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Contribution of second shift responsibilities in underrepresentation of Senior Executive women in the Department of Defense; an intersectional view
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Contribution of second shift responsibilities in underrepresentation of Senior Executive women in the Department of Defense; an intersectional view
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Content
Contribution of Second Shift Responsibilities in Underrepresentation of Senior Executive
Women in the Department of Defense; an Intersectional View
by
Sara Van Gorder
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2024
© Copyright by Sara Van Gorder 2024
All Rights Reserved
The Committee for Sara Van Gorder certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Radhiyah Miller-Smith, Committee Member
Jennifer Phillips, Committee Member
Courtney Malloy, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024
iv
Abstract
The Senior Executive Service (SES), the highest level of civil service employment in the United
States (U.S.) government, within the Department of Defense (DoD) does not employ civilian
women at a representative level compared to their General Service (GS) counterparts. Women
are taking on greater roles within the uniformed services and defense industrial complex, but
they only hold 29% of SES positions within the DoD (Federal Workforce Data, 2022a). The
purpose of this study was to explore, with an intersectional lens, how second shift responsibilities
contribute to the underrepresentation of women in SES positions within the DoD. Individual
interviews with 15 women produced findings of inherent pressure participants felt to embody
Superwoman and fighting barriers to progression while burdened with a multitude of physical
and mental maladies. Perseverance and appreciation for personal and professional support
resulted in participants who, critical of the challenges, maintained their patriotism and continued
to mentor future female leaders in the DoD. Recommendations are not revolutionary but reflect
bureaucratic expectations of measured change through disaggregated data collection, mentorship,
and flexible work schedules.
Keywords: women, mothers, second shift, Department of Defense, Senior Executive Service,
leadership, intersectionality
v
Dedication
To my niece Jordan and goddaughters Kai and Luna, I hope you dream big and find no obstacles
in your way.
vi
Acknowledgements
My greatest appreciation goes to the study participants, as well as individuals in my
personal and professional networks who made recruiting for this study possible. Thank you to
the 15 participants who trusted my vision and shared openly with me. Thank you to my
colleagues in the Department of Defense for believing and supporting the dream of equity in our
great organization.
My dissertation committee could not have been better composed. Dr. Jennifer Phillips,
thank you for your patience, insight, and guidance on this journey. Dr. Courtney Malloy, thank
you for your time and honest feedback. Dr. Radhiyah Miller-Smith, thank you for checking up
on my progress and reaching out to your network to ensure participation throughout the
Department of Defense. To my entire committee, I greatly appreciate your willingness to
challenge me in this endeavor. It was possible to craft a good dissertation, but you saw in this
study enormous potential, and I thank you for pushing me towards it.
To my Cohort 20 Trojan family, thank you for continuing to motivate me and keep me
laughing during this marathon. Thank you for ever-encouraging early-morning emails, weekend
text messages, and some serious listening. Cohort 20 you are unbelievably amazing and
inspiring.
My family has been a great source of motivation and comfort during this journey. To my
spouse, Kevin, who gave me the opportunity to pursue a dream, thank you for your unending
support and love. Thank you to my parents who continue to cheer me on even when they know
the struggle is real. To my god-father Jim, thank you for always loving and supporting my headstrong dreams.
vii
I will always appreciate the women leaders in my life who give me hope, show me
inspiration, and keep moving forward despite the challenges. I follow in your footsteps.
Author Note
The University of Southern California Institutional Review Board (Study ID: UP-23-
00231) registered the study. The author did not receive any funding and there was no conflict of
interest to disclose. Address any correspondence concerning this study to the author at
svangord@usc.edu.
viii
Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements........................................................................................................................ vi
Author Note .................................................................................................................................. vii
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. x
List of Figures................................................................................................................................ xi
List of Abbreviations .................................................................................................................... xii
Chapter One: Introduction to the Problem of Practice.................................................................... 1
Organization Context and Mission ..................................................................................... 2
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 3
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions.................................................................... 7
Definitions........................................................................................................................... 9
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ........................................................................................ 11
The Second Shift Paradox: Women’s Experiences in the American Workplace ............. 12
Underrepresentation of Women in Executive Leadership: The Struggle for Equity
in the Senior Executive Service ........................................................................................ 17
Emerging Best Practices in Supporting Women in Executive Leadership....................... 28
Summary........................................................................................................................... 36
Chapter Three: Methodology........................................................................................................ 38
Research Questions........................................................................................................... 38
Overview of Methodology................................................................................................ 38
The Researcher.................................................................................................................. 39
Data Source: Interviews.................................................................................................... 40
Data Analysis.................................................................................................................... 44
Credibility and Trustworthiness........................................................................................ 45
ix
Ethics................................................................................................................................. 47
Chapter Four: Findings................................................................................................................. 48
Participant Demographics................................................................................................. 48
Research Question 1: How Have Women in the DoD SES Experienced Second
Shift Pressures?................................................................................................................. 51
Research Question 2: How Do Women in DoD SES Positions Perceive Their
Second Shift Work as Influencing Their Ability to Reach and Remain in the SES? ....... 55
Research Question 3: How Do DoD SES Women Perceive Their Workplaces As
Contributing To The Second Shift Pressures They Experience?...................................... 62
Summary of Findings........................................................................................................ 67
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations......................................................................... 68
Discussion......................................................................................................................... 68
Recommendations for Practice ......................................................................................... 70
Limitations and Delimitations........................................................................................... 76
Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................................ 77
Implications for Equity ..................................................................................................... 78
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 78
References..................................................................................................................................... 80
Appendix A: Recruitment Statement.......................................................................................... 101
Appendix B: Recruitment Questionnaire.................................................................................... 102
Appendix C: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................. 105
Appendix D: USC Information Sheet for Exempt Research ...................................................... 109
x
List of Tables
Table 1: Participant Demographics 50
Table 2: Theme: Societal Expectations and the Pressure to Be Perfect 52
Table 3: Theme: Negative Consequences of the Superwoman SES 54
Table 4: Theme: Barriers to Obtaining and Staying SES 56
Table 5: Theme: Importance of Mentors and Sponsors 57
Table 6: Theme: Importance of Spouse Support 58
Table 7: Theme: Importance of Friend and Family Support 60
Table 8: Theme: Importance of Financial Advantage 61
Table 9: Theme: Lack of Gender Diversity in DoD 63
Table 10: Theme: Negative Experiences in the DoD Culture 65
Table 11: Theme: Interest in Improving the SES 66
Table B1: Recruitment Questionnaire 103
Table C1: Interview Protocol Crosswalk 105
xi
List of Figures
Figure 1: Time Use Study Showing Working Hours per Week for Married
Parents With Preschoolers, 2003-2005
13
Figure 2: Female-Leader Incongruity Theoretical Framework 22
Figure 3: Theoretical Framework 34
xii
List of Abbreviations
DoD Department of Defense
ECQ Executive core qualifications
GS General Service
SES Senior Executive Service
1
Chapter One: Introduction to the Problem of Practice
The Senior Executive Service (SES), the highest level of civil service employment in the
U.S. government, within the Department of Defense (DoD) does not employ civilian women at a
representative level compared to their General Service (GS) counterparts. The DoD has come a
long way to improve the position of women leaders; from fiscal years 1990-1999, the number
grew from 5% to 15% (Government Accountability Office, 2001). Under leadership and
management roles, as recently as 2021, women made up 39% of all federal employees within the
department (Office for Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion, 2022). Women are taking on greater
roles within the uniformed services and defense industrial complex, but they only hold 29% of
SES positions within the DoD (Federal Workforce Data, 2022a).
Many working women in the U.S. face a common challenge upon returning home from
work, starting a second shift (Hochschild, 2012) where care for family members and household
responsibilities is expected. These extended duties decrease free time and create potential career
limitations for women (Blair-Loy et al., 2015; Gimenez-Nadal & Sevilla-Sanz, 2011). The
purpose of this study was to explore, with an intersectional lens, how second shift responsibilities
contribute to the underrepresentation of women in SES positions within the DoD.
This study is rooted in achieving equitable employment for civilian women who desire to
serve in leadership roles in America’s DoD. As acknowledged by an assistant Secretary of
Defense, the lack of gender equity is a problem as the insights of a diverse workforce are
beneficial to the impactful decisions made by the military (Vergun, 2021). The DoD should be
interested in continuing this positive progress since, in places such as the U.S. where gender
parity is supported, gender-diverse firms experience better outcomes (Zhang, 2020). Not only do
women leaders benefit from gender parity, but as cited in a study on women leadership in
2
moments of crisis, such as the coronavirus pandemic, all American citizens benefit from gender
similitude (Sergent & Stajkovic, 2020). As a department with one of the largest budgets and
greatest impact on the country, the DoD has a vested interest in ensuring a representative
percentage of women serve within the SES ranks to avoid the loss of diverse thought, a decrease
in warfighting capability, and sufficient role models for junior personnel.
Organization Context and Mission
The organization of focus for this study is the non-uniformed sector of the Department of
Defense. The mission of the DoD is to protect the country by training and maintaining forces to
prevent violence (Department of Defense, n.d.). The DoD is comprised of over two million
employees, 813,715 civilian personnel (Congressional Research Service, 2022) and 1.3 million
active-duty uniformed military members (Office of the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense
for Military Community and Family Policy, 2021). Managing more people in the U.S. than even
one of the world’s largest employers, Walmart (Ask Walmart, 2022), the DoD finds its largest
employee base in the military services, particularly the Army and Navy (Office of the Deputy
Assistant Secretary of Defense for Military Community and Family Policy, 2021). The DoD is
also comprised of defense agencies (e.g., Defense Logistics Agency, Missile Defense Agency,
Defense Health Agency, and Defense Intelligence Agency) that employ both uniformed and
civilian personnel, who serve a variety of role supporting the military services.
As of 2022, the DoD’s civilian sector, including individuals working for the armed
services and the Department’s supporting agencies, is made up of 33% women, nearly 30% are
between the ages of 50-59, 66% Caucasian, and over 70% have a high school diploma or
Bachelor’s degree (Federal Workforce Data, 2022a). The employee population is located
worldwide, but the organization is most densely populated in the continental U.S., particularly
3
around military bases and the District of Columbia as the seat of the federal government and U.S.
democracy (Federal Workforce Data, 2022a). Leading these civilians is a typical hierarchy of
supervisors and managers, culminating in the SES. The SES, created in 1979, functions as a
consistent corps of executive leaders below Presidential appointees (Office of Personnel and
Management, 2017). SES leaders are found in all major departments and federal agencies,
known for excellence in leadership, knowledge of government processes, and accountability in
organizational performance (Office of Personnel and Management, 2017). Racial demographic
inequities in the female SES population are recognized amongst existing dissertation studies
(Jenkins, 2021; Miller-Smith, 2020; Nelson, 2016) but this study focused on inequity related to
gender and motherhood status.
Background of the Problem
Within the U.S., women have had the slight population majority since 1946; in 2021,
women made up 50.4% of the U.S. population, around 167 million of 331 million citizens (U.S.
Census Bureau, 2021). According to the Department of Labor, women account for 47% of the
workforce in the U.S. (2020) but only 28% of early management positions, and the percentage
continues to drop as seniority of the position grows (Thomas et al., 2021).
Research supports that equal distribution of gender within a leadership division produces
the best outcomes and having any majority, either women or men, brings negative consequences
(Steffens et al., 2019). Potential causes of the inequity seen in the U.S. is studied regularly,
looking into issues such as stereotypes, access to mentors and role models, family life, and
leadership style (Baumgartner & Schneider, 2010; Koenig et al., 2011; Lekchiri & Kamm, 2020).
A reappearing issue for women in male-dominated fields is compounded by the discrimination
they experience and a lack of role models, which makes them less willing to make the sacrifices
4
traditionally expected to show promise in leadership roles, thereby minimizing opportunities to
promote (Meeussen et al., 2022). Research into women's leadership in male-dominated spaces is
continuing to identify previously unknown barriers, including a status-level burden brought by
women of lower institutional status on women above them (Cardador, Hill & Salles, 2022) and
women’s gender identification affecting their willingness to help those rising the ranks behind
them (Kaiser & Spalding, 2015). Positively, research does suggest that increased exposure leads
to increased momentum in cultural change (Campuzano, 2019); however, culture is slow to
change, and gaps and contrary findings remain in how working in a traditionally male-dominated
space can affect the ability to obtain leadership positions for women (Brown et al., 2021).
SES women are not remarkably different from their C-suite peers. As of 2022 an
individual in the SES can earn from $130,000 to $203,000 annually (Office of Personnel and
Management, 2022). Senior executives are hired through a merit process where their executive
core qualifications (ECQs), such as leading change and people, not technical expertise, are
evaluated by a peer review board (Office of Personnel and Management, 2017). There are
opportunities for individuals to bypass this formal process for “career reserved” positions and
instead apply via a “noncareer” or “limited term” position; though noncareer appointments
cannot exceed 10% of all SES positions governmentwide (Office of Personnel and Management,
2017). However, noncareer or other limited term positions are not the focus of this study. In the
U.S. government, there are 7,488 career senior executives currently serving, and the largest
group of them among cabinet level agencies is in the DoD at 1,068 (Federal Workforce Data,
2022a). In terms of leadership positions, corporate America and the SES employ nearly the same
percentage of women, 27% and 29%, respectively (Federal Workforce Data, 2022a; Thomas et
al., 2021).
5
The higher one looks in DoD’s middle and upper management, gender becomes less and
less equal (Federal Workforce Data, 2022a). Even the Office of Personnel Management, which
conducts studies on the reasons SES leaders leave government service, reports that the work
environment is a major factor to executives leaving but does not correlate any data to the gender
of the leader (United States Office of Personnel Management, 2017). From the limited data
available, women make up 33% of all civilian DoD employees (Office for Diversity, Equity, and
Inclusion, 2022), and only 29% of DoD SES (Federal Workforce Data, 2022a). By
understanding the challenges of obtaining, and keeping, a DoD SES leadership position as a
woman, best practices can be shared with department leadership. A persisting question presented
by research is whether male-dominated spaces exacerbate gender inequality in leadership and
whether the second shift phenomenon can be managed with adequate support.
Having acknowledged clear gender inequities, the DoD supports a number of projects
aimed at improving diversity issues affecting the department. One in particular is the creation of
the DoD Diversity and Inclusion Management Program, requiring policy creation and data
collection to track effectiveness (Department of Defense Instruction 1020.05, 2020). The
department is also a partner in President Biden’s White House Gender Policy Council and
featured in the National Strategy on Gender Equity and Equality (Department of Defense,
Department of Homeland Security, Department of State, & U.S. Agency for International
Development, 2022). The national strategy highlights the department’s approach embedded in
the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Strategic Framework, with a vision of DoD supporting
U.S. women’s active participation within the military and improving women’s meaningful
participation within the defense sector of partner nations (Department of Defense, 2020).
6
Researchers in the 1980’s and 1990’s looked at what changes from labor laws in the later
1900’s brought to government workers in leadership positions. From 1988-1990, when
reviewing promotion rates of male and female government employees, Naff found similar rates
at every grade level, except two; GS-9 and GS-11, where men promoted at rates 33% and 40%
higher, respectively (Naff, 1994). Furthermore, government workers were promoted into the SES
at a rate of one in every one hundred, increasing the likelihood that any gender disparity would
be amplified due to the limited advancement of female employees (Naff, 1994). This bottleneck
at the pre-supervisory employment level served to amplify gender discrimination, whereby the
number of women available to promote to SES was significantly diminished by the GS-15 grade
level. Mirroring the hopes of representative bureaucracy theory to produce positive democratic
outcomes (Riccucci & Van Ryzin, 2017), studies on the SES suggest as more women move into
SES roles, the workplace will reflect more female-friendly policies (Dolan, 2000). Nonetheless,
researchers have long acknowledged the importance of exploring the experience of women in
SES positions compared to that of women in lower ranks, suggesting the pipeline from entrylevel to management is not as easily navigated as it is for men (Dolan, 2004).
Since Betty Friedan’s Feminine Mystique (1963) and Arlie Hochschild’s The Second
Shift (2012), women have voiced their untapped potential buried under unfulfilling housework.
Hochschild (2012) gave the term an official name, the second shift, the expected work women
did in the home such as cleaning, caring for children, and cooking. Today, the definition tends to
center around heterosexual, partnered women with children; the second shift of the workday
begins when women arrive home after work and start caring for children (Blair-Loy et al., 2015).
For the purposes of this study, second shift was used as defined by Blair-Loy et al. (2015) most
recently published and expand to include any traditional housework, such as cooking and
7
cleaning. Second shift work does not only impact women; parents’ behaviors and beliefs related
to domestic work has been shown to predict a child’s beliefs (Croft et al., 2014). More recent
research continues to show working women experience less leisure time (Gimenez-Nadal &
Sevilla-Sanz, 2011) and feel the time and energy drain from the dual burden of a professional
career and domestic duties (Dugan & Barnes-Farrell, 2020).
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to explore, with an intersectional lens, how second shift
responsibilities contribute to the underrepresentation of women in SES positions within the DoD.
The research questions that guided the study were:
1. How have women in the DoD SES experienced second shift pressures?
2. How do women in DoD SES positions perceive their second shift work as influencing
their ability to reach and remain in the SES?
3. How do DoD SES women perceive their workplaces as contributing to the second
shift pressures they experience?
Importance of the Study
This study was rooted in achieving equitable employment outcomes for women who
desire to serve in civilian leadership roles in the U.S. DoD. By identifying how society’s second
shift dissuades or hinders a woman’s ability to achieve a position in the DoD SES, I hope to
share that information to increase their numbers in the future. The women who may be
potentially helped by this research would be any who desire to lead others in the DoD.
Within six months of entering office, current President Biden signed an executive order
citing the importance of a representative government and all that can be achieved when a variety
of perspectives are brought together to face the challenges of our nation (Exec. Order No. 14035,
8
2021). In 2016, the DoD opened all military positions to women, including those involved in
direct combat (Kamarck, 2016). This shift signaled a desire to incorporate women’s abilities into
all aspects of the country’s defense and not to limit the best qualified individual based on gender
(Department of Defense Memo, 2013). With implementation and monitoring to ensure success in
a fully gender integrated military (Department of Defense Memo), one would expect the civilian
department to reflect the same integration.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
The examination of this problem relied on second shift theory and intersectionality as the
framework. These concepts are ideal because second shift theory has been studied in the private
sector, but less so in the government or nonprofit sector. Intersectionality also allows for
expanded insight into not just traditional second shift research (European American, heterosexual
mothers) but women at multiple intersections of race, ethnicity, sexuality, marriage, and parental
status. Together, these frameworks allow for consideration of how societal expectations may
hamper the advancement of women in a multitude of, but globally understood, ways.
The research design for this study was qualitative. The method used was individual
interviews, and the study site was the Department of Defense. As a civilian employee of the
department, I already had access to the women I wanted to interview. The department is large
enough to obtain an appropriate sample of women leaders, but it is not too large to miss the
unique cultural elements of military influence compared with other smaller departments, such as
Transportation or Agriculture. My participants were 15 civilian women currently or recently
employed in the DoD SES.
9
Definitions
This study explored concepts associated with government employment, military culture,
and gender studies. The following operational definitions of key terms clarify their application
throughout the study.
• Career SES refers to civilian employees hired into the senior executive service through
the traditional appointment process. These leadership positions are typically in day-today operations of agencies throughout the federal government. They are politically noncontroversial and require impartiality on behalf of the American citizens. These
individuals are not waived from the traditional appointment process by emergency
appointments, political appointments, or other term limitations. The minimum number of
career positions authorized by the government was 3,571 at the time of this study (United
States Office of Personnel Management, 2020)
• General Schedule refers to a classification of civilian worker within the U.S. government,
an employee typically in administrative or technical work from entry-level to
management (United States Office of Personnel Management, n.d.).
• Intersectionality is a concept to describe how a person may be affected by systems of
inequality based on demographic markers such as gender, age, disability, race/ethnicity,
sexual orientation, class, or other types of discrimination that intersect to create a unique
experience. To only focus or acknowledge one type of discrimination risks reinforcing
others (Center for Intersectional Justice, n.d.).
• Senior Executive Service is equivalent to senior executives in the private sector,
consisting of managerial and supervisory duties of individuals in the General Schedule
grades (USAJOBS, n.d.).
10
• Second shift refers to the second shift of the workday, beginning when a woman arrives
home after work and starts caring for children (Blair-Loy et al., 2015). For the purposes
of this study, second shift will refer to this definition and includes general housework,
such as cooking and cleaning.
• Woman refers to an individual who identifies as female (Cambridge Dictionary, n.d.)
Organization of the Dissertation
Chapter One introduces the study and provided background on study purpose. Chapter
Two covers the literature review of women in leadership, women leaders in the DoD, second
shift theory and intersectionality. The study’s methodology, data collection, and analysis
procedures are highlighted in Chapter Three. In Chapter Four, the research questions are
analyzed through participant interview themes. Finally, Chapter Five’s discussion summarizes
the key themes, offers recommendations for action, and considers topics for further study.
11
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
The purpose of this study was to explore, through an intersectional lens, how second shift
responsibilities contribute to the underrepresentation of civilian women in the DoD SES. As
such, the following literature review examines the historical and cultural context working
American women find themselves today. Women’s experience with the second shift paradox is
reviewed first to level set where women are now in the integration to a previously maledominated sphere. Successful men with a family are made, in part, with the support of a spouse
in the home, assistance made even more critical the higher up the corporate ladder a man goes
(Hochschild, 2012; Orbach, 2017). There should be little surprise that women need equivalent
support to reach the same professional levels as a man; the supermom is not real, nor would
society expect a single father to become CEO while also raising children (Hochschild, 2012).
Mothers make up the majority of research subjects in this study, but there will also be attention
paid to women without children, a demographic that is currently trending upward (Valerio et al.,
2021).
After analyzing the second shift, the review turns to underrepresentation of women in
executive leadership, covering both the traditional business world as well as the SES where
women must persevere through either lacking the stereotypic qualities of a strong leader, or
when they do embody them, they are considered too masculine (Carbajal, 2018; Eagly, 2007). A
brief discussion follows on emerging best practices in supporting female executive leaders,
including the importance of mentors and sponsors, avoiding promotion bottlenecks, and
improving women’s working conditions by improving conditions for all. Finally, the chapter
concludes with the study’s theoretical framework, based on the works of Hochschild and
Crenshaw.
12
The Second Shift Paradox: Women’s Experiences in the American Workplace
The challenges women faced to gain equality in the 1960s continue to spill over today.
Decades ago, many women acted as the welfare administration for their husband’s organization,
allowing men to devote their lives to work while women raised the children and cared for the
home (Hochschild, 2012). These norms were established to support only half the population,
men, who worked long hours but also enjoyed leisure time for personal hobbies, social
interactions, and quality family time (Hochschild, 2012). As women moved into the working
world, they were not regularly provided the same luxuries (Emerson & Murphy, 2014). There
have been improvements in women doing less housework, though women still do most of it and
the workload is higher than men’s ever has been (Latshaw, 2011). Women have certainly
increased their numbers in the workforce but have yet to reach widespread critical mass, and
many women struggle with pushback from society.
The term second shift emerged from an interview Hochschild conducted where a woman
shared her feelings upon coming home from a hard day’s work, a realization that she found
herself on duty again (2012). Some continue to question whether the second shift exists, namely
through time use studies (Milkie et al., 2009). Many studies compare the time use of men and
women at face value only, missing the vital inclusion of multitasking that women traditionally
take on in the home, such as cooking dinner, watching children, and running a load of laundry
concurrently (Craig, 2007).
Hochschild’s original work in the 1980s may have captured the extreme of second shift
time (women work four weeks a year longer than men), but more recent surveys continue to
point to greater workloads of women in dual-earner families (from five to seven hours a week, or
about two weeks a year), particularly for those with children under five years old (Milkie et al.,
13
2009; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2022). Figure 1 is an example of one such time use study
showing fulltime working mothers spending 36 hours per week on childcare and general
household work compared to fulltime working fathers’ 24 hours of childcare and chores.
Figure 1
Time Use Study Showing Working Hours per Week for Married Parents With Preschoolers,
2003-2005
Note. From “Taking on The Second Shift: Time Allocations and Time Pressures of U.S. Parents
With Preschoolers” by M. A. Milkie, S. B. Raley, and S. M. Bianchi, 2009, Social Forces, 88(2),
p. 499 (https://doi.org/10.1353/sof.0.0268).
Mothers are not the only women saddled with a second shift; wives with no children experience
additional housework as well (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2022). Even today, Americans
consider housework less taxing than a standard day at the office, and taking advantage of flexible
working hours can backfire for women as the dedicated worker continues to be the posterchild
14
for the ideal worker (Blair-Loy et al., 2015). These working women are bound in both worlds,
rarely fulfilling society’s expectations of the prototype mother or idealized worker.
The concept of second shift is a natural outcome of a society reliant on women to take on
housework (Hochschild, 2012). This is absent from any manual; instead, parents are likely to
pass down their internalized gender roles to their children (Croft et al., 2014). As previously
discussed, much of the transfer from farming to industrialization was possible with the support of
a mother who stayed behind, alone, to care for the home and children (Hochschild, 2012).
However, socio-economic background appears to play a more recent role in this passed-down
expectation for female care, as a 2014 study found in bonds between three generations of women
in Ireland (Conlon et al.). Researchers found that independence was a trait fostered between
generations in higher socioeconomic groups, wherein lower socioeconomic groups included
women with closer generational ties (Conlon et al., 2014). The influence from 18th century life
still affects women today: as recently as the COVID-19 pandemic, researchers studied American
men who, already experiencing economic pressure in the home, were less likely to help around
the home (Cassino & Besen-Cassino, 2022).
To be clear, the cultural pressure on women to be the primary partner involved with
housework and caring for children is not exclusively American. World-wide research is
continuing to better understand where this expectation came from, how it affects women today,
and how to improve things for future generations (Conlon et al., 2014, Davis, 2020, DomínguezCastillo et al., 2022, Muller et al., 2018, Mulumeoderhwa, 2022, Zhou, 2020). In the eastern
Democratic Republic of Congo, researchers find young male expectations of women limited to
housework, and while young women acquiesce to cultural pressure, they also question why they
cannot use their primary and secondary degrees for more than domestic service
15
(Mulumeoderhwa, 2022). Others are pursuing greater understanding of the toll caregiving has on
women. In two recent studies looking at female primary caregivers for dependent family
members, women in Mediterranean countries reported increased negative psychological
experiences, such as increases in depression, particularly compared to northern women who may
have access to state or community-sponsored care (Brenna & Di Novi, 2016, DomínguezCastillo et al., 2022). A study on worker stress in over 25 European countries found that men’s
work stress tended to stay at work, while women’s work stress was created from both work and
home and would carry between them (Davis, 2020). This phenomenon is seen in America as well
as China, where an incomplete gender revolution still burdens women with expectations in
gendered home and work spheres (Davis, 2020, Hochschild, 2012, Zhou, 2020). If women do
more work at the office they are concerned about a lack of effort at home, but if too much time is
spent in the home life or caring for others, concern about a lack of effort at work grows (Davis,
2020). In Germany, researchers estimated the amount of money saved if the universal caregiver
model was implemented, allocating a 30-hour work week for couples, forcing them to spend
more time caring for the family (Muller et al., 2018). Ending society’s insistence on women’s
unpaid work in the home is a work in progress. As early as the 1990’s, American research
interventions focused on educating couples on shared domestic labor created positive outcomes
for both individuals and had a substantial impact in the wives’ satisfaction with the shared
arrangement (Hawkins et al., 1994). However, no long-term solutions have been found or
adopted. Based on the multitude of studies in this literature review, this is not a problem with an
easy solution.
There are few upsides, and many downsides, to the second shift. In particular, having
younger children in the home increases this workload, in addition to the workload created by a
16
partner who works more hours than the woman (Craig, 2007). This second shift is not simply
more work, but less time and energy resources that bring about more stress (Dugan, & BarnesFarrell, 2020). Less time and decreased energy greatly influence shrinking leisure time, leaving
women frequently more tired and sick than their male counterparts (Hochschild, 2012). The
resulting lower satisfaction in minimized leisure time is not only an American phenomenon, but
one experienced in most western European countries as well (Gimenez-Nadal & Sevilla-Sanz,
2011).
When applying for a promotion or new job, women may find it difficult to remain truly
competitive with men when some work a first shift at the office and come home to work a
second shift as wife and mother (Hochschild, 2012). In one study, when a woman’s hours
increased, their partner’s unpaid work around the home did not rise to the same extent (Craig,
2007). For instance, if a heterosexual couple enrolls their child in daycare, the decrease in
workload is not typically seen in the father and mother equally, it is seen exclusively in the
mother, particularly in less multi-tasking pressures (Craig, 2007). Due to this reliance on
women’s caretaking roles, there should be no surprise that some women forgo motherhood to
improve competitive chances (Hochschild, 2012). Others find themselves lucky to have middleclass lives with flexible work schedules and supportive family and community, but this situation
is far from the average case (Hochschild, 2012). Those who do both must also battle against the
accusation of being uncommitted to either venture, a disengaged employee or an uninterested
wife and mother (Hochschild, 2012). However, these considerations only scratch the surface of
women’s second shift challenges, and do not frequently consider a more intersectional lens. As
the second shift theory changes with time, it is vital to consider intersectional perspectives to
ensure perspectives are not being ignored.
17
Underrepresentation of Women in Executive Leadership: The Struggle for Equity in the
Senior Executive Service
The journey to leadership for women is confusing for many, difficult for some, and only
possible for those who persevere; men tend to travel a simpler route (Carli & Eagly, 2016;
DeHart-Davis et al., 2020; Gupta et al., 2018). A limited number of studies on women in the SES
have confirmed the inequity of women for well over a decade now (Crumpacker & Crumpacker,
2008; Kohli et al., 2011; Marvel, 2021). Unfortunately, these studies are rare, so due to a lack of
comprehensive scholarship on women in the SES, general studies on women in executive
leadership positions will be reviewed. What follows is a historical review of the SES, including
an explanation of the executive core qualifications and a brief overview of the SES hiring
process. This review will only consider career SES appointees, those who compete for positions
and do not bypass the standard hiring practices. Political appointees will not be discussed. The
final sub-sections will address challenges female leaders face, such as role incongruity,
stereotype threat, and benevolent sexism.
SES Past, Present, and Future
In 1978, the Civil Service Reform Act created the SES within the federal government and
committed to fill those positions in accordance with equal employment opportunity regulations
(Dolan, 2004). After a decade of data could be analyzed, discrimination in the form of
assumptions about women’s ability and commitment was already identified in the few working
as senior executives (Naff, 1994). There was also early evidence of promotion bottlenecks,
where percentages of women promoting drop, and men increase, for pre-leadership positions
(Naff, 1994). This form of discrimination will be discussed later in the review.
18
One major aspect of the senior executive hiring process is the submission of five-to-tenpages of executive core qualifications (ECQ). A board reviews the candidate’s ECQs as their
primary selection criteria, and the ECQ provides an opportunity for a candidate to demonstrate
the experience gleaned in leading change and people, meeting goals, demonstrating business
intelligence, and building coalitions (Office of Personnel and Management, 2017). The document
is so important that professional consulting organizations offer their services in ECQ writing for
those without the mentors or sponsors available to assist, and with enough money to afford the
$500-$1,000+ cost of such services.
As of 2022, the U.S. SES is 37% female, and the DoD specifically cites 29% of its SES
personnel are women (Federal Workforce Data, 2022a). Of the career DoD SES women, 60%
hold a master’s degree, 12% a doctoral degree, and 20% earn the highest salary ranging from
$200,000-$219,999 (Federal Workforce Data, 2022a). In terms of executives being hired and
retiring or leaving the service, from fiscal year 2020-2022, the federal government appointed 283
men and 181 women (39%) as career senior executives, and the DoD appointed 53 men and 31
women (37%) as career senior executives (Federal Workforce Data, 2022a). In the same period,
1,516 men and 727 women (32%) career senior executives either transferred from their agency
or separated from federal service, and in the DoD 255 men and 108 women (30%) career senior
executives similarly left (Federal Workforce Data, 2022a). Unfortunately, this data highlights the
DoD’s failure in hiring more women than they are losing on a yearly basis, 31 to 108, which is
only going to worsen the gender inequity currently experienced.
The government has limited studies on SES gender inequity over the last 40 years. In the
1990s, the U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board recognized that supervisors assumed women
were less committed, less intelligent, and were not promoted as often as men with similar
19
education and experience, particularly at the levels to set them up for leadership positions (1992).
There may be more women in the DoD’s SES in 2022 compared to the 1990’s, but job
satisfaction is certainly not positive for DoD’s senior leaders: within the last 10 years, male and
female SES leaders in the DoD scored lowest in the Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey among
other large agencies on overall job satisfaction (Federal Workforce Data, 2022a; Partnership for
Public Service, 2013). As is common with studies on women in executive leadership, most
studies on SES women analyze only those who persevered and miss crucial details on others who
did not succeed (Glass & Cook, 2016). Fortunately, it is not all bad news for women in the
federal workforce. In 2015, D’Agostino examined what federal employees believed contributes
to an organization's success. More surveyed employees cited women leaders as major
contributors, overall, 4% higher than men in composite scores (D’Agostino, 2015). Predictions
also look positive, based on previous federal hiring patterns, that women will make up 41% of
SES positions government-wide by 2030 (Kohli et al., 2011).
As reviewed, underrepresentation of women in the DoD SES is an outcome of numerous
challenges women have faced since the mid-1900s. Unfortunately, insight into the particular
realm of DoD civilian women leadership is lacking. Research into women leaders is more
common in the private sector, and theories abound as to why they continue to face challenges.
Following is a discussion on what continues to hamstring most women leaders both inside and
outside the government.
Historical Influence on Women’s Underrepresentation
What women leaders have in common in 2022, SES and CEOs alike, is that women have
been integrating into the workforce for long enough that their education, experience, and skills
frequently rival that of men (Goldin, 2014). Yet, women still experience promotion gaps,
20
particularly in business-related fields where worker substitution is less possible and long hours
are expected and supported (Goldin, 2014). These types of fields highlight where human capital
theory fails; if women are capable of having the same human capital as men, something else is
not equal (Goldin, 2014). Society is at the point of recognizing that gender inequality is not a
single-cause problem; there are a multitude of hurdles that create more inequality for some, less
for others (Carbajal, 2018). The big picture involves acknowledging that post-industrial jobs
were not created with the family in mind; the family is cared for by a spouse at home while the
man can be fully committed at work (Carbajal, 2018). Therefore, something needs to change in
the workplace and society to create a better structure (Carbajal, 2018; Chizema et al., 2015).
Resolving underrepresentation requires a clearer understanding of the history of, and society’s
current reliance upon, gendered expectations and subsequent stereotype threats that increase the
second shift pressures many women experience.
Ever-Present Societal Expectations
Numerous female leaders also share the long-standing struggle against the reality that for
decades men exclusively filled leadership roles (Carbajal, 2018, Crumpacker & Crumpacker,
2008; Orbach, 2017). This societal expectation for men to lead resulted in think leader, think
male beliefs (Schein et al., 1996). Society’s gender roles and norms provide some insight into
women’s lack of presence in leadership positions (Haveman & Beresford, 2012). From engrained
leadership assumptions, a woman taking on a leadership role would violate those expectations,
resulting in confusion or even anger over what should be (Gupta et al., 2018; Sealy & Singh,
2010). Researchers consistently report that when women are considered objectively good
leaders, they still experience pushback based on their gender (Eagly, 2007; Mavin & Grandy,
2016). This requires a tightrope walk between embodying male role model archetypes and
21
remaining authentically female, threatening misalignment with the leader title and with a body
that may be viewed as dangerous, scandalous, or ugly (Eagly, 2007; Glass & Cook, 2016; Mavin
& Grandy, 2016). Within this tightrope walk is the inherent difficulty of adopting male
leadership styles that may not be natural for some women, with the realization that even malecentered leadership models are not always the best style for every organization, period of time,
or even for men themselves (Carbajal, 2018). Ultimately, when one considers the roadblocks to
equitable gender representation in the DoD SES, it should be no surprise that generations of
male-dominated leadership play a role in expectations of what constitutes a leader.
Expectations Lead to Role Incongruity, Social Identity and Stereotype Threat
Relatedly, role congruity around leadership in America hits some women twice; many are
not considered potential leaders nor evaluated positively when acting as a leader (Eagly &
Karau, 2002). Role congruity is expected in most societies where beliefs about how people act
and interact are instilled at a young age; any incongruity can be met with confusion or hostility
(Jeong & Harrison, 2017). As illustrated in Figure 3, if the role of women and leader do not
intersect, women may experience poor (prejudiced) evaluations, which may influence cycles of
less women promoting into leadership, and therefore less women motivated to try (Koburtay et
al., 2019).
22
Figure 2
Female-Leader Incongruity Theoretical Framework
Note. From “Congruity Between the Female Gender Role and the Leader Role: A Literature
Review,” by T. Koburtay, J. Syed and R. Haloub, 2019, European Business Review, 31(6), p.
842 (https://doi.org/10.1108/EBR-05-2018-0095).
Downstream, the effect of role congruity pressure can lead to increased social identity threat
(Emerson & Murphy, 2014). Social identity threat is a name for a phenomenon when individuals
can experience an environment in psychologically diverse ways based on their social and
historical backgrounds (Emerson & Murphy, 2014). For instance, a woman in an office of all
23
men may experience a hostile work environment where most men notice no issues. Relatedly,
women must also contend with challenges related both to visibility and invisibility (DeHartDavis et al., 2020). Stereotype threat is another invisible challenge for women, as their enhanced
visibility among men can pressure women to live up to the expectations of the men around them
(DeHart-Davis et al., 2020).
Stereotype threat, experienced by adult women and girls, is one consequence of growing
up in a culture where women are not seen as leaders and criticized when they take on those roles
(Eagly & Karau, 2002). Years of societal pressure may discourage them from taking on future
leadership roles and the expected battles to obtain them (Eagly & Karau, 2002). These are
merely a few examples of how even if people are well-meaning, they can still do harm to others.
Minoritized groups identify inequitable or potentially dangerous spaces through recognizing a
lack of representation amongst staff, colleagues’ reliance on stereotypes (negative and positive),
discriminatory diversity training, or unfair organizational policies (Emerson & Murphy, 2014).
Harm manifests in experiencing negative feelings in ways of reduced trust, increased anxiety,
and a general sense of not fitting in, which certainly do not increase individuals’ productivity or
success on the job (Emerson & Murphy, 2014).
As discussed, many of the historical influences on women’s underrepresentation in the
workforce consist of societal expectations that often lead them to experience role incongruity and
social identity and stereotype threat. These ingrained expectations may unfortunately bolster
second shift beliefs and further influence underrepresentation in leadership positions like the
DoD SES.
24
Integration Challenges Increase Underrepresentation
In some ways, the challenges women face today to achieve workplace equality are
versions of challenges their mothers may have faced decades ago. Before the 1970s, women
largely struggled to obtain an equal education or opportunity to prove themselves at work
(human capital), but many women today are faced with a lack of social capital, or access to
professional networks or mentors (Goldin, 2014; Timberlake, 2005). In other ways, the
challenges have not changed. For instance, in many occupations today the ideal worker is wholly
committed to their company, working extra hours or taking on extra duties (Reid, 2015).
Relatedly, the work devotion schema is celebrated in a capitalist society benefiting from every
additional labor hour men make available, and possible only when paired with someone who will
care for the other sphere of life (Haveman & Beresford, 2012). For women, the family devotion
schema praises mothers staying home to care for children and the household (Blair-Loy, 2001).
The struggle with social capital and balancing between work and family devotion schemas are
merely two primary challenges women leaders in America’s workforce face.
Social Capital and the Battle of Work and Family Devotion Schemas
Women can have just as much human capital as men, but they still struggle to promote at
the same level (Timberlake, 2005). One consideration is some women’s limited ability to access
social capital (Timberlake, 2005). Many women have a tough time accessing social capital
because of stereotypes about how they are supposed to act (Timberlake, 2005). If they do not fit
in (perceived as too masculine or feminine), they may be shunned (Timberlake, 2005). The
combined social and professional networks men are used to, complete with weekend golf outings
or dinners with spouses, may not provide seamless integration opportunities for women
(Timberlake, 2005). Many women cannot earn legitimacy to access social capital without
25
borrowing it, being introduced through a sponsor (a male), or by building/earning social capital
through networking with disconnected groups (Timberlake, 2005).
The larger societal expectations of leadership are not the only hurdles working women
experience. For decades women struggled to obtain the education and experience (human
capital) necessary to fairly compete with men (Goldin, 2014). Human capital theory may argue it
is women’s lack of equivalent education, experience, and ability or preference that leads to a
leadership gender gap, but Haveman and Beresford (2012) argued any perceived lack is a
mirage. In fact, according to Haveman and Beresford (2012), studies show women have attained
equivalent education, experience, and ability levels, and job preferences such as higher income
and commitment to organizations are similar to men. Even with the requisite human capital,
women in the public sector tend to take a more traditional, and more time-intensive, path to
leadership whereas men continue to benefit from more variety in their career paths, with better
flexibility in geographic location and less education (DeHart-Davis et al., 2020).
Another incongruity comes in the form of work devotion and family devotion schemas
that guide men and women to particular gendered roles (Haveman & Beresford, 2012). The work
devotion schema, or intense commitment to work beyond standard employment requirements, is
ideal in the eyes of the employer and is typically heartily rewarded (Blair-Loy, 2003). On the
other hand, the family devotion schema simply proclaims a woman’s role is in the home raising
children (Blair-Loy, 2003). The schemas have been widely accepted throughout society, but
women frequently question it and more recently even some men have balked at fulfilling their
role (Blair-Loy, 2001; Reid, 2015). These gender constrained expectations assume men devote
their lives to work and women to their family (Blair-Loy, 2001).
26
Women, whether in low or high-earning careers, struggle between the pulls of family and
work which push some to forgo motherhood (Blair-Loy, 2001). Additionally, the homemaker has
lost social status in the 21st century, and society rarely credit’s mothers with doing meaningful,
skilled work (Hochschild, 2012). Many women appear stuck between two extremes: envious of
the life of the other and unable to have both (Hochschild, 2012). When women try to take on the
expected family devotion schema and the male-gendered work devotion schema, they are dually
penalized for not fulfilling their familial role and acting within a role they do not belong
(Haveman & Beresford, 2012).
The family devotion schema binding American women conveniently sustains second shift
expectations of women caring for children and the home. When considering the causes for
underrepresentation of women in the DoD SES, or even in the larger workforce, it should be no
surprise that these societal expectations are tightly woven.
Benevolent Sexism’s Influence on Social Capital
Successful women leaders clearly have the requisite human capital, but Hideg and Shen
(2019) assert these women may lack social capital, sometimes influenced by benevolent sexism.
Social capital, the ability to work with others, is necessary for a productive employee
(Timberlake, 2005). Working cooperatively with others, connecting people to the information
they need, and building trust all lead to developing social capital with those in the workplace
(Timberlake, 2005). However, social capital is impossible to amass if individuals avoid, or are
kept from, the social networks around them (Timberlake, 2005). For instance, a woman’s lack of
mentors due to inaccessible social networks are well known challenges to obtain leadership
positions (Hideg & Shen, 2019). In other venues, women have cited a lack of inclusion when it
comes to socializing and networking, particularly around traditionally male-dominated activities
27
such as golf (DeHart-Davis, 2020; Glass & Cook, 2016). These slights may not derive from
malice but misplaced support in the form of benevolent sexism (Hideg & Shen, 2019).
Benevolent sexism is not outwardly hostile like traditional sexism, but this more
insidious form of sexism promotes men’s compassionate support of women by not assigning
challenging roles or attributing their skillset to stereotypical female opportunities. Benevolent
sexism is about protection from the challenges of leadership, not care for women’s career
potential (Hideg & Shen, 2019; Hoobler et al., 2014). The giver thinks they are encouraging or
helpful, but this creates a scenario where women are not simply opting out of leadership
challenges, they are not being offered them in the first place (Hideg & Shen, 2019). Women who
perform within the stereotype are rewarded by maintaining the status quo, acting as proof of
benevolent sexism’s true intentions (Hideg & Shen, 2019). In the end, it may appear as though
women do not want or need the help. However, it could be society’s expectations drilled into
women that sway them from even considering the possibility (Hewlett, 2013).
Obstacles, including lack of social capital, role incongruity, and family and work
devotion schemas, to reach executive positions continue to justify women leader
underrepresentation. These challenges begin early in childhood, with gender norms forming the
expectations of the leaders of tomorrow. Second shift responsibilities are yet another persistent
obstacle in the path to equitable gender representation. As discussed, the studies reviewed in this
section suggest challenges continue to affect even the female executives who manage to
persevere. With a better understanding of the challenges executive women leaders face,
promising best practices within the DoD and leadership levels are discussed.
28
Emerging Best Practices in Supporting Women in Executive Leadership
A society where women are free from stereotype threat and enjoy more flexibility in
leadership role congruity is only possible with society-level change (Eagly & Karau, 2002;
Haveman & Beresford, 2012; Hideg & Shen, 2019). Society-level changes are desired but
change at that level is not possible overnight. In the interim, businesses may be missing out on
human capital potential when they fail to promote women at the same rate as men (Hideg &
Shen, 2019).
While the DoD does have published efforts to improve conditions for working women,
the general public may not be aware of them. Since 2017 the Women, Peace, and Security
(WPS) Act, an outgrowth from the 2000 United Nations Security Council Women, Peace and
Security initiatives, focuses on making the world a safer and more equitable place,
acknowledging that this goal is central to U.S. national security (Vergun, 2021). Both uniform
and civilian women’s participation at all levels of our nation’s military is important, but
influencing the gender initiatives in partner countries is also a major part of the plan (Vergun,
2021). Within the last year, the DoD has signaled the importance of this initiative through
allocating $5.5 million on WPS policy implementation, including hiring full time staff within
each of the military services and training hundreds of personnel on gender policy execution
(Department of Defense, 2022). Change at this scale takes years to measure, but the desired
outcomes include improved employment and leadership opportunities with the defense sectors of
countries around the world.
Initiatives like WPS are wide-reaching, potentially bringing about change on a global
scale. However, even slight changes within the DoD could make a significant difference, such as
mirroring improved transparency by increasing disclosure of the organization’s diversity data,
29
including gender data points (Orbach, 2017). Outside of the armed services, numerous emerging
best practices are discussed with varied levels of success. Consistently mentioned is the
importance of mentors and sponsors, avoiding promotion bottlenecks, and considering improving
working conditions for all genders. While the majority of research is in the private sector, the
lessons learned are likely applicable to the federal sector and SES.
Importance of Mentors and Sponsors
Visibility is vital; if an individual cannot find others like them, it is hard to imagine
oneself anywhere else (Hoobler et al., 2014; Sealy & Singh, 2010). Beyond simply identifying
with others, having someone to share concerns with and build confidence is important to
professional success (Hewlett, 2013). A mentor is someone who is more experienced and
provides guidance in the career of another (Shortland, 2014). However, access to mentors is one
particular issue women face (Orbach, 2017). The impediment to access may be caused by a lack
of same-gender mentors, male mentors not making themselves available, or women assuming
mentors are not appropriate for, or available to, them (Carli & Eagly, 2016; Hewlett, 2013).
Particularly in male-dominated spaces, some women embody the only male leadership models
they have, and face judgement based on violating traditional female behaviors (Sealy & Singh,
2010). Some researchers make the argument that same gender role models and mentors are vital
for women moving up in the ranks, specifically to offer insight to concerns such as managing
extended working hours or whether to focus on career fields that more widely accept flexible
work schedules (Beierlein et al., 2011; Lekchiri & Kamm, 2020).
Female, and male, leaders can be part of the solution by moving beyond mentorship to
sponsorship (Carbajal, 2018). A sponsor is a more involved mentor, someone who possesses the
power and influence to positively affect the career trajectory of another (Shortland, 2014). For
30
instance, a mentor may give career advice to a woman, but a sponsor would use their network to
obtain an interview for the woman. Sponsorship is more of an alliance, and less of a one-way
relationship (Hewlett, 2013). In Hewlett’s research, individuals who advanced in their career
were more satisfied with their rate of progress when they had a sponsor (2013). Sponsorship
even has positive correlation with mothers; while 58% of mothers in the study stayed working
without a sponsor, 85% of mothers with a sponsor maintained full-time employment (Hewlett,
2013). Mentors and sponsors can be one technique an organization uses to improve negative side
effects of social identity threat, and studies continue to point to mentoring’s importance in
women’s rise to leadership (Emerson & Murphy, 2014; Hoobler et al., 2014; Joshi et al., 2015;
Sanford et al., 2015). As specific research on the DoD SES sector is difficult to come by recent
studies showing comparable results in the sector come strictly from dissertations (Brignoli, 2020;
Hairston, 2011; Womack-Gregg, 2011).
To improve equity, whether mentor or sponsor, any support provided to men should also
be made available to women. Mentors and sponsors can be tools used for long-term change,
influencing how women view their second shift responsibilities and hopefully increase their
representation in leadership roles. However, avoiding issues of promotion bottlenecks in the first
place should be a priority.
Avoiding Promotion Bottlenecks
Human capital theory has proven inadequate as the numerical lack of women available
for leadership roles is not from a shortage of interest, ability, or education (Haveman &
Beresford, 2012; Hideg & Shen, 2019). Studies continue to show that women regularly have the
education, ability, and interest to promote (Goldin, 2014; Haveman & Beresford, 2012; Hideg &
Shen, 2019; Hoobler et al., 2014; Timberlake, 2005). Nonetheless, promotion bottlenecks come
31
about when women are not promoted or hired at the same rates as men, particularly into
positions that are considered pre-management (Hideg & Shen, 2019; U.S. Merit Systems
Protection Board, 1992; Womack-Gregg, 2011). This can result in fewer women taking on
leadership-building positions, resulting in less qualified women available to apply for job
openings (Koburtay et al., 2019).
These bottlenecks can be the result of societal influence, sometimes found in manager
bias (Naff, 1994). For instance, during the application process, some women find more success
when they avoid describing themselves in a feminine way and lean more toward masculine
language (Fogerson, 2019; Wessel, et al., 2015). Another study found when information related
to experience and ability on resumes was ambiguous, gender-role congruity was highest as raters
relied on their instincts rather than judging the participant based solely on the content of the
resume (Koch et al., 2015). When the information was unambiguous, and experience and
capability were clear, gender bias decreased; even for male dominated jobs, women experienced
less bias if their resumes clearly demonstrated their experience and capability (Koch et al.,
2015).
One successful technique to minimize the impact of manager bias was to simply make
managers aware of societal bias toward working women (Hoobler et al., 2014; Joshi et al., 2015).
When the researchers controlled for an employee’s education, performance, length of time with
manager and selection into management development programs, being a woman was associated
with a manager assessing them as less career motivated (Hoobler et al., 2014). Similar findings
were replicated in male and female managers (Hoobler et al., 2014). In the subordinates who
identified as motivated, they acknowledged receiving challenging work assignments,
development opportunities, and professional support from managers (Hoobler et al., 2014).
32
Similarly, studies reviewing gender congruity and employment decisions in male-dominated
fields found a relationship between instilling accountability in raters and whether maledominated job applicants experienced bias (Joshi et al., 2015; Koch et al., 2015). If raters felt
accountable, their decisions tended to include less bias (Koch et al., 2015).
Avoiding promotion bottlenecks does not need to be complicated. Education and
accountability could go a long way in making lasting changes and improving women’s
opportunities to access leadership positions. Even focusing initiatives squarely on feeder
positions at the pre-management levels help to ensure there are more qualified women capable of
applying for leadership positions (Kohli et al., 2011). Second shift pressures will not be solved
with a single policy change, but efforts like diminishing promotion bottlenecks could play a role
in increasing women leader representation. While the previously discussed emerging best
practices focused intensely on improving access for women, the final discussion centers around
the strength in bettering work conditions for all genders.
Practices Designed for Improvement for All, Not Just for Women
Some researchers argue that efforts to improve conditions for women must improve
men’s as well, such as placing a ceiling on working hours and offering employer-paid childcare
or new parent coaching (Haveman & Beresford, 2012; Hideg & Shen, 2019; Orbach, 2017; Spar,
2020). Placing a ceiling on working hours may seem counterintuitive, but in the age of the ideal
employee who is expected to work all hours, placing a cap restricts (primarily) men’s ability to
take advantage of society’s continued push toward women working the second shift (Haveman &
Beresford, 2012). Additionally, instead of marketing the benefits only to women, marketing them
to all employees helps to destigmatize the benefits and increase acceptance (Spar, 2020).
Workplace flexibility, such as the ability to shift start and ending times and working from home
33
or office, appears to support women and individuals with responsibilities outside of work, but the
payoff for not taking advantage of such flexibility cannot be greater (Goldin, 2014). For instance,
if men are traditionally promoting to leadership positions due to their commitment to the office
as performed by working long hours and not taking advantage of flexible work opportunities, an
organization cannot expect women to promote in the same fashion (Orbach, 2017; Spar, 2020). If
organizations want to see sustained improvement in equity for women, they might consider
where they can improve the work life for all their employees.
Incentives linked to working long hours and without worker substitution, particularly in
business-related fields, will continue to favor individuals without familial responsibilities
(Goldin, 2014). While lack of sponsors, promotion bottlenecks, and second shift pressures are
the latest in a long history of battles working women have had to face, there is good reason to
include men in the fight to improve the workplace (Spar, 2020). It would be easy to blame
misogynists for creating the hurdles women face. Instead, much of the challenge lies in societal
expectations that all individuals choose to either support or work proactively against (Emerson &
Murphy, 2014). Having established an understanding of the current climate women leaders face
today, the next section transitions to this study’s theoretical framework.
Theoretical Framework
The purpose of this study was to explore, with an intersectional lens, how second shift
responsibilities contribute to the underrepresentation of women in SES positions within the DoD.
As women still struggle against sexist concepts of what it means to be a woman, Hochschild’s
second shift theory and Crenshaw’s intersectionality provide a filter through which to view the
challenges women leaders face in the DoD.
34
As with any framework, it cannot answer every question or serve every purpose. The
limits of the framework include not considering intersectionality beyond that of mother and
working woman. For the purposes of this study, as discussed previously, intersectionality will
play a role. For instance, while second shift traditionally refers to the roles of women as mothers,
this study includes women without children and considers the roles society still expects them to
take on. Second shift literature also does not typically reference race or ethnicity in analysis of
what barriers women face in the working world. This study sought to consider those and how
they may play a role in increasing the discrimination felt by working women. Figure 2 shows the
theoretical framework in this study in action.
Figure 3
Theoretical Framework
Theoretical Framework
DoD SES
Women
Intersectionality
Second Shift
35
Intersectionality
Crenshaw coined the term intersectionality in 1989. Her well-known description of
intersectionality’s importance in understanding discrimination took place in a busy street
intersection. In a four-way crossing, someone may get into an accident (face discrimination)
from cars going multiple directions (Crenshaw, 1989). Compared to White women who may
only experience discrimination from one direction (gender), Black women may be discriminated
against based on their unique intersectional experience of being both woman (gender) and Black
(race) (Crenshaw, 1989). In this way, Crenshaw brought light to the fact that every individual has
the potential to experience discrimination from a variety of directions. For the purposes of this
study, intersectionality around age, gender, race, ethnicity, class, and parental status would be
most interesting.
Intersectionality has gained prominence in the last few decades, influencing fields such as
education, criminal justice, and sociology. In education, intersectionality serves to question longstanding views of the purpose of education, which in this country was mostly built around
serving white heteronormative families (Nichols & Stahl, 2019). Helping to correct systematic
oppression in criminal justice is another way intersectionality plays a part in inclusive policies
(Batastini et al., 2022). Consider how White and Black women labelled as “previously
incarcerated people” may experience different discrimination based on their gender, race, and
criminal record (Batastini et al., 2022). Intersectionality even has a role to play in politics.
Getting more women interested in political action should not be only about increasing numbers.
If that were true, one might end up with all middle-aged White women from conservative states,
but that would not represent all American women (Evans, 2016). For that reason, sociologists
studying political action consider the importance diversity plays (Evans, 2016).
36
Most research on second shift-related issues has unknowingly taken an intersectional
approach without naming it. By considering the unique experiences of women in the workforce,
particularly those with children, of color, and with various education attainment, researchers
study how those demographic markers affect the experiences of women all over the world. For
instance, maternity is a demographic marker that is especially interesting in intersectional
research related to the second shift, particularly because of the way some women minimize their
motherhood at work and push it to the foreground outside of work (O’Hagan, 2014). O’Hagan’s
study also identified that privilege plays a role, and questioned the possibility that emotional
distress may be greater in other groups as those they studied were white, heterosexual, middle
class and educated (2014).
Ultimately, each piece forms the theoretical framework of this study, guiding the research
to consistently consider ways in which some women persevere through second shift
responsibilities and reach leadership positions in the DoD SES. The second shift expectation is a
conflicted reality for most women today. How much those obligations contribute to the
underrepresentation of women in the workforce, and in the DoD SES specifically, is not clear.
Simply maintaining a career as an American working mother is difficult enough but breaking
into leadership positions has become the latest challenge.
Summary
The literature review established a base of knowledge on which to further examine and
consider how American working women are affected by their past and society’s influences. The
review began with a review of women’s experience at work, historically and recently. This
analysis transitioned to gender equity issues in leadership, and a background of the SES.
Historical influences were also reviewed from societal expectations, role incongruity and
37
stereotype threat to integration challenges including social capital issues and benevolent sexism.
Emerging best practices to improve gender inequity were also covered. The chapter concludes
with the study’s theoretical framework. Hochschild’s second shift theory and Crenshaw’s
intersectionality combine in an ideal framework for this research as it places women’s diverse
experiences of heteronormative pressure at the forefront, giving a glimpse into the possible
barriers women face in the DoD environment. The literature review provides an ideal basis on
which to transition to the study’s methodological practice.
38
Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of this study was to explore, with an intersectional lens, how second shift
responsibilities contribute to the underrepresentation of women in SES positions within the DoD.
As such, this study’s methodology followed a qualitative approach, important for studies where
theory builds from observation and subjectivity and context are necessary for understanding
(Morgan, 2014). With a recruitment questionnaire and individual interviews, this study
illuminated the challenges and triumphs of American women leaders. Desired outcomes included
capturing their experiences as executives working in male-dominated spaces within a culture of
second shift expectations. After a review of the study’s research questions, this chapter discusses
the study’s methodology and identifies my positionality. Next, the study’s data sources are
reviewed, with a deeper discussion of the participants, instrumentation, data procedures, and
analysis. Chapter 3 concludes with a review of the efforts to maximize study credibility and
trustworthiness and support ethical standards.
Research Questions
The following research questions guided this study:
1. How have women in the DoD SES experienced second shift pressures?
2. How do women in DoD SES positions perceive their second shift work as influencing
their ability to reach and remain in the SES?
3. How do DoD SES women perceive their workplaces as contributing to the second
shift pressures they experience?
Overview of Methodology
The methodological design of this study took inspiration from similar qualitative research
(Burkholder et al., 2020; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Morgan, 2014). First, to narrow down the
39
most likely interview candidates, a recruitment questionnaire was sent to prospective
participants. Once candidates were identified, 15 women were contacted to schedule individual
interviews. A semi-structured interview approach was selected because the flexibility to tailor
question order and wording was ideal for the desired interactions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The
candor needed to answer some questions necessitated I read the comfortability of the participant
early on and quickly gain rapport (Patton, 2002). To increase consistency in the process, an
interview protocol helped manage the discussion around the research questions and ensure all
necessary topics were covered (Burkholder et al., 2020; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I transcribed
the interview audio file with speech-to-text software. Data analysis consisted of reviewing
interview transcripts, coding, and analyzing for themes that answered the study’s research
questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Thematic coding is ideal for qualitative studies because it
is a natural partner to the constant comparative method where continued analysis is conducted to
find regular patterns or consensus (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
The Researcher
As the researcher, it is essential to consider my positionality in building an interview
protocol, but also during interviews and upon conducting data analysis (Burkholder et al., 2020).
I identify as a cisgender woman interested in studying gender inequality and determined to see
the DoD embrace women as legitimate leaders. Knowing this, I planned to watch for bias toward
women who think similarly, since that may distract from others who may still provide insight.
Likewise, as someone who works for the DoD, I have seen and experienced gender
discrimination in the workplace. As someone sensitive to those experiences, I acknowledge the
importance of truly listening to the experiences of others. To avoid bias during the interviews, I
maintained a “cheat sheet” of known biases only visible to me on my interview protocol. By
40
remaining aware of biases during the interview, I was less likely to unknowingly rely on them
and possibly become clouded by them (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
I also acknowledge my potential to obtain a leadership position in the DoD, including an
SES position, at some point in the future. I was careful during my interviews to focus on
collecting good data and not simply enjoy listening to experiences and gaining advice from
potential mentors. Relatedly, I also recognized that potential interviewees would be women who
were all superior in position and older than myself. Within the DoD’s culture, as within
contemporary American society, a certain amount of deference is expected on my part, but I did
not allow it to hinder my ability to conduct a thorough interview.
Finally, I acknowledge that the female executives considering taking the recruitment
questionnaire, and potentially participating in an interview, may have been concerned about their
privacy. They could have been concerned about the impression talking to me may give others.
Participants may have felt uncomfortable sharing concerns or challenges they had with their
work life or personal life. I mitigated these concerns through rapport-building, positive
reinforcement, and opportunities to skip questions (Patton, 2002).
Data Source: Interviews
The primary data source for this study was interviews. However, to get to the interviews
the study implemented a recruitment questionnaire. This approach sought to review potential
participants to minimize time wasted and collect the most diverse sample available. A diverse
participant sample included individuals employed by a variety of agencies within the DoD, from
different age groups, race, and ethnicities, and with different family responsibilities (single,
partnered, and care for children or aging parents).
41
Based on the needs of a qualitative study, the semi-structured interview was selected due
to its flexibility to alter question language and order asked to best fit the discussion (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Interviewing has been a primary method of data collection for past and present
researchers because observation is sometimes not enough and more information on individual
experiences are necessary to inductively establish meaning or themes (Morgan, 2014; Patton,
2002). This section will first review the study’s participants, including the sampling, recruitment
approach, and their demographic profile. Next the study instruments are discussed along with
rationale for their inclusion. Finally, data collection procedures will cover logistics employed to
collect data including timelines on time to recruit and interview participants, locations of data
collection, general procedures, data capture methods and transcription procedures.
Participants
Effective sampling was vital for this study to minimize time wasted on potential
participants who did not fit the demographic profile or who were not interested in full
participation. Starting with convenience sampling, potential participants were contacted by word
of mouth (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Pazzaglia et al, 2016). Convenience sampling can consist of
contacting potential participants within one’s own network, which was effective in the present
study because the number of female executives in the DoD is small and some I already knew
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
The criteria for study participants were that they be civilian female senior executives in
the DoD who have served as executives for at least two years and within the past five years.
Participants needed to have had enough recent experience to provide perspectives on any
challenges they face and how they have been able to manage them. The participants could be
partnered or single, mothers or not, of any age and from any military service or defense agency.
42
Ultimately, a truly representative sample was not possible given the difficulty in identifying
potential participants from an already limited group of civilian women interested in sharing their
experiences.
Instrumentation
As discussed, this study utilized an interview protocol (Appendix C). The protocol was
inspired by the works of Patton (2002), Merriam & Tisdell (2016) and Burkholder, Cox,
Crawford, and Hitchcock (2020) in design, process, and language. Within the interview, 10
questions sought perspectives on successes and challenges at home and at work. All questions
were tied back to the three research questions, trying to understand how second shift influences
affected women’s career progression and whether it influenced their decision to stay or leave.
The questions themselves were sequenced to lead the participant through as natural a
conversation as possible (Patton, 2002). All questions were open-ended, and most utilized probes
to ensure data collection most applicable to the study (Bodgen & Biklen, 2016).
Data Collection Procedures
Several strategies were used to recruit participants for the interviews. With the universityprovided license, the study employed Qualtrics to host the recruitment questionnaire (Appendix
B). Starting in the spring of 2023, a short statement (Appendix A) including the recruitment
questionnaire link and information sheet (Appendix D), were sent to women in my professional
network through email and LinkedIn messaging and post. The narrative requested the
recruitment questionnaire be shared with any women who may be interested in participating or
finding out more about the study. The recruitment questionnaire consisted of 11 questions; nine
collecting demographic data, one to collect questions and concerns from the participant about the
study, and one to collect contact information if the potential participant was interested in
43
proceeding with the interview once meeting all study criteria. The demographic data identified
women’s work history, current employer and position, and any home responsibilities that were
relevant to their positionality in answering the research questions. Every week the data collected
by Qualtrics was compared with all other prospective participants. The link to the recruitment
questionnaire remained open until 15 participants were identified and confirmed for interviews.
LinkedIn was utilized to search for and contact women within my network. To avoid
using work systems, I relied on my university-provided personal email and not a work email or
contact list. Once personal and professional networks were exhausted, additional prospective
participants were contacted using snowball sampling. Snowball sampling uses a network of
potential participants to refer other individuals who also may fit the study criteria (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). To make snowball sampling most efficient, the recruitment questionnaire was
accessible with a digital link (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In this way, the opportunity could be
passed within an email or quick message to fellow colleagues.
Individuals who completed the recruitment questionnaire, fit the parameters of the study,
and acknowledged interest in conducting an interview were considered as participants. After the
first five women responded and fit the study criteria, I reached out to them through phone or
email to schedule interviews. While conducting interviews, I continued to receive completed
recruitment questionnaires, consider them for admittance to the study, and scheduled interviews.
This process lasted approximately two months until all interviews were conducted. At the time of
the interview, acknowledgement and acceptance of audio recording was confirmed. As the
participants were inherently busy executives, none of the interviews were in person. They took
place on weekdays or weekends, whenever the participant had personal time available. I
conducted phone or video interviews from home where surroundings were distraction-free
44
(Burkholder et al., 2020). While this approach allowed access to video conferencing, most
executives work in government buildings without access to such tools.
The interview protocol (Appendix C) was relied upon for guidance during the discussion.
Upon welcoming the participant and thanking them for their willingness to participate, I
discussed the importance of obtaining audio recording whether over a telephone or video call,
and received explicit permission to record (Patton, 2002). The length of each interview lasted 45-
70 minutes. Within 48 hours, the audio was transcribed utilizing speech-to-text software. The
transcription was conducted quickly after the interview to ensure any questions about terms used,
tone, or context were more easily recalled (Patton, 2002).
Data Analysis
Data analysis was supported by NVivo, a subscription software for qualitative data
analysis paid for by the University of Southern California (USC). The software was utilized by
uploading the transcripts and coding them first by participant and demographic data. Then
coding began as described below, utilizing the software’s drag and drop features to enhance the
process and more easily visualize the codebook as it was constructed.
The interview transcripts were analyzed and coded to reflect patterns or themes related to
the theoretical framework and research questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This inductive and
comparative technique is ideal for qualitative studies with interview data because it draws
theories from the data sources in direct connection to the study framework and research
questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). First, a priori coding was conducted before interviewing
commenced to take inspiration from concepts within the study, research questions, interview
protocol and data collected during the literature review (DeCuir-Gunby et al., 2011). Upon
completing the first interview, open coding of the transcript was implemented alongside a priori
45
codes, sorting the data to identify anything that could be considered relevant (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The codes functioned as guideposts in initial
transcript analysis, but emerging codes were incorporated as subsequent analysis required
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018). To take advantage of the constant comparative method, interview
analysis was generally conducted within 72 hours after an interview and was revisited after each
subsequent interview (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As interviews
were coded, subsequent reviews of the transcripts (analytical coding) organized the identified
data into related categories (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This process continued until 15
interviews were complete, transcribed, and coded.
From this comparison within NVivo, a catalogue of themes was built comprising all
topics emerging from participant interviews (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Relying on NVivo to
categorize these cumulative themes enabled raw data to relate similar experiences across
participants, eventually turning data into provisional themes (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As the
cumulative findings were collected, and upon the final review, the collected categories were
further considered and regrouped based on the study’s research questions and theoretical
framework. Any surprising or unusual findings were noted for later consideration (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018).
Credibility and Trustworthiness
Credibility and trustworthiness are vital to qualitative research because results can only
be reproduced and built upon when communities have confidence in the quality of the work
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In a qualitative study, credibility suggests whether the data collected
reflects reality (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Trustworthiness refers to the rigor in which the study
46
was prepared and conducted (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). To ignore either or both would dimmish
the effectiveness of the data and contribution to society (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
To maximize credibility, data should be collected until reaching a point of saturation
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). While saturation is an ideal, a limit of 15 interviews was established
in response to the time needed to analyze the data and complete the dissertation in a timely
manner. However, despite the limitation, the last five to seven interviews were quite reminiscent
of the first seven, giving confidence to the idea that saturation may have been close, if not met.
Member checks assisted in improving consistent data collection by confirming the intentions of
the participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Member checks were accomplished by contacting
each participant after transcript data analysis and sharing summarized themes (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018).
To maximize trustworthiness, the study collected rich and descriptive data to assure the
reader that the findings are a natural outcome of the collected participant data (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Probes, or follow-up questions, were included in the interview protocol to gain
additional descriptions and insight from participants (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Reflexivity
was practiced in this study through the consideration, and continued update, of my positionality
statement in Chapter 3 utilizing researcher memos after each interview (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Researchers who seek reflexive practice are interested in highlighting any positionality or
bias that may interfere with the study and attempt to understand their influence as much as
possible (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As such, throughout the study I have consistently captured
biases as they appear. This cataloging was helpful to return to later and incorporate into
interviewing and data analysis preparations.
47
Ethics
Working with human participants requires the highest level of ethical standards and
accountability (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The researcher must ensure organization permission,
voluntary participation, participant confidentiality, respect, and honest reporting (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The purpose of the study, informed consent, and
permission to record was discussed during interview scheduling and during the interview
introduction (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Confidentiality was maximized in multiple ways.
Prior to each interview, safeguarding procedures of the participant’s information was reviewed.
Once an interview was complete, the audio file was transferred to my password-protected
computer and saved in a folder with a naming convention that further protected the participant’s
identity. The original audio file collected on the recording device was deleted. The transcript was
saved using the same naming convention prior to data analysis. A single coding sheet identifying
the participant’s real name and alias was maintained on the computer until the final dissertation
was submitted, and then destroyed. Finally, as an employee of the DoD studying individuals who
work in the organization, I acknowledged the ethical imperative to keep study data confidential.
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Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this study was to explore, with an intersectional lens, how second shift
responsibilities contribute to the underrepresentation of women in SES positions within the DoD.
The research questions for this study were:
1. How have women in the DoD SES experienced second shift pressures?
2. How do women in DoD SES positions perceive their second shift work as influencing
their ability to reach and remain in the SES?
3. How do DoD SES women perceive their workplaces as contributing to the second
shift pressures they experience?
This qualitative study utilized individual interviews to gather the experiences of 15 SES women
in the DoD. Interview data, collected telephonically or through video discussions, provided
insight to female DoD executives and their journey to those positions. The data was analyzed
following a grounded theory process: a priori code development, open coding, then thematic
coding relying on constant comparison.
This chapter begins with an analysis of the participating stakeholders’ demographic data.
Findings are organized by research question to highlight themes detected in the interview data.
The threshold for determining what constituted a theme reflected present codes in at least nine
participants. A summary of the themes concludes this chapter.
Participant Demographics
During study recruitment, 22 women were sent a survey link. By the time recruitment
was complete 16 women took part in the recruitment survey, and 15 women agreed to a followon interview. After scheduling, 11 women met for an interview telephonically and four utilizing
Zoom with video. All participants identified as women, all were married except one, all
49
identified as straight and were currently employed in the DoD SES, except one who was retired
within the last three years.
When interacting with potential participants, an introduction from a trusted colleague was
routinely relied upon. It was common for participants to be somewhat uneasy when initially
contacted, so some participants recruited others directly which proved quite helpful. Upon
agreeing to an interview, participants were largely enthusiastic to participate, some even sending
emails afterward providing more considerations to topics covered. Every participant requested an
opportunity to read the study upon completion, and they were willing to be contacted again for
any needed clarification. To enhance brevity and clarity, participants’ quotes were condensed
while still maintaining the meaning and intent of their experience.
Table 1 displays the interview participants, identified by pseudonyms in alphabetical
order, and relevant self-identified demographic data. Compared to federally collected
demographic data of DoD SES women, this sample had more (18%) years of service, higher
percentage of 55-64 year-olds (9%) and lower percentage of 45-54 year-olds (16%) (Federal
Workforce Data, 2022b). The U.S. Office of Personnel Management does not aggregate ethnicity
data by gender, so compared to the ethnicity and race of all DoD SES men and women, the
study’s sample had less (18%) European American participants, more (21%) Black participants
and less (6%) Asian participants (Federal Workforce Data, 2022b).
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Table 1
Participant Demographics
Pseudonym Age Ethnicity/Race SES Years
of Service
DoD
Years of
Service
Parental Status
Amy 55-64 European American 18 21+ Mother
Brenda 55-64 European American 8 21+ Mother
Christine 45-54 European American 6 21+ None
Diane 35-44 European American 3 21+ Mother
Heather 55-64 European American 4 21+ Mother
Jessica 45-54 European American 3 16-20 Mother
Kelly 55-64 European American 15 21+ Mother
Lisa 55-64 Black/African-American 18 21+ Mother
Melissa 45-54 European American 5 21+ Mother
Nicole 55-64 Middle Eastern +
European American
4 21+ Mother
Rebecca 55-64 European American 3 21+ Mother
Stephanie 55-64 Black/African-American 10 21+ Mother
Tiffany 55-64 Black/African-American 8 16-20 Mother
Vanessa 45-54 Asian American 7 21+ Mother
Wendy 45-54 European American 6 21+ Mother
Note. DoD years of service includes time as an SES.
The themes collected from this study certainly shed light on how second shift
responsibilities contribute to the underrepresentation of DoD SES women. While not all
collected data is shared in this chapter, the themes encompass the majority of findings developed
from transcript analysis. Overall, participants felt a significant societal pressure to work harder
than men to prove themselves, overcame numerous barriers and a demanding work environment
which slowed their progress or convinced others to retire early. This extra work and stress
resulted in a variety of mental and physical ailments, but with support from spouses, friends,
family, and mentors, all were able to overcome their respective challenges and are motivated to
improve the experiences of the women rising behind them. The first two themes give insight to
51
how DoD SES women experience the second shift, reflecting much of what was discussed in the
literature review.
Research Question 1: How Have Women in the DoD SES Experienced Second Shift
Pressures?
The two themes identified in analyzing data to answer the first research question were (a)
the pressure to do it all and (b) the consequences from such performance. These themes were
evident in transcripts as women described the expectations they felt society had for them and
how those expectations weighed heavily on them in a number of ways. The themes are discussed
in detail in the following sub-sections.
Theme 1: Climbing the Ladder While Cooking Dinner; DoD’s Superwomen Feel
Compelled to Do It All
Participants frequently recounted growing up in a society with more frequent and visible
gender discrimination, as described in advertising or comments made to them directly, which
also seemed to shape their experiences in the working world. In 13 of 15 of conversations,
participants identified numerous examples of societal pressure to be or act a certain way,
including internalized pressure. Lisa explained, “you're going to have to be better than everyone
else in the room to be credible.” None of the participants recounted ever being told this blatantly
but suggested that they knew it intrinsically given the totality of their experience. Tiffany’s
comments were in alignment with others, “We're going to be held by men to a higher level of
performance, and we're going to be held to a higher level of performance ourselves. We do that
to ourselves.”
Overall, 11 of 15 women discussed the pressure they felt to be perfect, and six of 15 gave
societal examples of expectations placed on them. What some eventually recounted realizing
52
though was, as Vanessa put it, “You're not doing anything wrong, society is just not set up to
support this.” Table 2 displays four additional examples of these gendered societal struggles
faced by the participants.
Table 2
Theme: Societal Expectations and the Pressure to be Perfect
Participant Quote
Brenda
I had this very June Cleaver fantasy, for lack of a better term. I could
work, and I think society somewhat plays into this. You can work,
do a great job in what you're being paid to do, and then you go
home and be the supermom and the super wife and make meals
from scratch, have a clean house, do the laundry, iron, whatever
you want to call it.
Diane
For me, I identified so much of myself in my job, and I still do. I
think the anxiety of the second shift, it’s a little hard for me
because my self-worth has often been defined by my success at
work. I share that because I'm probably not the only one that's felt
that. Trying to find those ways to not feel like I'm failing at the
second shift has been huge.
Heather
If you look in the building of who's staying late, who's doing more,
and you did it percentage wise of male or female SESs, there are
a lot of us ladies meeting in the parking lot late at night. I don't
think it's because we're less efficient than our male counterparts,
I think that in order to feel viewed comparable, more is expected
of us. And to be honest, for me, I'm not bitter about that. I just
think it's a fact that the table has been for men in these key roles
for a lot of years. When a group of people hasn't been at a table
and is trying to find their way to a table, they have to work a
little bit harder.
Jessica
I don't know if it's just that nurturing part, but I've always felt like I
should be doing more at home. But when I'm at work, I should
be doing more at work. I'm never giving enough time.
When discussing second shift pressures, this theme around the expectation to be perfect, to be
able to do it all, was largely present. Despite these feelings of inadequacy reported by the
53
participants, it did not ultimately stop any of them from reaching SES status and continuing to
serve. The following section continues to present interview data where participants also shared
the consequences of society’s pressure to do it all.
Theme 2: DoD’s Superwomen Are Human; The Consequences They Manage are
Substantial
All 15 participants mentioned feeling tired in relation to their daily lives, which echoed
the pressures they discussed experiencing as executives working in the DoD. However, in 10 of
15 conversations, participants identified a variety of ways portraying a superwoman was
detrimental to their own mental and physical health. They also discussed how their relationships
with their family were impacted because of this drive to perform as superwomen.
It was common for participants to reflect on the sheer amount of time needed to achieve
and sustain executive positions in the DoD. For instance, Brenda prefaced her comment by
asserting that despite not having regrets, “Knowing now what I didn't know then, I might go
back and try to carve out more time.” Diane’s experience was also reminiscent of other
participants; she simply felt overwhelmed by the number of things to do and people who
expected things of her. “I'm tired. . . it is hard to rally and muster up that energy for a very
energetic kid and my husband.”
Guilt, regret, stress, and exhaustion were common talking points during the interviews.
Seven of 15 women shared they felt a sense of guilt or regret about working as hard as they have,
and six out of 15 provided stories of negative mental or physical health implications. Table 3
recounts the negative consequences shared across participants, from regret to physical and
mental exhaustion.
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Table 3
Theme: Negative Consequences of the Superwoman SES
Negative
consequence
Participants mentioning
consequence
Key quote
Guilt 7
Jessica: I do think it is a huge time commitment for
women. It's kind of tearing at the heartstrings, and
I do think that's probably a significant factor,
maybe not the only factor, that you see less and
less women in the SES ranks.
Stress 13
Wendy: I think sometimes it would be nice to have
somebody, particularly not having a spouse, every
major decision really falls to me, so making
decisions all day at work and then making
decisions at home, sometimes it would be nice to
have somebody say this is what we're going to do.
Regret 4
Amy: I'm not saying that I was always as fully
present for my kids as I should have been perhaps.
Exhaustion 7
Heather: I would say the one thing that has been put
on the back burner is physical fitness. . . and when
I do get time, you just want to rest. The physical
fitness part, like the good eating, the going to the
gym, that kind of thing I haven't been as focused
on.
Despite having a variety of family arrangements, some never have included children and
others still had children in the home. With varied family lives, 13 participants still reported
experiencing second shift pressures in a variety of negative ways. Melissa recounted challenges
she still experiences today, where her work schedule limits her ability to make appropriate
healthcare appointments. She confessed, “I can’t tell you the number of appointments I’ve
canceled or struggled to get rescheduled for months after missing them.” She also recounted the
health consequences of other SES women, stories of skipping mammograms and later being
diagnosed with breast cancer, others ignoring warning signs and having to treat Stage 3 stomach
cancer too late. Most participants identified that this excess work and lack of personal focus was
55
detrimental. While it certainly did not stop them from achieving what they wanted, the
participants reported that these experiences did give them pause and forced them eventually to
change their actions for their own benefit. Next, the research question on perceptions of second
shift work influencing executive-level status is answered through the acknowledgement of
barriers but also the support of spouses, mentors, friends and family.
Research Question 2: How Do Women in DoD SES Positions Perceive Their Second Shift
Work as Influencing Their Ability to Reach and Remain in the SES?
The two themes informing the second research question were (a) barriers related to
blocked or delayed advancement and (b) the support mechanisms which made advancement
possible. Eleven of 15 interviews included personal stories of women, or their colleagues,
running into various barriers on their way to executive DoD positions. While many felt their
second shift played a role in their career trajectory, they also highlighted the support structures
that made their ascension possible. These themes are discussed in detail in the following subsections.
Theme 3: Blocked or Delayed Advancement; What Barriers Slow Down Women’s
Progression?
Anecdotes abound of women delaying or avoiding SES due to lack of spousal support or
family planning, creating self-inflicted promotion bottlenecks where plenty of qualified women
exist but cannot promote. Every participant shared their own barrier battles, but the stories they
told of other women working with and for them greatly emphasized the similarities in many of
their experiences. While not identified in this study as a significant barrier, the concept of quality
of life was discussed in a number of interviews, from Kelly theorizing how “people are more
balanced in their lives now, they value family more than career” to Heather’s more
56
straightforward pronouncement that for some, “quality of life is more important than having a
seat at the table as an SES.” Retirement was also not discussed broadly, but Heather’s simile of
“a car that has been rode too hard,” reflected the sentiments of other participants. However, the
barriers related to children and support of a spouse came up in most (11 of 15) conversations,
with key quotes shared in Table 4.
Table 4
Theme: Barriers to Obtaining and Staying SES
Barrier
Participants
mentioning
barrier
Key quote
Children 11
Rebecca: But I find that they're ready from a professional
standpoint, much sooner to take the promotions then they do
end up taking them . . . The vast majority of time when they
cite why they're not ready to put into that next level is because
of the timing of their family.
Spouse 8
Melissa: I've known several women in the past that their spouse
or significant other wasn’t terribly supportive. They waited
quite some time to put in for it or felt like they couldn't put in
for it because it was going to cause drama at home.
Despite the participants succeeding in their leadership goals, they still had plenty to
discuss when talking about barriers. Their discussions highlight that for most, their second shift
work influenced their SES goals, whether it was the traditional gendered expectations of a
spouse or the timing of when they raised children. Luckily for the participants, they also
identified the support structures that assisted in their advancement, which are highlighted in the
following section.
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Theme 4: Professional and Personal Support Structure is Key for Female Advancement to
DoD SES
Participants had much to say, and a ton of gratitude, for the people and aspects of their
lives that made their leadership attainment possible. All participants identified at least one
support mechanism that made ascending to and staying an SES possible. This section identifies
the top mechanisms in descending order, starting with mentors and sponsors. Brought up in all
15 interviews, mentors and sponsors were clearly important to the participants. However, there
was acknowledgement that certain types of mentoring were different than others. Vanessa put it
this way, “There is something to women telling other women it's hard; don't sugarcoat, but you
can do it. To the extent that there is more talk of the challenges, so that people can make
informed decisions, that is more helpful.” There were a variety of types of mentorships
displayed, from purposeful relationships to one-time encounters. Table 5 provides examples of
these experiences.
Table 5
Theme: Importance of Mentors and Sponsors
Participant Quote
Brenda
I didn't realize it at the time, but I learned a tremendous amount from her just
observing her, watching how she operated, watching how she thought. I
don't think she consciously was trying to help me one way or the other per
say, but she led by example.
Lisa I think the moral of this story is there were people along the way that saw
something in me and gave me opportunities.
Participants spoke to mentorship and sponsorship in equal frequency, citing the
importance of sponsorship to motivate and inspire them to reach for positions they would
58
otherwise not consider. As Kelly remembered, her sponsors would tell her “‘Yeah, you should
put in for this. We need you to put in for this.’ This feeling that I was needed, as well as that
competitive streak in me, is how I ended up as an SES.” Many shared similar thoughts: The
reason they were sitting at the table was because someone gave them an opportunity to sit at the
table. Similarly, participants identified supportive spouses as being a mainstay of their success.
Spouses were the second most common support discussed, brought up in 14 of 15
interviews. Some participants, like Vanessa, went as far as, “My job would be impossible” if not
for her spouse. Others took a more measured stance, like Melissa who explained, “it's a little
more of a partnership at home.” Table 6 gives examples of the variety of perspectives
participants had when reflecting on the support of their spouse.
Table 6
Theme: Importance of Spouse Support
Participant Quote
Amy
If I'm really truthful, I feel like almost my husband and I have done a role swap.
He has carried the more traditional burden of a woman because of the nature
of his work and his recognition that he had to because I wasn't going to.
Brenda
The only way I was able to do this was because my husband was very
supportive. If my husband was not supportive, I wouldn't be talking to you
today because I wouldn't be sitting where I am today.
Heather
My boys were about 8 and 11 when my husband retired from the military, and
honestly, he did it to support me because he realized that the journey of
raising the kids with him being deployed a lot was difficult.
Jessica
My husband is a huge supporter because it's not always easy to have your
spouse take care of the kids. He takes care of a lot of that stuff right now; I
think he enjoys it and he's always telling my kids their mom’s boss is the
president. He's really proud.
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While 14 participants were thankful for their spousal support, those like Diane also knew “I was
very fortunate that he sort of had his career, and now this is my time. I know not everybody has
that.” This acknowledgement of a switch in primary duties was common, along with a dual
sharing of responsibilities between working couples. Another common support was family and
friends, from supportive work colleagues to available grandparents.
Family and friends were the third most widespread support mentioned. Thirteen of 15
interviews included numerous stories, but one story stands out amongst the rest. Stephanie
shared that she was dropping off her 11-month-old at the Pentagon daycare the morning of
September 11, 2001. It just so happened that a Lieutenant Colonel from her office bumped into
her on the way to a nearby medical appointment. The Lieutenant Colonel joined Stephanie to
check her son in, finally meeting him and playing for a few short moments. The two women
went about their morning, and “when the plane hit on the opposite side of the building, [the
Lieutenant Colonel] went back to the daycare and attached herself to [her] son.” Stephanie
finished her story by stating, “If that's not support, I don't know what is?” Stories of work peers
and family coming to the rescue in a variety of situations, particularly for those who had
children, was quite common. Table 7 displays some of those moments.
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Table 7
Theme: Importance of Friend and Family Support
Participant Quote
Amy
A friend who, at 2:30 in the morning, bless her heart, came running up and was
in the house for my three younger children when they woke up because I was
at the emergency room.
Brenda
I remember early in my marriage, when my kids were much younger, I was
lamenting the fact that my husband fed the children macaroni and cheese out
of the box and hot dogs. I was saying to a friend of mine, “This is horrible,”
and my friend said to me, “Are your children starving?” And I said, “No, not
at all.” And she said, “So shut up.” Which I loved. You know, sometimes
you need good friends, who you trust and who know you, to sort of hit you
upside the head.
Diane I feel like I’m very close with my friends to the point where I could call up and
just say I need to vent about something.
Tiffany
But it did require some adjustments, so I took my children with me, when they
were young, on travel trips with me. I would bring my mother so that I would
not lose all that time away from my children.
Beyond childcare assistance, family also provided support, despite not really knowing
what the participant did for work, understanding how long hours and difficult decisions made
their days stressful and cheering them on anyway. Friends and work colleagues also treated
participants “normally” outside of work, separating their prestige from day-to-day life. These
interactions were cited as making the stress of a participants’ job easier, and they were grateful
for it. Another benefit participants cited was that of financial ability to make choices that made
their lives that much easier.
Financial advantage was the fourth most common support mechanism, mentioned in 12
of 15 interviews. While not always directly cited as a benefit, participants named a number of
choices they made that are not traditionally available to all individuals. Table 8 includes quotes
from participants that highlight the array of benefits discussed, from childcare to meal delivery.
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Table 8
Theme: Importance of Financial Advantage
Participant Quote
Amy
I never had to shy away from a job or had to decline an offer of a position
because of my family life. I was very fortunate in that regard because for us, au
pairs became a really great option for childcare . . . It's really cost effective and
that was life changing.
Christine
When we were both working, we had a person come in and clean every two
weeks. Any sort of deep cleaning, vacuuming, putting things away that would
be done by her.
Diane
The fact that I can afford to, that my husband's not working, that we have his
retirement money, it's just different. When you've got two people working, it's
just your whole second shift, it's a totally different dynamic.
Melissa We've gone through various things of, you know, meal prep, kind of things. We
did Freshly for a while.
Childcare was the most common discussed benefit (8 of 15 interviews) tied to financial
advantage. From au pairs to nannies and daycare, many of the participants had the financial
means to support childcare. Other cited the importance of regular in-home cleaning and meal
delivery or dry-cleaning services that cut down on the amount of time they spent on second shift
activities. Some participants did cite they were grateful to be able to make those choices given
their financial situation and did not suggest that giving them up would be an option. Many
participants were grateful for the direct support their received at the office, too.
Finally, support staff were discussed in 10 of 15 interviews, from executive assistants to
Deputy Directors. Diane described an assistant as a “godsend” for things like maintaining a
calendar and answering phones. Many mentioned the importance, particularly, of an executive
assistant to manage meetings and schedules to give them the flexibility needed to leave at a
decent hour. Military assistants and deputies could be more strategic partners like Brenda and
Lisa mentioned, they always knew their teams would get the work done when they were away.
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These support staff were yet another aspect of their lives that participants acknowledged made
their work possible.
Apart from providing examples of the second shift in action, participants providing
examples of support mechanisms was the only other theme to come up in every interview.
Whether it was mentors or sponsors, supportive spouses, family and friends, financial
advantages, or support staff, every interview highlighted what made their journey possible.
Despite participants identifying that their second shift work influences their ability to reach and
remain in the SES, they also acknowledge the support mechanisms available to ease or remove
those challenges. The next section turns to the third and final research question of this study,
which focuses on the workplace and its role in contributing to second shift pressures.
Research Question 3: How Do DoD SES Women Perceive Their Workplaces As
Contributing To The Second Shift Pressures They Experience?
The third research question was analyzed from two perspectives: (a) participants note
diversity and culture challenges, but (b) the culture is improving and participants want to be a
part of that process. While most women had negative experiences at some point in their rise to
the executive ranks, they maintain motivation to improve the culture for the women coming up
behind them. The final themes are discussed in detail in the following sub-sections.
Theme 5: DoD SES Women Experience a Palpable Lack of Diversity and a Culture Not
Suited for Everyone
Nine of 15 women recalled recent, but mostly past, negative experiences working in the
DoD including gender discrimination and a clear lack of diversity. Even though these testaments
were unprompted, they shared similarities as seen in Table 9.
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Table 9
Theme: Lack of Gender Diversity in DoD
Participant Quote
Christine
It's a downward spiral cause if you're going to be the only woman in the room
every time you walk into a room, and my current job that happens a lot,
eventually you either have to hire women who would like to be the only
woman in the room, or you need to hire more women.
Diane
It's interesting, I always tell people early on I was struggling because I felt
like I was trying to model behavior of other people, mostly men, that I have
worked with. I realized that's not me . . . I've walked in the room and I'm
the only one out of a table of 10 senior leaders. It's not that you're not
conscious of it, but it's, are people judging how I react? Am I too
emotional? Am I too this? Am I too that?
Heather
Well, and then sometimes they want to assume that you’re the note taker. . . I
had that situation. I went up for a meeting at the shipyard, and I was the
senior, and I just sat there and one of my male coworkers was doing the
interacting and I was just taking my own notes. The person actually kind of
indicated, they thought that I was this guy’s secretary or note taker and it
was just like really, in today's time?
Kelly
When I was coming up with kids, men still didn't talk about their children at
work, so I felt that I shouldn’t talk about mine, so I didn't. So, you go off
and do your maternity leave and come back, and then I would never
mention the baby again. I felt like that was a weakness to say I got to take a
day off because my kid’s sick, I would never say that.
Tiffany
I think that women who are at childbearing ages have a barrier because men
know that they're childbearing age, so they feel that they’re not going to
stay past the 4:00 hour, as soon as the children are home from school.
Participants shared feeling singled out, stereotyped, or judged simply for being who they were.
While it was not stopping them from achieving their goals, it affected them enough to be able to
recount numerous experiences years later.
Similarly, racial diversity was mentioned by six participants; not stopping them from
achieving their goals but affecting them enough to want to share their stories. Two European
American participants pointed out the lack of women of color in their executive ranks. Lisa
shared a particular frustration that “you're the only one trying to carry the message or people see
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you're carrying the message for either African Americans in general, or women in general, or
African American women.” Stephanie remarked that when she was working her way up the
ranks, and at the time was looking for mentorship, the Air Force only had one African American
female SES. Tiffany also referenced recruitment issue in the SES, that with so many White men,
they tend to mirror the demographic of individuals interviewing:
That to me, just spits in the face of diversity and inclusion. Diversity is not just bringing
on a female or bringing on a Black female. Diversity is about diversity of experiences,
where you were raised, what school you went to, the environment that you grew up in.
Diversity is so much wider than that.
Beyond a lack of gender and racial diversity, nine of 15 participants also shared the
cultural challenges they faced. Christine mentioned working in a different government agency
prior to transitioning to the DoD, “I was in rooms with women, there were women in the room,
there were women at the table. When I went to the Pentagon, there stopped being women.” Table
10 provides the major concerns, namely not feeling equivalent or appreciated as a civilian, and
difficulty communicating.
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Table 10
Theme: Negative Experiences in the DoD Culture
Participant Quote
Christine
Interestingly enough, working for the Navy, I had a retired Navy Admiral
basically tell me you're not retired military. You're a civilian, a woman, you
should look for an SES outside of the Department of Defense, outside of the
Navy.
Kelly
In military organizations, I think in particular in past years, everything’s about
the mission so I always felt like I needed to stay at the same pace as they did,
or you tried to.
Rebecca
Military is a tough environment at times, the way flag officers speak to each
other and to their workforce can be intimidating. The directness of the way
they speak, and sometimes seems like lack of empathy, is something that I
can see that's not an environment that's enticing women.
Wendy
But a lot of men, within the Department of Defense in particular, have military
backgrounds, and that drives them to communicate certain ways. There's
maybe much less of a touchy feely approach to things maybe, and I think that
there are times that it can be unbelievably stressful to not take things
personally, to not let it impact your self-esteem, to not kind of think that
you're crazy in some way for feeling the way that you feel.
Unfortunately, participants gave numerous examples of how they felt the DoD
contributed to the second shift pressures they felt, namely through a lack of diversity. Being one
of few women or racial minorities, participants shared their increased stress and lack of identity
in the workplace. While the experiences shared by participants highlight the workplaces’
negative contribution, there were also hints of change and a desire to be a part of that evolution.
Theme 6: The Culture is Improving and DoD SES Women Want to Upgrade It
Throughout the interviews, participants shared unprompted desires to improve their
workplaces for the women behind them. They brought up improvements such as more flexible
working hours for all, increased mentoring of other women, servant leadership, and
understanding and promoting the needs of one’s own workforce. Thirteen out of 15 women
identified areas where they were currently improving their workplaces whether mentoring, men
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or women, or supporting a healthy work/life balance in their teams. Many participants identified
one or two activities they currently partook in to improve the DoD SES and their workplaces in
general. Table 11 displays those efforts and the frequency with which they were reported by the
participants.
Table 11
Theme: Interest in Improving the SES
Theme Quote Participants
Desire to
mentor
others
Lisa: People need to see themselves, and if there's an opportunity
for me to get in the senior leadership position for other people
to come behind me, and know that the contribution, for who
you are and where you've come from, is valued at that level. I
want to be that person and I want to be able to tell that person
the reason I came in. 11
Wendy: I do think it's incumbent upon us as female leaders to
make sure that we're looking out for the people coming behind
us and kind of paving the path for them and helping them
through some of the challenges that are in this space.
Supporting
healthy
work/life
balance
Diane: I've been on calls with people where I find out that they
were missing kids concerts so I tell them go home, fly home,
please fly home. I'm not telling you not to do your job, but don't
miss those moments, that's really important. I'm trying to set
that culture because my goal is work hard, play hard. Enjoy
your life but work hard for me when you're here. The days are
tough, there's not a lot of give in the day, but when you're done,
you're done. 6
Heather: For my dad's last 30 days of his life, I was by his
bedside this whole 30 days and I was fortunate enough to have
a supervisor who afforded me that flexibility to use my leave
and not worry about my job. A lot of times I chose personal,
and my organization and my boss has supported that, and that's
really important to me to pay that forward.
Participants spoke openly about the culture that supported them at work and the culture
they were interested in cultivating as they continued their leadership journey. Eleven of 15 spoke
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to the importance of mentoring others, women and men, to create a better DoD in the future.
Every participant spoke about the importance of a supportive, but most importantly flexible,
work environment. Whether it was recounting a leader supporting them in an emergency to care
for children, or encouraging their own workforce to put family first, there was a desire to
continue bringing more flexibility to the department. While participants may have shared several
negative experiences they have had while working in the DoD, they also noted the more recent
efforts to support women and were invested in continuing that improvement.
Summary of Findings
The purpose of this study was to explore, with an intersectional lens, how second shift
responsibilities contribute to the underrepresentation of women in SES positions within the DoD.
Participant input coalesced around six major themes which shed light on the experiences of 15
senior women in the DoD. Executive women feel pressured to do it all despite experiencing a
multitude of barriers along the way to DoD leadership positions. Despite suffering physical and
mental maladies, they remain grateful for the support they receive along the way. They are also
motivated to continue improving the culture that currently does not fully accept them.
Participants were critical in their recounting of experiences, but those incidents have not
appeared to lessen their patriotism and willingness to stay with the DoD for the long term.
Participants both shed light on the shortcomings of their experiences, and actively inspire and
bring in more women behind them. Findings discussed in Chapter 4 centered around an
acknowledgement of necessary change and a motivated cadre of leaders willing to lead the
charge. Finally, Chapter 5 will present evidence-based recommendations for the DoD to consider
when acting on the inequitable employment of women in the department’s SES.
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Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations
This chapter begins with a summary of the themes and their comparison to academic
research. Based on those themes, three recommendations are shared. To aid transparency, a
discussion about limitations and delimitations is included to acknowledge the study’s boundaries.
Future research implications and an analysis of equity follows, with the conclusion rounding out
this last chapter.
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to explore, with an intersectional lens, how second shift
responsibilities contribute to the underrepresentation of women in SES positions within the DoD.
Though intersectional experiences were desired, most participants were heterosexual married
European women with children, as more diverse participants did not come forward nor could be
required beyond 15. This lack of truly intersectional perspective will be discussed further in
study limitations and future research implications. Key findings are grouped below to reflect the
similarities in contemporary research, supporting the three recommendations that follow.
Like many other studies that have identified numerous workplace barriers and delayed
progression to leadership, the participants in this study likewise noted several barriers (Cahusac
& Kanji, 2014; O’Hagan, 2018; Parker et al., 2018). Traditional barriers remain such as the
necessity of a supportive spouse and difficulty raising children and working full time. In the
private sector, recent findings similarly suggest women with children experience significant
obstacles (Carbajal, 2018), juggle many more domestic expectations (Davis, 2020; Zhou, 2020),
and enjoy less flexibility in their career paths (DeHart-Davis et al., 2020). Dissertations like this
one, and others (Brignoli, 2020; Cedano, 2020; Hairston, 2011; Jenkins, 2021) are the most
recent scholastic evidence of such a need for change in DoD’s SES. While these negative
69
findings were unfortunately mirrored in contemporary research, the support mechanisms were
also present and widely utilized.
The importance of mentoring was a key finding in this study and is reflected in numerous
contemporary studies (Emerson & Murphy, 2014; Hoobler et al., 2014; Joshi et al., 2015;
Orbach, 2017; Sanford et al., 2015). Without many examples of DoD SES women in plain view,
the concept of balancing marriage, work, and potentially a growing family seemed
insurmountable to some, and others were not even aware it was possible. For that reason,
mentoring continues to be important to increasing the number of women in leadership roles
throughout the world (Emerson & Murphy, 2014; Hoobler et al., 2014; Joshi et al., 2015;
Orbach, 2017; Sanford et al., 2015). Similarly, sponsorship has been highlighted as a particularly
important role for men in leadership to take on, going to bat for female employees who need
someone with experience and social capital to invest in their career in the way they have
historically for men (Carbajal, 2018; Orbach, 2017; Spar, 2020). The importance of mentoring to
offset barriers was a key finding in this study, as well as acknowledging workplace flexibility in
schedule and location, however limited it was offered.
Flexibility in schedule and work location was another key finding, important for women
in the workplace because of society’s expectation that women provide primary care for children
(Blair-Loy et al., 2015; DeHart-Davis et al., 2020; Orbach, 2017). However, using that flexibility
also comes with professional exclusions and stereotyping (Blair-Loy et al., 2015; Cahusac &
Kanji, 2014; O’Hagan, 2018; Goldin, 2014). All participants mentioned the importance of,
whether conservatively or liberally supported by leadership, flexibility around work schedules
and locations to accommodate life’s emergencies or daily needs attributed to the pressure to do it
all. It is important to note that workplace flexibility has innumerable meanings and changing
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boundaries (a psychological contract) which benefits from explicit and continued conversations
between workers and leadership (Canibano, 2019). The concept of flexibility is not new to the
DoD. In the early days of the pandemic, the Secretary of Defense applauded DoD’s capability to
remain flexible (Garamone, 2020), and the latest National Defense Strategy (2022) implores the
department to offer “flexible work environments” (p. 20). Workplace flexibility is also linked to
White House efforts to support military spouses who benefit from federal employment telework
and remote capabilities while supporting their service member’s career (Exec. Order No. 14100,
2023). On the other hand, experiencing dissatisfaction with how leadership handles employees
with families has been shown to have some impact on workplace satisfaction and desire to leave
public service (Mullins et al., 2021). While certain women may benefit from more flexibility in
work schedules and locations, research shows the whole workforce can benefit from these
programs (Kim et al., 2020; Lai, 2022).
This study’s findings echoed current research in the workplace regarding job progression
and leadership obtainment barriers, the importance of mentoring, and the importance of a
flexible work environment. These findings align with the following three recommendations by
acknowledging the problem, framing the problem in a larger context, and providing justification
for concern.
Recommendations for Practice
Three recommendations address key findings in this study. The recommendations are
suggested to the DoD as a whole, though focus specifically on the SES and GS workforce that
typically promotes future executives. Department initiatives like the WPS may continue to
support over-arching ideas of women’s empowerment, but for the purposes of this study, the
below recommendations serve as more specific efforts at improvement for civilian women
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working in the DoD. Each recommendations’ relative simplicity reflects the reality of systemic
change in large, bureaucratic departments. Transformation is slow, but challenging the status quo
is essential for our nation’s future.
Recommendation 1: Collect and Analyze Disaggregate Data Through Exit Surveys to
Inform Female DoD SES Retention
Nine of 15 women identified experiences of not fitting in with DoD culture. This study,
as others have, relied on interviews regarding the lived experiences of 15 women, a resourceintensive method to study a particular population. When contemplating how to improve equity in
populations, data has been shown to play a key role, mostly because what is not counted, is
unseen (D’Ignazio & Klein, 2020; Taylor et al., 2023). Furthermore, this study’s literature
review relied mostly on data from the private sector as DoD SES-specific data was rare or nonexistent. For instance, at the time of this study, gender was not a demographic data point
collected in the SES Exit Survey (Office of Personnel and Management, 2017). Change cannot
be implemented until the underlying issues are brought to light. One major hurdle to identifying
intersectional barriers DoD SES women face is collecting data on why they leave. The
recommendation is to collect more informed exit survey data from female SESs, analyze it to
determine why they are leaving, and inform retention efforts moving forward.
Currently, the SES Exit Survey’s most recent report in 2017, stated “a majority of the
departing senior executives indicated they were considering or definitely planning to work,” and
at increased pay (Office of Personnel and Management, 2017). In the same report, it stated the
work environment (such as the culture and senior leadership) “continue[d] to be the most
influential reasons for leaving” (Office of Personnel and Management, 2017). Furthermore, the
report stated a majority of those departing executives cited “at least one work environment
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element contributed to their decision to leave ‘to a great extent’ or ‘to a very great extent’”
(Office of Personnel and Management, 2017). If the DoD knows a majority of executives are
leaving not to retire but to work elsewhere, and there is an acknowledged issue with the work
environment, it would be incredibly beneficial to know the breakdown of those affected
individuals by more granular demographic markers, such as gender and race/ethnicity.
This change initiative would benefit from ongoing monitoring and tracking. An advisory
team should be assembled, representing leadership from stakeholders such as the Defense
Manpower Data Center, Under Secretary for Personnel and Readiness, Office for Diversity,
Equity, and Inclusion and Defense Human Resources Activity. Stakeholders may direct analysts
to update the survey following recent and standardized findings on appropriate demographic
terminology (Lewis et al, 2023; National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine,
2022). Analysts collect data over a year or until such additional figures may be evaluated. With
new data reported, the advisory team can make recommendations on recruitment or retention
efforts, particularly as they relate to equity. While obtaining and analyzing data may take time to
initiate change, more immediate implementation comes in the form of ongoing mentoring efforts.
Recommendation 2: Reinforce Mentoring and Career Development Without Second Shift
Bias
All participants mentioned the importance of mentors, and most mentioned they had little
knowledge of SES, or ever considered an executive position for themselves, before a mentor
proposed it. Furthermore, 10 of 15 women mentioned their desire to mentor those coming behind
them. With female DoD SES leaders comprising only 29% of the workforce (Federal Workforce
Data, 2022a), there are mathematically many more men with much less of a second shift,
available to mentor and sponsor women who desire to lead. The Department should not assume
73
the majority of all mentoring and sponsoring will come from the limited women available in the
DoD SES. Furthermore, studies have shown sometimes men can be biased in their employment
considerations of women or offering opportunities of mentorship and sponsorship, leaving some
women without the resources others may have to succeed (Bian et al., 2018; Schwartz et al.,
2022). Whether it is benevolent sexism from the mentor or a lack of social capital from a mentee,
these opportunities must be made available in the same supportive way men receive them. To
bolster equity in opportunities, the recommendation is to reinforce the importance of mentoring
and career development without second shift bias, or gendered assumptions tied to them.
Reinforcing the importance of mentoring begins by ensuring any current or proposed
formal mentoring programs do not fall victim to supporting current hierarchies or normative
behaviors such as gender bias (Ghosh, 2015). As discussed in the literature review, a woman’s
lack of mentors could be due to inaccessible social networks or something like benevolent
sexism (Hideg & Shen, 2019). These biases, traditionally held by men, can be implicit such as a
male manager assessing women as less career motivated (Hoobler et al., 2014). One way to
counter such bias is making it evident to those who hold it, such as in cases where employment
application raters felt accountable, their decisions tended to include less bias (Koch et al., 2015).
The Department may consider instituting anti-bias training to break behavioral habits that
perpetuate these gendered biases (Carnes et al., 2015). Such training could be developed
internally or acquired from respected sources and initiated as part of continuous learning
required of all executives. Once enough individuals have experienced the training, feedback
could inform providing it to lower-level managers and supervisors. Note, such unconscious bias
training needs to be evaluated consistently to ensure government resources are allocated
appropriately and outcomes continue to improve (Williamson & Foley, 2018).
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More recent research has suggested that workplaces with more flexibility over working
hours allow women to take advantage of mentoring opportunities (Shin & Kim, 2023); the final
recommendation pursues just that flexibility.
Recommendation 3: Reduce Second Shift Strain by Ensuring Flexible Work Arrangements
Where Possible
Most participants complimented the flexibility offered to them in their rise to SES; while
all were offered some kind of flexibility, some experiences were more or less frequent.
Typically, it was described as leadership understanding if an executive needed to leave work to
care for a child or family member in an emergency. Fewer benefited from extended telework
opportunities that afforded them the ability to work from primary, or secondary, homes hours or
states away. In the post-COVID world, the DoD is one of many departments that quickly learned
how to work remote (Lewis et al., 2023). Despite the success in the last three years, and without
data to support any change in work productivity, some in Congress moved to end post-COVID
19 workplace flexibility with the Stopping Home Office Work’s Unproductive Problems
(SHOW UP) Act (2023). The Act was opposed by the National Federation of Federal Employees
(2023), highlighting that many federal workers remained in-office during the pandemic and
lauding telework policies as effective tools to recruit the best talent. At present, the Act has not
found further Congressional support, but similar language (Telework Reform Act, 2023) requires
agencies to report on outcomes such as funding saved, productivity levels, and survey remote
employees biannually to evaluate performance. With this current discussion in mind, the final
recommendation of this study is to take best practices in flexibility and implement them in policy
where mission can still be paramount, but work life balance is also important.
75
The benefit of workplace flexibility is that it can exist on a spectrum. While those in the
private sector may benefit from extensive opportunities to work anytime, any place, it is
understandable that a government agency, let alone the DoD, may not be able to offer the same
opportunities. According to the latest Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey, 14% of respondents
identified as remote workers and 45% engage in occasional telework, most (25%) working three
or more days a week from home (Office of Personnel Management, 2023). The report also cited
a five-year high employee engagement index of 72% (Office of Personnel Management, 2023).
As seen in the latest federal workers report, flexibility does not only have to mean remote work
but could be situational telework or negotiable working hours. Creating an advisory team of SES
leaders may be beneficial to consider how much workplace flexibility is appropriate for the
typical executive leader. This team should consist of personnel staff and a variety of executives
who could provide insight into strengths and weaknesses of increased workplace flexibility.
Results should be reported to DoD leadership and OPM for consideration in future requirement
and retention efforts. Other large agencies with vital national missions such as Department of
Health and Human Services and General Services Administration currently have job postings
available for fully remote SES positions, and the Department of Energy and State Department
offer multiple executive positions in which telework is an option.
This recommendation has the advantage that all employees can benefit from enhanced
flexibilities, not just women with children. Consequently, something to consider with increasing
workplace flexibility benefits is ensuring equal promotion across employees. Work flexibility
incentives appear to support women and individuals with responsibilities outside of work, but the
payoff for not taking advantage of such flexibility cannot be greater (Goldin, 2014). Instead of
76
marketing the benefits only to women, marketing them to all employees helps to destigmatize the
benefits and increase the chance of it being used (Bae & Kim, 2016; Spar, 2020).
Limitations and Delimitations
Based on the study's boundaries and theoretical framework, various limitations and
delimitations were inevitable. Limitations refer to the weaknesses of the study or outcomes
which the researcher may have little control over (Leedy et al., 2021). Limitations included the
truthfulness of respondents as pressure from work or personal pressure could influence
participants’ answers. Even though audio recording aided in accuracy of information collected,
pressure on participants may have been experienced as a result of the interviews being recorded.
Despite an interest in analyzing intersectional experiences, I acknowledge the limitation for the
number of women who volunteered for interviews, and therefore a limited sample of ages, races,
sexual orientations, parental status, and other demographic markers. Bias in analysis of the
interview data was acknowledged and I consistently checked interpretations against known
biases.
Delimitations are outcomes of specific choices the researcher makes in the planning of a
study (Leedy et al., 2021). Delimitations are especially important to identify because
acknowledging information not studied or obtained is just as important as what was observed and
collected (Leedy et al., 2021). Delimitations included only interviewing women who became
senior executives. Focusing on executive women, and not all women, allowed insight into what
practices supported or hindered their promotion to leadership. This approach limited
considerations of what may have stalled others’ efforts to reach the same level. The focus of this
study was on white-collar workers but not wage inequality since the numbers have been steadily
improving and other aspects of inequity are more persistent (Kahn et al., 2014). Men were not a
77
focus of this study since their insight is limited to their own experiences. Observations or
quantitative methods were not considered due to the interest in understanding the perceived
experiences of women and the necessity to collect individual narratives to best summarize the
findings. The interviews, including the number conducted, the time spent in discussions, and the
protocol, all reflect specific decisions I made based on time available. Again, additional
intersectional perspectives likely suffered due to the limited number of interviews conducted in
the short time available. Interview questions centered on specific research questions to keep
individual interviews consistent and to ensure relevant data was collected at each interaction.
Other questions may have been useful but were beyond the scope of this study.
Recommendations for Future Research
As discussed in delimitations, this study only considered the input of those who made it,
those who somehow pushed past barriers to reach their goals. The women who self-select out of
executive ranks are not studied to the same degree. More research is needed to understand the
intersectional barriers diverting women from even considering SES as an option. Demographic
considerations such as race, ethnicity, class, sexual orientation, parental or marriage status could
provide additional insight into why certain groups may avoid the department or executive ranks.
In reference to leadership attainment, there have been small studies, mainly dissertations,
questioning why GS 14s and 15s never apply or promote to SES, but the Department would
benefit from a larger-scale study to fully appreciate the causes behind the promotion bottleneck.
During numerous interviews, a particular second shift barrier was revealed for women
working in areas such as intelligence. These sectors frequently require handling classified
material and working in a Sensitive Compartmented Information Facility where access to cell
phones is not approved and the ability to telework is nonexistent. Participants shared that this
78
aspect of the work stopped numerous mothers from continuing in this line of work as it made
contacting a parent at work or allowing any work flexibility incredibly difficult. Future research
may want to consider whether these are significant barriers and if gender equity is profoundly
affected.
Implications for Equity
The USC Rossier mission is to “prepare leaders to achieve educational equity through
practice, research and policy.” This study furthered the school’s mission in studying the
inequitable employment of DoD SES women, and recommending practices and policies that may
alleviate that inequity. This study “interrogat[ed] the systems of power that shape policies and
practices” by analyzing the history of women’s employment in the DoD SES and interviewing
current and recently retired executives about their experiences to identify any remaining barriers.
USC Rossier and the Organizational Change and Leadership program continue to inspire the best
in equitable leadership and innovative solutions.
Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to explore, with an intersectional lens, how second shift
responsibilities contribute to the underrepresentation of women in SES positions within the DoD.
Fifteen participants shared experiences which were reflected in six major themes. In line with the
multitude of barriers along the way to leadership positions, executive women acknowledged the
pressure to do it all. This burden led to participants describing a multitude of physical and mental
maladies. Yet, they persevered and remained grateful for the support they received along the
way. Participants were critical of the challenges, but incidents have not appeared to lessen their
drive to lead and inspire other women and men in the DoD.
79
Findings reflect original second shift theory outcomes developed by Hochschild and
more recent studies of women in executive leadership (Glass & Cook, 2016; Hideg & Shen,
2019; Mavin & Grandy, 2016; Orbach, 2017). Based on the findings, recommendations included
increasing disaggregated data through exit surveys to inform female DoD SES retention, avoid
second shift bias in mentoring and career development, and promote flexible work arrangements.
As mentioned earlier, recent employment data (Federal Workforce Data, 2022a) highlighted the
DoD’s failure in hiring more SES women than they lost on a yearly basis, 31 to 108. With
turnover at that level, findings and recommendations should be considered sooner than later to
identify efforts to improve female SES employment. Furthermore, this study may inspire further
research in intersectional barriers to executive positions and intelligence-sector barriers related to
a gendered experience of lack of access to communication and workplace flexibility.
Overall, this study provides insight to an intersectional group of women not studied
enough. It builds upon the research of other aspiring doctors and change agents (Brignoli, 2020;
Cedano, 2020; Hairston, 2011; Jenkins, 2021) motivated by hopes of a more equitable DoD. This
study highlighted the women who take on leadership positions knowing the upward battle they
face. If nothing else, some shared how refreshing it was to recognize community in their struggle
and inspiration in knowing others are fighting similar barriers. While enhancing community and
shared experiences are important, I hope this study’s impact moves beyond academic reporting
to significant cultural change.
80
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Appendix A: Recruitment Statement
Dear __________,
I am reaching out to you today to request your consideration in participating in my study
on SES women in the DoD. I’m a doctoral student at the University of Southern California
pursuing a degree in organizational change and leadership. I know the DoD fairly well, I’m a
senior analyst within OUSD(A&S) and have worked for the DoD as a civilian for over eight
years.
My research explores how second shift responsibilities contribute to the
underrepresentation of civilian women in SES positions within the DoD. I am now in my data
collection phase and hope to interview 10-15 civilian DoD SES women to better understand their
experiences in senior leadership at the intersection of their home and work lives.
Participation is confidential and consists of one short recruitment survey and one
potential 45-60-minute interview.
Here is a link to my recruitment survey to confirm whether your background would be a
good fit for the study: https://usc.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_1TeXHDLHhttbtd4
Additionally, if you know anyone who may be a great candidate, please share the recruitment
link.
I am happy to speak with you further to answer any questions you may have. Thank you
in advance for your support.
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Appendix B: Recruitment Questionnaire
Introduction: The purpose of the study is to better understand the experiences of civilian
career senior executive women within the DoD at the intersection of home and work
responsibilities. To collect these experiences, I will conduct single-session interviews with 10-15
female SES covering a variety of topics to include, but not limited to:
• Feelings about gender dynamics at work
• Feelings about leadership dynamics at work
• Support received from friends and family
The duration of the interview is 45-60 minutes at a day, time, and location convenient for
the participant. In-person interviews are preferred, but telephonic or video conference is
acceptable. Interviews will be audio recorded for accuracy of statements, but no identifying
information will be connected to participant data. Recordings will be stored until transcribed and
then destroyed. This study has been approved through the Institutional Review Board at the
University of Southern California. At any point during the interview, the participant can skip
questions or end the interview.
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Table B1
Recruitment Questionnaire
Question Response options
Gender identity: Agender/Genderfluid; Man; Non-binary; Questioning or
Unsure; Woman; Identity not listed (please specify); Prefer not
to say
Have you served in an SES position within the
U.S. DoD?
Yes; No
Do you work, or have you worked within the last
5 years, for the DoD (Air Force, Army, Navy,
OUSD, or defense agency)?
Yes; No
Have you served, or did you serve, as a careerappointed SES for at least 2 years?
Yes; No
How many years have you worked for the DoD? 0-2; 3-5; 6-10; 11-15; 16-20; 21+
If yes, how many years have you worked for the
DoD as a career-appointed senior executive?
0-25
What is your age: Under 18; 18-24; 25-34; 35-44; 45-54; 55-64; 65+; Prefer not to
say
Sexual identity/orientation: Asexual/aromantic; Bisexual/pansexual/fluid; Gay; Lesbian;
Queer; Questioning or Unsure; Straight (heterosexual); Identity
not listed (please specify); Prefer not to say
Racial/ethnic identity (please select all that
apply):
African; Asian-American; Black/African-American; East Asian
(including Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Mongolian, Tibetan and
Taiwanese); Hispanic/Latinx; Indigenous American/First
Nations (including Native American/American Indian, Alaskan
Native; Pacific Islander, and Native Hawaiian; Middle Eastern;
South Asian (including Bangladeshi, Bhutanese, Indian, Nepali,
Pakistani, and Sri Lankan); Southeast Asian (including
Burmese, Cambodian, Filipino, Hmong, Indonesian, Laotian;
Malaysian, Mien, Singaporean, Thai, and Vietnamese); White;
Identity not listed (please specify); Prefer not to say
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Question Response options
Marital status: Divorced; Married or domestic partnership; Separated; Single
(never married); Widowed; Prefer not to say
Do you currently provide care to children and/or
adults?
Yes; No; Prefer not to say
If yes, how much time would you estimate is
spent in their care per week?
1
st axis: Children; Adults; Seniors;
2
nd axis: Under an hour; 1-5 hrs; 6-10 hrs; 11+ hrs
Please share any questions or concerns you have,
if any.
Please provide your contact information if you
wish to participate in a follow-on interview.
Name:
Email:
Phone:
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Appendix C: Interview Protocol
Introduction to the interview:
Thanks for taking time to speak with me and discuss your experiences as an SES. As I’ve
mentioned, I’m a doctoral student at the University of Southern California, and I’m studying the
experiences of women in senior DoD leadership positions at the intersection of home and work
responsibilities. I know the DoD fairly well, I’m a senior analyst within the Office of the
Undersecretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment, and have worked for the DoD as a
civilian for over eight years.
• This interview is confidential; apart from me, no one from the DoD will have access to
your interview data or identifying information, and no identifying information about you
will be shared. Any reference to you will be a pseudonym.
• If you’d like to stop or take a break at any time, please say so.
• You also have the option skip questions you’d rather not answer.
• I’ll be audio recording this session only to make sure I capture everything correctly; do I
have your permission to do that?
Great, I’m turning on the recorder now.
• We have ten questions to get through, and I anticipate this should take 45-60 minutes. I’ll
keep you updated on our progress along the way.
• I want to respect the time you’ve set aside for me today. When we’re close to our ending
time, I’ll let you know and suggest we move ahead on questions if I feel we won’t hit
them all.
Do you have any questions about the study or this interview before I begin?
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Table C1
Interview Protocol Crosswalk
Interview question Potential probe RQ addressed
To get us started, can you tell me a little bit about yourself? What do you do for work? Have you enjoyed working for the
DoD? What is your home life like? What does your family
think about your work with the DoD?
Icebreaker
What does the term second shift mean to you? Once the participant has given a response, I will clarify that for
the purpose of this study, the term refers to the second shift of
the workday, beginning when a woman arrives home after
work and starts caring for children. For the purposes of this
study, second shift also includes general housework, such as
cooking and cleaning and caring for others.
Now that I’ve shared the definition for this study, what comes to
mind when you hear the term?
Icebreaker
Given the definition provided, what has second shift meant
to you in the past?
You could consider what you thought of similar responsibilities
as a child watching your parents or other caregivers around
you. What has it meant as you became a young adult, spouse,
or mother? What is the role of messages that individuals
received in life about what it means to be a woman, a mother,
to work?
1
As an SES coming home from a day at work, how, if at all,
does the second shift manifest in your life today?
What do you do when you walk into your home? What
responsibilities do you tend to carry in your home? Are they
related to cooking, cleaning, or running errands? Are you
caring for anyone, children, or parents? Do you bring home
work?
1
On the other hand, what does relaxation look like for you as
an SES?
What are you not able to do anymore? What do you do to cope?
How much time would you estimate you spend relaxing
compared to engaging in second shift activities?
2
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What are your thoughts and feelings about the impact of the
second shift on your life?
Is there an amount of emotion labor you feel is required of you?
Do you experience decision fatigue? What other barriers have
you encountered?
1
What, if anything, in your personal life supports your ability
to stay in your current position?
Think about your family, friends, community in general. 2
Compared to your last few positions, what, if anything,
about your personal life is more or less challenging now?
What have you had to adjust to, personally? Does anything
make you think maybe it’s time to retire, or the SES life isn’t
for me anymore? Do you feel like this is unique to being a
woman?
2
How, if at all, has being an SES hindered your ability to
accomplish responsibilities in your personal life?
What have you had to adjust to, professionally, as an SES? Can
you share any thoughts about experiences you may have that
make you think, maybe this isn’t worth it? This could be
mental, emotional, or professional challenges.
Have you heard if other women find it difficult to manage? In
what ways?
3
Like the earlier question, what, if anything, in your work life
supports your ability to stay in your current position?
Think about any support from your organization. Any particular
work policies? An assistant? A mentor or sponsor? Did you
have any particular help applying to the SES? What about
with your ECQs?
2
What are any particular ways your workplace affects the
second shift expectations others have of you?
How do you feel your leadership/org
policies/colleagues/mentors/sponsors alleviate or increase the
second shift pressures you experience? Do you feel like this is
unique to being a woman in the DoD SES?
Have you heard if other women find it difficult to manage? In
what ways?
3
Can you think of a time when you had to make a choice
between home and work?
What happened? What did you choose? How did and does that
make you feel? Do you feel you are failing anywhere?
Have you heard of other women making similar choices? In
what ways?
2
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Conclusion to the interview:
1. Is there anything else you’d like to share that may benefit this study?
2. Do you have any questions before we finish?
This ends the interview. Thank you for your time and your responses. May I contact you if I have any follow-up questions? If you
have any questions of me after we finish today, please feel free to reach out. Once again, thank you very much for your participation
and contributions to my study. Have a great day!
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Appendix D: USC Information Sheet for Exempt Research
STUDY TITLE: Contribution of second shift responsibilities in underrepresentation of senior
executive women in the Department of Defense
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Sara Van Gorder
FACULTY ADVISOR: Jennifer Phillips, DLS
You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary, and you may
discontinue participation at any time with no penalty. Your decision will not affect your
relationship with the researcher or your right to other services that you may be eligible for.
This document explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything
that is unclear to you.
PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to explore how second shift responsibilities contribute to the
underrepresentation of women in Senior Executive Service (SES) positions within the
Department of Defense (DoD). We hope to learn whether support structures inside and outside of
work, such as family, friends, mentors, organizational policy, and community, help support or
hinder women leaders. You are invited as a participant because you likely fit the criteria for
participation: identify as a female senior executive in the DoD who has served for at least two
years and within the past five years.
PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you decide to take part in this study, you will first be invited to complete a Qualtrics-based
online recruitment questionnaire. The questionnaire should take between five to seven minutes to
complete. At the end of the questionnaire, you will be asked to include your contact information
if you are interested in the possibility of a follow-on interview.
The first 10-15 women who respond to the recruitment questionnaire, and meet the study criteria,
will be contacted through phone or email to schedule interviews. If you decide to take part, you
will be asked to answer questions in a one-on-one interview either in person, or via telephone or
video call. No matter the interview format, the interaction will start with acknowledgement and
acceptance of audio recording to ensure accurate data collection. If participants decline audio
recording, the interview will end and no further participation is necessary. The interview will
take place at a time and day most convenient, whether on a weekday or weekend. The length of
each interview is anticipated to last 45-60 minutes. Research topics may include, but are not
limited to:
• Feelings about gender dynamics at work
• Feelings about leadership dynamics at work
• Sharing experiences of home life to include caring for children, spouses, or other adults
• Support received from friends and family
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The information obtained from your interview may contribute to better understanding gender
inequality in the DoD by providing firsthand experiences of women in senior leadership
positions.
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will not be compensated for your participation, but we thank you for your potential
willingness to share your time and thoughts.
CONFIDENTIALITY
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California Institutional
Review Board (IRB) may access the collected data. The IRB reviews and monitors research
studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects. When the results of the research are
published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable information will be used.
Data from the questionnaire will be stored in a password-protected Qualtrics account. Any data
moved from that account will be saved on a password protected computer and will be destroyed
after 3 years.
For interviews, confidentiality will be ensured by conducting one-to-one interviews in a private
setting. Participants will be asked if the interview can be audio-recorded. Once an interview is
complete, the audio file will be transferred to the researcher’s computer and saved in a passwordprotected file with a naming convention that further protects the participant’s identity. The audio
will be transcribed utilizing speech-to-text software. The original audio file collected on the
recording device will be deleted. The transcript will be saved using the same naming convention
prior to data analysis. The identities of participants will be kept confidential through the
replacement of participants’ names with pseudonyms in all interview transcripts. Further, all
potential identifying information will be redacted from transcription as well as field notes. You
have the right to review the interview transcript and make any edits you deem necessary.
If you choose to withdraw from the study at any time prior to or during the interview, any related
data will be deleted from the researcher’s computer and not utilized in the study.
While every effort will be taken to protect participation information, risk for a breach in
confidentiality, no matter how slim, may still exist.
INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact Sara Van Gorder svangord@usc.edu or
757-434-1035, or Dr. Phillips at jlp62386@usc.edu.
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
irb@usc.edu.
Abstract (if available)
Linked assets
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Van Gorder, Sara Cathleen
(author)
Core Title
Contribution of second shift responsibilities in underrepresentation of Senior Executive women in the Department of Defense; an intersectional view
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)
Degree Conferral Date
2024-05
Publication Date
12/18/2023
Defense Date
10/19/2023
Publisher
Los Angeles, California
(original),
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
Department of Defense,intersectionality,leadership,Mothers,OAI-PMH Harvest,second shift,Senior Executive Service,Women
Format
theses
(aat)
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Malloy, Courtney (
committee chair
), Miller-Smith, Radhiyah (
committee member
), Phillips, Jennifer (
committee member
)
Creator Email
svangord@usc.edu,vangorder.sara.c@gmail.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113797222
Unique identifier
UC113797222
Identifier
etd-VanGorderS-12569.pdf (filename)
Legacy Identifier
etd-VanGorderS-12569
Document Type
Dissertation
Format
theses (aat)
Rights
Van Gorder, Sara Cathleen
Internet Media Type
application/pdf
Type
texts
Source
20231218-usctheses-batch-1116
(batch),
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright.
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA
Repository Email
cisadmin@lib.usc.edu
Tags
Department of Defense
intersectionality
second shift
Senior Executive Service