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The influences on Filipino American students: an exploratory study using Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model
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Content
The Influences on Filipino American Students: An Exploratory Study Using
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Model
Juan Roberto E. Rodriguez
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2024
© Copyright by Juan Roberto E. Rodriguez 2024
All Rights Reserved
The Committee for Juan Roberto E. Rodriguez certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Emmy Min
Tracy Tambascia
Eric Canny, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024
iv
Abstract
Filipino American students, along with other ethnic groups, are consolidated into the aggregate
category of Asian American. Consequently, scholars fail to notice that there are significant
differences in educational achievement between various Asian American subgroups. Using
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of human development as the guiding theoretical framework,
this study endeavored to understand the influences in the micro and macro systems that have
shaped the academic experiences of Filipino Americans in California’s community college
system and, in the process, add to the foundational literature on this topic. Using data collected
from semi-structured interviews with eight students, this study unearthed the following themes:
the importance of family and its positive influence in terms of academic support, the value of
high expectations, and a firm belief in upward social mobility via education. Furthermore, the
important issue of the scarcity of individuals chronicling the triumphs and tribulations of Filipino
Americans was discussed and analyzed. The abovementioned themes and issue form the basis of
this study’s five recommendations. Community colleges in California should (a) disaggregate
data when gathering facts, figures, and statistics, (b) offer more Filipino American history classes
to encourage Filipino Americans to share their own people’s stories with other students, (c) assist
in upward social mobility by providing workforce ready skills, (d) create Filipino American
community college success centers that will specifically provide on-campus family-like support,
and (e) provide training to counselors so that they can address issues that involve Filipino
American parents pressuring their children to become nurses. The themes unearthed and the
recommendations provided by this research may serve as a guide for educators and policymakers
to better serve the Filipino American student population in California’s community college
system.
v
Acknowledgements
First and foremost, I want to thank my Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ. As it is written in
Philippians 4:13, “I can do all things through Christ who strengthens me.”
I want to thank two of my professors who fostered critical thinking in their classrooms:
Dr. Ciriaco “Cid” Pinedo and Dr. Tatiana Melguizo. They always allowed both sides to be heard
in order for their students to be placed in a better position to form their own opinions.
I want to thank Dr. Eric Canny, who guided me all throughout this endeavor. His
extensive experience in mentoring students who are writing their dissertations proved to be an
invaluable resource.
I want to thank my college alma mater, De La Salle University, Manila. This institution
taught me to live the Animo and to wholeheartedly believe in four words: Never shall we fail.
Lastly, I want to thank my wife, Melanie, whose support and devotion have been
unfailing. You are truly the love of my life.
vi
Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Acknowledgements..........................................................................................................................v
List of Tables ............................................................................................................................... viii
List of Figures................................................................................................................................ ix
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study...........................................................................................1
Statement of the Problem.....................................................................................................2
Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................................3
Research Question and the Guiding Theoretical Framework ..............................................3
Limitations, Delimitations, Assumptions ............................................................................4
Organization of the Dissertation ..........................................................................................5
Definition of Terms..............................................................................................................6
Chapter Two: Literature Review .....................................................................................................9
Filipino American Identity...................................................................................................9
The Invisibility of Filipino Americans ..............................................................................12
Educational Achievement and Social Mobility .................................................................13
Enrollment at California Community Colleges .................................................................16
Student Success Initiatives.................................................................................................18
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Model of Human Development ..........................................20
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................23
Chapter Three: Methods ................................................................................................................25
Research Question .............................................................................................................26
Methodology......................................................................................................................26
Qualitative Approach.........................................................................................................26
Population and Sample ......................................................................................................27
vii
Instrumentation ..................................................................................................................28
Data Collection ..................................................................................................................28
Interview ............................................................................................................................30
Trustworthiness, Credibility, and Reliability.....................................................................30
Role of the Researcher.......................................................................................................31
Chapter Four: Findings..................................................................................................................34
Participant Profile ..............................................................................................................34
Themes That Influenced the Filipino American Community College Experience............35
An Analysis of an Important Issue: The Scarcity of Individuals Narrating the Filipino
Story...................................................................................................................................46
Summary............................................................................................................................47
Chapter Five: Analysis...................................................................................................................49
Research Question .............................................................................................................50
Discussion..........................................................................................................................50
Recommendations..............................................................................................................54
Future Research .................................................................................................................58
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................58
References......................................................................................................................................60
Appendix A: Interview Questions .................................................................................................66
Opening Questions.............................................................................................................66
Introduction Questions.......................................................................................................66
Transition Questions..........................................................................................................67
Key Questions....................................................................................................................67
Ending Questions...............................................................................................................67
Closing Questions..............................................................................................................68
Appendix B: Social Media Outreach to Students..........................................................................69
viii
List of Tables
Table 1: Colleges and Universities in Southern California and Corresponding Filipino
American Student Organizations.................................................................................................. 29
Table 2: List of Participants, Their Gender, and Their Corresponding Status as a Community
College Student............................................................................................................................. 35
ix
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework ................................................................................................. 22
1
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study
There is a dearth of literature in academic journals about Filipino American students:
their story, their perspective, and their histories. Some researchers have stated that Filipino
American students suffer from an identity crisis; they feel they are caught somewhere in between
three personas. The first is Americans (Ocampo, 2013), the second is Asians (Ocampo, 2013),
and the third is Asians with close ties to the Latino culture (Ocampo, 2014). Meanwhile, other
researchers have stated that Filipino American students may feel invalidated because most
colleges and universities do not disaggregate data and subsume Filipino Americans with Asian
Americans (Hernandez, 2016). Lastly, some researchers have stated that Filipino Americans do
not succeed at the same rate as Asian Americans (Nadal, 2008).
As of 2020, there were 1.8 million students in California’s 116 community colleges. The
race/ethnicity breakdown of the data was as follows: Hispanics comprised 46.04% of the student
population, Whites comprised 23.09%, Asians comprised 11.38%, African Americans comprised
5.59%, and Filipino Americans composed 2.8%, or 50,400 individuals (California Community
Colleges Chancellor's Office, 2022a).
Specifically for Filipino Americans, looking at the numbers provided by the California
Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office, as of 2021, there is minimal difference in the success
rates between Filipino Americans and Asian Americans. The percentages of students who
completed transfer-level math and English in their first academic year are as follows: 32% of
Asian Americans, 32% of Filipino Americans, 21% of Whites, 17% of Hispanics, and 9% of
Blacks (California Community Colleges Chancellor's Office, 2022b). In addition, the
percentages of students who transitioned to postsecondary or earned an award are as follows:
14% of Asian Americans, 13% of Whites, 13% of Filipinos, 11% of Hispanics, and 8% of Blacks
2
(California Community Colleges Chancellor's Office, 2022b). Lastly, the percentages of students
who transferred to a 4-year institution are as follows: 14% of Asian Americans, 12% of
Filipinos, 12% of Whites, 8% of Hispanics, and 8% of Blacks (California Community Colleges
Chancellor's Office, 2022b).
Nonetheless, research conducted on Filipino Americans remains in the shadows when
compared to that on Asian Americans as an entire ethnic group. Hence, this study sought to
understand the influences that have shaped the Filipino American narrative.
Statement of the Problem
Some community colleges in California, such as Pasadena City College, do not
disaggregate data, such that they group all Asians together in one category. For Filipino
American students, being grouped into the category of Asian Americans ignores their colonial
linkages to the Philippine educational system and their differential experiences in the modern
American racial landscape (Hernandez, 2016). Consequently, scholars fail to notice the
significant differences in educational achievement between the various Asian American
subgroups. This oversight eventually leads to the minimal amount of literature on the influences
that shaped Filipino Americans’ academic experience in California’s community college system.
For example, a 2011 study by Museus and Maramba revealed that among more than
66,000 Asian American undergraduates in the United States, less than 19% of Filipino
Americans attended highly selective institutions, compared to 38% of Koreans and 35% of
Chinese Americans. Such disparities warrant a better understanding of the Filipino American
population’s experiences (Museus & Maramba, 2011).
3
Purpose of the Study
Since colleges do not always disaggregate data on Asian Americans, there is very little
research conducted on the influences that have shaped the academic experience of Filipino
Americans studying in California’s community college system. While some Asian American
students embrace the achievement ideology and express pro-school attitudes and behaviors,
others are ambivalent about the role of school in their lives (S. Lee, 2009). Furthermore, some
Asian American students achieve model minority myth success and attend elite universities,
while others struggle to pass their classes (S. Lee, 2009). Asian American students have varied
understandings of race and racism, different types of relationships with non-Asians, and different
responses to the model minority stereotype (S. Lee, 2009). The diversity among Asian American
students represents a small fraction of the diversity among Asian Americans in larger society (S.
Lee, 2009).
Hence, the purpose of this study was to examine, within the modern American racial
landscape, the experiences of Filipino American students studying in California’s community
college system and to add to the foundational literature on this topic.
Research Question and the Guiding Theoretical Framework
One research question guided this study: Based on student perceptions, what are the
influences in the micro and macro systems that have shaped the academic experiences of Filipino
Americans in California’s community college system? Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of
human development served as this study’s guiding theoretical framework. It posits that in order
to understand human development, one must consider the entire ecological system in which
growth occurs. This ecological system is composed of five socially organized subsystems: the
4
microsystem, the mesosystem, the exosystem, the macrosystem, and the chronosystem
(Bronfenbrenner, 1994).
There were three versions of the Bronfenbrenner model as it evolved over time (Rosa &
Tudge, 2013). This study used the 1994 version since it was part of the last iteration.
Specifically, this version broadened the concept of time in terms of the chronosystem to include
what happens throughout both ontogenetic and historical time (Rosa & Tudge, 2013). For
example, the study of the development of youngsters during the Great Depression, when
compared to the development of children of the same age eight years after the same historical
event, will produce contrasting results (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). Similarly, a study of the
experiences of Filipino American students during the early 2000s will show very different results
when compared to a study conducted in 2023 since there are more resources available to ethnic
minorities today.
Limitations, Delimitations, Assumptions
There was one limitation to this study, as it focused on Filipino American students
studying in California’s community college system, regardless of whether they were first- or
second-generation immigrants. First-generation immigrants are those who were born outside of
the United States (Pew Research Center, 2013), while second-generation immigrants have at
least one immigrant parent (Pew Research Center, 2013). It must be pointed out that the values,
priorities, and culture of first-generation Filipino American immigrant students are different from
those of second-generation Filipino American students who grew up in the United States.
There was one delimitation to this study, as none of the participants were current students
of mine. Hence, there was minimal probability of influencing the participants during the
interviews. The results revealed unadulterated data.
5
There was one assumption that needed to be stated since researcher bias is a threat to
validity. I am Asian, Filipino American to be specific, and before this study, held the assumption
that Asian Americans and Filipino Americans succeeded academically due to their belief in an
internal locus of control, as opposed to an external locus of control. The former has an attitude of
personal responsibility regarding the outcomes of one’s actions and is otherwise known as
having a victor mentality (Manichander, 2014). The latter is the belief that events and
circumstances control one’s fate and is otherwise known as victim mentality (Manichander,
2014). Furthermore, the victor mentality may also be described as the belief that if a person
works hard, then one’s personal goals are within reach (Hawn, 2019). In contrast, victim
mentality may be described as the belief that a person does not have any control over how certain
life events unfold. Due to a poor sense of responsibility, this person attributes every negative
outcome in his/her life to other people or unforeseen circumstances (Kets de Vries, 2014). For
example, some believe that White-dominated society conspires to take advantage of people of
color so that White people benefit from the system (Malamed, 2021).
Organization of the Dissertation
There are five chapters in this dissertation. Chapter One states the problem at hand and
discusses the following: the purpose of this study, the research questions and guiding theoretical
framework, the limitations and delimitations of this study, and the definition of terms. Chapter
Two is a literature review on the following topics: the Filipino American identity struggle, the
feeling of invalidation by Filipino American students, Asian American beliefs regarding effort
and achievement, Asian American desire for social mobility, current solutions implemented at
community colleges, and a brief history of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of human
development. Chapter Three discusses the following: this study’s methodology, population and
6
sample, instrumentation, data collection processes, data analysis, validity and reliability,
trustworthiness and credibility, and lastly, the role of the researcher. Chapter Four provides a
profile of the participants and reveals the themes this study unearthed. Chapter Five renders the
following: an analysis of the study’s findings, recommendations for educational practice,
implications for future research, and a conclusion.
Definition of Terms
Several terms need to be defined.
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of human development: a theoretical framework
developed by Urie Bronfenbrenner back in the 1970s. It posits that human
development takes place through processes of progressively more complex reciprocal
interactions between an active and evolving biopsychological human organism and
the people, objects, and symbols in its immediate environment. It is composed of five
structures: the microsystem, the mesosystem, the exosystem, the macrosystem, and
the chronosystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1994).
Course availability: one of the four innovations offered by the Guided Pathways
systemic redesign of academic programs. It revolves around the decisions related to
when community classes are scheduled (Sublett & Orenstein, 2021).
Course delivery: one of the four innovations offered by the Guided Pathways
systemic redesign of academic programs. It refers to the degree to which technology
mediates course instruction (Sublett & Orenstein, 2021).
Course scheduling: one of the four innovations offered by the Guided Pathways
systemic redesign of academic programs. It determines when, where, and how many
courses are offered to students during an academic year (Sublett & Orenstein, 2021).
7
Course structure: one of the four innovations offered by the Guided Pathways
systemic redesign of academic programs. It refers to the various course designs,
configurations, and offerings (Sublett & Orenstein, 2021).
Chronosystem: one of Bronfenbrenner’s five structures. It encompasses change or
consistency over time, not only in the characteristics of the person but also of the
environment in which that person lives (Bronfenbrenner, 1994).
Exosystem: one of Bronfenbrenner’s five structures. It consists of linkages and
processes taking place between two or more settings, wherein at least one of which
does not contain the developing person (Bronfenbrenner, 1994).
First-generation immigrants: immigrants who were born outside of the United States
(Pew Research Center, 2013).
Guided Pathways: an academic model Thomas Bailey, Shanna Smith Jaggars, and
David Jenkins developed in 2015. Its main focus is to reform and redesign academic
and student service areas, wherein colleges are ready for the students as opposed to
expecting the students to be ready for college. It is built upon four innovations,
namely course scheduling, course availability, course structure, and course delivery
(Allen, 2020).
Macrosystem: one of Bronfenbrenner’s five structures. It consists of the overarching
pattern of microsystems, mesosystems, and exosystems, with particular reference to
certain bodies of knowledge, customs, lifestyles, and beliefs (Bronfenbrenner, 1994).
Microsystem: one of Bronfenbrenner’s five structures. It is a pattern of activities,
social roles, and interpersonal relations experienced by the developing person in a
8
face-to-face setting with particular physical, social, and symbolic features
(Bronfenbrenner, 1994).
Mesosystem: one of Bronfenbrenner’s five structures. It is a system of microsystems
composed of linkages and processes between two or more settings containing the
developing person (Bronfenbrenner, 1994).
Second-generation immigrants: immigrants who have at least one immigrant parent
(Pew Research Center, 2013).
9
Chapter Two: Literature Review
This literature review is composed of six parts. The first part discusses the struggles of
Filipino Americans with their identity. The second part explores the feeling of invalidation that
Filipino Americans have experienced in the United States. The third part pertains to Asian
American beliefs regarding effort and achievement. The fourth part reviews the Asian American
desire for social mobility, and the fifth part tackles current solutions implemented at community
colleges. The last part explains Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of human development.
The purpose of this chapter is to provide a foundational background in the form of
existing research. The common denominators by which the first five parts connect are Filipino
Americans’ challenges and experiences. This is in line with this study’s research question: Based
on student perceptions, what are the influences in the micro and macro systems that have shaped
the academic experiences of Filipino Americans in California’s community college system?
Filipino American Identity
For some second-generation Filipino Americans, there is confusion as to how they should
identify. Are they Americans, or are they Asians? Or are they Asians with close ties to the Latino
culture? This identity struggle regarding acculturation may stem from two factors. Most Filipinos
are less likely to live in ethnic enclaves and do not rely on employment in the ethnic economy
due largely to their higher levels of English proficiency (Ocampo, 2013). In turn, their children,
also second-generation immigrants, become more Americanized, increasingly adopting at-risk
behaviors such as substance abuse, unprotected sex, and delinquency (Ferrera, 2017). Plus,
Ferrera, in 2017, found that most second-generation Filipino Americans exhibit a colonial
mentality, where the individual acts to distance himself or herself from what they perceive as
inferior traits of their historically colonized home culture. This attitude stems from parents’
10
desire to ensure their children’s success in mainstream settings via assimilation. For example, in
that study, 23 out of the 30 participants reported not being fluent in the Filipino language,
Tagalog, with a few explaining that their parents wanted them to speak perfect English without
an accent (Ferrera, 2017). Moreover, some Filipino Americans change their appearance to look
more European or have discriminated against newer immigrants by calling them FOBs, short for
“fresh off the boat” (Ferrera, 2017).
Then, there is an identity struggle of second-generation Filipino Americans regarding
academics due to their failure to sometimes live up to the model minority myth stereotype. This
stereotype, which is both a myth and harmful, is defined as the false idea that Asian Americans
are inherently gifted intellectually or possess unique values that incline them to perform well
academically (Ocampo, 2013). This stereotype has been popularized in large part because of
mass media depictions of Asians as whiz kids (Ocampo, 2013). Higher achieving Asian
Americans tend not to question the link between model minority stereotypes and Asian
Americans, whereas those who fall short academically feel less Asian and more alienated from
their community. This feeling of being less Asian parallels the findings of other Asian
Americans who felt less Korean or less Chinese when they fell below educational expectations
(Ocampo, 2013). On the other hand, researchers argue that children of immigrants tend to adopt
socially advantageous identities: those linked to economic, political, or cultural benefits
(Ocampo, 2013). Hence, some second-generation Filipinos may identify as Asian if it is to their
academic advantage (Ocampo, 2013).
Lastly, there is an identity struggle of second-generation Filipino Americans regarding
their close ties to the Latino culture. This struggle could be due to three main cultural similarities
with Latinos: language, surnames, and Catholicism (Ocampo, 2014). The Spanish language had a
11
strong influence on Tagalog, the national language of the Philippines (Ocampo, 2014). Filipinos
also received Spanish surnames such as Torres, Rodriguez, and Santos (Ocampo, 2014). Also,
similar to Spain’s Latin American colonies, the Philippines remains a predominantly Catholic
society (Ocampo, 2014). All these cultural similarities are enduring imprints of Spanish
colonization on modern-day Philippine society (Ocampo, 2014). The Philippines became part of
the Spanish Empire during the early 16th century, the period when Spain established Nueva
España in modern-day Mexico (Ocampo, 2014). Considered an extension of its empire in Latin
America, Spain established the Acapulco-Manila galleon trade, which facilitated extensive
cultural exchange between Filipinos and Mexicans for 3 centuries (Ocampo, 2014). As a
postscript, in Le Espiritu’s (1993) work, one Filipino despondently asserted that Filipinos were
Asian because of a geographical accident.
In addition, Ocampo’s (2013) research on second-generation Filipino American identity
theorizes that higher education created a system where Filipino Americans are more closely
associated with Latinos and African Americans than Asian Americans. As high school students
in suburban Southern California, where they were the predominant Asian American ethnic
group, Filipino American subjects reported receiving many of the benefits of the model minority
myth that other students of color did not (Hernandez, 2016). For example, they received
preferential treatment in disciplinary matters, were placed in college preparatory classes, and
their reputation as hyper-achieving students was causally tied to their perceived identity as Asian
Americans (Hernandez, 2016).
But as these students advanced to California’s public universities, East Asian Americans
quickly called their Asian American identity into question; these were students of Chinese,
Japanese, Korean, or Taiwanese descent. Although they were in the same institution, Filipino
12
Americans characterized East Asian students as having elevated standards of educational
achievement, such as private tutoring, higher GPAs, more strict Asian educational values from
parents, and concentration in sciences and engineering majors (Hernandez, 2016). It was not
until they reached college that Filipino American students had to give more reflective thought
about whether they could be considered Asian. Furthermore, in the university setting, Filipino
Americans compared themselves to other Asian Americans in terms of cultural upbringing and
educational experience. Hence, they came to terms with the non-biological, non-quantitative
aspects of their racial identity that seemed to place them in more cultural congruence with
Latinos and African Americans (Hernandez, 2016).
The Invisibility of Filipino Americans
For many Filipino Americans, both first- and second-generation, there has been a
common feeling of invalidation. For example, legal scholars’ thinking around critical race theory
in the 1980s and 1990s positioned discussions of race and racism within a Black-White binary.
Such a framing inadequately captured the nuance of political, economic, and social assaults
against Asian Americans (Curammeng, 2020). Another example is the attention given to the
success of Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, and the Hispanic-dominated United Farm Workers
(UFW). However, Filipino Larry Itliong and the Filipino-dominated Agricultural Workers
Organizing Committee had been pioneering strikes and boycotts throughout California since the
1920s (Sawyer et al., 2021).
From an academic standpoint, Filipino American students’ needs and capabilities are
rendered largely invisible in higher education discourse and education policy in general
(Hernandez, 2016). This omission is due to the homogenization of over 40 different ethnic
13
groups under the aggregate category of Asian Americans and to the incongruence of Filipino
Americans with stereotypes that categorize Asian Americans (Hernandez, 2016).
For Filipino American students, being subsumed under the institutional category of Asian
American ignores their colonial linkages to the educational system and their differential
experiences in the modern American racial landscape (Hernandez, 2016). Consequently, since
the Asian American data are not disaggregated, scholars fail to notice that there are significant
differences in educational achievement between various Asian American subgroups. This has led
to an assumption that all Asian groups are doing well as the model minority myth, when, in fact,
Filipino Americans and several other subgroups, such as Southeast Asians and Pacific Islanders,
are not educationally achieving at the same rates (Nadal, 2008).
For example, researchers examining national data have found that Filipino Americans
tend to be underrepresented at more selective colleges and universities and are more
concentrated at low-selectivity institutions compared to other Asian American ethnic subgroups
(Museus & Maramba, 2011). A 2011 study by Museus and Maramba revealed that among more
than 66,000 Asian American undergraduates in the United States, less than 19% of Filipino
Americans attended highly selective institutions, compared to 38% of Koreans and 35% of
Chinese Americans. Such disparities warrant a better understanding of the Filipino American
population’s experiences (Museus & Maramba, 2011).
Educational Achievement and Social Mobility
Since institutions have subsumed Filipino American students under the category of Asian
American, there is very little research and literature on their beliefs regarding the relationship
between effort and achievement. Some may believe that there is a strong relationship between
14
effort and achievement, while some may think otherwise. In general, it is difficult to tell since
research on this topic is scarcely available.
The cultural orientation explanation proposes that Asian American youth are harderworking because of cultural beliefs that emphasize the strong connection between effort and
achievement (Hsin & Xie, 2014). A study by Chen and Stevenson conducted in 1995 found that
Asian American students tend to view cognitive abilities as qualities that can be developed
through effort, whereas White Americans tend to view cognitive abilities as inborn qualities. In
that study, 304 Asian American and 1,958 White students rated the statement, “Anyone can do
well in math if he/she works hard enough,” on a seven-point scale ranging from strongly
disagree to strongly agree, with the former being the lowest and the latter being the highest
(Chen & Stevenson, 1995). High ratings reflect an acceptance of the belief that academic success
strongly depends on effort (Chen & Stevenson, 1995). The average score for Asian Americans
was 5.3, while the average score for White students was 4.6 (Chen & Stevenson, 1995). In
addition, students estimated the number of hours they spent each week studying mathematics
outside of their classes. More hours spent studying means there is a strong belief in the direct
correlation between effort and achievement. Asian American students estimated they spent an
average of 5.3 hours per week, while White students estimated they spent an average of 3.2
hours per week (Chen & Stevenson, 1995).
Sue and Okazaki (1990) offered a slightly related perspective. They theorized that Asian
Americans’ academic success was due to relative functionalism. This theory was based on the
observation that many Asian immigrants desired to move to the United States to take advantage
of educational and occupational opportunities not available in their homelands, with the ultimate
goal of upward social mobility (Sue & Okazaki, 1990). Moreover, Asian Americans considered
15
education the best means for social advancement, though linked to the myth of meritocracy, but
were less affected by racial discrimination and prejudice. Therefore, educational attainment was
a functional means of achieving upward social status relative to alternatives: relative
functionalism in short (Sue & Okazaki, 1990). Consequently, relative functionalism strengthened
the direct relationship between effort and achievement. From a monolithic Asian American
perspective, education was seen as the only path to success, and due to a lack of resources, the
only path to success was through extended effort (Sue & Okazaki, 1990). It must be mentioned
that there was very little research and literature regarding Filipino Americans’ desire to use
education as a vehicle for social mobility.
Two developments in the labor front back in the 1940s forced Asian Americans to use
education as a vehicle to move up the social ladder. Many labor unions discriminated against
Asian Americans, refusing them membership. In addition, technological advancements and an
expanding economy after World War II required educated professionals and white-collar
employees (Sue & Okazaki, 1990). Thus, the first development limited occupational
opportunities for manual laborers, and the second development placed a premium on
professional and technical skills that required an advanced education (Sue & Okazaki, 1990). As
a result, Asian Americans saw themselves in a marginal position; they were newcomers to the
United States with few political and social resources (Hsin & Xie, 2014). Ultimately, they
perceived educational credentials as having symbolic value in terms of conferring social prestige
and as having great instrumental value as the surest way to attain upward mobility (Hsin & Xie,
2014).
Due to their desire for a better life, or upward social mobility, Asian American parents
eventually became more strategic in terms of their children’s education in two ways (Joo et al.,
16
2016). First, they endeavored to live in what they deemed as safe neighborhoods with good
schools (Joo et al., 2016). Per J. Lee and Zhou (2015), ethnic communities of Asian descent
ultimately formed into social networks via churches and community centers. Asian American
parents eventually informed others about which neighborhoods had the best public schools, the
importance of taking Advanced Placement classes in high school, and the practice of navigating
the college admissions process (J. Lee & Zhou, 2015). Second, they were willing to pay for extra
academic lessons outside of regular school hours, like SAT preparation, as opposed to Whites,
Blacks, and Hispanics (Byun & Park, 2012). Per Byun and Park (2012), East Asian American
students were more likely to utilize a commercial SAT preparation service and gained the most
benefit from it based on their SAT scores, as opposed to other ethnicities.
Enrollment at California Community Colleges
As of 2020, there are currently 1.8 million students at 116 California community
colleges, making it the largest system of higher education in the United States. Of the 1.8 million
students, 69% are people of diverse ethnic backgrounds. The race/ethnicity breakdown of the
data is as follows: 46.04% are Hispanic, 23.09% are White, 11.38% are Asian, 6.05% are of
unknown race/ethnicity, 5.59% are African American, 3.81% are multiethnic, 2.8% are Filipino
American, 0.40% are Pacific Islander, and 0.35% are Native American (California Community
Colleges Chancellor's Office, 2022a). Consequently, there are approximately 50,400 Filipino
Americans attending community college in California.
Based on the data provided by the California Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office,
as of 2021, there is minimal difference in the success rates between Filipino Americans and
Asian Americans. The percentages of students who completed transfer-level math and English in
their first academic year are as follows: 32% of Asian Americans, 32% of Filipino Americans,
17
23% of students of unknown race/ethnicity, 21% of Whites, 21% of students of two or more
races, 17% of Hispanics, 16% Pacific Islanders, 11% of Native Americans, and 9% of Blacks
(California Community Colleges Chancellor's Office, 2022b). In addition, the percentages of
students who transitioned to postsecondary or earned an award are as follows: 14% of Asian
Americans, 13% of Filipinos, 13% of Whites, 11% of Native Americans, 11% of Hispanics, 11%
of students of two or more races, 11% of students of unknown race/ethnicity, 9% of Pacific
Islanders, and 8% of Blacks (California Community Colleges Chancellor's Office, 2022b).
Lastly, the percentages of students who transferred to a 4-year institution are as follows: 14% of
Asian Americans, 12% of Filipinos, 12% of Whites, 11% of students of two or more races, 8%
of Hispanics, 8% of Native Americans, 8% of Pacific Islanders, 8% of Blacks, and 7% of
students of unknown race/ethnicity (California Community Colleges Chancellor's Office,
2022b).
For Filipino Americans, the challenge lies in transfer rates to the California State
University system (CSU) and the University of California system (UC). As of 2021, the
percentages of students who transferred to a CSU/UC are as follows: 12% of Asian Americans,
8% of Filipino Americans, 8% of Whites, 8% of students of two or more races, 7% of Hispanics,
5% of Native Americans, 5%of Pacific Islanders, 5% of students of unknown race/ethnicity, and
Blacks 4% (California Community Colleges Chancellor's Office, 2022b). Since the California
Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office does not disaggregate the data in terms of how many
students transferred to a CSU and how many students transferred to a UC, it is unclear as to how
many Filipino American students coming from a community college enrolled in a highly
selective institution (HSI).
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Student Success Initiatives
Based on current literature, three long-term solutions emerged in an effort to increase
community college student success: Guided Pathways (Allen, 2020), Extended Opportunity
Programs and Services (Over, 2009), and the Early Alert Program (Tammes, 2021). Since data is
lacking, it is unclear whether these solutions are helpful to the state’s Filipino American
community college students.
Guided Pathways
The Guided Pathways model was developed in 2015 by such scholars as Thomas R.
Bailey, Shanna Smith Jaggars, and David Jenkins. They sought to reform the traditional
community college model, which in reality was a cafeteria self-service design model (Allen,
2020). It allowed for choices among many hundreds of classes, degree options, and programs,
but students were left on their own to navigate such options, resulting in uninformed choices and
unmet student goals (Allen, 2020).
The Guided Pathways framework begins with the students’ end goals in mind, and it
allows institutions to reform and redesign academic and student service areas. The redesign
prepares the college for the student as opposed to expecting the student to be ready for college
(Allen, 2020). In addition, the foundation of the Guided Pathways framework rests on four
pillars designed to support students: clarify the path, help students get on the path, help students
stay on the path, and ensure students are learning (Allen, 2020). Consequently, the Guided
Pathways systemic redesign of academic programs involves four innovations: course scheduling,
course availability, course structure, and course delivery.
Course scheduling determines when, where, and how many courses are offered to
students during an academic term (Sublett & Orenstein, 2021). Since most community college
19
students have work and family commitments, pre-requisite and other vital courses should be
offered during various times and days, most especially in the evenings. Not doing so hampers
student access and impedes the fulfillment of graduation requirements.
Course availability revolves around the decisions related to when community classes are
scheduled (Sublett & Orenstein, 2021). To help students who have work and family
commitments, vital classes should be offered multiple times per year, not just one semester.
Since underrepresented minorities have a smaller margin of error, every single unavailable
course can disturb their ability to finish all the courses they need to graduate (Sublett &
Orenstein, 2021).
Course structure refers to the various ways in which courses can be designed, configured,
and offered to students (Sublett & Orenstein, 2021). Traditionally, students enroll in various
courses taught by different faculty members. Plus, different students attend each class. There is
very little consistency across courses. Hence, alternative course structures, such as learning
communities, should be created, wherein students are grouped into cohorts by major, which
allows them to take courses with a consistent group of people. This endeavor seeks to deepen
academic and social integration, which eventually could lead to increased persistence (Sublett &
Orenstein, 2021).
Course delivery refers to the degree to which course technology mediates instruction
(Sublett & Orenstein, 2021). On one end, there is the traditional face-to-face on-ground
instruction, and on the other end, there is the online instruction in either synchronous or
asynchronous forms. To improve access for underrepresented minority students and help in their
degree completion, community colleges should complement on-ground courses with online
courses.
20
Extended Opportunity Programs and Services
Meanwhile, Extended Opportunity Programs and Services (EOP&S) was created in 1969
with the intent to encourage community colleges to establish programs directed to students
affected by language, social, and economic handicaps to help them achieve their educational
goals (Over, 2009). A few examples of these goals are as follows: obtaining job skills, acquiring
occupational certificates, earning associate degrees, and transferring to 4-year institutions. To be
specific, EOP&S provides the following to qualified students: loans or grants to help meet living
costs, loans or grants to help meet the cost of student fees, loans or grants to help meet the cost of
transportation between home and the college, work experience programs, and job placement
programs (Over, 2009). To be eligible for EOP&S assistance, students should be California
residents, be enrolled full-time, have completed fewer than 70- semester degree units, qualify for
a Board of Governors fee waiver, and be educationally disadvantaged (Over, 2009).
Early Alert Program
Lastly, the Early Alert Program is a structured, institutional intervention using a referral
network of faculty and staff that provides holistic support for students needing assistance
(Tammes, 2021). If a student shows inconsistent attendance, performs sub-par on several exams,
or needs tutoring to help improve academic skills, then the instructor will send an early alert
notification. The alert will result in a case manager, who is most often an academic advisor,
contacting the student. In addition, this advisor should have access to an early alert software
system, which is a tool to collect, manage, and maintain records of early alerts (Tammes, 2021).
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Model of Human Development
Bronfenbrenner’s work is based on an analysis and integration of results from empirical
investigations conducted over many decades by various researchers. He first introduced this
21
ecological paradigm in the 1970s, and its conceptual and operational frameworks were supported
by a comparatively small body of relevant research findings that were available at that time
(Bronfenbrenner, 1994). These frameworks would eventually provide the basis and incentive to
move the study of human development in the direction of his own general ecological model.
Two propositions specify the defining properties of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model
of human development. Proposition 1 states that in the early phases, human development takes
place through processes of progressively more complex reciprocal interactions between an active
and evolving biopsychological human organism and the people, objects, and symbols in its
immediate environment (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). To be effective, the interactions must occur on
a regular basis over extended periods; these interactions are referred to as proximal processes.
Examples of these are as follows: parent-child activities and child-child activities. Proposition 2
states that the form, power, content, and direction of the proximal processes affecting
development vary systematically as a joint function of the characteristics of the developing
person and the nature of the developmental outcomes under consideration (Bronfenbrenner,
1994).
Another feature of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model is that it is composed of five
structures: the microsystem, the mesosystem, the exosystem, the macrosystem, and the
chronosystem. The microsystem is a pattern of activities, social roles, and interpersonal relations
experienced by the developing person in a face-to-face setting with particular physical, social,
and symbolic features (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). Examples include family interactions, school
interactions, and peer group interactions. In this study, the microsystem focused on family
income, parental expectation, single-parent or two-parent households, and parents modeling selfefficacy.
22
Figure 1
Conceptual Framework
The mesosystem is a system of microsystems. It is composed of linkages and processes
between two or more settings containing the developing person (Bronfenbrenner, 1994).
Examples are relations between home and school or relations between school and workplace. In
this study, the mesosystem focused on the effectiveness of teachers, the influence of church
leaders, the impact of peer pressure, and the need to help with sibling childcare.
23
The exosystem comprises the linkages and processes taking place between two or more
settings, wherein at least one of which does not contain the developing person (Bronfenbrenner,
1994). An example is the relationship between the home and the parent’s workplace. In this
study, the exosystem focused on how many parents work, whether one parent works or both
parents work, and the immigration status of the parents and the research participant.
As presented in Chapter One, the macrosystem consists of the overarching pattern of
microsystems, mesosystems, and exosystems. It particularly refers to certain knowledge,
customs, lifestyles, and beliefs. It may be thought of as a societal blueprint for a particular
culture or subculture (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). In this study, the macrosystem focused on cultures
that prioritize academics, victor mentality, neighborhood safety, if English is the primary
language spoken in the household, policies, funding, and the strengths and weaknesses of
Filipino Americans as an ethnic minority.
The chronosystem encompasses change or consistency over time in the characteristics of
the person and the environment in which that person lives (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). For example,
changes over the life course in terms of family structure, socioeconomic status, employment, and
place of residence. In this study, the chronosystem focused on the examples stated in this
paragraph.
Conclusion
There is very little research on the stories of Filipino American community college
students. One of the reasons for this is the continued homogenization of over 40 different ethnic
groups under the aggregate category of Asian Americans. This study investigated Filipino
American community college students’ differential experiences in the modern American racial
landscape using objective research grounded in Bronfenbrenner’s theory.
24
25
Chapter Three: Methods
Higher education discourse and education policy render Filipino American students’
needs and capabilities largely invisible (Hernandez, 2016). A reason for this omission is the
homogenization of over 40 different ethnic groups under the aggregate category of Asian
Americans (Hernandez, 2016). Hence, the purpose of this study was to examine Filipino
American students’ experiences of studying in California’s community college system within the
modern American racial landscape and to add to the foundational literature on this topic.
Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) ecological model of human development guided this study. This
theoretical model posits that in the early phases, human development takes place through
processes of progressively more complex reciprocal interactions between an active and evolving
biopsychological human organism and the people, objects, and symbols in its immediate
environment (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). One notable feature of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model
is that it is composed of five structures: the microsystem, the mesosystem, the exosystem, the
macrosystem, and the chronosystem.
The microsystem is a pattern of activities, social roles, and interpersonal relations
experienced by the developing person in a face-to-face setting with particular physical, social,
and symbolic features (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). The mesosystem is a system of microsystems. It
is composed of linkages and processes between two or more settings containing the developing
person (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). The exosystem comprises the linkages and processes taking
place between two or more settings, wherein at least one of which does not contain the
developing person (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). The macrosystem consists of the overarching pattern
of microsystems, mesosystems, and exosystems, or a societal blueprint for a culture or subculture
(Bronfenbrenner, 1994). Lastly, the chronosystem encompasses change or consistency over time
26
of the characteristics of the person and of the environment in which that person lives
(Bronfenbrenner, 1994).
In summary, the five stages of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model for human
development served as this study’s guiding framework to understand the influences on Filipino
American students enrolled in California’s community college system.
Research Question
The guiding research question for this study asked, based on student perceptions, what
are the influences in the micro and macro systems that have shaped the academic experiences of
Filipino Americans in California’s community college system?
Methodology
This study used a qualitative design. The strengths of a qualitative design allow for a
better understanding of the attitudes, experiences, and emotions of Filipino American students in
California’s community college system. In addition, it permits detail-oriented data to be collected
systematically (Creswell, 2014).
Qualitative Approach
This study used a qualitative approach. Qualitative methodology looks at settings and
people holistically; people, settings, or groups are not reduced to variables but are viewed as a
whole (Taylor et al., 2016). It focuses on people and their lived experiences. It does not focus on
reducing people’s words to statistical equations; what it does is highlight each individual’s
humanity. Furthermore, qualitative researchers are concerned with how people think and act in
their everyday lives (Taylor et al., 2016). They are naturalistic and seek research strategies that
parallel how people act in the course of their routine existence. For example, they conduct
observations by silently blending in, mostly in the background. When interviewing participants,
27
they frame their questions conversationally. All these strategies eliminate any influence they
might have on the people they are studying.
Population and Sample
This study used purposeful sampling to effectively answer the research questions. This
type of sampling selects data sources, participants, and cases based on how much can be learned
from them. It is meant to seek information-rich sources as opposed to producing a representative
sample (Lapan et al., 2012).
In line with purposeful sampling, the study participants met the following criteria.
They are Filipino Americans. This means that one of their parents should be Filipino.
They are currently enrolled in a community college in California, or they are students
who studied in a community college in California and transferred to a 4-year
university within the past year.
They are not enrolled in a course I teach.
They are at least 18 years old.
They do not need to have lived in the United States for a certain number of years.
Some immigrants acculturate in a week, while others do not acculturate at all despite
living in this country for 10 years. Hence, it is prejudiced and unrealistic to allow
students who have lived here for 10 years to take part in the study while excluding
those who have lived here for a shorter period.
They are either first-generation Filipino American immigrants born outside of the
United States or second-generation Filipino American immigrants with at least one
immigrant parent (Pew Research Center, 2013).
28
These criteria were implemented to produce targeted sources who were in the best position to
provide data that would answer this study’s research question.
As of 2020 there were 1.8 million students at 116 California community colleges. The
ethnic breakdown of the data is as follows: Hispanics compose 46.04% of the student population,
Whites compose 23.09% of the student population, Asians compose 11.38% of the student
population, African Americans compose 5.59% of the student population, and Filipino
Americans compose 2.8%, or 50,400, of the student population (California Community Colleges
Chancellor's Office, 2022a). I estimated that eight to 10 students would take part in the
interviews.
Instrumentation
This study used semi-structured interviews to gather data. There are several approaches
to conducting interviews. This research specifically used the standardized open-ended interview
approach, wherein questions were carefully worded and arranged with the intention of taking
each respondent through the same sequence and asking each the same questions with essentially
the same words (Patton, 2002). The main strength of this approach is that it minimized variations
in the questions so that there would be fewer chances to taint the data. Eventually, this reduced
the likelihood that the research findings would be attacked later due to certain questions being
asked the wrong way or missed altogether (Patton, 2002).
Data Collection
This study used targeted sampling to identify first- and second-generation Filipino
Americans for interviews. In addition, this research also used respondent-driven sampling
(Lapan et al., 2012) and a practice known as snowballing (Taylor et al., 2016). Respondentdriven sampling was used because, initially, the interviewees responded to social media
29
outreach. Snowballing took place as those who had been interviewed were asked if they were
comfortable naming other Filipino Americans who might agree to be part of this endeavor. Table
1 lists several Filipino American student organizations targeted for data collection.
Table 1
Colleges and Universities in Southern California and Corresponding Filipino American Student
Organizations
Institution Fil-Am student organization Social media presence
Azusa Pacific University Kapamilya Instagram/Facebook
Cal Poly Pomona Barkada Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
Cal Poly San Luis Obispo Pilipino Cultural Exchange Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
Cal State Bakersfield Kaibigan Paso Instagram/Facebook
Cal State Channel Islands Kilusan Pilipino Instagram/Facebook
Cal State Dominguez Hills Pagsikapan Instagram/Facebook
Cal State Fullerton Pasa Kaibigan Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
Cal State Los Angeles Kalahi Instagram/Facebook
Cal State Long Beach PAC Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
Cal State Northridge FASA Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
Cal State San Bernardino Lubos Paso Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
Cal State San Marcos Kamalayan Alliance Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
Chapman University Kapamilya Instagram/Facebook
Claremont College Kasama Instagram/Facebook
Glendale Community College Phamilya Instagram/Facebook
Loyola Marymount University Isang Bansa Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
Mount Saint Mary’s University Pangkat Pilipino Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
Mount San Antonio College Filamilya Instagram/Facebook
Occidental College Puso Instagram/Facebook
Pasadena City College Tropa Instagram/Facebook
Pepperdine University Pakikisama Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
San Diego State University AB Samahang Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
Southwestern College Pagkakaisa Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
UC Irvine Kababayan Instagram/Facebook
UCLA Samahang Pilipino Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
UC Riverside Katipunan Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
UC San Diego Kaibigang Pilipin@ Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
UC Santa Barbara Kapatirang Pilipino Instagram/Facebook/Twitter
University of San Diego Fuso Instagram/Facebook
University of Redlands Bayanihan Instagram/Facebook
30
Institution Fil-Am student organization Social media presence
University of Southern
California Troy Philippines
Instagram/Facebook
Interview
This study used semi-structured interviews. This technique allowed much more leeway
for following up on issues deemed important (Denzin & Lincoln, 2018), which eventually put the
interviewee in a better position to tell his/her story. In addition, there were three steps in the
interview process. In Step 1, those who agreed to be interviewed were contacted via social media
to set up a designated time. The interview was online via Zoom. For Step 2, before the start of
the actual interview, the participant was assured of the following: the anonymity of one’s
identity, the right to ask questions, and the right to end the interview at any given moment in
time. In addition, I informed the student that I would record the interview to ensure the accuracy
of the information gathered. In Step 3, at the conclusion of the interview, I reminded each
participant that he/she would receive a $30 gift card as a small token of appreciation. In addition,
I also included them in a raffle that gave each one three chances to win a $50 gift card. Next, I
asked each one if they were comfortable naming other individuals whom they felt could
participate in the study and if I could contact them again if there were a need for further
clarification. To secure the data in an unyielding manner, I encrypted all files used in the study
and all computers used in the research with a password.
Trustworthiness, Credibility, and Reliability
The qualitative approach to research is uniquely positioned to provide researchers with
process-based, narrated, and storied data that is more closely related to the human experience.
Yet the degree of trust one has in the person telling the tale has much to do with the degree of
trust attributed to the telling (Stahl & King, 2020). Hence, I consistently sought to enhance this
31
study’s trustworthiness, meaning that readers will have a sense of confidence in what has been
reported when they interpret the written work (Stahl & King, 2020). To do so, I attempted to
provide thick descriptions: texts rich in details such that the event or the object of description is
made palpable (Stahl & King, 2020). In addition, I applied member checking. Member checking
is defined as having the interviewees review the major findings and themes to check for accuracy
(Creswell, 2014). I did this via follow-up interviews to provide opportunities for the participants
to comment on the findings. Furthermore, my self-reflection clarified any bias brought about by
several factors such as gender, culture, history, and socioeconomic origin (Creswell, 2014).
Aside from trustworthiness, credibility also needs to be factored in when conducting
qualitative research. It asks the question of how congruent the findings are with reality (Stahl &
King, 2020). To increase credibility, I endeavored to thoroughly check and re-check the
transcripts of the interviews to repeatedly establish if there were identifiable patterns (Stahl &
King, 2020).
Lastly, reliability in research deals with the consistency in approach across different
researchers and different projects (Creswell, 2014). In short, if the research were replicated under
the same conditions, would the results be similar? To enhance reliability, I applied two
strategies. There was extensive documentation of the study’s many steps and procedures
(Creswell, 2014), and I undertook a thorough re-check of the transcripts to avoid mistakes such
as miscommunication or confusion (Creswell, 2014).
Role of the Researcher
The primary role of the researcher is to create studies that will be the first step toward
various forms of action that can redress injustice (Schoorman, 2014). The ultimate aim should be
one of service to students, teachers, communities, and others (Schoorman, 2014). Grouping
32
Filipino American students together into the category of Asian American ignores their colonial
linkages to the educational system and their differential experiences in the modern American
racial landscape (Hernandez, 2016). Consequently, scholars fail to notice that there are
significant differences in educational achievement between various Asian American subgroups,
including Filipino Americans. This eventually leads to the minimal amount of literature on the
influences that have shaped the academic experience of Filipino Americans in California’s
community college system. As such, the purpose of this study was to understand the influences
in the micro and macro systems that have shaped the academic experiences of Filipino
Americans in California’s community college system.
Being Filipino American, one potential bias I had was the belief that Filipino Americans
have confidence in an internal locus of control as opposed to an external one. The former has an
attitude of personal responsibility regarding the outcomes of one’s actions and is otherwise
known as victor mentality (Manichander, 2014). The latter is of the belief that events and
circumstances control one’s fate and is otherwise known as victim mentality (Manichander,
2014).
To address this potential bias, I used constant self-reflection as a tool to ensure no undue
influence on this study. In addition, the dissertation committee scrutinized the interview
questions to determine if there was any form of partiality. Lastly, I recorded and transcribed the
interviews to help me review and analyze for any prejudice.
Finally, the participants knew me as an instructor at various community colleges in
California. Hence, reactivity was a potential threat. Reactivity is a researcher’s influence on the
participants (Paradis & Sutkin, 2017). During individual interviews, there is a high probability
that reactivity can taint the data. Consequently, I used three solutions to remedy the situation.
33
First was the acknowledgement and self-realization of my positionality as an employee of
various community colleges in California. Second, probing questions were used only in
situations that required it during the individual interviews. Third, I used the socially acceptable
incompetent as the main self-presentation strategy. This was a strategy in which I took on the
role of someone who was ignorant and, therefore, needed to be taught things that may even
appear obvious without taking offense (Lofland et al., 2006). It was meant to enhance my
approachability and consequently diminish the participants’ reactivity.
34
Chapter Four: Findings
The main objective of this study was to attain a greater awareness of the influences that
have shaped Filipino American students’ identity and academic experience in the community
college setting. With an increased understanding of Filipino Americans’ lived experiences,
California community college teachers and administrators could be in a better position to assist
this ethnic minority. This chapter will present data from interviews to answer this study’s
research question: Based on student perceptions, what are the influences in the micro and macro
systems that have shaped the academic experiences of Filipino Americans in California’s
community college system?
Participant Profile
Eight Filipino American students participated in this study. Six were female, and two
were male. The preferred sample would have been an equal number of males and females, but
for unknown reasons, most of the students who responded to the invitation were female. Two
participants were incoming California community college freshmen, three were incoming
sophomores, and three graduated from a California community college last year. Snowball
sampling occurred. Lastly, I assigned all research participants pseudonyms to protect their true
identities. Table 2 presents a summary of the details.
35
Table 2
List of Participants, Their Gender, and Their Corresponding Status as a Community College
Student
Pseudonym Gender Location Generation Status as a community
college student
Kani Male Southern
California
Second Incoming freshman
Ali Female Southern
California
Second Incoming sophomore
Diana Female Southern
California
Second Incoming sophomore
Danica Female Southern
California
Second Incoming sophomore
Ennie Female Northern
California
Second Graduated last year
Nadine Female Northern
California
Second Graduated last year
Leslie Female Northern
California
Second Graduated last year
Kon Male Southern
California
Second Incoming freshman
Themes That Influenced the Filipino American Community College Experience
Some of the data that this research produced departed from published literature regarding
the Filipino American identity crisis, while some of the findings were in congruence with
previous research on Asian American immigrants’ academic success. For example, no research
participant stated that they had ever experienced an identity crisis such that they had trouble
identifying as Filipino. Ali explained, “Race and identity doesn’t really play an important part in
me. You know, I can go to college and just be myself. I go about my daily business. I don’t
concern myself with racial stuff.”
36
On the other hand, the themes this study unearthed aligned with previous research on
Asian Americans’ academic success: the importance of family and its positive influence in terms
of academic support, the value of high expectations, and a firm belief in upward social mobility
via education. In addition, one important issue was discussed and analyzed as well: the scarcity
of individuals chronicling the triumphs and tribulations of Filipino Americans. Moving forward,
the remaining parts of this chapter are organized according to the abovementioned themes and
issue.
The Importance of Family and Its Positive Influence in Terms of Academic Support
When asked what Filipinos value most, all eight participants expressed their love for their
families and how their parents played a significant part in their lives. While there were some
disagreements, love and respect were constant themes. Ennie recalled a memorable incident in
her life:
But so the reason why I didn’t apply to any colleges after high school was actually
because my mom was, like, … well, firstly, I told her that I didn’t want to do nursing.
Okay, that’s already starting a fight right there. I said, Mom, I don’t want to do that. I
don’t want to be in the medical field, and she was upset.
Nonetheless, when asked what Filipinos value most, seven participants answered family.
Ennie stated,
Okay, actually, like, instant answer: I think family or, like, relationships is, like, the
Number 1 thing that Filipinos value because I have a big family. My grandma had, like,
10 kids or 12 kids. And I have a bunch of cousins: big, big family. I have family in the
Philippines, and I have family spread across the states. So, I feel like, you know, the
relationships that we have with each other is very important. Even the friends I make, I’m
37
still friends with, such as my kindergarten friends, and we’re Filipino. My parents are
friends with their parents. I feel like they are always looking out for each other. And
there’s this, like, idea that when you grow up, you have to move out of your family’s
home, but like, you know, I used to think that. But, seeing, like, a bunch of Asian
families, I feel like they stay with their parents. They don’t send them off into a
retirement home or whatever.
Similarly, Diana echoed Ennie’s response regarding family. She expressed,
[Filipinos] do think of their family and deeply care for them even though they don’t meet
each other often. It’s like when one of my long-distance relatives was very excited to
meet me, even though I didn’t know them well. So, yes, even when they are, like,
strangers, they’re still family.
Furthermore, Leslie articulated that Filipinos love their families so much that they constantly
seek to provide for them financially:
I look at specifically where I grew up: Vallejo. There’s a high population of Filipinos
living here. I feel like family is something they value. And I think that’s why they pursue,
like, nursing. That’s why they pursue stable jobs because they want to be able to provide
for their family.
Finally, Ali spoke of a culturally important Tagalog word: “Part of Filipino culture is
‘kapamilya.’ You know, family.” The word “kapamilya” means a member of the family. It is
ingrained in Filipino culture such that most relatives, no matter how distant, are called
“kapamilya.”
38
In summary, the participants’ quotes revealed that family is very important to them, such
that there is a cultural desire to provide and take care of loved ones in various ways: via potential
employment as a nurse or via long-term geriatric care of parents.
A direct result of the importance of family is the positive influence it creates in terms of
academic support. All participants discussed this theme. One specific example is the latitude and
patience Leslie received as she was unsure as to what major to choose right after high school.
When asked what factors helped her succeed academically, she replied,
I think I feel like the main factor that helped me was definitely, like, my parents. The fact
that they wanted and pushed me to get good grades [and] pursue higher education after
high school. … They didn’t want high school to be the last stop for me. And I feel like if
I didn’t have that, I definitely wouldn’t even have seen college as a dream of mine. I
don’t know what my dream job is, but I know that college is my dream, and I feel like I
wouldn’t have had that dream and have educational goals if it wasn’t for them. And I
definitely think that they, at first, didn’t understand why I was majoring in sociology. I
think the fact that they were just supportive that I was still in school, that definitely
helped me to, like, keep going into looking at other academic opportunities and look at
what I want to do after. I think the fact that they were just super supportive in that area
was just really helpful to me because just pursuing any sort of 4-year degree is, like,
super nerve-wracking, especially, like, when you’re a first-gen student. But the fact that
they were supportive about it definitely helped me just because I see a lot of friends
whose parents. … They don’t have that. They don’t necessarily, like, care about what
they do after high school. They don’t care if they pursue an education or not, which is
totally fine. But I definitely feel like having that sort of encouragement and support of
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pursuing education in any way is definitely like, helpful. And I think that’s what
definitely helped me in my academic journey.
Additionally, Danica declared that her mother’s constant presence in her volleyball games
inspired her to succeed inside and outside the classroom:
But I do think that, like, it depends on your environment. I don’t think it has anything to
do with race or anything. It’s more like, let’s say you come from a family who’s very
supportive. Of course, you’re going to be able to do well. But if you come from a family
who, like, does not support you, let’s say, either athletically or academically, it’s really
hard, no matter how much effort you put in, to be able to succeed just because of the
difference in support. For me, I think it was mostly my mom who was my biggest support
system. Like, she would come to every single game that I had for volleyball, I think even
on days that she had to work. But even during my past, like, beach volleyball season, she
would still sometimes, like, miss work just so that she could go watch me play, which
was the biggest difference.
Moreover, Nadine proclaimed that supporting family members is a cultural trait of Filipinos:
I guess I would say it is maybe a cultural value. Even back home in the Philippines, my
parents and family here do their best to support my cousins with their education over
there. And we’re raised with the same sentiment of, like, you need to finish school. So, I
guess it’s just ingrained in us. So, yeah, I think that’s why so many Filipinos are
motivated to finish school and to succeed in that way.
What she said next is an exclamation point to what Lesley and Danica mentioned about the
positive influence of family support:
40
Personally, for me, why I work so hard is because the generations before me … worked
even harder than I did, and they received, like, a fraction of the success I have. So, I have
to take whatever opportunity that they’ve sacrificed for me and fly with it because, you
know, they walked so, like, I could run.
It is important to note that three participants mentioned that Filipinos, aside from valuing
family, also value what other people think of them. Danica elaborated,
Filipinos value appearances. So, I think even the way that you look and the way you
present yourself. I think that’s something that they value. Like, another example would be
[that] I see a lot of people wearing luxury brands, and they will kind of like flaunt it. It’s
like showing that you have money. Like, you’re well off.
Ennie also had the same perspective:
You know, Filipinos are very avid Facebook users. So, they always want to, like, flex.
And they always want to, like, show off. Oh, look at my kids. They’re graduating or, like,
look, I have a new bag. They always want to impress. I guess that is one value. But I
wouldn’t say it’s like a deep, deep-rooted virtue.
What Kian said next best explained it all: “Filipinos value how other people think of them. They
always want to leave a good impression. They want to know how what they’re doing affects
other people and what these people think of them.”
Everything considered, despite some perspectives that deviated from the norm, all eight
participants declared that one of the most significant influences that helped them succeed in
school was family support.
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The Value of High Expectations
As previously mentioned, the participants value family above all else and are fully
supported by their families in their academic endeavors. However, this support comes with high
expectations. When asked what other influences helped Filipino Americans succeed
academically in the community college setting, all eight participants answered high expectations.
Ennie recounts how her parents’ expectations helped her succeed, but she struggled to
understand their motivations at a young age:
But I guess it’s just the expectation of, like, yeah, graduating, getting a degree. But also,
like, growing up … straight As, good grades, extra curriculums. My mom always wanted
me to have good grades, good passing grades. And, you know, looking back as a young
child, I never understood, like, what is the point? Not trying to sound, like, pretentious or
anything, but I would get good grades. But I just didn’t understand. What am I getting
good grades for? Like, looking back, … it’s just like to get into high school and then get
into a good college, I guess. So, I guess I was just trying to do good for my parents, like,
towards the end of high school.
Meanwhile, Nadine expressed that aside from being required to finish college by her family, she
was discouraged from entering into any romantic relationships:
Growing up, they always emphasized the importance of education. Because my parents
like, they didn’t finish school. And I’m also the first born on both sides. So, everyone was
always like, oh, just study really hard and work hard in school because the only way
we’re going to be able to afford to send you to college is if you get a scholarship. When
you finish school, then you can get a good job. And so, they always emphasized the
42
importance of education. And my grandparents’ favorite saying was: oh, no boyfriend
until you finish college, or no boyfriend until you finish school.
Additionally, Leslie narrates why her father had high expectations for her:
Growing up, specifically with my dad, it was very high [his expectations]. I think [that
was] because none of my two parents went to a 4-year university. So, I was like a firstgeneration student. They always made sure, like even in elementary school, that we were
passing our classes. They wanted that 4.0 GPA in high school, even though I couldn’t get
it. So they really set the expectations high for us, just because they wanted us to, like,
work super hard in school and get a good job after.
Furthermore, Leslie explained that her parents persuaded her to experience college because they
never had the opportunity to do so themselves:
And I think also in our families, like my cousins, me and my older sister are one of the
first few people to go to, like, a 4-year university. My parents really pushed us to get that
experience, I think just because it was difficult for them to, like, sort of pursue it
themselves.
Similar to Nadine, Leslie was also discouraged from entering into a romantic relationship so that
she could focus on her studies. Per her revelation,
It was instilled in me, like, since my oldest sister, …. I remember in middle school.
Everyone, like all my friends, are getting boyfriends, and my mom would be, like, “If I
ever catch you having a boyfriend, that’s why I know you’re not doing good in school.
Blah blah blah!” And then, when I got to high school, I had a boyfriend in my senior
year, and it was like a big discussion for my parents because I went against them, and I
don’t usually do that. I’m usually like a good child, and I think when they found out I had
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a boyfriend, it took a lot for them to process. But now, they’re able to process it. But at
the time, they’re like, oh my God, her grades are gonna drop, blah blah blah! Like, she’s
not gonna do well in school! That was sort of like their thought process behind all of that.
In line with the experiences of Nadine and Leslie, Ali divulged that she was discouraged
from taking a part-time job while in high school so that she could focus on her academics.
They wanted me to get good grades and don’t concern myself with other stuff. I wanted
to work in high school, but they said no, you need to study. Your grades are not really
good. What do you think a job is going to do for you? Right now, I am still not working.
Similar to Ali, Nadine was also discouraged from taking part-time employment because it could
potentially be a distraction. She stated,
Even when I was in high school and I wanted to, like, start working, they were very
hesitant about letting me go work. They were like, oh, once you start working, you’re
going to get addicted to just making money, and then you’re going to drop out. You’re
not going to finish school.
I also asked participants what their parents’ reaction would have been if the participants
had decided not to go to college. All answered that their parents would not allow it, and they
would definitely be upset. Leslie revealed,
I can expect them to have, like, a very disappointed and somewhat mad reaction. I think
this definitely comes from the fact that my mom is a stay-at-home mom. And, like, she
made the difficult choice to do that when she became pregnant with my older sister
because she was unable to, like, work and be a mom at the same time. So, I think that’s
why my mom and dad definitely pushed for us to, like, go to college. I feel like if I said,
oh, I’ve decided I don’t want to go to college [and] I just want to work, I think they
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would definitely see that as a way of me giving up. I think also the fact that they weren’t
able to pursue, like, a 4-year education after high school, I think they are definitely
projecting their dreams onto us, too.
Additionally, Danica declared,
My mom would be angry. Yes. Even my brother. He wanted to just go to the Army right
away after high school, and my mom said, no, you’re not allowed to. You need to make
sure that you finish college first.
Lastly, Ennie, a former California community college student, expressed,
Honestly, yes, they would be really like … it’s kind of like they look down on you if you
don’t finish school, and I don’t blame them. Because you know they want … you know,
my parents didn’t get, like, an education like this, and stuff like that. So, they just want us
to do good. They want us to graduate and make them proud, which, of course, I want to
do that.
In summary, the participants all conveyed that the high expectations came with a price:
there was a non-negotiable end goal to finish college and a desire from Filipino parents to have
their children focus on academics and do away with distractions such as romantic relationships
and part-time work.
Upward Social Mobility via Education
The reason the participants stated that Filipino parents hold high expectations for their
children is that they desire upward social mobility via education. This desire for upward social
mobility parallels what Danica, Ennie, and Kani mentioned: Filipinos are image-conscious, and
they value what other people think of them.
45
When asked if there was a direct correlation between more education and social mobility,
all eight participants answered that the more education an individual has, the greater the
probability of upward social mobility. Kani preached the value of studying hard in order to get a
good job: “Once you get more education and once you have more knowledge of what you are
doing, then you can like come from middle class to upper class. You have to study to get good
work.” Similarly, Ali described the direct correlation between education and opportunities: “Just
having an education is going to skyrocket your job opportunities.” Meanwhile, Ennie articulated
the value of education in helping one be competent:
I would say yes. And like, even in the basic sense, you know how to read and write, how
to talk to people. Well, so yeah, I would say if you are more highly educated, you’re
definitely opening doors to higher opportunities.
Finally, Nadine professed that educational attainment changes how people look at you:
Hmmm, definitely. That’s the main motivation. I wanted to go to school because I know
that people look at you differently when you have a degree, and there are doors that are
available to you just because you have a degree. I think, yeah, there is a very strong
correlation between, you know, educational attainment and at least economic upward
mobility.
This belief in upward social mobility via education is not unique to Filipino Americans.
In 2016, Joo et al. stated that Asian American parents endeavored to live in what they deemed
safe neighborhoods with good schools (Joo et al., 2016). In addition, Byun and Park in 2012
reported that East Asian American students were more likely to utilize a commercial SAT
preparation service and gained the most benefit from it based on their SAT scores, as opposed to
other ethnicities (Byun & Park, 2012).
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All in all, the quotes from the research participants revealed one finding. All individuals
believed in a direct correlation between more education and upward social mobility, which is not
unique to Filipino Americans but, in fact, parallels the Asian American experience.
An Analysis of an Important Issue: The Scarcity of Individuals Narrating the Filipino
Story
Due to the shared experiences of the participants’ single-minded focus on upward social
mobility via education, the stories surrounding the triumphs and tribulations of Filipino
Americans are mostly left untold. When asked why, Ennie, a former California community
college student, explained that most Filipino Americans prefer to be nurses as opposed to writers,
which has resulted in a dearth of stories celebrating Filipino culture.
Firstly, how do we hear most stories? Mostly through the media, right? So, whatever we
consume, social media, movies, TV shows, books, magazines, everything like that, songs,
whatever. It’s not so much like invalidation. It’s more like, who’s in charge of telling
these stories? Like, how are we able to tell these stories? Like, how can we give more
Filipinos access to share their stories? Is there a platform? Are more people breaking
through in the entertainment industry? It’s like, you know, there’s a few Filipino actors
here in Hollywood, but not very much. Who’s writing the stories being told on screens?
Are there a lot of Filipino writers? No, because they’re too busy being nurses. That’s
why.
Meanwhile, Leslie offered a different perspective. She elucidated that most Asians are
lumped together in the category of Asian American. Hence, specific stories about Filipino
Americans are mostly overlooked:
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I feel like, in the beginning, I always think about when my dad immigrated here. He
always said that, like, they didn’t know what to categorize him. They didn’t categorize
him as Filipino. At first, they categorized him as Chinese because they didn’t know what
this Filipino group was. And I think that was, like, I guess, the start of how people were
sort of refusing to acknowledge Filipino history and refusing to tell it. I think our history
was sort of definitely put under the category of just Asian Americans; like, we’re just
Asian. And I think they didn’t know exactly what to do with us and, like, what we can
bring in terms of our history. And so, I think that’s why it doesn’t get told a lot.
Ali offered her own theory as well. She theorized that it is hard to sell the story of
Filipino Americans to the Western world because it is dull and not provocative: “As for films
and stuff, maybe it’s not marketable. It’s not seen as the thing to do. There’s nothing special with
the Filipino story. There are people trying, but it’s still not in the mainstream media.”
In retrospect, though the theories behind the scarcity of individuals narrating the Filipino
story were varied, there was universal agreement in the desire to have more Filipino Americans
chronicle the triumphs and tribulations of Filipino culture in the United States.
Summary
This study’s main objective was to attain a greater awareness of the influences that have
helped shape the Filipino American students’ experience in the community college setting. In the
long run, educators will be in a better position to provide effective service to this specific
population. Based on the interviews, the following themes were unearthed: the importance of
family and its positive influence in terms of academic support, the value of high expectations,
and a firm belief in upward social mobility via education. Furthermore, an important issue was
discussed and analyzed: the scarcity of individuals chronicling the triumphs and tribulations of
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Filipino Americans. The abovementioned themes and issue form the basis of the discussion and
recommendations in the succeeding chapter.
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Chapter Five: Analysis
The purpose of this research was to understand the influences that have shaped the
academic experiences of Filipino Americans in California’s community college system. Doing so
allows educators to be in a better position to serve this ethnic community. Thus, to effectively
assist Filipino Americans, it is important to determine the number of students who identify as
such.
As of 2020, there were 1.8 million students at 116 California community colleges; 50,400
of these enrollees were Filipino Americans. The race/ethnicity breakdown of the data is as
follows: 46.04% are Hispanic, 23.09% are White, 11.38% are Asian, 5.59% are African
American, and 2.8% are Filipino American (California Community Colleges Chancellor's Office,
2022a).
It is important to note that the research conducted on Filipino Americans remains sparse
when compared to the literature written on Asian Americans as an entire ethnic group.
Consequently, this study endeavored to determine the personal influences and academic supports
that have shaped Filipino American community college students in California.
The 1994 version of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of human development served as
this study’s guiding theoretical framework. It posits that understanding human development
requires one to consider the ecological system in which growth occurs. This system is composed
of five socially organized subsystems: the microsystem, the mesosystem, the exosystem, the
macrosystem, and the chronosystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). To be specific, this study explored
how the micro and macro subsystems influenced Filipino Americans’ academic experience in
California’s community college system.
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Research Question
The research question that guided this study asked, based on student perceptions, what
are the influences in the micro and macro systems that have shaped the academic experiences of
Filipino Americans in California’s community college system?
Discussion
As previously mentioned, Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) ecological model of human
development guided this study. This theoretical model posits that in the early phases, human
development takes place through processes of progressively more complex reciprocal
interactions between an active and evolving biopsychological human organism and the people,
objects, and symbols in its immediate environment (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). One notable feature
of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model is that it is composed of five structures: the microsystem,
the mesosystem, the exosystem, the macrosystem, and the chronosystem.
The microsystem is a pattern of activities, social roles, and interpersonal relations
experienced by the developing person in a face-to-face setting with particular physical, social,
and symbolic features (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). For example, as part of the microsystem, a
parent-child activity would be a mother reading to her son.
The mesosystem is a system of microsystems. It is composed of linkages and processes
between two or more settings containing the developing person (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). For
example, as part of the mesosystem, a teacher-child activity would be a music instructor showing
a child how to sing.
The exosystem comprises the linkages and processes taking place between two or more
settings, wherein at least one of which does not contain the developing person (Bronfenbrenner,
1994). For example, a child’s experience at home can be influenced by their parent’s experiences
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at work. If the mother loses her job, there might be more arguments with the father, resulting in
changes in their interaction with the child (Koblin, 2021). The macrosystem is a societal
blueprint for a particular culture or subculture and refers to the overarching pattern of
microsystems, mesosystems, and exosystems (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). Lastly, the chronosystem
encompasses change or consistency over time of the characteristics of the person and of the
environment in which that person lives (Bronfenbrenner, 1994).
The themes and issue uncovered with the participants’ help are part of the microsystem
and macrosystem. The importance of family to Filipino American students and its positive
influence in helping them succeed academically, the value of high expectations held by Filipino
parents regarding the education of their children, and the firm belief in upward social mobility
via education all fall under the microsystem. Meanwhile, there is a culture of invisibility
prevalent in U.S. society, which has made the successes and failures of Filipino American
students go unnoticed, and this falls under the macrosystem.
The Microsystem
As previously mentioned, the themes that fall under the microsystem are the importance
of family to Filipino American students and its positive influence in helping them succeed
academically, the value of high expectations held by Filipino parents regarding the education of
their children, and the firm belief in upward social mobility via education.
Seven out of eight participants stated that Filipino Americans value family above all
things. Ennie declared that sending older parents to a retirement home is unthinkable because
Filipinos value relationships. Diana narrated that long-lost relatives are still excited to see her
because Filipinos care for one another. Leslie surmised that a lot of Filipinos pursue nursing as a
vocation because it is a stable job that will allow them to provide for their loved ones. All these
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inputs could lead one to conclude that the foundation of the interviewees is family, which helps
with stability at home. As a result, the research participants were in a position to succeed inside
and outside the classroom.
A direct result of placing family above all things is strong family support. All eight
interviewees mentioned the positive influence of family support, which helped them succeed
academically. Danica mentioned that her single mother watched nearly every single volleyball
game she played, which helped her succeed on and off the court. Nadine meanwhile theorized
that family support is part of Filipino culture since she’s seen firsthand how her relatives express
their love and concern for her cousins’ academic endeavors.
With strong family support comes high expectations from Filipino parents. Nadine and
Leslie were discouraged from entering into romantic relationships back in high school so that
they could focus on their studies. Ali was not allowed to work part-time so that her main focus
would be her academics. All eight interviewees revealed that they were expected to get As in
school and were also expected to earn a college degree. Danica shared that her brother wanted to
join the Army right after high school but was prevented from doing so because her mother
insisted that he finish college first. Thus, high expectations from their parents empowered the
participants to relinquish excuses, permitting them to see through the lens of self-efficacy, which
eventually contributed to their academic success.
The high expectations held by the participants’ parents regarding the education of their
children are due to the fact that they strongly believe in a direct correlation between upward
social mobility and education. Filipinos love their families, seek to provide for them, and use
education to do so. In the long run, it leads to upward social mobility. Ennie and Nadine
mentioned that more education opens more doors and more opportunities. Kian proclaimed that
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one has to study to get good work. Hence, all eight participants highlighted that there is now a
culture that is built up, one that involves prioritizing education, parents working hard, and
children studying hard in return, which eventually leads to upward social mobility.
The Macrosystem
This study unearthed a culture of invisibility for Filipino Americans, which has been
prevalent in U.S. society for many decades. Every single one of the eight participants mentioned
that the Filipino American story is very seldom brought to light, and there were many theories as
to why this is so. Ennie mentioned that Filipino Americans are too busy being nurses because
they want to provide for their families. Leslie surmised that due to the US society’s tendency to
lump all Asians into one category, the Filipino American narrative is drowned out. Ali feels that
there is nothing special about the Filipino American story. It is dull and not provocative, which is
why it is not interesting to the mainstream crowd.
As a result, the culture of invisibility for Filipino American students has led to a dearth of
policies and funding that are meant to help this ethnic minority. For example, no policy requires
California community colleges to disaggregate data to accurately determine Filipino American
students’ academic performance. In addition, funding is insufficient to provide Filipino
American success centers in many of the state’s community colleges. Lastly, counselors are not
trained to address the strengths and weaknesses of Filipino American students due to a scarcity
of financial assistance.
The problem is massive, such that there are many components of U.S. society that are
involved. The state government based in Sacramento, along with the California Community
Colleges Chancellor’s Office, have failed to provide funding. The mainstream media has failed
to highlight Filipino American students’ strengths, weaknesses, and needs. Also, community
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colleges themselves have failed to come up with creative solutions to provide training to
counselors. For these reasons, the culture of invisibility for Filipino Americans falls under the
macrosystem.
Recommendations
This study’s problem of practice involves the invisibility of Filipino Americans and the
lack of knowledge regarding their influences, which makes it difficult for California community
college employees to assist these students. Hence, this section offers five recommendations that
will assist higher education professionals working in the California community college system in
providing effective service to the Filipino American student population. The recommendations
are a direct result of the themes and issues uncovered and discussed in the prior chapters.
Recommendation 1 discusses disaggregating data, and this stems from the theme
regarding Filipino parents holding their children to high academic expectations. To accurately
determine the academic success of Filipino American students in California’s community college
system, then the data must be disaggregated, as opposed to the homogenization of various ethnic
groups under the aggregate category of Asian Pacific Islander Desi American (APIDA).
Recommendation 2 discusses offering more Filipino American history classes to increase
awareness and to make the narrative more acceptable to mainstream society. This is due to the
fact that one of the participants, Ali, assumed that there is nothing special with the Filipino story,
which is why it is not marketable.
Recommendation 3 discusses community colleges teaching students workforce-ready
skills. Since all eight research participants believed in using education to achieve upward social
mobility, it would be best to have students enter the job market with expertise that puts them in a
position to succeed.
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Recommendation 4 discusses the creation of a Filipino American community college
success center. Since all eight participants mentioned that their family’s support positively
influenced them as community college students, then creating an on-campus student success
center could serve as a source of family-like support for Filipino American students.
Recommendation 5 discusses training that should be given to counselors so that they can
address issues that involve Filipino American parents pressuring their children to become nurses.
This is due to the fact that one of the participants, Ennie, mentioned that she was pressured into
pursuing a nursing degree after graduating high school, even though she did not show any
interest in entering the medical field.
Recommendation 1: When Gathering Data, the Facts, Figures, and Statistics Should Be
Disaggregated
Modern society is driven by data. Each time someone or something interacts with a
connected device or piece of software, data is recorded (Graves, 2022). The long-term objective
is to improve what has been measured (Graves, 2022). But in the field of education, most of the
time, data on Asians is combined into one encompassing category: APIDA. In reality, Asians in
the United States come from various countries, speak different languages, practice divergent
religions, possess unique cultures, and have experienced distinct histories. As a result, the
participants stated that the struggles of Filipino Americans are invalidated because the data does
not reveal specific challenges that should be addressed. For example, the number of Filipino
American community college students who transfer to HSIs is undetermined because many
institutions in California grouped all Asians into one category. Moving forward, it is imperative
that the data on Asians be disaggregated to provide policymakers with the awareness to
formulate student-centered solutions.
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Recommendation 2: Offer More Filipino American History Classes in Order to Encourage
Filipino Americans to Share Their Own People’s Stories With Other Students
Ali, one of the participants, mentioned that the Filipino American narrative is not
marketable to mainstream U.S. society. Her exact words were, “There’s nothing special with it.”
In reality, the Filipino American story is a colorful one. For example, there is the story of Larry
Itliong, a Filipino American farm worker who was the leader of the Delano grape workers’ strike
of 1965. In 1966, along with Cesar Chavez, he co-founded the UFW (Romasanta, 2019).
Chavez’s story is known to mainstream society; his birthday, March 31, is a federal holiday.
However, very few Filipino Americans have even heard of Itliong, whose exploits remain in the
shadows. In addition, there are many other Filipino American historical figures whose stories
must be told. Most prominent of these are Philip Vera Cruz, a labor leader during the 1960s, and
Carlos Bulosan, an author and activist who chronicled the Filipino American experience from the
1930s to the early 1950s (Haggstrom, 2017). Offering more Filipino American history classes
and increasing its accessibility to a wider spectrum of students could possibly lead to an
enhanced awareness of the vibrancy and richness of the Filipino American narrative, making it
more acceptable to US mainstream society.
Recommendation 3: Assist in Upward Social Mobility by Providing Workforce-Ready
Skills
Filipinos value family above all else, which is why they seek to use their education to
provide for their families and eventually improve their socioeconomic standing. Kani mentioned
that an individual has to study to get good work. Meanwhile, Ennie stated that even in the basic
sense, if a person knows how to read, write, and talk to people, this will definitely open doors to
higher job opportunities. Consequently, community colleges should work to provide students
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with the skills that employers need in the workplace: critical thinking, problem solving,
communication, teamwork, time management, and conflict resolution (Indeed Editorial Team,
2022). To do this, community colleges should offer relevant curricula, create programs that lead
to industry certifications, and partner with local businesses so as to generate work-based learning
opportunities (Worked.com, 2023). By doing so, they will be helping all students in general since
the relevancy of the curriculum could increase academic success.
Recommendation 4: The Creation of a Filipino American Community College Success
Center That Will Specifically Provide On-Campus Family-Like Support
All eight participants gave credit to the positive influence of their family’s support. For
example, Danica mentioned her mother’s constant presence during her volleyball games, which
helped her succeed inside and outside the classroom. Meanwhile, Leslie’s family gave her
enough latitude in choosing sociology as her major, but she readily admitted that navigating the
academic process is complicated. Hence, there is a need for a student success center that will
specifically provide on-campus family-like support to Filipino American students. It is
imperative that the success center employ academic counselors who have been trained and are
very familiar with Filipino culture and values. The long-term end goal of this endeavor is to
achieve equity by maintaining the current academic success rates of the Filipino American ethnic
minority.
Recommendation 5: Providing Training to Counselors so That They Can Address Issues
That Involve Filipino American Parents Pressuring Their Children To Become Nurses
One of the participants, Ennie, mentioned that her mother pressured her into pursuing
nursing as a profession after she graduated from high school. Though not revealed in this study’s
data due to the small sample, this is still common among many Filipino American families.
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Hence, counselors should be aware of the pressures that Filipino American students face from
their parents so that they are in a better position to provide academic guidance. Once again, the
long-term end goal of this recommendation is to achieve equity by maintaining the current
academic success rates of Filipino American students in California’s community college system.
Future Research
In the field of education, research guides academic policies. Answering more research
questions eventually leads to more research questions that need to be asked. Hence, this study
discovered an opportunity for future research. Some academic institutions in California
disaggregate their data, such that the Asian category consists of different sub-categories:
Filipino, Japanese, Korean, Chinese, and others. On the other hand, some academic institutions
in California do not disaggregate their data and prefer to lump all Asians into one encompassing
category: APIDA. To accurately guide academic policies, research needs to be conducted that
would determine if Filipino American student success rates are higher in academic institutions
that disaggregate data versus academic institutions that do not disaggregate data.
Conclusion
If educators are really serious about equity and increasing academic success rates for
minorities, then the influences in the micro and macro systems that have shaped the academic
experiences of Filipino Americans in California’s community college system should be explored.
After conducting research, this study has determined that family plays a significant part
in the micro setting. Furthermore, the participants valued family above all things. They gave
credit to family support as the reason why they succeeded in school, were academically held to
high expectations by their parents, and used education as a tool to achieve upward social
59
mobility. In the macro setting, there is a culture of invisibility prevalent in U.S. society, which
has made Filipino American students’ successes and failures go unnoticed.
Looking forward in the long term, the recommendations this research provided may serve
as a guide for educators and policymakers to better serve the Filipino American student
population in California’s community college system.
60
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66
Appendix A: Interview Questions
Thank you for volunteering to sit down for this Zoom interview. This study seeks to
understand the factors that have shaped Filipino Americans and have influenced them
academically while enrolled in California’s community college system. The only qualifications
required to be accepted for this study are the following: you should be Filipino American, you
should be at least 18 years old, you are a current student at a community college in California or
was a community college student in California last year, and you are currently not my student in
any class that I currently teach.
The interview will be recorded, and your identity will be held in the strictest confidence.
There is more information found in your Signed Consent Form, which has been emailed to you.
Please read through it, and if you have any questions, feel free to ask me. Lastly, you do not need
to answer all the questions, and you can stop at any time.
Opening Questions
1. What is the most interesting class you are currently taking? Have you taken any
classes that deal with Filipino American culture and history?
2. Are you first-generation Filipino American or a second-generation Filipino
American? First-generation Filipino Americans are immigrants who were born
outside of the United States, while second-generation Filipino Americans are
immigrants who have at least one immigrant parent.
3. In terms of ethnicity, what do you identify as?
Introduction Questions
4. At home, growing up, who were the members of your immediate family?
5. What was the primary language spoken in your household?
67
Transition Questions
6. Growing up, who were the people who were the biggest help to you in terms of
academics?
Key Questions
7. What were your parents’ or caregivers’ expectations regarding academics? If you were
not raised by your parents, what were the expectations of the adults in your life regarding
academics?
8. Looking back, based on your family’s expectations, what was its impact on you?
9. In terms of schooling, how did your socioeconomic standing influence you, if it did at
all?
10. Can you describe the academic culture that was present in your immediate community
(cousins, neighbors, close friends, relatives, etc.) when you were growing up?
Ending Questions
11. While studying in one of California’s community colleges, what were the ways that your
school supported you, if any?
12. Looking back, what do you think were the biggest factors that pushed you up or helped
you up academically?
13. Looking back, what do you think were the biggest factors that pulled you down or
dragged you down academically?
14. In the final analysis, based on your lived experience, do you think there is a relationship
between effort and achievement?
68
Closing Questions
In closing, based on your current academic experiences, what are a few concrete
suggestions that you can give to other Filipino American students in order to help them pass their
classes?
Thank you for your time. I would like to remind you that rest assured, your identity
will be held in the strictest confidence. Do you have any questions?
Just to reiterate, you will be part of a raffle that will give you three chances to win a $50
gift card, and you will be given a $30 gift card as a small token of appreciation. If you are
fortunate enough to be chosen, you will be notified via email. Enjoy the rest of your day!
69
Appendix B: Social Media Outreach to Students
Dear Students,
My name is Juan Roberto Rodriguez, and I am a researcher from the University of
Southern California. I am looking for participants in a study that seeks to understand the
motivations and influences of Filipino American students.
If you are Filipino American, a current community college student, or were a community
college student last year, 18 years old and above, and not one of my current students, then you
are eligible to participate. If you are interested in an online 1-hour interview, this will entitle you
to be part of a raffle that will give you three chances to win a $50 gift card. In addition, you will
also be automatically given a $30 gift card as a small token of appreciation. Please reply to this
message and leave your email address and cell phone number if you want to participate.
Thank you,
Juan Roberto Rodriguez
juanrrod@usc.edu
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The influences on Filipino American students: an exploratory study using Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model
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Publication Date
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