping them navigate

33
their adverse environments. The Black female leaders in Holder et al.’s (2015) study shared that
having a mentor or sponsor helped them feel empowered and affirmed their presence and
feelings. Through these relationships, they were able to seek advice from more senior Black
women who offered guidance on potential roadblocks that could hinder career progression.
Black female leaders acknowledged that support from managers who encouraged them to
become leaders helped them with challenges and hard decisions, provided guidance and
feedback, and made them visible to other leaders, significantly contributed to their climb to
leadership (Davis & Maldonado, 2015; Gamble & Turner, 2015; Smith et al., 2019). Black
female executive leaders in multiple studies agreed that social relationships positively affected
their career advancement.
Speaking up and taking risks are other ways Black women in academia have overcome
barriers to leadership. They are proactive tools to help Black women thrive in their leadership
experiences (Lewis-Strickland, 2021). According to participants in Freeman et al.’s (2019) study,
speaking up gets Black women noticed in spaces where they are otherwise invisible. For LewisStrickland’s (2021) study participants, speaking up was critical in receiving feedback, career
opportunities, and personal development. All participants agreed that being vocal and advocating
for themselves was essential to developing leadership resilience. The participants in Gamble and
Turner’s (2015) and Lewis-Strickland’s (2021) research studies said they realized they had to
take risks to advance within their organizations.
Like social associations, personal and familial relationships have also played critical roles
in advancing Black female executive leaders. Research participants in multiple studies identified
their families, friends, sorority sisters, and church community as people who motivated and
inspired them most in their careers (Chance, 2022; Chance, 2021; Gamble & Turner, 2015; Hill

34
& Wheat, 2017). Black women leaned into these relationships for the mentoring, career
guidance, and social support they were not receiving in their work settings (Hill & Wheat, 2017).
The participants in Chance’s (2022) study said their involvement in a Black Greek Letter
Organization provided encouragement, support, and informal networking. Black women
experience compound barriers as they advance to and serve in executive leadership roles in
higher education. Black women have overcome significant obstacles to achieving leadership
success in higher education executive leadership positions despite the unique challenges they
experience. However, the number of Black women who have achieved such success is
insufficient.
Supporting the Advancement of Black Women in Executive Leadership
The general consensus among current studies concerning Black women’s executive
leadership experiences is that Black women’s advancement is a shared responsibility among
various stakeholders within the organization or institution, not solely the responsibility of Black
women (AAUW, 2016; Gamble & Turner, 2015; McCluney & Rabelo, 2019; McKinsey &
Company & Lean In, 2022; Melidona et al., 2023). While the studies agreed on shared
responsibility, the recommendations varied from prioritizing diversity efforts (Lean In, 2020) to
creating advisory boards (McCluney & Rabelo, 2019) to changing hiring and promotion policies
and practices (Bensimon & Associates, 2022; McKinsey & Company & Lean In, 2022). Yet,
there was consensus regarding three methods to improving the advancement of Black women in
higher education executive leadership: a) the role of executive leaders, b) mentoring, and c)
networking (Burke & Carter, 2015; Gamble & Turner, 2015; Gasman et al., 2015; Hill & Wheat,
2017; Lewis-Strickland, 2021; McCluney & Rabelo, 2019; Ong et al., 2018).

35
A leading perspective in the research is the importance of executive leaders in supporting
Black women and addressing the institutional barriers that impede their success. Organizational
leadership (e.g., presidents, provosts, and board of trustees) creates institutional policies and
practices and drives the culture (Beckwith et al., 2016; Lewis-Strickland, 2021). Although
executive leaders in academics regularly profess their commitment to diversity and inclusion,
there is often a disconnect between their verbal commitments and the actual hiring practices
within their institutions (Gasman et al., 2015). Multiple studies advocated holding executives
accountable for promoting diversity efforts that prioritize Black women’s advancement (Lean In,
2020; McCluney & Rabelo, 2019) and for the progress, or lack of, in achieving their set goals
(Gasman et al., 2015; McKinsey & Company & Lean In, 2022). Other researchers stressed the
board and executive leaders’ roles in emphasizing and ensuring inclusive hiring practices;
retaining, developing, and promoting the Black women leaders they have, and creating inclusive
work environments (Gamble & Turner, 2015; Lean In, 2020; McCluney & Rabelo, 2019;
McKinsey & Company & Lean In, 2022). Additionally, the literature suggested that executives
and managers have an obligation to mentor, sponsor, and support Black women executive
leaders (AAUW, 2016; McCluney & Rabelo, 2019; Melidona et al., 2023). Overall, the research
highlighted the board and organizational leaders’ influential role in removing the barriers that
impede the advancement of Black women executive leaders in higher education.
Much literature has proven that mentoring is crucial for advancing Black women
executives in higher education. Beckwith et al. (2016) argued that employers (i.e., colleges and
universities) should be responsible for providing mentors and support to Black women. Other
researchers argued that the social capital (e.g., encouragement and support, a role model, career
guidance, informal networking, etc.) gained from mentoring relationships helps Black women

36
break through the metaphorical ceilings they experience (Gamble & Turner, 2015; LewisStrickland, 2021; Oikelome, 2017). Fifty percent of the women in Gamble and Turner’s (2015)
study agreed that mentoring was essential for their leadership success. Consistent with the
existing literature, these women expressed that the absence of female executive leaders made it
difficult to find a mentor. Given the data regarding the benefits of mentoring, the research
suggests institutions should implement and prioritize diverse mentoring and leadership programs
as a part of professional development (AAUW, 2016; Gamble & Turner, 2015; Jernigan et al.,
2020; Melidona et al., 2023).
Networking is another method found in research to foster the advancement of Black
female executives in higher education. Like mentoring, networking expands the social capital
(e.g., access to influential leaders, leadership opportunities, and resources) Black female
executive leaders need to progress (AAUW, 2016; Gamble & Turner, 2015). Since Black women
are often excluded from formal and informal networks (Davis & Maldonda, 2015; Erskine et al.,
2021), they are less likely to engage with senior leaders, which means they are less likely to be
included in crucial conversations (Lean In, 2020). They also have fewer opportunities to be
noticed by those leaders. Because institutional culture is learned (Schein & Schein, 2017),
networking facilitates Black female executive leaders in learning the culture and building key
relationships (Freeman et al., 2019; Gamble & Turner, 2015). A collective summary of existing
literature highlighted the importance of institutional support from executives, mentoring, and
networking to advance Black women in higher education executive leadership.
Conceptual Framework
This study’s conceptual framework is grounded in intersectionality theory (Crenshaw,
1989) and cultural community wealth (CCW; Yosso, 2005). Intersectionality theory provided a

37
helpful framework to understand Black women’s experiences in higher education administrative
positions and how their intersecting identities present distinct challenges to their progress and
success. The theory is used to examine how race and gender interlock and intersect to produce
unique stereotypes and systems of oppression for Black women in higher education
administration (Crenshaw, 1989; Ghavami and Peplau, 2013). Intersectionality theory also
provided insight into the influence of gendered racial stereotypes on Black women’s experiences
and how they are utilized to uphold the status quo of institutional cultures in higher education.
Community cultural wealth is used to examine the cultures of Black women as a source of
empowerment and support and to understand their persistence in their careers as higher
education executives. Separately, an intersectional lens focused on the unique stereotypes and
experiences produced by the intersecting identities of Black women. At the same time, a CCW
lens focused on Black women’s ability to navigate and overcome barriers in their lived
experiences. Intersectionality and CCW helped explain the social phenomena contributing to
Black women’s underrepresentation in higher education executive leadership.
Intersectionality Theory
Crenshaw (1989) introduced the concept of intersectionality in her seminal research that
focused on the intersectional effects that race and gender had on the discrimination of Black
women in industrial plants. In her study, Crenshaw (1989) argued that Black women experience
interlocking systems of oppression (i.e., racism, sexism, etc.) simultaneously, and these systems
cannot be separated when discussing the lived experiences of these women. Intersectionality
theory acknowledges Black women’s identities are relational, not isolated (Walkington, 2017),
and that racism intersects with other forms of oppression (e.g., sexism), which can adversely
affect Black women’s lived experiences (Ong et al., 2018). The theory aided in understanding

38
how the intersection of racism and sexism influences the distinct experiences of Black women
(Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1989), and it aided in analyzing the impact of gendered racial
stereotypes on Black women’s advancement and experiences in executive leadership roles in
higher education.
Community Cultural Wealth
Community cultural wealth is an interdisciplinary framework that evolved from critical
race theory (CRT) and challenged Bourdieu’s (2018) deficit-based view of cultural capital in
communities of color. Bourdieu’s (2018) theory of cultural capital has been used to argue that
some communities possess cultural wealth while others are culturally deprived (Yosso, 2005).
Community cultural wealth challenges Bourdieu’s (2018) principles and argues that communities
of color have their own type of cultural capital, which includes the “knowledge, skills, abilities,
and networks” (Yosso, 2005, p. 77) that they possess and utilize to survive and resist systemic
forms of oppression. It posits six forms of capital that intersect and reinforce each other
(Margherio et al., 2020): aspirational, familial, linguistic, navigational, resistant, and social
(Yosso, 2005). This framework provided insight into how Black female executives use their
accumulated community cultural capital to navigate and overcome the unique challenges
contributing to their underrepresentation in higher education.
Aspirational capital is Black women’s ability to maintain their hopes and dreams despite
the numerous challenges they must overcome (Yosso, 2005). An example of aspirational capital
is Black women’s high interest in becoming executive leaders, even though they are aware of the
barriers they will encounter (Lean In, 2020). Familial capital refers to the knowledge and
wisdom that Black women receive from their families (e.g., parents, siblings, and relatives;
Yosso, 2005). It is from this form of capital that Black women learn lessons of caring, coping,

39
and providing education (Yosso, 2005), which informs their “emotional, moral, educational and
occupational consciousness” (p. 79). Linguistic capital includes the intellectual and social skills
Black women attain from communication experiences in multiple styles (e.g., code-switching,
storytelling, spoken word, or music; Margherio et al., 2020; Yosso, 2005). Black female
executive leaders in academia use their linguistic capital to communicate with different
audiences (e.g., students, faculty, board of trustees, external communities, etc.). They also apply
their linguistic capital in settings that require them to present white (i.e., show assimilation or
speak white; Bensimon & Associates, 2022).
Navigational capital involves the skills Black women use to navigate and negotiate within
social institutions, like higher education, especially when those institutions have traditionally
marginalized, excluded, or overlooked them (Holland, 2017; Yosso, 2005). Resistant capital
refers to the knowledge and skills nurtured by oppositional behavior that confront and oppose
inequality (Hope & Quinlan, 2021; Yosso, 2005). Black female leaders incur this form of capital
from their upbringing (Gamble & Turner, 2015), their families and communities that encourage
them to get their college degrees (Chance, 2021), and their social relationships with other Black
women (Chance, 2022). Black women display a form of this capital when they mentor younger
Black women and use their scholarship to conduct research studies regarding their experiences in
higher education and executive leadership (Beckwith et al., 2016; Croom, 2017; LewisStrickland, 2021; Townsend, 2020). Social capital is a broader network of friends and
community resources Black female executive leaders rely on to help them navigate or confront
the obstacles they encounter in higher education (Martinez et al., 2017; Yosso, 2005). This
network provides information, support, mentoring relationships, and networking opportunities

40
(Martinez et al., 2017; Turner & Castle, 2023). Table 1 highlights the concepts of CCW and their
application to this study.

41
Table 1
Community Cultural Wealth and the Experiences of Black Women in Higher Education Executive
Leadership
Type of capital Definition of capital from
Yosso (2005)
Examples of Black women’s CCW
in higher education
Aspirational The ability to hope and dream
even when encountering
barriers
Leadership ambition despite
adversity (Lean In, 2020)
Familial The knowledge nurtured by
family: community history,
memory, and cultural intuition
Advice and encouragement from
parents, spouses, etc., and
community support (JaumotPascua et al., 2021)
Linguistic Learned intellectual, social, and
communication skills
Storytelling, music, and codeswitching (Margherio et al.,
2020)
Navigational The skills used to navigate and
negotiate within academia
Finding mentors, speaking up,
taking risks, networking
(Gamble & Turner, 2015;
Freeman et al., 2019)
Resistant The knowledge and skills
nurtured by oppositional
behavior that confronts and
opposes inequality
Racial consciousness, research
scholarship about Black women,
a role model for other Black
women (Lewis-Strickland, 2021;
Erskine et al., 2021; Jernigan,
2020)
Social The broader network of friends
and community resources
The church community, sorority
sisters, and associations for
Black women in higher
education (Chance, 2022; Hill &
Wheat, 2017)

42
This study utilized intersectionality, as developed by Crenshaw (1989), and community
cultural wealth (CCW), as developed by Yosso (2005), to investigate the effects of gendered
racial stereotypes on the lived experiences of Black women in executive leadership positions in
higher education. An intersectional analysis offered a critical perspective for comprehending the
unique oppression that Black women face because of their intersecting identities, which can
impede their progress in leadership roles. It also shed light on institutional barriers produced by
specific interlocking systems of oppression that contribute to Black women’s paucity in
academic executive positions. Cultural community wealth offered an analytical framework to
explore how Black female executives in higher education leverage their different forms of
cultural capital to navigate systemic and institutional oppression and achieve success despite
facing resistance. Cultural community wealth’s theoretical framework can provide a model to
increase the advancement of more Black female executives within academia.
Conclusion
In recent decades, there has been a gradual increase in the representation of Black women
in executive leadership positions in higher education. However, historical and current research
have highlighted the complex and distinctive challenges that Black women face because of their
intersecting identities. Gendered racial stereotypes and gendered racial stereotypes of leadership
have presented significant barriers to their advancement and success. Despite overcoming such
obstacles, Black women remain underrepresented in higher education executive leadership roles.
Research has demonstrated the importance of all institutional stakeholders developing strategic
initiatives to support and promote Black female executives.

43
Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of this study was to explore the influence of gendered racial stereotypes on
the barriers encountered by Black women in attaining and advancing in executive leadership
positions in higher education institutions and the strategies Black women have employed to
overcome those challenges. The information derived from this study contributes to the existing
knowledge regarding the unique experiences and inequity that intersecting identities generate for
Black women in higher education executive leadership roles, which higher education institutions
can use to make changes in policies and practices and create strategies to increase the
representation of Black women in executive leadership. This chapter begins with a restatement of
the study’s research questions. An overview of the methodological design follows this. The next
section briefly describes the researcher and then discusses the data sources and analysis. The
chapter concludes with explanations of credibility and trustworthiness, and ethics.
Research Questions
1. How do Black women in higher education understand gendered racial stereotypes’
influence on their experiences ascending to executive leadership positions?
2. How do Black women in higher education administration navigate their encounters with
gendered racial stereotypes and barriers?
Overview of Methodology
This research study employed an ethnographic research approach. Ethnography is a
qualitative research method that describes and interprets a culture group’s shared and learned
values, behaviors, beliefs, and language patterns (Creswell, 2007; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). It
also explores issues of power, resistance, and dominance (Creswell, 2007). This study aimed to
make meaning of and understand the influence of gendered racial stereotypes on Black women’s

44
careers in higher education executive leadership. It also sought to explore the experiences of
Black female executives in higher education and their strategies for overcoming challenges and
achieving career advancement. An ethnography aligns with the purposes of this study as it
permits the researcher to explore Black female academic executive leaders’ learned behaviors in
navigating, addressing, and overcoming challenges related to the power dynamics in higher
education. The research method involved conducting four individual, semi-structured interviews
using the interview guide approach (Johnson & Christensen, 2015).
The Researcher
Multiple researchers have noted potential researcher bias in qualitative research (Birt et
al., 2016; Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This is because the researcher
is often the data collector and analyst. According to Creswell and Creswell (2018), researchers
need to be aware of their biases, personal backgrounds, and anything that can affect the outcome
of their study. I am a Black woman in an executive leadership role in high education. My
experiences with gendered racial stereotypes and challenges based on my identity as a Black
woman within and outside higher education informed the basis of this research study. Because of
my experiences with gendered racial stereotypes, I aim to understand and address the unique
phenomena they generate for Black women. I bring conscious and unconscious biases to this
study and have strong personal and professional feelings about the issues discussed in the
research. My lived experiences as a Black woman and my personal experiences in higher
education leadership have shaped my worldview and informed my approach to this study.
Birt et al. (2016), Genzuck (2003), and Merriam and Tisdell (2016) provided several
strategies to use to mitigate bias and misinterpretation based on the researcher’s positionality. I
employed three methods: reflexivity, quotations, and peer reviews. The first method I used was

45
reflexivity. According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), reflexivity is a critical self-reflection by
the researcher about their biases, assumptions, and relationships to the study that may affect the
data collection. Creswell and Creswell (2018) stated that effective reflexivity happens when
researchers take notes during the research process, reflect on their personal experiences, and
consider how those experiences may influence their interpretation of the data.
I incorporated these practices throughout the study to guarantee and maintain objectivity.
I took notes of my emotions or emotional responses during the interviews. After each interview,
I journaled my thoughts and feelings regarding what I heard and experienced. Another factor of
reflexivity mentioned by Creswell and Creswell (2018) involves the researcher being aware of
connections between themself and the participants that could have undue influences on their
interpretations. I am keenly aware of these connections and how my positionality may shape and
influence the direction of my study. When I journaled after each interview, I reflected on the
connections to my own experiences and my thoughts and feelings regarding those connections.
I provided evidence through quotations from the interviews as my second strategy.
Genzuk (2003) stated that quotations preserve participants’ perspectives of their experiences
using their own words. Gibbs (2018) noted that direct quotes allow the researcher to show how
the participants articulated the findings. This strategy lessens bias and misinterpretation of the
data.
I used peer reviews as my final strategy to mitigate bias and misinterpretation based on
my positionality. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) mentioned peer reviews as a practical strategy to
eliminate biases that may affect the research study. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) stated that a
comprehensive peer review involves asking a colleague to review sections of the raw data and
evaluate the plausibility of the findings. I solicited reviews from two peers in my cohort who

46
have lived experiences in higher education leadership and three current and former colleagues in
varying roles and fields of study in higher education (e.g., provosts, professors in the social
sciences, deans, etc.). I asked each peer to review my findings and provide insight, feedback, or
suggestions.
Data Source: Interviews
Interviews are the only data source used for this study. This research employed
individual, semi-structured interviews to examine the lived experiences of Black women in
higher education executive leadership positions and the effects gendered racial stereotypes may
have had on their career advancement and promotion and to understand how they learned to
navigate and overcome the obstacles they encountered. The interviews were conducted via
Zoom. The interview design consisted of 17 open-ended questions designed to gain insights into
the participants’ perspectives and experiences in higher education executive leadership. When
needed, probing questions were used during the interviews to gather more information from the
participants.
Participants
The sampling and recruitment approach employed in this study was purposeful sampling.
Purposeful sampling is used when the researcher wants an in-depth understanding of a
phenomenon and must select a sample that will provide the maximum amount of information
(Merriam and Tisdell, 2016). It facilitated the intentional recruitment of participants who can
provide the best insights into and perspectives of the lived experiences of Black female
executives in higher education. I used a unique sample of Black female executives in higher
education to participate in this study as a form of purposeful sampling. According to Merriam
and Tisdell (2016), a unique sample is characterized by unique, atypical, and possibly rare

47
attributes or occurrences related to the research purpose. The Black women who were recruited
for this study are unique in their leadership experiences: a) they have or have had executive roles
(president or provost) in higher education; b) they work or have worked for certain institutions
(public or private, not-for-profit, four-year colleges or universities) within higher education; and
c) they must have a specific level of learning within higher education (a doctoral degree or in
pursuit of one).
An internet query and LinkedIn search identified 18 potential candidates to invite to
participate in this study: nine current or former presidents and nine current or former provosts.
Fifteen of the 18 identified potential candidates were sent an invitation to be interviewed via
email or a LinkedIn message. The three not selected to receive an invitation were not chosen
because one was in an interim position, and the other two did not begin as university presidents
until July 2023. Seven of the 15 invitees responded. Three declined to participate, and four said
yes. The four participants who said yes and participated in an interview are Black women with
past or present experiences as president or provost at a public or private, not-for-profit, four-year
college or university in the United States, and they all have doctoral degrees.
Instrumentation
This study’s data were collected using a semi-structured interview protocol comprising
17 predetermined, open-ended questions. In a semi-structured interview, the wording or
sequence of the questions is flexible, allowing the researcher to adapt during the interview
process or explore a participant’s response further (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Semi-structured
interviews can ensure the collection of comparable data from the participants (Bogdan & Biklen,
2007). A semi-structured interview allows the participants to talk freely about their experiences,
providing thick descriptive data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).

48
The predetermined interview questions were used to explore the two research questions
to understand the participants’ perspectives and lived and learned experiences as Black women
in executive positions in higher education. The interview protocol (listed in Appendix A)
consists of four types of interview questions: experience and behavior, opinion and values,
feelings, and knowledge (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The questions examined the effects of
gendered racial stereotypes on the participants’ experiences and careers as Black academic
executive leaders. The questions also explored the participants’ coping strategies and
understanding of how their communities and cultural backgrounds helped them manage their
experiences and advance in their careers.
Data Collection Procedures
An ethnographic research design was used for this study. Ethnography explores a cultural
group’s behaviors and issues, such as power, resistance, and dominance (Creswell, 2007;
Merriam & Tisdell, 2016. This process aided in understanding how Black women in higher
education executive leadership positions interpret and perceive the effects gendered racial
stereotypes have on their lived experiences and how they have learned to prevail despite
challenges. The semi-structured interviews were conducted via Zoom to explore the women’s
lived experiences. The women were asked 17 open-ended questions to collect data for the
research study. Each interview was scheduled for 60 minutes. Two of the interviews were under
60 minutes, and two of the interviews were more than 60 minutes.
The interviews were recorded using Zoom’s record feature, and Zoom’s transcript feature
was used to document the interview audio. The Zoom software also allowed me to observe and
recognize body language, facial expressions, and voice inflection during the interviews and while

49
reviewing the video recordings during the transcription and coding procedures. I took notes
during the interview to record key ideas or information and for protentional probing.
Data Analysis
Creswell and Creswell (2018) stated that the purpose of the data analysis is to make sense
of the data. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) noted that data analysis is used to derive meaning from
the collected data and is the process used to answer the study’s research questions. The
ethnographic data for this study was collected from interviews. In ethnography, the researcher
analyzes the data to provide a description of the study group, identify emerging themes within
the group, and offer an overarching interpretation of the findings (Wolcott, 1994, as cited in
Creswell, 2007).
I used the Zoom transcription feature to transcribe the interviews. I conducted three
reviews of the recorded interviews. In the first review, I compiled and cleaned up the
transcription and removed identifying information. During the second review, I listened to the
audio recording, did more cleanup of the transcription, and corrected transcription errors. In the
final review, I watched the video recording to look for social cues I might have missed from the
audio recording and to identify responses where the participants used facial expressions or body
language to respond to a question or convey their meaning.
Gibbs (2018) stated that coding is a fundamental part of the analytic process. Coding
identifies data segments that connect to the research questions and connect them to thematic
ideas (Gibbs 2018). I used two sets of codes to code the interview transcripts: one for research
question one and another for research question 2. The interview transcripts were sorted to
identify themes about the influence of the participants’ identities on their careers, their feelings

50
about their experiences within higher education executive leadership, and how they overcame
adversity and challenges. I used open, analytical, and a priori coding to categorize the data.
Merriam and Tisdell (2016) stated that open coding is done at the beginning of data
analysis and identifies any segment that might be relevant to the study. Therefore, I used open
coding in the first phase of the data analysis. The second phase of analysis included analytical
coding. I identified common themes regarding the participants’ lived and learned experiences
related to the research questions and the conceptual frameworks. I coded the data in each phase
using Microsoft Word. I found it easier to copy, paste, and organize the data as needed using this
method.
I used a priori coding to analyze the data in the first and second phases. The a priori
codes were drawn from the Community Cultural Wealth (CCW) framework and set beforehand.
I utilized a priori coding to analyze the data from the responses regarding experiences with
gendered racial stereotypes and the types of capital of CCW.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
Credibility and trustworthiness relate to the integrity of a study (Connelly, 2016).
Credibility refers to the validity or truth of the data (Connelly, 2016). Trustworthiness relates to
credibility or confidence in the data-collecting and analysis processes (Nowell et al., 2017). I
used three methods to establish the credibility and trustworthiness of this study. My methods
included constant comparisons, evidence, and transcript checking.
The first method I used to establish credibility and trustworthiness was constant
comparison during coding. Gibbs (2018) suggested using constant comparisons to check the
consistency and accuracy of the application of the codes, mainly during the initial phases. Gibbs
(2018) urged verifying that the coded information is consistent with the code name and

51
description and that the coded information is similar. Gibbs (2018) emphasized constant
comparisons ensure the codes are reliable, and their continuity improves the richness of the data
descriptions and ensures that analysis closely captures what the participants have said. I
compared the codes during each coding phase and double-checked the codes after each
document was coded.
I used evidence as the second method to establish credibility and trustworthiness. Gibbs
(2018) stated that a reliable way to demonstrate credible and trustworthy research is to provide
the reader with evidence through quotations from the interviews. Gibbs (2018) wrote that direct
quotes let the reader get closer to the data and demonstrate how the participants conveyed their
experiences. It also allows the researcher to become familiar with the data. Descriptive data is
commonly used in ethnographies (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016); therefore, I used direct quotes from
the participants to support the findings and resulting themes.
The final method I used to establish credibility and trustworthiness was transcription
checking. Gibbs (2018) stated that frequently checking transcriptions helped the researcher avoid
apparent mistakes. It also allows the researcher to become familiar with the data. I reviewed each
transcription three times for cleanup, correction, and redaction. I then checked the recorded
interview audio to verify the accuracy of the coded information and the direct quotations. I also
referred to the transcripts throughout the writing process for accuracy and to ensure the correct
application.
I obtained informed consent from each participant before her interview. I included a copy
of the Information Sheet for Exempt Studies (see Appendix B) as it relates to this study in the
emailed invitation to each participant. As an exempt study under the University of Southern
California’s institutional review board (IRB), I am not required to obtain participants’ signatures.

52
Ethics
Creswell (2014) stated that ethical considerations are reflected throughout the research
process, while Merriam and Tisdell (2016) noted that ethical dilemmas will likely emerge during
data collection and analysis. Creswell (2014) emphasized the researcher’s responsibility to
protect their participants, uphold the integrity of the research, and prevent any misconduct. I used
this philosophy to maintain ethical principles throughout this research study. I established
specific criteria to guide the selection and recruitment of participants. Participation in this study
was voluntary, and participants could withdraw anytime. The participant’s information (i.e.,
names, identifying or demographic information) will remain confidential. The participants’
names were replaced with pseudonyms, and identifying signifiers were removed or replaced with
coded identifiers to maintain confidentiality.
The recording of the interviews, whether audio or video, took place with the participant’s
explicit consent. All recordings will be destroyed when they are no longer needed for this study.
Finally, no interview or data collection was conducted before institutional review board (IRB)
approval.

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Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this qualitative research study was to explore the influence of gendered
racial stereotypes on the barriers encountered by Black women in attaining and advancing in
executive leadership positions in higher education institutions and the strategies Black women
have employed to overcome those challenges. Gendered racial stereotypes are defined as
harmful stereotypes that develop when race and gender-based stereotypes intersect, creating a
uniquely destructive image of individuals or groups (Lewis-Strickland, 2021; Smith et al., 2019).
The problem of practice was the lack of Black women in higher education executive leadership
positions. The following two research questions guided this qualitative study:
1. How do Black women in higher education understand gendered racial stereotypes’
influence on their experiences ascending to executive leadership positions?
2. How do Black women in higher education administration navigate their encounters with
gendered racial stereotypes and barriers?
This chapter presents findings from the study. The findings are organized by research
questions, which are presented in two major sections. The nine themes that emerged are discussed
in separate sub-sections. The presentation of the findings includes tables of relevant background
information pertaining to the participants. All findings are supported by direct quotations from the
data, enabling the reader to evaluate confirmability independently.
Participants
I interviewed four Black female executives in higher education for this study. As
mentioned in Chapter 3, the participants are currently or were president, provost (senior vice
president of academic affairs), or chief academic officer in a U.S. public or private four-year
college or university. All four participants have a Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) degree. This

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research study focused on Black female executives who overcame adverse challenges to reach
the height of their careers. Therefore, the participants were assigned pseudonyms based on
female African names related to strength, resilience, leadership, or purpose. These pseudonyms
will be used to discuss the findings throughout this chapter. Given the small sample size for this
study, I documented limited background and demographic information to protect anonymity.
Table 2 shows the participants’ pseudonyms, positions, and relevant background information.
Table 2
Participant Demographics
Participant Title Institution Years in higher
education
Nia President (Retired) Public HBCU 30
Samiya Provost and Vice President
of Academic Affairs Private PWI 39
Khari President Private PWI 30
Amari President Private HBCU 35
Note. Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCU); predominantly White institutions
(PWI).
Research Question 1: How Do Black Women in Higher Education Understand Gendered
Racial Stereotypes’ Influence on Their Experiences Ascending to Executive Leadership
Positions?
Research Question 1 investigated how the participants understood the influence of
gendered racial stereotypes on their experiences in ascending to higher education administration.

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Each participant shared narratives of their lived experiences in higher education from their
undergraduate enrollment through their careers as executive leaders. The data analysis revealed
that the type of institution the participants attended and worked in—HBCU or PWI—had
considerable effects on their lived experiences in higher education. Three of the four
participants’ higher education journeys—Nia, Samiya, and Khari—began as undergraduates at
PWIs. Likewise, they have had successful careers at PWIs. Nia served in executive leadership
roles at both PWIs and HBCUs. She retired from her career in higher education from an HBCU.
Conversely, Amari attended an HBCU for her undergraduate studies and PWIs for her graduate
studies. She has succeeded in executive leadership at PWIs and HBCUs, and she is currently
employed at an HBCU.
In analyzing the data, three primary themes and six sub-themes emerged that conveyed
the participants’ lived experiences in higher education and higher education administration. The
following are the identified themes and sub-themes: (1) intersectionality: Black and female, (1a)
awareness, (1b) affirmation; (2) sponsorship: support from an unlikely source; and (3)
challenges: being a Black woman in higher education, (3a) challenges influenced by genderedracial stereotypes, (3b) encountering bias and stereotypes, (3c) lack of role models, and (3d) the
effects of the challenges. The themes and sub-themes are discussed in detail, with evidence, in
the sub-sections that follow.
Theme 1: Intersectionality: Black and Female
The primary focus of this study was on the participants’ lived experiences as Black
women in higher education. Nia and Khari discussed their experiences in relation to being Black
women, while Samiya and Amari talked about their experiences in terms of both being Black and
being Black women. Often, in their experiences, being Black was the dominant identity. When

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answering questions about how their identity as Black women influenced their lived experiences
in higher education and leadership, all four participants stated that being a Black woman in
higher education has had positive and negative outcomes. Two sub-themes regarding their
identities emerged from the interviews: identity awareness and affirmation.
Sub-theme 1. Identity Awareness
A common understanding among the participants was the importance of knowing who
they were and what they valued, especially in their roles as Black female administrators in higher
education. The participants all communicated a strong sense of self and self-awareness.
Moreover, they each recognized their identity as an advantage rather than a disadvantage.
They were asked how they would describe their experiences as Black women in higher education
and as executive leaders in higher education. Amari’s response captures the essence of
intersectionality. She replied:
I can’t describe my experience of anything other than being a Black woman because I
am. I can’t separate my womanhood from my race or from my faith tradition. I can’t
separate it from my motherhood because I’ve been a mom since I was a master’s student,
and so I believe in true intersectionality. I can’t separate one aspect of my identity from
another because I think they’re intertwined. And I can’t describe my experience in
comparison to men because I’ve never been a man. I’ve never been White. I’ve never
been any other faith other than a Christ follower. So, I can’t talk about my experience of
anything other than being me.
The other three participants—Nia, Khari, and Samiya—spoke in more detail about their
identity as Black female leaders in higher education. Nia said of her identity as a Black woman:

57
One of the things I’m proud of is I can never get away from my race or my gender. When
I walk into any room, it is there with me. When I say, “Hello,” and I’m on any phone call,
it’s there with me. My major professor told me one day, he said, “[Nia] you try to hide
the two things that really could be your greatest assets.” He says, “Stop trying to blend in
and be like White males. He goes, “Just be a smart Black female.” And that was great
advice for me because he was right. When I went in every room, I would naturally stand
out by my race and my gender.
Additionally, Nia shared that she came to see the benefits of being a Black woman and learned to
embrace her identity:
If I learned to use it to my advantage, it would benefit me, and so he [my major
professor] gave me that lecture at 24, and it has helped me. I went to the White House for
them to recognize people who’ve done significant work in [my field], and they all
remembered me because I was the Black female in the bunch. So those are the reasons,
instead of being this albatross around my neck, which is kind of what I was thinking, it
turned out to be my ace of spades. And that’s how I use it now. It’s like my ace of spades.
And again, he’s right. You know, when the book says, “Speak up to stand out,” I do that
as a strategy, but I’m already standing out, and I learned to be comfortable with that. Be
pleased with that.
Samiya said her family instilled her self-awareness as a Black woman. She stated that her selfawareness is what influences her career and pursuit of helping others:
I came from a family that was like, “Yeah, you Black. It’s cool.” Like, “Embrace it.”
Never once did anybody in my family make being Black a burden. So, I didn’t. I mean, I

58
knew it was hard, but it was like, “This is who you are. Embrace it. Go forward. Figure
out what to do with it.”
Like Nia, Samiya stated that she cannot escape her identity. She said, “[My] identity is so deeply
rooted, and I bring it into every room.”
When Khari was asked if her lived experiences as a Black woman have contributed to her
ability to overcome adversity, deal with challenges, navigate, and negotiate in higher education
leadership, she echoed Nia and Samiya’s responses: “I’m always Black, and I am always aware,
especially being in situations where you stand out in some way. . . . I’ve used that to my
advantage.” Khari explained:
In some ways, I think being a Black woman is an advantage. So, I try to play on that
advantage that everybody wants to diversify their blah blah blah, and they should want to.
So, being a capable person who just happens to be Black and female, I think, gives me an
advantage, and I know that when it’s between me and another person, and that other
person does not have those identity markers, I’m gonna win.
Regarding her identity, Amari said she has never been bothered by labels or other
people’s opinions of her. She stated, “I tell my students you can’t put your identity on your
sleeve. If you put your identity on your sleeve, someone’s going to knock it off.” Moreover, like
the other participants, she saw her identity as a Black woman as an advantage. She credits this to
growing up in a predominately White environment. She said of her experiences:
I think part of that is growing up when you’re the only one. I knew I wasn’t White. I
didn’t want to try to be White. I just was [Amari]. . . . I learned how to oscillate and
move. . . . When I wanted to play sports, I wanted to play soccer. There were no girls’
soccer teams. So, what was I? The only girl on the soccer team. So, I learned how to be

59
the only one. And when I grew breasts, and they teased me about having boobs, I’m like,
“Yeah, and I chest trap the ball better than you can.” So, I learned to use my femininity to
my advantage. I’ve never looked at my race or my gender as an inhibiting factor.
Each participant demonstrated having a strong sense of identity and awareness as a Black
woman. Furthermore, they each expressed a firm understanding of how the intersectionality of
their identities has shaped their lived experiences in higher education and higher education
executive leadership. They also identified positive and negative aspects of being Black women in
higher education executive leadership.
Sub-theme 2. Affirmation
Another recurrent sub-theme concerning the participants’ identities as Black women in
higher education executive leadership was the importance and lack of affirmation. Three of the
participants—Nia, Samiya, and Khari—mentioned not seeing Black women during their
matriculation or tenure in higher education. As a result, there was an absence of role models or
someone to help them navigate higher education’s social and institutional structures as Black
women. Without having a role model or confidant to assist them as Black women in higher
education leadership, the participants were asked if and how they received or experienced
affirmation of their identities as Black women in higher education administration. Their
responses were mixed.
Nia found affirmation for herself and Black women in higher education lacking yet
needed. She said she learned to affirm herself, and because of her experiences, strives to affirm
other Black women. Nia stated:
I said this to a group of women last week. Sometimes, Black women just don’t get
affirmed externally the way we should be. For example, in many performance

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evaluations, I’ve had sentences like, “Her accomplishments are overshadowed by. . . .”
And it’s like, if it’s a performance evaluation, my accomplishments can’t be
overshadowed. That’s all you’re supposed to be looking at in a performance evaluation.
So, even when you have, quote-unquote, knocked it out of the park, you’ve hit a home
run, if you are a strong Black woman, you will have to affirm yourself because
sometimes you just won’t get it. And it’s sad, but it’s true.
Nia recalled how this changed after she moved into executive leadership roles; however, the
affirmations were for her accomplishments, not necessarily for her. Nia said:
I think I did receive far more affirmations that really started when I became vice president
for research. That’s one of those areas where productivity is recognized because they
want to know well, “How much money did you bring in? How has it grown?” My
productivity was excellent, so it did garner quite a few affirmations. Then, when I became
provost, we created a new college. In two years, we created a new college; we created 20
new degree programs. I mean, we were doing these great things at an accelerated pace.
So, I had quite a few affirmations from individuals that it really mattered from to me, but
I didn’t get a lot of words of affirmation from some of my male colleagues. I didn’t get as
much, which sometimes used to disappoint me. . . . And when you’re in that role of
president, you hold so much power that I think people are enamored by the power of the
position more necessarily than the person. So, I do think I got more affirmation there
while I was in that role. I’m not sure how many of them were as earnest.
Because of the lack of affirmation she received and observed for Black women in higher
education, Nia intentionally offers support and encouragement to others. She stated:

61
Consequently, I try to be that for other people. I try to teach my children that so,
consequently, I have found that my children are that for me. . . . So, they have, as Black
women, they have learned to affirm other Black women, and that’s the one thing I really
want. Cause sometimes society works so hard to separate us, to make us think that there’s
only place for one or two. . . . You know they try to divide us. . . .
But I really try to try to be a different model. Set a different example. And let’s try
and affirm each other. That doesn’t always happen. So, I’ve learned to affirm myself.
Sometimes, I’m so good at it.
Samiya affirmed that she had received affirmation as a Black woman in higher education
administration. She said the affirmation she received come from her supervisors, current and
past:
I have a boss now, a president who is very much affirming. He knows it’s hard, and he
doesn’t pretend he can feel it, but he understands what we’re up against. And he respects
it. And if I tell him that was wrong, even if he’s like, “I don’t get it,” he’ll say, “Okay.”
So, he has been very affirming. And I had a boss before him who was also like, “If that’s
how you feel about it.” I know what they’re saying as White man is, “I don’t feel it, but I
respect that you do.” So, I’ve been fortunate to have some good bosses, and when I don’t,
I change jobs. . . . I ain’t tryin’ to fix’em. I change jobs.
Khari also acknowledged receiving affirmation of her identity and in her role as a Black woman
in higher education leadership. She expressed receiving affirmation in a variety of ways and from
unexpected people:
I feel like I have had good situations where people across the spectrum have, first and
foremost, commented on a skill or an ability that I have that they appreciated. Then, also

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the fact that I have had this lived experience, these lived experiences, that is something.
And it happens randomly all the time. We just had new student orientation, and this is not
the first time this happened where a parent will come up to me and say, “My kid came to
school here because you’re the president.” And sometimes it’s a White person who says
that. They’re still reflecting on the fact that, “I wanna go to a school that has a Black
president,” or it’ll be a person of color who will come up and say, “My son said it was
important that the person in leadership was someone who looked like them.” So, those
are affirmations that help you to realize that your presence, even when you don’t even
know it, is making a difference. And so, I think those things are really important.
Like Samiya and Khari, Amari said she had received affirmation throughout her career. However,
unlike the other three participants, Amari perceived the affirmation she received in relation to her
accomplishments, not her identity. Amari stated:
I receive it all the time. I would say because I’m authentically Black. I’m authentically
woman. So, if I get an award for being inducted into [my field’s] Hall of Fame, it’s
because it’s [Amari], and I did something . . . it’s cause I’ve done a few things that
mattered in the industry. Am I the first to be inducted into some of these things or to
receive these awards? Yeah. Am I the first of women in some respects? Yeah. But I
wasn’t trying to be the first Black or woman. I was just trying to do my job. I think that
meaning comes most from where you come from and how many great people maybe
have come from that, and when you get recognized by them, then it’s really meaningful,
but I don’t know that it’s laden with race or with gender.
Even still, Amari contemplated whether her HBCU experiences as an undergraduate shaped her
perceptions. She mused:

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I wonder at times what my attitude would have been had I not gone to an HBCU. I
wonder if I would have had more imposter syndrome. Because I did have imposter
syndrome being the only Black girl in high school. . . . But I think had I gone from there
to [a PWI] or to [another PWI], where I got great scholarships to go to those, I wonder if
I would’ve still felt like the outside[r] trying to get in. I do know that when in college,
going to conferences, [my HBCU] would be the only Black college at the spaces. And
we’re like, “Yeah, Black people are here.” And then all the Black people from other
schools were like, “Oh, it’s so nice!” But we, [my HBCU] folks, we have the biggest
attitudes, but we tend to be a little proud and let everybody know. But I appreciate that
because it’s so unapologetic.
Similar to Amari’s undergraduate experience at an HBCU, Nia recalled that her
experiences working in executive leadership at HBCUs were different from her experiences at
PWIs. Like Amari, Nia said she received more support while working at HBCUs. Moreover, she
felt the support she received boosted her confidence and allowed her to be more of her true self.
Nia said:
I think I had a very fortunate career at large majority institutions, and I also think I had a
very successful career at HBCUs, and it’s fortunate that I had both experiences. But I will
tell you, just as you may hear people say, “When you look at student satisfaction data,
students from HBCUs feel like they’ve had a more nurturing experience. They feel like
they’re more prepared. They feel like they’re more confident.” I think that that’s been my
experience as an administrator at an HBCU. I feel like I’ve been in a more nurturing, a
more supportive [environment], and consequently, I have felt greater satisfaction. . . .

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I think I’ve had more support. I enjoyed it more, and I also think that being in
those environments helped my confidence to grow as well . . . but I did learn to become
more comfortable the last nine years of my career. I mean, I wore my hair down as a
president. I never did that. I always kept my hair up. I was comfortable wearing more
feminine colors as a president. I was comfortable doing that even as a provost, but I was
at [an HBCU]. So, I think I was able to be more authentic. I think that’s the word I’m
really looking for. I was able to be more authentic in the HBCU environment as a leader
than I felt comfortable being in a majority environment.
The participants had different experiences receiving affirmation as Black women in
higher education executive leadership. Each of them disclosed having received affirmation in
some capacity. Notably, Nia and Amari expressed having more positive experiences at HBCUs
than at PWIs. They believed these occasions boosted their self-worth and self-confidence. The
participants’ experiences receiving or not receiving affirmation contribute to understanding the
significance of being connected to a community and networks of people has on Black female
leaders’ successes in higher education administration. This association will be explored more in
the themes of Research Question 2.
Theme 2: Sponsorship: Support from an Unlikely Source
Each of the four participants affirmed that she had received significant support during her
academic journey and professional career in higher education. Each expressed an appreciation
for the support she received and shared how valuable it was to her education and career. Nia
discussed receiving support from two White women at her university as an undergraduate
student. The two women were not in Nina’s discipline; however, they were in her major. Nina

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said she received “some good support from them.” She also mentioned that support early in her
career was provided by White males, as her major and university lacked diverse representation:
All of my mentoring and support for the formative parts of my career all came from
Caucasian males because it was [my major]. It was [my university]. My major professor,
he is fabulous; he and I just talked last week because he wants to make sure. He wants to
see how I’m doing. He wants to hear how I’m doing, and he’s close to being 90 now in
age, but a lot of my support came from Caucasian males, and I’m very grateful for that.
Likewise, Samiya noted having support from White males throughout her career because
of limited representation:
Because there weren’t very many Black women in front of me, the support that I’ve
received has come from primarily White men and, in some cases, White women, who
have said, “You are the best person. We want you to do this. We want you to do well.”
I’ve been blessed to have those people who have believed in me and who said, “No, I
think you’re the right person for the job.” I’ve had support from a number of mentors, but
they have been all White, just because that’s who was in this chair. They’ve been
references for me for other jobs, and they’ve been co-authors, and they come in at
different places and in different ways to be supportive. I’ve had good fortune with a few
people.
Khari expressed similar sentiments to those of Nina and Samiya about the support she received.
She mentioned that her support came from unexpecting people:
I feel blessed to be able to say that I received support often. Sometimes without asking.
Other times, because I asked. Sometimes, the people that I would expect to receive it
from, and sometimes, surprisingly, from people that I wouldn’t expect.

66
In the interview, Khari described a time when she received unsuspected support from a White
male and how his support led to her receiving an executive leadership position:
One example that comes to mind is the support I received from a White male, who I
didn’t expect. He was in a leadership role, and recommended that I be placed in a shared
leadership role with him. We had lost our Vice President for Student Affairs, and he had
recommended to the Provost that I lead, especially the health and mental health and Dean
of Students aspects of the portfolio, which he didn’t necessarily have experience with,
and that he would lead the other administrative units, auxiliary units and things like that.
He said to me, “You know what? You’re gonna lead this whole thing in a little bit of
time. We’re gonna make sure that we get you what you need, but you’re the one that
should be leading this whole thing. It shouldn’t be me.” Later on, I did become the Vice
President. Then he reported to me. . . . The support he provided at that time and the
mentoring, he continued to do that even though I was his supervisor. He was one of my
biggest champions. He’ll still send me a random email, and he’s retired now, and send
some support.
Amari’s experiences receiving sponsorship and support differed from those of the other
three participants. Because her education and career began at an HBCU, she experienced
different forms and levels of support. Amari discussed that support and the people who provided
it:
I’ve received a lot of support throughout my career. I have always felt supported. I can
tell you the times when I didn’t feel supported, but for the majority of my career, I have
felt supported. . . . I have been mentored by men and women, Black and White, old and

67
young, married and single. I have a host of you could almost call like a cabinet or my
own personal Board of Advisors, and they represent the rainbow.
Amari described her support network and the type of support each provided. She
acknowledged receiving support from professional men and women who worked in and out of
higher education. Additionally, Amari shared about the influence of two White male teachers
from high school who introduced her to the subject that later became her major in college and the
foundation of her career in higher education. She also talked about her White female college
advisor, at an HBCU, who was first a mentor and then became a mother figure to her. Amari
said: “She was a [White] woman, blond hair, blue eyes from Texas. She dedicated her whole life
to working at [the HBCU] and uplifting Black folk and getting diversity within the industry. It
was her passion.”
Additionally, Amari mentioned having other people in her career who “were more like
coaches” and “invested in [me].” She described her relationship with the first dean who hired her
and the guidance he provided during her career:
I’ve had others who were more like coaches and [the dean], who hired me. . . . My first
teaching job was a tenure-track position, but I left before I finished my doctorate because
my husband wanted to move back home. [The dean] hired me, and he knew he needed
more Black faculty. . . . After I left, he and I didn’t talk for a long time. Then, I saw he
had become a college president, and I said, “You know, that would be cool one day to be
a college president, but I have no idea how to go about doing it.” He began coaching me,
like literally instructing me. . . . Literally, everything he said I needed to do to become a
college president I would call him; we would talk about it: “This is how you write your

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resume. This is what you put in your cover letter.” Literally, like a baseball coach: “Hold
the bat this way. Swing like this at this speed.” That was [him].
Each participant acknowledged having a sponsor or sponsors who helped them advance
in their careers in higher education executive leadership. Even though Nia, Samiya, and Khari
were limited to White male sponsors, they saw value in and appreciated the sponsorship.
Because of her lived experiences at an HBCU and access to Black sponsors, Amari received
sponsorship from numerous individuals and more direct and guided instructions regarding her
career. The participants demonstrated that sponsorship is vital in advancing and retaining Black
women in higher education executive leadership roles.
Theme 3. Challenges: Being a Black Woman in Higher Education
The purpose of Research Question 1 was to understand the influences of gendered racial
stereotypes on the participants’ lived experiences in higher education administration. Not
surprisingly, the participants had the most to say about the effects and the challenges they
encountered as a result. While the participants in this study agreed that there have been barriers
and challenges that they have had to overcome, only three of the four believed there was a
correlation between some of the adversity they faced and their identities as Black women. Amari,
whose lived experiences in higher education have differed from the other three participants, did
not believe there was a connection. Throughout the interviews, the participants told stories of the
challenges they faced during their tenures in higher education executive leadership. Four subthemes surfaced from the analyses of their stories: (1) challenges influenced by gendered-racial
stereotypes, (2) encountering bias and stereotypes, (3) lack of role models, and (4) the effects of
the challenges. The discussion below outlines those four sub-themes.

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Sub-theme 1: Challenges Influenced by Gendered Racial Stereotypes
The participants were asked if they had experienced challenges or obstacles navigating
their career as a Black woman in higher education leadership. Amari did not feel she had
encountered or been affected by barriers based on or influenced by her identity. However, Nia,
Samiya, and Khari affirmed they had experienced challenges and obstacles in their careers as
Black women. Amari’s initial response to the question was, “Everybody does, and you learn
most from those.” She continued:
I’m not saying I haven’t experienced stuff. I just won’t label it as that was racism or that
was sexism, or it’s because I am a Black woman that I experienced it . . . but I also wasn’t
gonna let that stop me. I didn’t go home and cry about it. I keep moving. And the things
that have made me cry are things because they were like just [expletives]. They were
jerks. And there’s a lot of [expletives] and jerks in this world.
Nia did not directly address her challenges. However, she said she used her work ethic to
mitigate the effects:
In the midst of having people who refused to even acknowledge me, I had those
individuals they refused to even shake my hand when I came in a room, but I also had
some who were very supportive of me. And it’s really because I worked hard. My major
professor used to say, “Wow, you’re the smartest and hardest-working student I’ve ever
had.” I think he was shocked by that, but I’ve always felt like performance was the most
important thing. So, I just tried to work enough.
Samiya and Khari considered the challenges and obstacles they have faced. They agreed that
everyone encounters adversity throughout their careers but acknowledged that they have faced

70
adversities because they are Black women. Samiya said regarding the challenges and obstacles
she experienced:
Well, you always do, and that doesn’t stop, and I suppose I never expected it to stop. . . .
There are people who immediately make assumptions about how I got to where I am.
And, of course, I had help, like they didn’t. You’re always being judged in every room,
on every comment. There’s a whole nother level of energy required to be a Black woman
in any place. In higher ed—it’s all I can talk about—you have to do your job. You have to
do it in a certain way. You have to try not to offend people. Then, you know that people
are literally waiting for you to stump your toe so they can jump all over it. I wish I had
the freedom and the latitude of some people where I could just come and be a creative
force in the world, but you don’t have that. People are going, “Umm hmm. Yeah, I
thought so.”
Some people will not accept your authority, you know, “You’re not the boss of
me,” no matter what it says on the org chart. In a faculty situation, it’s, you know how
universities are, where faculty don’t feel like they really report to anybody, anyway.
As a Black woman, I have found that to be another rub. They don’t have to report to
anybody, certainly not me. So, I come back to, “Hey, it’s about the students, and we’re
getting stuff done.” But I do resent having to keep this battle going almost every day in
my career.
Khari discussed her encounters with microaggressions and the pain and struggle of those
experiences:
It almost always is there, and depending on where you are in the hierarchy, it can be
either more there or less there. A lot of times, it’s a kind of a subtle situation where it’s

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hard to pinpoint or just to prove or to show that there was a microaggression or there was
someone overlooking you because of their preconceived notions of you, but you know it
when it happens . . . and it’s difficult because even if you were to confront that person,
they would be like, “No, no. What? I didn’t mean that or da da da.”
So, that kind of thing is a constant drumbeat where people over my career have
either lobbied some microaggression or just underestimated me because of their own
internalized racism or sexism, and the way I’ve handled that is to always be aware of it
and to not doubt what I’m feeling and thinking. Like, if I feel as though that’s what’s
happening, then I tell myself that is what’s happening, and sometimes that helps. Other
times it still hurts, and it’s still frustrating. I experience it less in my career now, just
because one of the advantages of being the CEO of an institution is that people can’t
really stop you from something because you’re the president. So, when I was in different
roles, I could feel being stopped by people like I couldn’t do anything about that. So, it
happens less, but it still happens. . . . It just happens in different ways and different forms.
All of the participants mentioned having to manage adversity in their careers in higher
education. Each acknowledged that challenges are par for the course for everyone. Contrarywise,
three of the participants cited having experienced challenges influenced by their identities as
Black women. Furthermore, the participants expressed the personal effects of those experiences
on them.
Sub-theme 2: Encountering Bias and Stereotypes
In addition to discussing their experiences with the challenges of being Black women in
higher education leadership, Samiya and Khari shared how bias and the stereotypes about Black
women others hold have affected their leadership and leadership practices. They both recognized

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the existence of stereotypes about Black women and acknowledged that those perpetuating the
stereotypes may not be aware of their biases. Samiya said, “I know that there are other people
holding these stereotypes. They don’t even know sometimes that they’re holding the stereotypes.
. . .” Khari expressed thoughts similar to Samiya’s: “I think that there are unconscious biases
about readiness or who can do what, when. And those are very difficult because sometimes the
person’s not aware of that. Sometimes they are, but a lot of times they’re not.”
Samiya remarked that it is an advantage for her as a leader to know that people hold
certain stereotypes about Black women. She stated that having this knowledge allows her to be
proactive in moderating a situation. Additionally, Samiya mentioned that gendered racial
stereotypes about Black women have had positive and negative effects on her career. She said:
There’re some people, some smarter people, who still would have the stereotype that the
Black woman’s gone [sic] come in, clean it up, fix it up, make it better. And I think there
have been some people who thought maybe I was that person, the clean-up woman. . . .
Then, of course, they’re the people who think you can’t do it, so they don’t give you an
opportunity. You know, just, something about you that just isn’t a good fit. And they can’t
put their hand, their fingers on it. Well, the finger on it is you’re not willing to turn your
operation over to a Black woman for whatever reason. . . . I have certainly been in
situations where I thought if I were not who I am, my qualifications would have carried
the day, and sometimes they don’t.
Equally, Samiya shared her belief that the obstacles Black women must overcome also contribute
to their promotion and career advancement. She explained:
I think there’re some people who say, “If she was able to do this, this, and this, and also
be Black, she really must be about something.” I think there’re some people who actually

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can do that calculus. Who can say, “She was able to do this, and she was able to do that.
She was able to get this degree.” People who know that there have been barriers, and
therefore, they’re saying this person could really be effective. There’re also people who
say you only got those things because somebody handed them to you: affirmative action.
But the smarter people in leadership say, “If you were able to be in these places doing
these things, you must be able to do what I need done,” and I’ve been lucky enough to
find those people, and they found me.
Khari, however, regarded stereotypes about Black women as a double-edged sword. In
sharing a story regarding the strong Black woman stereotype, Khari acknowledged using the
stereotype to her benefit but stated she has also considered its drawbacks. She recalled:
I was supervising a [field] intern . . . and I can’t even remember what we were having a
conversation about, but it came up that he said, “You know, you’re much nicer and kind
of supportive than I thought. And I said, “What do you mean?” And he goes, “I don’t
know. You just seem so intimidating, so I was kind of worried about picking you as a
supervisor because I was really intimidated by you, but I wanted to push myself. So, I
did. But now we’ve been having these supervision sessions, you’re not intimidating at all,
and you’re not as tough as I thought you were going to be. But you’re more on the
supportive side of things.”
Khari stated that she did not push him to elaborate on his comment because of their power
imbalance. She continued:
But I do think there’s this stereotype of Black women being harsh and tough and sharp. . .
and there’s this sense of people being intimidated by the strong Black woman kind of
thing. Sometimes, I’ve used it to my advantage, but other times, I just wonder how it’s

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impacted potential relationships cause people automatically think whatever the stereotype
is of a strong Black woman.
Furthermore, Khari believed there have been questions about her skills and ability to lead on the
opposite side of the strong Black woman stereotype.
I think that, at times, people have underestimated my readiness. And sometimes, I’ve
underestimated my readiness. So, I feel like I have to be completely prepared before I
would do something. Where other people just say, “Well, I deserve it. I’m just gonna
jump in there.”
Sub-theme 3: Lack of Role Models
Because of her matriculation at an HBCU as an undergraduate student, Amari was the
only participant who observed and encountered Black women in leadership positions throughout
her time in higher education. Regarding her experience, she said:
I’ve been very, very fortunate in that respect because I went to an HBCU, so I saw lots of
Black women and leaders. At one point, I think, during my time at [the HBCU], [a Black
female leader] had risen up through the ranks and was interim president, and I think, at
one point not very long after, she did get to that rank. So, we had vice presidents at [the
HBCU] who were women. We had deans who were women, associate deans, chair
people, and faculty at the highest rank. I was very fortunate to see that as an
undergraduate.
I didn’t see it as much as a master’s student, except for the diversity vice president
when I was at [a PWI]. And then I can’t recall if there was anybody. I don’t remember
any Black women from my doctorate at [a PWI]. But then I went back to [an HBCU]

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from my career, and the dean that hired me was a Black woman, and there was a provost
who was a Black woman. So, at HBCUs, there were always role models in that respect.
Nia’s, Samiya’s, and Khari’s experiences differed from Amari’s. Because of their
matriculation at PWIs, the time of their undergraduate enrollment, or their field of study, they did
not encounter Black female role models. Nia attributed the absence of Black female role models
in her higher education experiences to her major. She acknowledged there were few women and
no Black people in her field of study and very few Black people at the PWI she attended. She
said of her experience, “I was the first.” She commented that there was still an absence of Black
women in her program by the time she completed her doctorate.
Samiya recalled, “There weren’t very many Black women in front of me.” Her
commitment to assisting Black women in higher education is because of the lack of Black
women in her experiences. She stated, “I always make time because nobody, I’m not gone [sic]
sound like an orphan and say nobody made time for me. There was nobody to make time for
me.”
Having lived in predominantly White areas, Khari said her enrollment and career in
higher education mirrored her lived experience. She shared:
I was always in a minority status. Was oftentimes, no matter what I was doing, playing a
sport, being in a room of people, or being in a graduate program where I was like the only
one of maybe two, or the only one. It wasn’t until my doctoral program that I had a
professor who was Black, and so just not a lot of role models and just feelings of being
the only one, and that being lonely and hard at times as well as feeling stigmatized or
tokenized. So, it’s definitely a harder road, I think, for those of us who are from groups
where it’s not as common that you’re there, period, but in a leadership role, that being a

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rarity—although I think it’s changing a little bit—but being a rarity is something that is
hard. It’s a hard existence in that way.
In response to Khari stating she did not have a Black professor until her doctoral studies, she was
asked if she encountered Black women as faculty or administrators once she became a
professional in academia. She responded, “No, no. Not just Black, but hardly any minorities
from any group. It was few and far between. Now, of course, I found those people, and that was
helpful, and we kind of bounded together. But no.”
Khari recalled her first Cabinet meeting at a large state PWI. In her narration, she spoke
of walking into the conference room and seeing pictures of former presidents on the walls. Khari
shared how she felt sitting under the gaze of the presidents in those pictures:
It just rendered me mute. And I’m sitting there. I can’t talk. I can’t say anything. I can’t
even hear what’s going on cause I just feel oppressed by this realization of do I belong
here. . . . I mean, that was back in, 20 years ago, easy, and I still remember that feeling,
and how it rendered me feeling powerless and mute like I didn’t have a voice, and like I
didn’t belong, and how I had to push through that. And there wasn’t anyone I could talk
to about it. . . . I just had to work it out myself and be strong enough to believe that I did
belong there. . . . But that’s extra. Like that takes extra effort, that other people, I’m
assuming other people in the room were not having that same experience.
Role models are significant to the lived experiences of Black women in higher education
and higher education executive leadership. Amari spoke more positively of her lived experiences
in higher education than the other three participants because of her exposure to Black female
leaders, mentors, and role models. In comparison, Nia, Samiya, and Khari acknowledged that the

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absence of Black female role models affected their lived experiences, attitudes, and leadership
identities.
Sub-theme 4: The Effects of the Challenges
In the interviews, the participants, except Amari, were asked if they felt their lived
experiences as Black women contributed to their ability to overcome adversity. The question was
not posed to Amari since she did not believe her identity influenced the challenges she
encountered. Nia, Samiya, and Khari discussed how challenges influenced by gendered racial
stereotypes have affected their lived experiences and those of other Black women. Again, Nia
mentioned focusing on her performance as a strategy to overcome obstacles. As a result,
excellent performance became her coping device, which made her tough on herself but was
helpful in her career. Nia explained:
I’ve always felt like performance was the most important thing. So, I just tried to work
enough. I have now learned that we shouldn’t have to overcompensate and overwork. I
just learned that last week. . . . My mother used to say, “Do twice as much.” I don’t know
if I’ve done twice as much, but I’ve certainly tried to do it twice as good. You know, high
quality and stand out that way.
Nia also shared that she utilized her work ethic of excellence to contend with being excluded and
overlooked. She stated:
I think [my work ethic] became a survival mechanism. I think it did. It became a selfpreservation mechanism, too. Because you’re saying to yourself, “It doesn’t matter to me
if they’re not talking to me. It doesn’t matter if they didn’t invite me to the cocktail party.
You just have more time to do your work, [Nia]. Just be excellent. Just get your work
done.” And I think it became a good coping mechanism, that it was the right coping

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mechanism. I mean, I could have used a lot of coping mechanisms. So, I say to myself
choosing excellence was a good one.
Samiya and Khari had strong responses to the question. Samiya replied:
Absolutely! Because you get knocked down a lot. You say something in the room, and
nobody listens. Then, somebody else says it, and it’s the best idea ever. You go, “Wait a
minute. Didn’t I just say that?” Now you can spend time on that, or you can say, “Okay, I
[am gonna] have to come different next time with my idea,” or, “Next time I’m gone [sic]
be willing to say, ‘I think I just said that.’” You have to decide how you gone [sic] play
that . . . but you get knocked down a lot. You have people that have limited expectations,
lowered expectations of you. You get passed over for promotions and jobs, and so you
keep getting up. I think there’s something in the Black experience that is so resilient. You
just keep getting up until you don’t. And I think that’s a unique quality of particularly
Black women. We have to juggle all of these things in a society that basically has us at
the bottom of the totem pole. And we keep getting up.
Samiya also said of being a Black woman in higher education:
The politics of being a Black woman in higher education, I think, are grueling. I would
just say grueling because . . . somebody will assign motive to every decision you make.
Your only motive might be this is the best decision, but other people are going, “Umm
hmm. Yeah, she did that because. . . . You know if I had that. . . .” And then, everybody
can do your job. Because if you can do it, everybody can do it, so, “If I were doing it, I
would do A, B and C.” . . . There are challenges to your authority, challenges to your
ability, challenges to your collaboration, challenges to your decision-making. I’m not

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trying to make this all bad cause I’ve been doing it a long time, and it’s been some great
victories, but there are challenges. . . .
The challenge is navigating the politics, making sure you can bring other people
along, knowing when to hold’em and when to fold’em, and knowing when to push, cause
you gone be called aggressive if you do, and there’s some times that you must, and
knowing when you have to take a hit for the team, and it’s not even your fault. But it’s
better to take that hit so you can live to fight another day. . . . There are times when you
say, “I’m just gone [sic] have to bear this one.”
Khari’s response echoed similarities to Samiya’s reply:
I think it’s been a huge component. . . . I feel like I’ve had more situations where I had to
deal with feeling ashamed or shamed, rejected, oppressed, underestimated, all those kinds
of negative things. It’s different than if something’s just handed to you, and you walk in,
and everyone just thinks that you’re great because you are that person or whatever. So,
I’ve had to deal with those negative emotions a lot, so it’s not a new thing. It’s not a
shocking thing. I don’t like it. I’m not like, “I’m so glad that happened,” but it did make
me stronger and more tolerant of negative emotions. And I think more resilient. So that
when other things happen, you don’t just lose that resiliency because it’s a different
modality. You bring that same resiliency to that particular issue because you are
accustomed to being resilient. So, I think that’s been a huge advantage as a result of my
lived experiences. Again, it’s not a road that I would advocate for. It’s just the road that
you’re on, so you just have to do it. But I think it has made me a much more resilient
person.

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In response to being asked if there was anything important about her experience that the
interview did not cover, Nia commented on how Black women’s lived experiences have affected
how they lead. She said:
I think that it’s important for Black women to lead boldly and courageously, and that’s
my style. I think that we have to trust ourselves. I think that we’ve been put in these
positions to lead in the way in which we believe we should lead, not lead in the way in
which someone else believes we should lead. And I just think it’s absolutely critical that
we stay true to that. Regardless of what that means . . . and whatever the consequence.
We have to be able to be true to ourselves, and I think we have to own our greatness. I
was saying to a group last week that the research says that men lead with confidence and
women lead with competence. If we’re already competent, then we should be confident.
But I’ve met so many brilliant Black women, and fear, doubt, worry, all these
things have occupied a greater space in their minds and in their lives than they deserve to
occupy. I mean, if you’re confident, if you’re brilliant, if you work to learn and to be that
scholar, and you’ve worked to earn that role, I think you should lead boldly and
courageously. I think you owe it to yourself. And I think that’s what’s going to allow you
to be successful.
Khari pointed out that although she did experience challenges influenced by gendered-racial
stereotypes and bias, she did not feel those things impeded her advancement or promotion in
higher education leadership. She stated:
I did achieve some leadership roles pretty early in my career, so I don’t feel like it really
bogged me down necessarily. Psychologically, I think it has played a little bit of a role,
but when I look at my trajectory, I was the director of [a particular] center by the time I

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was 32 or 33. I was already in leadership roles by the time I was 36—I was on the
cabinet. It was definitely a trajectory that is even sooner than you would expect, so I
don’t think it really held me back.
It is evident from the data analysis that the four participants in this study had differing
lived experiences as Black women in higher education and higher education executive
leadership. All of the participants agreed that everyone encounters challenges in higher education
executive leadership, and their experiences were no exception. However, only three of the
participants acknowledged facing challenges influenced by gendered racial stereotypes. The
three participants agreed that they had been successful despite these challenges and that the
adversity they encountered had made them better, more resilient leaders.
Research Question 2: How Do Black Women in Higher Education Administration Navigate
Their Encounters with Gendered Racial Stereotypes and Barriers?
Research Question 2 investigated how the participants navigated their encounters with
gendered racial stereotypes and barriers. Additionally, the question explored how the participants
accessed the forms of capital of Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth (CCW) theory to
navigate those situations. All six categories of CCW emerged from the data analysis concerning
Research Question 2: (1) aspirational, (2) familial, (3) linguistic, (4) navigational, (5) resistant,
and (6) social (Yosso, 2005). Navigational capital was the only category in which two subthemes emerged: (4a) networks and relationships and (4b) speaking up and using their voices.
Yosso stated that the forms of capital were not mutually exclusive but built on one
another and often intersected and overlapped. The forms’ intersections presented challenges in
analyzing the data and categorizing the participants’ information or stories. Consequently, some
data could have been listed in multiple categories of CCW. In each category, at least two of the

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four participants indicated they had utilized that particular form of capital. The participants
offered detailed stories of how they used the capital. Table 3 provides additional background
information about the environments where participants developed their CCW.
Table 3
Participant Background Information
Background Nia Samiya Khari Amari
Education
Institution PWI PWI PWI HBCU
First-
Generation
Yes Yes Yes No
Family
Two Parents No Yes Yes Yes
Siblings No Yes Yes Yes
Married Yes Yes Partner Partner
Children Yes Yes No Yes
Social
Greek
Affiliation Yes Yes No Yes
Religious Yes Yes No Yes
Theme 4. Aspirational: Leadership Ambition Despite Opposition
Aspirational capital is the ability to aspire and believe for the future despite experienced
or perceived challenges (Yosso, 2005). In discussions with the participants, aspirational capital
was evident in conversations about why they pursued a higher education career and what has
motivated, encouraged, and inspired them. The participants acknowledged encountering
challenges related to their identities as Black women. However, they admitted that this would be
the case in any profession. Nevertheless, they each felt their positive experiences outweighed the
negative ones.
The participants provided different reasons for pursuing a career in higher education.
Even so, they shared common inspirational reasons for beginning and remaining in careers in

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higher education: to make a difference and to give back. Nina said she decided to pursue a career
in higher education because of her experiences as a student:
I thought it was a great opportunity to change the face of higher education and to make
sure that generations who came into the academy after me were well-prepared and
supported. I was the first, and then I had a chance to create and produce a lot of the firsts.
It is true. If you see it, you can be it. I think I live that mission. Surprisingly, there was
still a need to do that, even when I finished [college], and I finished my Ph.D. in 1993.
As she reflected on her career in higher education, Nina recalled what motivated her and how she
determined the length of her career in higher education:
I used to say that because I believe my work has been a calling, I wanted to be in higher
ed for 30 years. I would say, “I’m gonna be here for 30 years.” . . . I said, “I’m gonna be
here until I hear, ‘Well done, my good and faithful servant because I was called by God.”
So, I wanted to hear that. And I said, “But, I really hope I hear it right around 30 years. I
don’t want to do it longer than that, Lord.” And when I heard God say, “Well done, my
good and faithful servant,” I went, “I’m out!” I retired [at] 30 years. I think that I wanted
to hear well done, my good and faithful servant from God, but I also wanted to be able to
stand in the mirror every day and have [me] say to [me], “Well done!”
Samiya’s professional career began in corporate America. While collaborating with a
university on a project, she said she was asked about her career goals and whether she had
considered pursuing a career in higher education. Samiya said, “I had not. I did have my master’s
degree at the time, so because I was young and bored, I thought, ‘Why not?’ And one thing
literally led to another.” Regarding her aspirations and motivation, Samiya holds two
perspectives: helping people and giving back. Concerning helping people, she explained:

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I get to help people advance their careers. I get to hire people. I get to promote people. I
get to give people professional development opportunities. I get to speak. I get to inspire,
so there’s that side too. That doesn’t negate any of the challenges, but if there weren’t the
rewards, I wouldn’t be bothered with the challenges. I get to watch students go across the
stage. I get to have parents come up and tell me I’m so glad you’re here. I mean, there’s a
lot that I get out of it. I got to educate my own children, which was critical.
Samiya talked about how her connections and relationships within Black culture have served as
her source of inspiration and her motivation to give back:
I’m always aware of from whence I have come: [the area of town where I grew up]. I’m
dedicated to advancing leadership for people of color. I’m dedicated to all of our
students. I do want our students of color to do well. So, I think, from a cultural
perspective, if you know who you are and from where you have come, and you don’t
abandon that, it gives you strength; it gives you perspective. I’m a first-generation college
student, unlike my own children. And I know that leap trajectory, the leap that my family
has been able to make because me and my sisters were able to go to school. So, from a
cultural standpoint, I owe something back to the culture, to the people, to the ancestors. I
owe it. I’ll never be able to pay it. That’s part of what motivates you. All those people
behind you who couldn’t do what you did and are pushing you forward. I can’t say to
them, “I don’t feel like it. I don’t want to. It’s too hard.” I can’t. That’s just me, and the
notion of being part of a culture of survivors, resilient people, and people who’ve
suffered is ever present, and if I give that up, then I will have sold out.
Khari, like Samiya, did not envision a career in higher education. She said she did not
know what career options were available but realized she wanted to work with college students.

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I really like being a part of something kind of bigger than yourself. I love working with
young people and their enthusiasm. It feels like it’s the kind of job where you never know
what’s gonna happen day to day, and you’re doing something that’s really important and
life-changing and transformative for people.
Additionally, Khari described the rewarding part of being in her role and higher education:
I feel as though I sometimes played a small role, sometimes a big role in transforming a
student’s experience. I mean, there’s just nothing better than that. I can think of times that
happen all the time when a student contacts me a year later, five years later, or whatever
else, and they say something like, “You know, we were talking about XY and Z,” or
“You helped me with this,” or “You really listened to me about that, and it just totally
transformed who I am.” And I think it’s so amazing that I can be in a profession where
those kinds of things actually happen, and you have that kind of influence in supporting
another person. There’s just nothing better than that, and I wouldn’t have that, I don’t
think, if I didn’t work in higher education. So, I think it’s kind of cool.
Khari also reflected on the challenges of working in higher education. She admitted that the work
is not easy; however, she has found it rewarding:
Higher education is not for the faint at heart. Things happen all the time. You’ve got to
respond to them, and it’s a difficult time developmentally for young people. A lot of
tragic things can happen on a campus. . . . It can be hard work sometimes, but it’s
something that’s been enjoyable for me, which is why I’ve stayed as long as I have.
Unlike the other three participants, Amari said she wanted to be a teacher as a little girl.
However, she decided she did not like children and changed her mind as she grew older. Then,
during her undergraduate years, she decided she wanted to work in higher education.

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I fell in love with learning and the college environment. . . . I love teaching, and I fell in
love with the practice of [my college major]. And I said, “Man, it’d be great to teach
this.” I have a love for learning. I tend to be very inquisitive, and when you are a college
professor, you get to have a lifetime of learning and growing and extending knowledge,
but then sharing it with others.
Like Khari, Amari said that her motivation comes from the students and being able to have a
positive influence on their college experience. She also had a similar attitude regarding working
with faculty and staff:
I love this sector. I love those light bulb moments where students are discovering
themselves, and they discover something about themselves, or they’re wrestling with a
problem or concept, and they finally get it. I love seeing how they develop and go on to
get internships and decide, “Man, I hate this field,” and decide to do something else, or
[decide] “That was the best thing ever. I wanna make a lifetime doing this practice area.”
That’s the joy that I get from being in this space, but I get the same joy when faculty have
those discoveries. They’ve been working on a grant application, and they win it. They
earn their tenure; they get a book published. I love those moments. I love it when staff
help someone where they solve the problem they’ve been wrestling with. Those moments
of discovery and celebration or learning how to fail forward, what better environment to
do it in [than] in higher ed?
Each participant stated that her purpose for pursuing a career in higher education and
succeeding as an executive leader is her desire to be and make a difference. Notwithstanding
their experienced or perceived challenges, each participant felt she was where she was supposed
to be, doing what she was supposed to be doing. They each believed being a positive influence,

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giving back, and making a difference in the lives of others are worth persisting despite the
problems and challenges.
Theme 5. Familial: The Knowledge Nurtured by Family
Yosso (2005) explained that familial capital is cultural knowledge that is passed down
through family. When people of color utilize their familial capital, they rely on the knowledge
and wisdom that has been shared with them by their families (Martinez et al., 2017; Yosso,
2005). All four participants mentioned having strong support from their families and at least one
family member who has had the most significant influence on their career aspirations and
achievements and provided knowledge that has helped them navigate their careers in higher
education.
As the daughter of a single mother, Nina shared that her mother had the most positive
influence on her career aspirations:
My mother had the greatest influence on pushing me to think differently and pushing me
always to want to lead and do things that I haven’t seen others do and not be afraid.
Unfortunately, I lost my mother to cancer 25 years ago. Just before I was being
considered for an opportunity to move into what’s described as a leadership role, my
mother passed away. Every day, I still think I hear her saying something that she taught
me: how to avoid fear, doubt, and worry; believing in yourself; believing that through
hard work, you can achieve, and even if you haven’t done it before, doesn’t mean you
can’t learn how to do it, and not being afraid of something because it was hard. She was
that type of person. I think that I can honestly say my mother was a big influence on me.

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Nina mentioned that she grew up in a single-parent home because her parents were divorced,
resulting in her father’s absence. She considered herself fortunate to have a pastor who became a
father figure. She acknowledged the influence her pastor had in her life and her career:
I was reared in the Lutheran church, and I had a Caucasian pastor. As you can imagine,
we were one of the few African-American families in a Lutheran church at that time, but
I had a Caucasian pastor who was amazing to me. Cause I was reared by my parents’
divorce, he was like a dad. He was a very strong male figure.
Apart from her mother, Nina said that her husband and daughters have also influenced
her leadership career and achievements.
I think having a good, supportive, and loving husband has been great because I’ve had
the support that I’ve needed. I think that has influenced me because if you have the
support that you need, then you don’t have to say I’ve topped out at this position. So, I
was able to kind of complete Maslow’s hierarchy by becoming a president.
Nina stressed the importance of being a positive role model for her daughters. She said, “I think
that being a role model for my daughters and then for other women, young women, is definitely
a factor that’s influenced my leadership style and encouraged me to persist on those challenging
kind of days.”
Samiya mentioned that her older sister had the most influence on her career. Concerning
her relationship with her sister, she said:
My late sister led me to believe that if I wanted to do it, I could do it. That I should not
limit myself and that I was smart enough to do the things I wanted to do. She would tell
you that that was not what she was doing, and maybe it wasn’t. That’s just the way I
heard it. She was just being a sister, but she always was like, “Pick yourself up. Keep

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going. You can do this. You can get through this.” That confidence that you can come
through anything to have somebody older than you in front of you, “Say, oh, yeah, yeah,
you can do it,” I think allowed me to have the latitude to say, “I’ll try this,” and “I’ll try
that,” and “Let’s see what happens,” and “There’s no real failure. There’s only an
opportunity to learn.”
Khari shared several stories about her family’s support. She stated that her father, mother,
and brother have been key influencers in her leadership career and accomplishments. Khari
talked about how her brother convinced her she was ready for a leadership position when she
thought she was not. She said her brother asked her when she would become the director of [the
center where she worked]. She said her response was that she had to learn more about several
things, such as budgeting and finances, before becoming the director. Her brother responded:
Ugh, women. . . . My experience with women is that you all are much slower to decide
that you’re ready for something. Whereas men we just fake it. We don’t have to know
everything. We go forward, and we’ll pick it up. What I’ve noticed with my [female]
managers is that there’s such a thoughtfulness; there’s a focus on relationships. And
there’s this very deliberate, making sure you know everything that’s gonna happen. But
you all have so many more skills than we do. To be honest with you, my best managers
are women. Don’t wait. You’re ready enough. You’ll pick up the rest.
Khari recalled she left the conversation thinking her brother was crazy and questioning his
advice. She said after she thought about it, she realized he was right and came to the following
conclusion:
There’s no way I’m gonna know all the things I need to know. The most important thing
is, what are my basic leadership skills, and how can I apply [them] to this particular

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leadership opportunity? I’ll pick up the rest. That next year, I became the director, so it
sometimes takes people who know you and who are willing to say things to help you
along the way, and I’m happy to say I feel honored that I’ve had so many times when
that’s happened to me.
In addition, Khari shared how her parents’ lived experiences and their encouragement
and support shaped who she is and her career goals and aspirations:
My mom and dad were raised in the segregated South and experienced, of course,
horrible, stupid stuff. They’re very strong individuals and good parents, and they had a
road map for how they wanted us to develop as young people. They talked about it all the
time. They talked about racism. They talked about what we were going to encounter and
what we were going to expect. When I came home and said, “This kid did this,” or “This
person called me the N-word,” or “This teacher is,” I feel, “not giving me opportunities,”
they believed me, and when it was necessary, they acted upon it.
Khari described an incident that involved her physical education (PE) teacher during her eighthgrade year. As a sidebar to the story, Khari mentioned she was an exceptional basketball player
who went on to play collegiate basketball. She recalled what transpired between the PE teacher
and her and what happened when she told her mother:
I was very advanced in basketball by eighth grade, and [the PE teacher] felt as though I
was too good for the other players. The other players were intimidated, and that maybe I
should tone it down a little bit because the other players just weren’t as good or
something. So, I wasn’t gonna be able to play as much. I went home and told my mom
that, and she goes, “I will be at that school tomorrow.” And she was. She dressed that
lady down, up, and down. [The PE teacher] never gave me any trouble and did not try to

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stop me from doing anything after that. So, I knew my mom had my back, but I also
knew that it was important to stand up for yourself and stand up for your kids, and to do
what’s right, and not to let somebody put their crap on you and then be helpless about it.
Khari continued by acknowledging the benefits of coming from a two-parent, middle-class
household and discussed the effects this had on her self-esteem and self-confidence. She
concluded her story with the following reflection:
That’s the advantage, I think, of being in a household that was middle class. We had
resources. . . . I had a parent who wasn’t working 30 hours a day, so she could take time
away from work and go talk to [the PE teacher]. All those things, that foundation that
happened, and the comments my parents would say to me: “You’re smart. You’re gonna
do things. We have expectations that you’re gonna do things. You have talents.” All that
support went into my self-esteem, so I believe in myself, but I have to give props to my
parents because they’re the ones that made sure that we believed in ourselves and
believed in our talents. Then, it’s up to me as an adult to keep working on that
confidence, which is what I’ve always done. . . . People don’t all have that if they’re not
raised in certain ways.
During her interview, Amari spoke of her father often. Consistent with other stories in her
interview, she affirmed that he had the most influence on her professional life. Regarding her
father’s influence, she said:
Well, I think that my dad probably had the greatest impact on who I am as a professional.
His words of wisdom resonate with me all the time: “Life for me ain’t been no crystal.”
It’s like those things like, “If [at] first you don’t succeed, you [have] to try and try again.”
It’s all of those lessons: “Nobody wants to [see a] crybaby. You can’t drink water and cry

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at the same time, so if you know you’re going into a tough meeting, bring a glass of water
with you. Never let’em see you cry.” He taught me so many life lessons that he learned as
he navigated desegregation and fighting for rights, and this sense of pride in self that
helped me to navigate corporate America or education that just resonated. He said, “You
can be friends with them, but don’t trust’em. They got to earn your trust.” Just so many
life lessons.
Amari stated that her father instilled in her the importance of moving between cultures while
staying true to herself and knowing Black history. She stated because of her dad, she read
W.E.B. Dubois in high school. Whenever she had to do a book report or an assignment for
school, she said her dad had her choose Black people, such as Phyllis Wheatley and Alice
Walker, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, and George Washington Carver. She
explained:
That was my daddy. He was like, “Yeah, I moved into this school district because it’s
good, but in the house, we have an image of slaves, and we have the images of [Dr.] King
and Malcolm X. This is who we are.” When we were learning about the Revolutionary
War, Daddy was like, “You’re writing about Crispus Attucks.” I knew my history.
Each participant shared multiple stories of ways familial capital has influenced and
shaped her career and how she uses it and has used it to advance or overcome challenges. In
some instances, such as Nia wanting to be a role model for other women and her relationship
with her pastor, their use of familial capital overlapped with other forms of capital (e.g., resistant
and social.) This overlapping was a consistent finding throughout the study analysis.

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Theme 6. Linguistic: Learned Intellectual, Social, and Communication Skills
As a form of community cultural wealth (CCW), linguistic capital refers to the
intellectual and social skills learned through communication experience in multiple languages or
styles (Yosso, 2005). Three of the four participants in this study indicated utilizing linguistic
capital to help them mitigate conflict, negotiate circumstances, or cope with challenges: Khari,
Samiya, and Nia. The participants showed that they most often exercised linguistic capital when
they encountered microaggressions or gendered racial bias. In those instances, they were aware
of the microaggressions or racial bias directed at them, and they applied linguistic capital to
either defuse or cope with the situation.
Khari indicated that she used linguistic capital when she communicated with others. She
said, “I think of myself all the time as being bi-cultural.” Khari explained her communication
style is different when she is with her Black peers compared to when she is in predominately
White spaces:
In Black culture, there’s more of a tendency to be pretty straightforward. You say what
you think, and you don’t beat around the bush, and in White culture, it’s different. So,
you’re like, “Okay, what are you saying? Are you saying you want this, or you’re not
saying you want this?” So, I’m conscious of that, especially being in a predominantly
White arena, that I don’t just lead with my preferred mode because that would be
perceived potentially, negatively or harshly, or you know, “Whoa, I don’t know.” [Khari
threw her hands up to show an afraid or intimidated person’s reaction.] So, I try to figure
out the situation. If it’s a situation where I don’t need to upset the apple cart, [and] I’m
actually trying to build relationships, then I have softened, or I might say that in a

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different way than I would say it with a peer who I know is not gonna crumble cause I
said whatever.
Samiya shared that when conflict arises, particularly when she perceives it is a response
to her identity as a Black woman, her approach to alleviating the conflict is to focus on the
students. Regarding her methodology, Samiya said:
I come into every situation with the mission of advancing whatever it is we’re doing on
behalf of students, so we can gain common ground on that. Because if we’re not, then
you shouldn’t be in higher education. We can agree that everything that we do is on
behalf of students. How we get there, we can talk about. My overall strategy has been to
keep the focus on students and not to get in the weeds with the petty stuff: “How does
that help students? How does that help students succeed? Well, then, why are we talking
about it?”
Nia considered her ability to negotiate well and her commitment to excellence from
herself and others to be the catalysts of her success. She stated that negotiating was a necessary
practice she used in leadership. She said, “I think it’s important to know the art of negotiation.”
Throughout the interview, she emphasized her skills as a savvy negotiator. Of her negotiating
skills, she proclaimed, “I’m a shrewd negotiator, and I learned that from watching White males.
That’s what they do. They’re screwed negotiators, and I’m that way.” To further highlight her
negotiating abilities, Nia said:
You know you are your environment. I truly believe that. And people who are learning
and who are scholars, you really are your environment. And I’ve spent so much time with
Caucasian males because I’m in [a particular field of study]. There are some days when
I’m negotiating or when I’m making decisions, and my husband chuckles, and he says,

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“You’re out negotiating them because they think you’re a Black female.” He goes, “The
truth is, you’re a White male.” So, you know, I am a shrewd negotiator.
Nia also expressed having a high standard of excellence, and she conducts her interactions and
negotiations based on her expectations:
I expect excellent service, and when we don’t get it, I tell the vendors, “You’ve given me
horrible service. I expect better, and you can do better, and when you decide you want to
do better, then call us.” And I think they go, “Did she say that?” Then, it takes a few
minutes for them to realize that I’m not being unreasonable. I’m just expecting
excellence, and they usually do what we want.
Interestingly, two of the four participants—Nia and Samiya—utilized linguistic capital to
cope with challenges or stress they believed they encountered because of their identities as Black
women. Nia shared that she was often uninvited to parties, left out of social events, and excluded
from work-related events. She said she managed these acts of microaggression and
discrimination by employing humor:
I tend to use humor to process a lot of things. Finally, 20 years into my career, I honestly
learned what is meant by “sometimes you have to laugh to keep from crying.” I never
knew what that meant. I heard it a lot as a child and growing up, but you just don’t know
what some of these things mean until there’s maturity and there’s wisdom. So, I did. I
used to have to laugh to keep from crying.
Then, Nia recalled a story where she used humor to navigate a situation involving racial bias:
I started my career in [a particular U.S. state], and my department head did everything he
could to protect me from what he thought was racism and sexism or just being treated
differently. There would be some days when he would come in, and he’d say, “I know

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that person in the governor’s office. I saw that he refused to shake your hand. I’m so
sorry about that.”
I would just say, “He was afraid to shake my hand. He knows I’m [my school mascot]. I
have a stiff handshake. He was afraid.” Then, my department head and I would laugh it
off. So, humor became my friend and is my coping mechanism. It served me well.
When asked about the effects of stereotypes on her leadership, including her identity and
practices, Samiya said that being aware of stereotypes gave her an advantage and allowed her to
address the situation on her terms. She mentioned several strategies for dealing with encounters
with stereotypes or racial bias. Samiya stated:
I have an advantage as a leader. I know that there are other people holding these
stereotypes. They don’t even know sometimes that they’re holding the stereotypes, and so
I can get in front of it. I can use humor. I can use information. It’s kind of a Jiu-Jitsu kind
of thing where I know the game before you know it. I know where you’re going with it,
so we can either cut to the chase or we can just dance around it if that makes you feel
better.
Khari, Nia, and Samiya utilized their linguistic capital to communicate in multiple ways,
whether communicating with different audiences, negotiating strategically, or coping with
microaggressions or gendered racial bias. Each participant revealed that she employed linguistic
capital as a strategic maneuver. Interestingly, two of the three participants—Nia and Samiya—
mentioned using humor when facing discrimination, gendered racial bias, or microaggressions.
Theme 7. Navigational: The Skills Used to Navigate and Negotiate Within Academia
Navigational capital refers to the skills people of color use to move through institutions
not created for them (Yosso, 2005). Having a mentor or advocating for oneself are examples of

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navigational capital (Gamble & Turner, 2015; Yosso, 2005). The participants in this study
leveraged their navigational capital to build networks and connect with other Black women to
help them navigate, negotiate, and cope within higher education. Two sub-themes of
navigational capital emerged from the data analysis: networks and relationships and speaking up
and using their voices. Pursuant to Yosso’s (2005) assertion that the categories of CCW build on
and intersect with each other, certain occurrences identified as the participants’ use of
navigational capital can also be grouped as resistant and social.
Sub-theme 1. Networks and Relationships
Each participant acknowledged having had mentors and sponsors (discussed in Research
Question 1, Theme 2) who helped them learn, develop, and ascend throughout their careers in
higher education. Along with having mentors and sponsors, each participant mentioned having
developed a network of people they could turn to for assistance or advice or to help them process
or manage their experiences. Nina said she navigated challenges or obstacles using what she
called “relationship axiology” or “relationship management.” She stated:
I tend to build relationships with people, and I really work on doing that because you
never know when you’re gonna need someone to do something for you. So, I like to
always have relationships with them in advance. I like to be proactive. I’m also a person
who is very trustworthy, and I know how to be a good colleague. And whenever you’re a
good colleague and you’re pretty trustworthy, you tend to benefit because people will do
things for you. They’ll be willing to do things for you. I think they’ll be willing to speak
up for you; they’ll be willing to help you. So, those have been a lot of my strategies.
Nina also described the role she bears in relationships and why they are valuable to her:

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I also do a lot for people. I believe in the importance of paying it forward. I believe in the
importance of helping people. Because of that, plus my values and beliefs, I think I’ve
been fortunate to have some people return the favor, if you will.
Samiya said that her social networks and networks of support came from outside of
higher education. Of that experience, she said, “There wasn’t anybody. There haven’t been those
opportunities.” She mentioned that there were organizations she joined that gave her access to
other women of color, or, she said, “We kind of find each other.”
Like Samiya, Khari said she had to find people for her social networks. She stated: “Now,
of course, I found those people, and that was helpful, and we kind of bounded together.” Khari
noted that her networks have changed over the years, and now her mentors or support are all
Black presidents or Black people. She said when she has specific problems or questions, she will
“seek out the Caucus, the Black Caucus,” and feels “relatively comfortable doing that.”
In her interview, Amari also shared about the Black women who came alongside her and
provided support, mentoring, and coaching. She stated that these relationships have helped her
navigate her career and personal life. She used phrases such as “mentored-coached me,” “was
like a mom to me,” and “was like a big sister.” Amari described those experiences:
I have other mentors like [my mentor]. She was a professor at [my university], but she
was an adjunct, and I just stayed close to her, almost like a big sister. She walked
alongside me. As she progressed in her career, I would learn things from her and
periodically bounce ideas off her. [We didn’t] talk every day or anything like that, but
just kind of walk[ed] through life. And she allowed me to list her as a reference.
Then I have others like [another person], who was a single mom and was
amazing. Never been an educator. She’s always been a professional, and she has kind of

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mentored-coached me on work-life balance, work-life integration, how to be a single
mom, and what happens if you fall in love again and get remarried; how do you navigate
your name? And those sorts of things. I met her because [of a person], who was my
professor at [my HBCU], my [HBCU] mom, she took us to a conference in New York
City. At that event, she introduced me to [that woman], and I think I just latched on to
her. I don’t think I ever asked her formally, but I would let her know how I was doing,
and she would track where I was going. . . . She was almost like a cheerleader to some
extent, and as I was progressing, I would check in with her. Then I got into a rut in my
career, and I was feeling lost, and she was like, “Girl, do something different. What do
you really want to be?” And I’m like, “I don’t know! This sounds crazy, but I won’t be a
college president.” She said, “Be one! Stop crying about it, do something about it.” So,
she’s been kind of like a mentor-push coach.
Amari shared numerous stories about her network of supporters. She said of her experiences:
“As you can see, I had mentors who walked alongside me. I had coaches who literally instructed
me, and I’ve had sponsors who’ve opened doors for me.”
Sub-theme 2. Speaking Up and Using Their Voices
Another way the participants conveyed using navigational capital was by speaking up and
directly addressing conscious or unconscious bias or harmful or biased treatment of themselves
or others. Three participants—Samiya, Khari, and Amari—mentioned speaking up or using their
voices to navigate or challenge adverse situations. Samiya stated several times throughout the
interview that when she is in a room, she is the voice for the students and faculty who do not
have a voice or representation in the room. Samiya’s response to being asked how she navigates
resistance influenced by her identity, she replied:

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By asking the question, “If it wasn’t me asking this, would you have a different answer?”
Take me out of the equation, and if I was standing before you, a colleague, somebody
you went to school with, and I said, “This was important,” would you see it differently? I
don’t mind asking that question. Of course, the answer is always no. But you had to think
about it, and I have to accept that you don’t think that it would be different. I do. So, you
have to be willing to call people on their BS.
Khari acknowledged that her willingness to use her voice matured with time. She shared
three stories of finding her voice along the way. She stated that as a new president, she is more
confident and willing to speak up about unfair behaviors or practices. The first experience Khari
shared was about not using her voice and how that experience affected her. She described a
meeting she attended in her first administrative role at a large state PWI. She explained that the
conference room in which they were meeting had pictures of the former university presidents on
the wall. She recounted:
It was all these pictures of White men just looking down at me, and I remember going in
there, and I truly had this experience, even though it’s totally crazy, where I felt like they
were all just staring at me and literally looking down on me, and it just rendered me
mute. And I’m sitting there. I can’t talk. I can’t say anything. I can’t even hear what’s
going on cause I feel oppressed by this realization of, “Do I belong here?”
Khari went on to say that about three or four months later, the pictures were removed and
replaced by beautiful stained-glass windows that had been found in a basement on the campus.
Regarding this change, she said:
I do think somebody, and I wish it would have been me, but it wasn’t me, but somebody
said, “You know, we can’t have a conference room like this. This is not the statement we

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should be making.” That was back 20 years ago, easy, and I still remember that feeling,
and how it rendered me feeling powerless and mute, like I didn’t have a voice, and like I
didn’t belong, and how I had to push through that. And there wasn’t anyone I could talk
to about it like, “Hey, wow!” I just had to work it out myself and be strong enough to
believe that I did belong there, and it was important that I use my voice. But that’s extra.
That takes extra effort that other people, I’m assuming other people in the room, were not
having that same experience.
In a different situation, Khari said she was glad she was given the opportunity to speak up
because the situation could have affected her career. She shared a story of being hired to work in
a particular department of the PWI mentioned above. While working there, she learned that a
prominent, well-loved Black male professor had concerns that her sexual orientation would have
opposing effects on her relationships with the Black students. The professor spoke to the director
of the department about his concerns. Khari recalled what the professor said to the director:
I know you hired Khari as a [position title], and I’m sure you’re feeling good about the
fact that she’s Black and that you’re trying to bring Black [professionals] to the campus,
but those Black kids aren’t going to go talk to her because she’s gay.
Khari explained that what the professor said was untrue because the students were unaware of
her sexual orientation. She continued:
First of all, the students didn’t necessarily know that. I didn’t hide it or anything like that
cause I was way over that—hiding who I was. But it’s not like in a [type of] situation; it’s
not like my sexual orientation was part of the mix, even though there were things that I
did with the gay, lesbian population in terms of outreach and things like that. So, it could

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have been known, but it may be or may not. Those kids could care less. They wanted
help, and they saw me, and they’re like, “Can you help me?” And I’m like, “Yes, I can.”
Khari perceived that the professor’s bias reflected the time, the 1990s. Regarding his bias, she
said, “That kind of bias can be impactful on someone’s career.” She went on to say:
I’m glad that the director talked to me about it cause I was able to tell him, “Look at my
[work]. I have plenty of Black students [in my area]. Way more than anyone else because
they are doing exactly what you thought they would do. They’re seeking me out because
they wanna see a Black [professional]. So, you have nothing to worry about that. They’re
not concerned about that, and neither should you.”
Khari recalled that the director responded that he was not concerned about it but wanted her to
know that the professor had raised the concern.
Similarly, Khari described another situation where she used her voice and spoke up. The
incident happened with the Board of Trustees before she started her tenure as the president.
Khari mentioned that the Chairman of the Board approached her about a decision some of the
Board members had made. Khari explained that the members wanted to create an advisory group
of four or five Board members to “advise her on higher education trends and different things that
she should be thinking about and knowing.” She said:
So, here I am. I’ve been in higher education for 30 years at three different institutions,
and some Board member who is in business is going to advise me on higher education
trends. So, I asked the Board chair, “Well, when we had the last president,” who was a
White male, “Was there a small advisory committee that advised him?” And she said,
“No.” I said, “You want me to have one, though.” And she goes, “Well, I don’t want you

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to have one, and I knew this was going to be an issue because I didn’t think it was right
either. But they were just trying to be helpful.”
And I go, “I know that, but it does send a message, doesn’t it?” I said that to her
straight up. We had those kinds of conversations, but I appreciate it with her. I said, “You
know what this is about, right?” She goes, “Yeah, I know what this is about.” She goes,
“I should have never brought this to you.” I said, [Khari shakes her head yes as if to say,
“Correct.”]
Khari stated that as she has gained experience and confidence, she can now push back
when facing unfair or unsettling challenges or obstacles. She said:
I’m different than I was when I was 30 years old, so sometimes, not all the time, I can
come back with something like I did, which was: “Hell no, we’re not doing that. I don’t
need some businessman to tell me about trends in higher education, and I don’t need to
be in receivership or some oversight to run the campus. That’s my job, not the Board’s
job, and either you hired me to do that, and I’m ready to do that, or I’m not, and you
shouldn’t have hired me.” So, I’m more confident in that. . . . I’m more willing to speak
up.
Amari’s experiences with speaking up and using her voice have differed from Samiya’s
and Khari’s. She credited her ability to always speak up to knowing herself before she entered
college or her profession and having attended an HBCU. In the interview, Amari mentioned that
her father told her to “Never let’em see you cry.” Later in the interview, she shared about a time
when she did cry, and she was not happy about it. She said she cried in that situation, however,
because it was an expression of the pain she felt at that moment.

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Amari stated that the incident happened in a Cabinet meeting at the PWI where she
worked, and it was after George Floyd’s death. Amari explained:
When George Floyd died, honestly, when it happened, when he was murdered, I was like:
“It’s another day being Black in America. It’s just [expletive].” I went about my day. I
wasn’t thinking about it. I wasn’t gonna watch the video. It’s 2020. It’s COVID. Let’s get
these doors of the university open. So, I go to a meeting that Monday or Tuesday,
whatever it was, right after it happened. I was at [the university], and there’s three of us
who are Black on the Cabinet or senior leadership team. And the president was like, “I
think we need to have space to talk about, understand, and express how we feel. I think
we need to hear from the Black people on our team.”
Amari said her reaction to the statement was to make the what-the-[expletive] face. Then, she
demonstrated her expression. She recalled what happened next:
She’s like, “Who would like to go first?” Now there’s three of us: [names of the three
people]. I felt like we were on The Office. Like, “Did this just happen?” So, I was like,
“Okay.” And I told’em. Honestly, I was like, “It felt like another day of being Black in
America.” And I was like, “How do I [emphasis Amari’s] feel? Where were you when I
was shopping at Nordstrom’s, and the lady was following me around, and I was like, ‘I
wanna try on this St. John’s knit.’ And she’s like, ‘Well, we’re about to close. Are you
really gonna buy something?’ And then I said, ‘I just might.’ And then I took my damn
good time, and I paid her right with my debit card so that she knew that I had [expletive]
money in the bank.” I said, “But did anybody ask me how I felt that day? Did anybody
ask me how I felt about some other story?” I said, “No one asked me how [it feels] to be

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Black in America when I go shopping, so why are you asking me now that another Black
man is dead? As if he’s the first.”
Amari continued: “Now that was the one day that I did cry in public, and I was pissed,
and I told them that I was pissed. I said, ‘I don’t want y’all to see my pain.’” Amari stated that
regardless of how upset she was, what she said needed to be said. She said she went on to say,
“My pain is not George Floyd. My pain is having to walk through this world being Black in
America.”
Amari mentioned that while she is not typically bothered by bias or stereotypes, she does
not tolerate racism and will address it immediately. She shared another story regarding her
engagement with her state’s Lieutenant Governor. Amari commented that her state has one of the
highest Black populations in the United States. She explained that the Lieutenant Governor was
responsible for travel and tourism in the state and was visiting a majority-Black city to promote
his campaign to travel to the state. His promotion included an advertising video campaign for the
state. Amari said:
That ad had no Black people in it except for some people working at a restaurant serving
you. So, I went up to the Lieutenant Governor, and I was like, “I’m so glad you came and
showed us this new advertising campaign. It seems like there’s a lot of places in the state
that, as a newcomer, I would like to go and visit, but the ad had no interest in me coming
to visit because the only image [of a Black person] is the image of a Black person who’s
a servant, and that reflects back to slavery. Because that’s what a lot of stereotypes are.
All we can do is serve, dance, and entertain.” And he looked at me like [makes a facial
expression of shock]. But I’ll call it out when I see it.

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Each participant revealed using her navigational capital to navigate, negotiate, and move
through the higher education systems and to address issues and concerns. In the interview, they
acknowledged having formal and informal mentors and sponsors who helped them navigate their
challenges and obstacles and supported and encouraged them. The participants expressed the
value of social networks and connections in their careers, even if they did not have them. They
also identified the importance of speaking up and using their voices to address issues and
concerns. Aside from this, the two sub-themes of navigational capital—networks and
relationships and speaking up and using their voices—could be regarded as other forms of CCW,
such as resistant and social capital.
Theme 8. Resistant: The Knowledge and Skills Nurtured by Oppositional Behavior That
Confronts and Opposes Inequality
Resistant capital refers to the knowledge and skills cultivated by oppositional behavior
and used to oppose injustices and systemic inequities (Jaumot-Pascual, 2021; Yosso, 2005).
Additionally, Yosso (2005) stated that preserving and passing on the various forms of
community cultural wealth is a part of resistant capital. Similar to navigational capital, the
participants utilized their resistant capital in several ways. They used their voices and their
positions to oppose challenges and injustices. Each participant indicated the importance of giving
back, mentoring, or encouraging others. Additionally, the participants acknowledged using
themselves as a model of resistant capital.
In opposing injustices or systemic inequities, Samiya and Amari provided multiple
examples of confronting challenges and overcoming adversity. Both women showed confidence
in their ability to do so. Samiya discussed several instances in which she had to manage

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challenges or resistance she felt existed because of her identity as a Black woman. In response to
how she approaches bias influenced by stereotypes, Samiya said:
I know that [they] feel this way about me. I’m not changing. This is who I am. I bring this
into every room. So, let’s put it out here on the table. You got a problem with it. Tell me.
And it really can disarm people when you say to them, “Well, would you have said that
to somebody else?” “Well, of course, I would’ve.” “Really? Cause I heard that the last
person that had this job and did the same thing, you didn’t say that to them. So, what has
changed?” And I’ll go that far. But you have to earn the right to say that, and you gotta be
ready to quit when you ready to go that far. I wouldn’t recommend that as a strategy on
the way up.
Throughout her interview, Samiya referenced herself as a conduit used for the benefit of
others. She identified this as the reason she continues to challenge systems and beliefs. In
response to a question about how her identity as a Black woman has helped her in her career, she
said:
I know that if I’m able to succeed, I can help a lot of other people. And, knowing that
identity is so deeply rooted, I bring it into every room. If you don’t want me in the room,
don’t ask me to come in the room. I’m okay with that. But if I’m in the room, I’m gonna
protect. I’m gonna speak out. I’m gonna pick my battles, but I’m gonna make sure that
you know that there’s a different voice and a different perspective in the room. And, it
has helped me because I feel like, if you want me in this room, you gotta hear me out.
That gives me a confidence that I’m gonna say what I have to say. You don’t have to like
it.

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Now, it does help to have tenure in all these places cause then you can go, “Well,
you didn’t like it. I’ll just go back to the classroom.” So, it does help to know that you got
a fallback position. But I’m always gonna be honest with you about what I think the
institution is doing well, what I think it’s doing poorly, how I think it can do better, and
how I can help. I’m not just here to tell you got issues. I’m here to try to help you resolve
them, not just because it’s the right thing to do, cause it is, but because it makes you a
better institution. It makes you a better institution when all your students can succeed,
when all of them feel welcome, when all of them can learn together. That is the message
I’ve been selling for 35 years.
When Samiya was asked about the strategies she uses to choose her battles, she again discussed
doing so for the benefit of others and using herself as the instrument to fight on their behalf. She
stated:
I’m a Trekkie. At one point, Spock said right before he died, and then he didn’t die, “The
good of the many outweighs the good of the few or the one.” If I’m in a room, and I’m
gone pick a fight, and I’m gone be the victor, and nobody else gets anything out of it, I’m
not picking that fight. You wanna be mad with me. You wanna decide you feel a certain
way about me. You go right ahead, but if there’s some students standing behind me or
some faculty members who need for me to make this statement because I’m in the room
and they’re not, then that’s the battle I’m gone choose.
Samiya then recalled receiving a letter from the Black faculty after George Floyd was killed. She
mentioned that the letter spoke to the Black faculty’s issues with the university: where they were
short, what they weren’t doing, etc. Samiya said of receiving the letter:

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Even though it was a critical letter, I told’em I was honored to get it. They trusted me
with this, and I said, “We’re gonna change. We’re gonna change, or I’ma die trying.”
And that helped us formulate a number of initiatives and things.
In response to being asked how she navigates resistance influenced by her identity,
Samiya’s complete reply, “If it wasn’t me asking this, would you have a different answer,” is
noted in the discussion for navigational capital. Equally, concerning that response and her
method of exercising resistant capital, Samiya also said:
At some point, do you go around [in] circles? You got somebody who’s 80 years old,
who just not gone change. They believe what they gone believe. That’s not a battle worth
fighting for me. You don’t believe in affirmative action. You don’t believe women ought
to be in education, whatever. I have to let you have that. So, there are times when I have
to step aside and say, “Look. I’m not fighting that one. We’re not gone win that one. Let
that person go. Let’s build up on the other end with people who are more open-minded.”
They don’t have to agree with me, but people who are open to change.
While the other three participants acknowledged facing challenges or obstacles because
of their identities as Black women, Amari said that was not her experience. She explained:
I show up with my whole self, and if I’m not wanted in the room, either I demand that
I’m going to stay in the room and make sure you know I’m there, or I decide I don’t want
to be in that space because it’s toxic. And I don’t relinquish my power to other people.
Amari admitted that there were times when she was ignored or disrespected. Of those instances,
she asserted, “I don’t let people get away with things, but I do it in a disarming way.” To
illustrate her point, she gave an example of being ignored at an event until the person who
invited her, the association’s president, arrived. Amari said:

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Then [he] arrives, and everyone who was shunning me all of a sudden was like, “Oh.
You’re with [him]! You’re so wonderful! Now, what’s your name? I’m like, “Yeah, it’s
nice that you finally wanna talk to me.” I’ll throw it back at them in a nice way. People
say that I have a nice, nasty way. They say I’ll smile at them, and then they walk away
like, “I think I just got cussed out with a smile.”
In another story, Amari stated that she had just started in a leadership position at a
prestigious PWI, and she was invited to a gala in New York. She said that one of the university’s
prominent alums, a White male, was also attending the gala and had offered to introduce her to
several members of his network. Amari recalled having relaxed hair (chemically straightened)
when meeting him, but she decided to wear her hair in its natural form sometime later. Amari
said she did a big chop (a process in which Black women cut off their relaxed hair to reveal their
naturally curly, coily, or kinky hair). She stated that when she arrived and met the alum, he was
stunned by her appearance. She recalled:
I’m like, “Hey. So excited to get to see you.” He was like, “What? What did you do? You
did something different to your hair.” I said, “Yeah.” That man ran away from me the
whole night. So, I caught up with him a little while later. I was like, “It’s a shame that we
didn’t get to really talk. I met some lovely people.” Then, I named all the people that I
interacted with. They were all people who outranked him. I met them on my own. I told
him, “It’s unfortunate that I didn’t get to meet your network, but I think I did well
without you.” He’s like, “Oh, good, good! It was just so crowded.” I’m like, “Yeah. It’s
like that.” But I wanted him to know, “I don’t need you!”
The four participants said giving back, mentoring, and encouraging the next generation of
Black female leaders was important to them. Nia and Samiya mentioned that a benefit of their

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leadership positions was that they could hire other Black women for positions in higher
education. Nia said, “I was the first, and then I had a chance to create and produce a lot of the
firsts.” Samiya stated:
I get to choose. I get to actually hire some people now. So, I do encounter women, Black
women, and I’ve been able to make some hires. They were the best person for the job, but
I did have the opportunity to make that hire.
Samiya was asked what she would say to a young Black woman who told her of her
career aspirations in higher education. She said:
Talk to women. Talk to people who’ve had the lived experience, and I can help you
navigate away from some of those minefields, those bomblets coming at you. I mean,
there are so many ways to get hurt. Get yourself a cabinet. Get yourself people who you
can count on, who you can trust, and have conversations with them that I wasn’t able to
have. Some of the stuff that I bore, I probably didn’t have to. But I didn’t have anywhere
to go. Now, there are enough of us, it ain’t a lot of us, but there are enough of us, and I
don’t know any of us who would say no to somebody like you, who’s doing research, or
who had a question, or who was looking for a mentor. Of all the things I have to do, and
my portfolio is out of control, I always make time. . . . I will make time because if I do
nothing else, the most important thing for me to do is to encourage that next person. You
can do it. You can do it better. You can do it longer. You can avoid my mistakes. You’ll
make your own, but you can avoid mine. But you need to talk to me to know what those
are.

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Samiya’s sentiments in that statement were consistent throughout the interview. She indicated
that the impetus of her career has been to be an advocate for and an influence on others. When
Khari was asked a similar question, she responded:
Do it. We need them. We have these incredible lived experiences that build us up in a
way that I think is exactly what higher education needs, so I’m always very interested in
trying to support Black women because I do think we are uniquely kind of situated to be
good, higher education leaders. I also would say know yourself really well. Be willing to
take a deep look at who you are, what your values are, and work to make sure that that’s
clear in your mind so that someone else can’t tell you what it is, and cultivate good role
models and relationships so that you can count on people to help you along the journey
because it’s bumpy along the road. But I feel confident that Black women are uniquely, I
think, situated to be great leaders in higher education, and we need them.
Amari revealed that she uses resistant capital by choosing where she works. Regarding
the rewards of a higher-education career, Amari wanted to explain why she decided to return and
work at an HBCU. Amari said:
It’s not about being [a] Black female as much as it’s [about] being Black. I worked 16
years at [an HBCU], four years at [PWI], and four years at [another PWI]. I was invited
to apply for other presidencies and other provost jobs. And I [thought], “These White
people don’t need me. I need to help my people. I need to create spaces where Black kids
are truly wanted and valued. And higher ed, it ain’t here. Ain’t at [my former PWI]. Ain’t
at [the other former PWI]. It’s not at [the PWI that offered me a position]. It’s not at any
of these places and spaces.

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If I’m going to work day in and day out and give up part of my identity so that my
name is Madam President, then it’s going to be for my people.” And not that Black kids
who go to white schools don’t need Black role models. They do. It’s not that White kids
don’t need to see Black people in management positions because they do . . . but I was
like, “If I’m gonna work my little self to the bone, it’s going to be to uplift Black people
and people who want to be around Black people. Because our institutions need the best
and the brightest, and I very well could probably make a hell of a lot more money
working at one of these PWIs, but it’s not about the money. It’s about the students. It’s
about the environment of being nurtured and developed and that our institutions are just
as valuable as the Yeshivas, the Brigham Youngs, and the Notre Dames. Our schools are
just as valuable, and I want them to be strong.
Along with the ways mentioned, resistant capital is also evident in the knowledge and
skills learned or taught to help one navigate an oppressive or hostile environment (JaumotPascual, 2021; Yosso, 2005). Samiya shared that her family instilled her resistance capital. She
recalled that her family did not “make being Black a burden,” so she did not. For her family,
being Black was their way of life. She said, “I’ve been supported all along by a community, a
family, a nuclear family of people who say, ‘Yeah, we don’t get the best breaks, but we’re gonna
make the best of the breaks we get.’”
Khari’s narratives revealed that her resistant capital was developed from her lived
experiences as a Black woman. She shared that she has dealt with countless negative emotions
throughout her career. Khari said of those experiences:
[They] make me stronger and more tolerant of negative emotions, and I think more
resilient. So that when other things happen, you don’t just lose that resiliency because it’s

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a different modality. You bring that same resiliency to that particular issue because you
are accustomed to being resilient. So, I think that that’s been a huge advantage as a result
of my lived experiences. It’s not a road that I would advocate for. It’s the road that you’re
on, so you just have to do it. But I think it has made me a much more resilient person.
Samiya, Khari, and Amari each expressed using their resistant capital to counter
challenges and injustices and gendered racial bias. Samiya noted using her resistant capital to
protect and serve marginalized voices in when she is in a room. Additionally, each participant
said that participating in this research study was her way of giving back and encouraging the next
generation of Black female educators. They affirmed the importance of the research and offered
to share their resistant capital for future efforts such as coaching, mentoring, and support.
Theme 9. Social: The Network of Friends and Community Resources
Social capital refers to the peer and community networks that provide the caring and
emotional support needed to navigate within societal institutions (Yosso, 2005). These networks
usually include friends, faith-based or religious communities, Greek affiliations, or professional
associations. Moreover, the networks of people relied on for navigational capital can overlap
with social capital networks. The participants in this study mentioned that the benefits of their
social capital came through relationships with close friends and social groups.
Nia and Samiya mentioned having close friends who have encouraged and supported
them. Nia identified several social networks that have provided such support. She said: “I’ve
gotten support from my major professor. I have different mentors. I have outstanding friends. I
have two or three just absolute, great friends, and I’ve gotten support from all those places.” Nia
also stated that her pastor was there for and supported her growing up. Additionally, Nia
identified God as her most significant influence.

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I think my greatest, I don’t know, source of strength, influence, etc., etc., has been God.
It’s been my faith, my active faith. Today, I’m fasting and praying because I’m trying to
decide if, there’s an opportunity that has presented itself, and I want to know if it’s the
right one for me. I like to have God’s guidance.
Samiya mentioned having close friends and communal ties that constitute much of her
social capital. She said:
I’ve got some good friends. I would call it a network of women: one, I went to
elementary school with, my best friend I went to high school with, and my dearest friend
I went to college with. I have been able to have long-standing relationships with members
of my community, my tribe, and they’re still there. I am fortunate that all these people are
still here, and they’re not in higher ed . . . and they help me have that sounding board…. I
am totally free with them. To have that cabinet, that personal cabinet, and they’re all
Black women, and they’ve helped me. They’ve always been supportive, too. . . . So, to
have people who you know will be there for you no matter what you’re doing has been
important.
Three of the four participants—Nia, Samiya, and Khari—mentioned not receiving social
support from people or networks in higher education. Samiya and Khari voiced the same feelings
regarding those networks: “There wasn’t anybody.” Nia recalled being excluded often (e.g., no
one talking to her or not being invited to a party). When discussing how she felt when she was
left out, Nia said she created her own groups or social networks. She said:
I told myself, “If I’m not invited to hang out with them, I’ll create my own group.” I
chartered a graduate sorority at [the first university where I worked]. I started a gourmet

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dinner crew . . . and a wine bunch. Just different things to create my own social network,
to meet my own social needs.
Khari’s community and social connections were different, especially early in her career. She
mentioned that much of her support came from the lesbian community. She shared:
I felt a disconnect from the Black community at large because of the opinions about
being Black and being gay, especially back then. So, in my twenties and thirties, when I
thought of community, I didn’t necessarily think of the Black community because I didn’t
think I would be accepted, so I probably thought more of the Lesbian community, which
was predominantly, almost 100% White. There was a lot of connection and support there.
As I got older and began to spend more time working on my own racial identity, that has
changed.
Amari did not talk much about her social community in terms of social capital. She
mostly shared about her dad and the coaches, mentors, and sponsors she had in relation to
familial and navigational capital. However, she shared that she learned to maneuver the social
aspects of her life and career from growing up in a predominately White environment and
attending an HBCU as an undergraduate. Amari said of growing up in a majority White
environment:
The beauty, I think, of having grown up in a White space and then going to an HBCU is
that I already knew how to navigate and was comfortable with White people. Some of my
friends who had gone to HBCUs and then went straight from an HBCU to corporate
America or into a predominantly White graduate school struggled in a lot of ways
because they were out of a cocoon and had never been forced into a space where they had
been othered. But I had been there, done that, and was over it, and I knew more about

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myself than I ever knew before, so by the time I became a professional, those issues were
not really a thing. I think that was growth and maturity.
Amari expressed that many of the things she believed Black people experience when they
get to corporate America or in White environments and must learn to navigate, she had already
experienced as a child and teenager. She had learned how to steer and navigate those
conversations. For her, the social institutions that she was a part of were the instruments that
helped develop her social capital. Amari said:
When I entered this cocoon of [my HBCU], I became, “You couldn’t tell me jack!” I
[was] like, “I am young, gifted, Black, and empowered, and I’ve already dealt with these
White people.” I could put on my Valley Girl accent, and now I know some Tony, Toni,
Tone. I knew more about my own culture as a place of being centered versus being
othered. Because when I was growing up, it was other. I was always oscillating between
these cultures. I go to church with my friends; I’m in White world. Go to church with my
dad and my mom; I’m in Black world. I go to a concert with my friends; I’m in White
world. I go to a concert with my dad; I’m in Black world. It was always this back and
forth, back and forth, back and forth. And then, in college, it was the first time where I
wasn’t pretty for a Black girl. I was pretty. I wasn’t smart for a Black girl. I was just
smart. And it was that cocooning that I had that I knew that my attributes were not
because of my race or my gender. It’s just because of who I am. And I knew that if I was
top in my class among them little White kids, and I’m top of my class at [an HBCU],
Guess what? I’m just damn smart.
Amari also stated that because she grew up in various multicultural environments, her
leadership style and identity are a combination of those communities. She explained:

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I’m very collectivist . . . if you look at Hofstede’s dimensions, you could say I’m much
more Asian-Afrocentric because of my sense of others and wanting to uplift the
collective. But when you look at my level of competitiveness and wanting things to be
done timely and punctually, I don’t look at time as relative but time as exact. Well, that’s
much more Caucasian-European on Hofstede’s dimensions or more masculine. . . . I
think that people who are women will say that I have much more male tendencies as a
leader, and men will say I have much more feminine tendencies than they would expect
as a leader. So, I think I’m a mishmash of so many things, but I think it’s more of my
socialization. . . . I’ll use very Caucasian-oriented examples, and I will draw from some
very deep Afrocentric examples. And when I’m in spaces, whatever is appropriate is
what I’ll draw from that says what I want to say.
The participants used their social capital to find or create social and structural support.
Likewise, as with other forms of capital, they used social capital to help them deal with the
adversity or challenges they encountered. Moreover, each acknowledged how valuable their
support systems and social environments have been to their careers.
Summary of Findings
The purpose of this study was to explore the influence of gendered racial stereotypes on
the barriers encountered by Black women in attaining and advancing in executive leadership
positions in higher education institutions and the strategies Black women have employed to
overcome those challenges. The findings suggest that gendered racial stereotypes and bias affect
Black women’s lived experiences in higher education and higher education executive leadership.
In addition, the findings show that Black women in higher education administration do not have
the same lived experiences. However, further analysis revealed that the participants fully

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understood how the intersection of their identities has shaped their lived experiences in higher
education and higher education executive leadership. Despite enduring challenges influenced by
their identities, the participants attributed much of their success and resolve to their identities and
lived experiences as Black women.
Additionally, the data analysis revealed that the participants utilized the six categories of
Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth (CCW) to navigate their experiences with gendered
racial stereotypes and challenges. The findings align with Yosso’s claim that CCW’s forms of
capital build on one another, as the findings regarding CCW could have fit into multiple
categories. The participants shared detailed stories about their lived experiences from childhood
through their careers in higher education administration and how those experiences helped
develop and contribute to their applications of CCW. Furthermore, the findings suggest that
Black women’s identities, values and beliefs, resiliency, and motivation are best developed and
nurtured in community and relationships. Chapter 5 will discuss the findings from Chapter 4 and
present evidence-based recommendations for practice built on those findings. Moreover, the
chapter will provide recommendations for future research, and discuss how the study addresses
equity.

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Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations
This study has examined how gendered racial stereotypes contribute to the barriers faced
by Black women in reaching executive leadership positions in academia, resulting in their
underrepresentation in the field. Previous research has proven that gendered racial stereotypes
have negatively affected Black women’s leadership experiences and practices in higher
education (Erskine et al., 2021; Lewis et al., 2016; Lewis-Strickland, 2021; Townsend, 2021;
Walkington, 2017). The major themes revealed in Chapter 4 support the findings of those
studies. Chapter 5 discusses the study’s two major themes and three sub-themes and provides
three recommendations for practice based on those findings, supported by existing literature. The
Recommendations for Practice section is followed by a discussion of the study’s limitations and
delimitations. The following section presents recommendations for future research. The chapter
ends with a discussion of the implications of equity and a conclusion.
Discussion of Findings
This section discusses the findings as they relate to the themes identified in Chapter 4.
The findings are discussed in two sections: Research Question 1 – intersectionality’s effects on
experiences, and Research Question 2 – activating community cultural wealth. Research
Question 1’s findings are discussed in three sub-sections: embracing their identities, the effects
of a sponsor, and navigating challenges in higher education administration. Research Question
2’s findings are discussed collectively.
Research Question 1: Intersectionality’s Effects on Experiences
The aim of Research Question 1 was to examine how Black women in academia
understood the effects of gendered racial stereotypes on their lived experiences in achieving
executive leadership positions. While only two of the four participants explicitly discussed

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experiencing gendered racial stereotypes, all of the participant’s conversations demonstrated they
had a clear understanding of how their identities as Black women have shaped their experiences.
The participants revealed that three key factors influenced their experiences in higher education
administration as Black women: embracing their identities, having a sponsor, and navigating the
challenges they encountered.
Embracing Their Identities
Every participant affirmed that being a Black woman was who she was and was confident
in her identity. They emphasized that they could not escape or hide their identity, nor did they
want to. The participants regarded their identity as an advantage and, in some instances, a
vantage, and acknowledged that their experiences as Black women inspired their leadership
aspirations in higher education. Moreover, the participants highlighted occurrences where they
were encouraged or allowed to be their authentic selves in their experiences. These experiences
proved to be pivotal moments in the participants’ careers. Two participants expressed leaving
institutions that did not allow them to be their authentic selves.
The participants’ responses regarding the benefits of their identities to their careers and
the advice they received to be themselves or that they were allowed to be themselves differ from
previous research. In their study, McCluney and Rabelo (2019) asserted that Black women
achieve more success when they assimilate to the majority cultural norms. Similarly, Bensimon
& Associates (2022) reported that the participants in their study believed they had to “present
[W]hite” and “fit into the [W]hite expectation” (p. 16) to show search committees and decision
makers they are assimilated and qualified for the position. For the participants in Bensimon &
Associates’ research, this meant sounding White, behaving and dressing a certain way, and

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internalizing the White male archetype. In addition to these arguments, Leicht et al. (2017)
recommended that women of color emulate male leadership behaviors.
Having a Sponsor
Another important finding of this research study was that all of the participants had a
sponsor or sponsors who recognized their potential as leaders and advocated for, supported, and
encouraged them during their advancement in higher education administration. The participants
showed deep appreciation for the sponsorship and support they received. All but one of the
participants had White male sponsors. Two participants mentioned that the sponsors responsible
for their promotion to executive leadership are still in contact with them and continue to
encourage, support, and advise them.
Previous studies have noted the value of having a sponsor versus a mentor and how
sponsors affect women’s leadership success. Hewlett et al. (2010) stated that a sponsor is an
advocate who opens doors for and brings exposure to the individual and identified sponsorship as
relationship capital. Hewlett et al. also provided sound evidence that a powerful sponsor can
have an enormous impression on an individual’s career. Hernandez and Longman (2020) drew
the same conclusions in their study. The researchers noted that while women of color endure
more challenges, they have limited access to sponsors. They argued that sponsors provide a
“communal support network” (p. 132) that provides women of color with institutional and
professional support to develop and reach their leadership potential and capacity fully.
Navigating Challenges in Higher Education Administration
Consistent with existing research, three of the participants in this study confirmed
experiencing challenges influenced by their identities and gendered racial stereotypes. Two
participants acknowledged encountering bias and stereotypes and how that has influenced others’

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perceptions about their leadership capability and practices. Also consistent with existing
literature, the three participants mentioned that the lack of Black women in higher education
leadership roles created a scarcity of Black female role models during their careers. However, the
participants’ responses revealed that they believed enduring and overcoming adversity had
significant effects on their resiliency, leadership identity and practices, and successes as Black
women in higher education executive leadership. These findings are consistent with the research
done by Lewis-Strickland (2021) and Chance (2021,2022), who confirmed that Black women in
higher education administration experienced and overcame adversity, inadvertently developing
skills that foster their success as executive leaders.
Research Question 2: Activating Community Cultural Wealth
Research Question 2 sought to understand how the participants navigated gendered racial
stereotypes and barriers in their lived experiences in higher education. Furthermore, the question
examined how the participants utilized the forms of capital of community cultural wealth (CCW;
Yosso, 2015) to navigate and mitigate those encounters. Consistent with research on Black
women’s application of CCW in higher education (Jaumot-Pascual, 2021; Martinez et al., 2017;
Turner & Castle, 2023), the participants in this study leveraged the six forms of capital—
aspirational, familial, linguistic, navigational, resistant, and social—to navigate and overcome
the challenges they faced. Each participant indicated utilizing at least five of the six forms of
capital.
Interestingly, the findings suggested that the participants in this study activated three
forms of capital more than the others: familial, navigational, and resistant. A possible
explanation for this might be that the six capitals overlap and build on one another and can be
developed within the context of another form of capital (Yosso, 2005). Therefore, the use of the

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other three capitals might be found in the utilization of the three capitals mentioned. The
persistent use of familial capital could be attributed to people of color learning lessons of caring,
coping, and persisting from family connections (Martinez et al., 2017; Yosso, 2005).
Additionally, familial capital is where the other five forms of capital begin to develop (Yosso,
2005). Earlier research has proven that Black women experience more adversity and are
overlooked more often than many of their counterparts when working toward and in leadership
positions (Chance, 2022; Davis, 2016; Erskine et al., 2021; Freeman et al., 2019; Motro et al.,
2021; Sales et al., 2019; Smith et al., 2019). Consequently, this could explain the participants’
substantial use of navigational and resistant capital.
Recommendations for Practice
This section presents three recommendations for practice based on the key findings of
this study and supported by existing literature. These recommendations focus on the field of
higher education in the United States. The first recommendation is for U.S. colleges and
universities to make intentional efforts to address the institutional policies and cultural practices
that create barriers that impede Black women’s promotion and advancement and contribute to
their underrepresentation in higher education executive leadership positions. The second
recommendation is for U.S. colleges and universities to develop sponsorship programs that
advocate for, develop, and support Black women aspiring to executive leadership positions in
higher education. The final recommendation is for U.S. colleges and universities to create
inclusive and supportive environments that connect with Black women’s community cultural
wealth (CCW).

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Recommendation 1: Address Institutional Policies and Cultural Practices That Create
Barriers to Black Women’s Promotion and Advancement in Higher Education Executive
Leadership Positions
Three of the four participants in this study acknowledged encountering barriers
influenced by their identities and gendered racial stereotypes in their careers in higher education
administration. Additionally, the three participants said they did not encounter or encountered
few Black women during their enrollment and tenure in higher education and higher education
leadership roles, which created a scarcity of Black female role models during their careers. An
issue they believe continues to exist. The recommendation is for U.S. colleges and universities to
make intentional efforts to address the institutional policies and cultural practices that create
barriers that impede Black women’s promotion and advancement and contribute to their
underrepresentation in higher education executive leadership positions.
Researchers in prior studies agreed that it is the institution’s responsibility to address and
change the systemic issues that create oppressive environments for Black women and hinder
their promotion and advancement in higher education administration, thus causing a dearth of
representation (AAUW, 2016; Jaumot-Pascual et al., 2021; McCluney & Rabelo, 2019;
McKinsey & Company & Lean In, 2022; Melidona et al., 2023; Sales et al., 2019; Tevis et al.,
2020). In their study, Jaumot-Pascual et al. (2021) argued that institutions are responsible for
transforming oppressive systems and offering Black women educational experiences in
supportive environments that foster their leadership potential. Freeman et al. (2019) proposed
that leaders and practitioners in higher education evaluate formal institutional policies and
informal aspects of the institutional climate that could create obstacles for Black women. The
researchers agreed that the onus should not be on Black women to change oppressive systems.

126
Equally important, the participants in this research study indicated that being comfortable
in who they were as Black women and being allowed to be their authentic selves contributed to
their success as leaders in higher education administration. To create inclusive environments
where Black women feel welcome, respected, and valued (Lean In, 2020) and are permitted to
show up as their authentic selves (Townsend, 2020), higher education institutions must do the
work to remove the social and cultural barriers gendered racial stereotypes and biases create that
affect Black women’s lived experiences and leadership practices (Croom, 2017). Creating an
inclusive environment where Black women feel they belong, are supported, and can be
themselves aids in their career aspirations, retention, and successes and can increase their
representation in higher education administration (Gamble & Turner, 2015; Lean In, 2020). The
freedom or disposition to be one’s authentic self appears to play a key role in the success and
effectiveness of Black women executive leaders in higher education.
Finally, and most importantly, to effectively address the institutional policies and cultural
practices that create barriers to Black women’s advancement and retention in higher education
administration, several studies maintained that the key decision-makers and stakeholders must
engage in conversations with and listen to Black women regarding their lived experiences
(Croom, 2017; Davis & Maldonado, 2015; Lewis-Strickland, 2021; Ramos & Yi, 2020; Tevis et
al., 2020; Townsend, 2020). Concerning this, Townsend (2020) stated that if higher education
administrators take the time to listen to Black female executive leaders, they could learn about
the experiences that lead to the retention and success of those women. To improve the leadership
development opportunities for Black women in higher education, administrators must first
understand their leadership development experiences (Davis & Maldonado, 2015). The insight
they gain can be used to develop and retain Black women aspiring to executive leadership in

127
higher education. Lewis-Strickland (2021) pointed out that while Black women have similar
experiences, they do not have identical experiences. Additionally, Lewis-Strickland asserted that
acknowledging the diverse experiences of Black women and offering them a seat at the table to
share those experiences may help universities foster inclusive and supportive environments for
Black female leaders.
Recommendation 2: Create Sponsorship Programs That Advocate for, Develop, and
Support Black Women in Higher Education Executive Leadership
All four participants in the study acknowledged receiving advocacy, support, and
encouragement from a sponsor during their academic and professional time in higher education.
The participants also expressed deep appreciation for the sponsorship they received and believed
it was invaluable to their education and careers. Owing to the absence of Black women in higher
education during their tenure, three participants admitted having received sponsorship from
White males. Because of her undergraduate experiences at a historically Black university, one
participant received sponsorship from Black women and men. Given the participants’
discussions regarding the effects their sponsors had on their careers, this recommendation is for
U.S. colleges and universities to develop sponsorship programs that advocate for, develop, and
support Black women aspiring to executive leadership positions in higher education.
Prior researchers argued that mentoring effectively increases the retention and
representation of Black women in higher education administration (Freeman et al., 2019; Gamble
& Turner, 2015; Hill & Wheat, 2017; Jernigan et al., 2020). The researchers reasoned that
mentors increase the social connections Black women need to help them navigate the
challenging cultures of higher education (Freeman et al., 2019). However, other researchers have
argued that sponsorship is more effective and beneficial than mentorship (AAUW, 2016; Erskine

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et al., 2021; Hernandez & Longman, 2020; Hewlett et al., 2010). These researchers identified
sponsorship as a proactive involvement and investment in developing and promoting Black
women leaders (Hernandez & Longman, 2020).
Additionally, previous research confirmed that Black women are often excluded from
informal social networks that could advance their careers (Davis & Maldonado, 2015; Erskine et
al., 2021); however, sponsors can provide access to these networks or help them to develop
social networks (Erskine et al., 2021). Participants in prior studies confirmed that having
sponsors who were willing to advocate for them opened doors for their career advancement
(Beckwith et al., 2016; Davis & Maldonado, 2015; Erskine et al., 2021; Lean In, 2020).
Furthermore, recent studies have established that sponsorship programs can significantly
influence Black women’s advancement, retention, and lived experiences in higher education
administration (Erskin et al., 2021; Hernandez & Longman, 2020; Lean In, 2020). Thus,
developing formal sponsorship programs is conducive to increasing the representation, retention,
and success of Black women in higher education administration.
Recommendation 3: Create Inclusive and Supportive Environments that Connect with
Black Women’s Community Cultural Wealth
In this study, the participants indicated accessing and using at least five of the six forms
of capital of Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth (CCW): aspirational, familial, linguistic,
navigational, resistant, and social. The participants shared that using their CCW substantially
influenced their lived experiences and leadership practices as Black female executives in higher
education. Activating their CCW also helped the participants navigate, manage, and overcome
the challenges they faced throughout their careers. Therefore, this recommendation is for U.S.

129
colleges and universities to create inclusive and supportive environments that connect with Black
women’s CCW.
Recent literature concerning Black women in higher education’s application of CCW
highlighted the benefits of the forms of capital on their lived experiences and careers. The studies
found that familial, institutional, and social support and networks activated as different forms of
capital were integral to the success and retention of Black women in higher education
administration (Jaumot-Pascual et al., 2021; Margherio et al., 2020; Ramos & Yi, 2020; Turner
& Castle, 2023). As indicated in this research study and existing studies, community and
belonging have significant effects on Black women’s development, progression, and retention in
higher education executive leadership (Burke & Carter, 2015; Erskine et al., 2021; Gamble &
Turner, 2015; Hill & Wheat, 2017). Moreover, existing research has contended that social capital
and social networks have significant effects on Black women’s ascension and retention in
executive leadership roles, including helping them break through the metaphorical ceilings that
impede their progression (Beckwith et al., 2016; Burke & Carter, 2015; Gamble & Turner, 2015;
Sales et al., 2019). The networks include informal (e.g., family, friends, and community) and
formal (e.g., career networks, sponsors, and committees) groups.
The participants in this study showed that Black women thrive in communal and
supportive environments and value collectivist and aspirational experiences. Thus, inclusive and
supportive environments that build upon and enact their CCW can sustain their leadership
progression, retention, and success and further develop their CCW (Erskine et al., 2021; JaumotPascual et al., 2021). This could include creating opportunities for Black women in higher
education administration to recruit and sponsor aspiring Black women, enacting their resistant
capital and expanding their social capital. As mentioned in Recommendation 1, to fully

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understand and create inclusive and supportive programs and environments in which Black
women executive leaders and aspiring leaders are valued, welcomed, and supported,
administrators and other key stakeholders must be willing to listen to and learn from the
experiences of Black women in higher education. This includes learning about and
understanding how Black women access their CCW and how institutions can work to help them
build upon and increase their CCW.
Limitations and Delimitations
This study used ethnography to understand how Black women understand and interpret
their experiences in higher education executive leadership roles and learn how to navigate and
overcome challenges. Yet, using the research and data collection methods discussed in this
chapter, the study has potential limitations and delimitations. The limitations in research are
those things the researcher cannot control, while delimitations are the limitations caused by the
researcher’s decisions regarding the study (Theofanidis & Fountouki, 2019).
There are several limitations to this study. The first limitation of the study was that the
timing of participant recruitment affected the availability of some potential candidates.
Participant recruitment happened during summer break. During summer break, many higher
education staff, including those in leadership roles, take extended time off for vacation,
participate in conferences, or travel. This was true of many of the recruited participants and me,
which affected participant availability and scheduling.
A second limitation is that I did not directly ask the participants to discuss their
understanding of how their intersecting identities influenced their lived experiences in higher
education or higher education administration. Similarly, I did not directly ask them if or how
they experienced gendered racial stereotypes. The final limitation of this study was the length of

131
time for the study. Ethnographic researchers typically spend a substantial amount of time
collecting data (Creswell, 2007). The length of the Organizational Change and Leadership degree
program limited the time allotted to collect data for this study.
The main delimitation of the study was using the unique sampling method to identify
participants whose identities and experiences align with the purpose of the research: Black
women who are currently in or have been in executive leadership positions in higher education
with or pursuing terminal degrees. A second delimitation of the study was that not all Black
women in higher education executive leadership positions were invited to participate. The
women invited to participate in the study were Black women with experience in four-year, notfor-profit colleges or universities and experience as president or provost. Furthermore, Black
female executives promoted from outside higher education into executive leadership roles were
not invited to participate. A third delimitation was I did not consider how the participants’
personal and professional lives intersect and influence each other, nor did I consider how this
affects their leadership practices, experiences, and tenure. The final delimitation is the decision
to use interviews as the only source of data collection. Typically, an ethnographic study
incorporates several methods of data collection (e.g., observation, interviews, and surveys;
Creswell, 2007). However, time and distance created limits for collecting data.
Recommendations for Future Research
Existing literature has proven that Black women in higher education executive leadership
are scarce (Beckwith et al., 2016; Espinosa et al., 2019; Gamble & Turner, 2015; Melidona et al.,
2023; Smith et al., 2019). Considering this, future research should further examine the lived
experiences of the Black women who hold and have held these positions. There should be a
particular emphasis on exploring and comparing the lived experiences of Black women who hold

132
and have held executive leadership positions at predominately White institutions and those of
historically Black colleges and universities. The research should also examine how their
professional lives intersect and overlap with their personal lives, how their lived experiences in
and outside of higher education affect their mental, physical, and emotional well-being, and how
this affects their ascension, retention, and success.
Also, additional research is needed to explore and understand Black women’s full, lived
experiences. As the findings of this study show, Black women bring all of who they are—self,
family, history, community, and experiences—to their leadership aspirations and practices. Their
identity, work, retention, and success are affected by the whole of who they are. Moreover, this
study and existing research have proven that much of the motivation and support Black women
in academia receive throughout their careers come from external communities and sources,
mostly through their community cultural capital. How can these communities and resources of
encouragement, inspiration, resistance, and support be replicated in academia to foster a sense of
community and belonging for Black women that aids in their promotion, retention, and success
in executive leadership roles? Further research can explore ways to create leadership
development programs and supportive and inclusive programs and environments for Black
women leaders in academia and all they bear and bring.
A final recommendation for future research is to evaluate the effectiveness of diversity
and inclusion programs, practices, and initiatives U.S. colleges and universities have developed
to promote, support, and retain Black female executive leaders and aspiring leaders. It will
benefit all stakeholders to examine and understand a) if the programs have been successful and
b) why specific programs have been successful and others have not. Universities and other
industries can then learn from and emulate the successful programs. Additionally, identifying

133
what works and does not work could help improve diversity and inclusive efforts for other
historically underrepresented people groups in academia.
Implications for Equity
The lack of Black female executive leaders in higher education has far-reaching
consequences. The diversity of student bodies in U.S. higher education continues to increase. As
the diversity of the student body increases, so must the diversity of the leadership in higher
education. Unfortunately, there is a significant underrepresentation of Black women in executive
leadership roles in academia, and existing research has provided ample findings as to why.
Continued research in this area is critical to addressing and changing the inequitable policies,
practices, and cultures that impede the promotion and retention of Black women in these
positions. Moreover, it is vital to identify, develop, motivate, and support Black women who
aspire to executive leadership positions in higher education. Additionally, representation does
matter. It is imperative that not only Black women aspiring to higher education administration
see Black women in those roles, but it is also equally important that young Black girls see Black
women in higher education executive leadership positions.
Conclusion
This study set out to examine how gendered racial stereotypes contribute to the barriers
faced by Black women in reaching executive leadership positions in academia. The primary
focus of this study was to provide a greater understanding of Black women’s experiences in
higher education leadership and challenges in their advancement and retention. Existing research
has established that gendered racial stereotypes have negatively affected Black women’s
leadership experiences and practices in academia (Erskine et al., 2021; Lewis et al., 2016; Lewis-

134
Strickland, 2021; Townsend, 2021; Walkington, 2017). The findings of this study confirm the
work of the existing research.
This study identified two major themes and three sub-themes related to the research
questions. The key finding of Research Question 1 was that being a Black woman does affect
Black women’s lived experiences in higher education. While the participants described positive
and negative aspects of their experiences related to their intersecting identities, they all affirmed
embracing who they are and viewed their identity as advantageous. Consistent with existing
literature (AAUW, 2016; Erskine et al., 2021; Hernandez & Longman, 2020; Hewlett et al.,
2010), the participants affirmed having a sponsor and discussed their sponsors’ influences on
their careers. Three of the four participants confirmed encountering and having to navigate
barriers and challenges during their tenures. The key finding of Research Question 2 was that the
participants revealed their application of community cultural wealth to navigate, contend with,
and overcome the adversity and challenges they experienced.
The key recommendations emerged from the findings. The recommendations suggested
approaches U.S. colleges and universities can take to improve Black women’s advancement,
retention, and representation in academic executive leadership. The first recommendation
focused on efforts to address the institutional policies and cultural practices that create barriers
that contribute to the underrepresentation of Black women in higher education executive
leadership positions. The second recommendation realized the need for sponsorship programs
that benefit Black women aspiring to executive leadership positions in higher education. The
final recommendation was for U.S. colleges and universities to create environments that connect
with Black women’s community cultural wealth.

135
After an inclusive review of existing literature and the findings of this study, I have found
that without considering the whole nature of Black women and their experiences, diversity,
equity, inclusion, and retention efforts (i.e., changes to policies and culture, hiring practices,
diversity programs, etc.) will continue to underserve Black women in higher education executive
leadership and Black women aspiring to those positions. As Lewis-Strickland (2021) noted,
Black women are not monolithic. They have similar yet different—unique—experiences that
influence who they are as women and as leaders. Consequently, one-size-fits-all diversity and
inclusion programs will not serve Black women well. I agree with prior researchers (Croom,
2017; Davis & Maldonado, 2015; Lewis-Strickland, 2021; Ramos & Yi, 2020; Tevis et al., 2020;
Townsend, 2020) who advised listening to Black women about their lived experiences in higher
education and higher education administration and using their stories as an impetus to foster the
needed change.

136
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Appendix A: Protocol Crosswalk - Interview
Introduction:
Hello, (Title & Name). Thank you for agreeing to participate in my study. Again, I am
Mechelle Garrett, and I am a student at the University of Southern California. I am conducting a
study on the lack of Black women in higher education leadership positions. As part of my study,
I am examining how race- and gender-based stereotypes contribute to the barriers faced by Black
women in attaining leadership positions in higher education and how these women overcome
those barriers. Please note this interview is confidential. I want to record our session to capture
accurately what you share with me later. Do I have your permission to record the session? Do
you have questions about the study or for me before we get started?
1. Why did you consider a career in higher education? (RQ1: Background)
a. Probe: What were your career goals?
2. Please describe your experiences in higher education. (RQ1: Experience and behavior)
a. Probe: How would you describe your experience(s) as a Black woman?
b. Probe: To what extent, if at all, did you see/encounter other Black women in
higher ed leadership?
3. In what ways, if at all, did you receive support throughout your career as a Black woman
in higher education? (RQ1, RQ2: Knowledge; experience and behavior)
a. Probe: In what way? From whom?
b. Probe: Who, if anyone, helped you navigate and negotiate within the institution?
c. Probe: From whom did you seek guidance?
d. Probe: Whom did you go to discuss problems, issues, or concerns?
4. To what extent, if at all, did you experience challenges, barriers, or obstacles in
navigating your career as a Black woman in higher education? (RQ1: Experience and
behavior)
a. If so: What was this like? (What were the challenges, barriers, or obstacles?)
b. If so: What strategies, if any, did you use to overcome those challenges?
c. Probe: How did you develop those strategies?
d. Probe: Did you receive support or help in navigating these challenges?
5. In what ways, if at all, do you feel your career advancement and promotion have been
influenced or affected by stereotypes others hold about Black women? (RQ1: Feelings;
experience and behavior)
a. Probe: How have you experienced those effects?
b. Probe: How have you handled those effects?
6. Next, I want to ask about your own perceptions about self: To what extent, if at all, do
you feel stereotypes about Black women have affected your own leadership identity and
practices? (RQ1: Experience and behavior, feeling)

149
a. Probe: How did you experience those stereotypes?
b. Probe: How did you respond to the stereotypes?
c. Probe: How did you process the experience?
d. Probe: How did they affect your leadership identity and practices?
Let’s change directions and discuss community and culture’s influence on your professional
experiences as a Black female executive in higher education.
7. Who or what had the greatest influence or impact on your career aspirations and
achievements? (RQ2: Experience and behavior)
8. In what ways, if any, do you feel your family ties influence your position as an executive
leader in higher education? (RQ2: Opinion and values)
a. Probe: How do you experience this?
b. Probe: In what ways, if at all, do you see this as a positive or negative influence?
c. Probe: What, if any, is your family support like?
9. In what ways, if any, do you feel your ties or connection to your community influence
your position as an executive leader in higher education? (RQ2: Opinion and values)
a. Probe: How do you experience this?
b. Probe: In what ways, if at all, do you see this as a positive or negative influence?
c. Probe: What, if any, is your community support like?
10. In what ways, if any, do you feel your cultural connections influence your position as an
executive leader in higher education? (RQ2: Opinion and values)
a. Probe: How do you experience this?
b. Probe: In what ways, if at all, do you see this as a positive or negative influence?
c. Probe: In what ways, if any, do you experience cultural support?
11. Where, if at all, have you received affirmation of your identity as a Black woman? (RQ2:
Experience and behavior)
a. Probe: How has this affirmation helped you in your career in higher education
leadership?
12. Where, if at all, have you received affirmation in your role as an executive leader as a
Black woman? (RQ2: Experience and behavior)
a. Probe: How has this affirmation helped you in your career in higher education
leadership?
13. In what ways, if any, do you feel your lived experiences as a Black woman have
contributed to your ability to overcome adversities? (RQ2: Opinion and values;
experience and behavior)
a. Probe: Is there a particular instance of this that stands out for you?

150
14. In what ways, if any, do you feel your lived experiences as a Black woman have
contributed to career advancement and promotion? (RQ2: Opinion and values; experience
and behavior)
a. Probe: Is there a particular instance of this that stands out for you?
15. What has been the most rewarding part of your career in higher education?
16. What advice would you offer Black women looking to become executive leaders in
higher education?
17. Is there anything you would like to add about your experience that I have not asked?

151
Appendix B: Information Sheet for Exempt Research
INFORMATION SHEET FOR EXEMPT RESEARCH
STUDY TITLE: The Lack of Black Women in Executive Leadership Positions in Four-Year
Colleges and Universities
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Mechelle L. Garrett
FACULTY ADVISOR: Jennifer L. Phillips, D.L.S.
You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This document
explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything that is unclear to
you.
PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to examine how gendered racial stereotypes contribute to the barriers
faced by Black women in reaching executive leadership positions in academia. This research will
provide a greater understanding of Black women’s experiences in higher education leadership
and the challenges to their promotion and advancement. and to use the knowledge gained to
increase their representation in those positions. We hope to learn about Black women’s
perceptions of gendered racial stereotypes’ influences on their careers, how they overcame
adversity and challenges, and how to increase their representation in executive leadership
positions in higher education. You are invited as a possible participant because you are a Black
woman who is currently serving or has served as president or provost (vice president of
academics) at a four-year, not-for-profit, public or private college or university in the United
States, and you have or are pursuing a terminal degree.
PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you decide to take part, you will be asked to participate in a qualitative interview with the
principal investigator. The interviews will last approximately 60 minutes. During the interview,
you will be asked approximately 12 open-ended questions related to your lived experiences as a
Black woman in higher education executive leadership, your perception of the influences
gendered racial stereotypes had on access, promotion, and advancement in your career, and how
you overcame the challenges you encountered. The information you provide will be used only
for the purposes of this study. Your identity will remain confidential and all identifying signifiers
will be removed.
The interviews will be conducted via Zoom or telephone. With your permission, the interviews
will be recorded for transcription purposes. You may decline to have your interview recorded.
The recordings will be destroyed once they are no longer needed for the purpose of this study.

152
CONFIDENTIALITY
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California Institutional
Review Board (IRB) may access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.
To keep the information you share confidential, a pseudonym will be used in place of your name.
Any information that may reveal your identity will be removed. The name of the institutions
where you are currently employed or have been employed will not be used in this study.
You have the right to review your audio or video recording. You also have the right to review,
edit, or make changes or corrections to the audio or video transcripts.
Interviews and transcripts will be stored on an encrypted external drive until the defense and
publication of the dissertation (December 2023). All data will be destroyed shortly thereafter.
INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact Mechelle Garrett, mlgarret@usc.edu,
and/or 832-264-1456.
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
irb@usc.edu.

153
Appendix C: Participant Recruitment Letter
Hello [Name],
My name is Mechelle Garrett, and I am a doctoral candidate in the Organizational Change and
Leadership program at the University of Southern California’s (USC) Rossier School of
Education. I am conducting a qualitative research study as part of my dissertation examining
how gendered racial stereotypes contribute to the barriers faced by Black women in attaining and
advancing in executive leadership positions in higher education.
This email is an invitation to participate in this research study. Your participation is voluntary,
confidential, and involves a 60-minute, one-on-one interview.
The requirements to participate are listed below:
 A Black woman
 Have or are in pursuit of a terminal degree
 Currently, serve or have served as president, provost, or vice president of academics at a
four-year, public or private, not-for-profit college or university in the United States.
The interviews will be conducted via Zoom or telephone and recorded with your permission for
transcription. You may decline to have your interview recorded. Your name and the name of
your institution will be removed from all data and will not be used in the study. You will be
offered the opportunity to review the transcription and make changes or add to it as needed. The
recordings will be destroyed once they are no longer required for this study.
For your review, I have attached a USC Institutional Review Board (IRB) Information Sheet for
Exempt Research and USC IRB approval to conduct the research study. If you are
Please reply to this email and let me know if you are willing to do an interview. I will work with
you to schedule a time that suits your schedule. If you are not interested in participating, would
you be willing to recommend or refer me to someone who fits the above criteria and would be
interested in participating in the study?
If you have questions or concerns, please contact me at 832-264-1456 or mlgarret@usc.edu.
I appreciate your consideration.
Best regards,
Mechelle Garrett
OCL Doctoral Candidate
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California

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Asset Metadata

Creator Garrett, Mechelle L. (author)

Core Title The lack of Black women in higher education executive leadership in four-year colleges and universities

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2024-05

Publication Date 01/24/2024

Defense Date 01/22/2024

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Black women in higher education executive leadership,community cultural wealth,controlling images,gendered racial stereotypes,intersectionality,OAI-PMH Harvest

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Ott, Maria (committee chair), Beckham, Antony (committee member), Crew, Rudolph (committee member)

Creator Email mechelle.garrett@gmail.com,mlgarret@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113810135

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Legacy Identifier etd-GarrettMec-12623

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Format theses (aat)

Rights Garrett, Mechelle L.

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