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A comparative case study on the impact of Black male teachers on implementing inclusive and antiracist practices in elementary-middle education

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A comparative case study on the impact of Black male teachers on implementing inclusive and antiracist practices in elementary-middle education

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Content A Comparative Case Study on the Impact of Black Male Teachers on Implementing
Inclusive and Antiracist Practices in Elementary-Middle Education
James Boganey
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2024

© Copyright by James Boganey 2023
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for James Boganey certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Stefanie Phillips
David Cash
Christina Kishimoto, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

iv
Abstract
The purpose of this study is to compare the impact of Black male teachers who teach in schools
with predominant populations of students of color to the impact of Black male teachers who
teach in schools with predominant White student populations. Guided by the question, what are
the motivations and perceptions of Black male teachers on conceptualizing inclusive and
antiracist practices in predominantly Black and predominantly White schools, the goal is not
only to understand how Black male teachers impact schools in both settings, but also to
understand what drives them to engage in their practice. This study employs a qualitative
methodology using quantitative and qualitative data – including a survey protocol consisting of
20 Black male participants who teach at schools in Southern California, which was triangulated
with an interview protocol administered to 9 Black male participants who teach at schools in
Southern California. Key findings include the following: while Black male teachers cautiously
accept the “father figure” roles in schools with predominant populations of students of color,
their motivations include a desire to create safe and inclusive classroom environments that
eluded them. For Black male teachers who teach in schools with predominant White populations,
their motivation stemmed from an imperative to change the negative narrative of Black men for
both students and staff. For schools that are devoted to inclusion and antiracism in the classroom,
employing a Black male teacher demonstrates a progressive step in achieving that goal.
Keywords: antiracist education, Black dominant schools, critical race theory, equality,
educational equity, intersectionality, interest convergence theory, liberalism, predominantly
White (Black) institution, race, self-efficacy, sense of belonging, teachable moment, teacher selfefficacy, White dominant schools

v
Dedication
To my mother, for always sharing how proud you were of me to anybody who would listen.

vi
Acknowledgements
I would like to express gratitude to my committee chair, Dr. Christina Kishimoto, for
believing in my vision, for her patience, and for her support.

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract .................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication...................................................................................................................................v
Acknowledgements................................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables..............................................................................................................................x
List of Figures........................................................................................................................... xi
Chapter One: Overview of the Study...........................................................................................1
Background of the Problem .............................................................................................5
Statement of the Problem.................................................................................................7
Purpose of the Study........................................................................................................8
Significance of the Study.................................................................................................9
Limitations and Delimitations........................................................................................10
Definition of Terms.......................................................................................................11
Organization of the Study ..............................................................................................13
Chapter Two: Review of Literature ...........................................................................................14
Current State of Education for Students of Color in America .........................................15
Foundations of the Achievement Gap ............................................................................17
Elementary-Middle School Focus..................................................................................19
Current Position of Black Male Teachers in America.....................................................20
Black Male Teachers and Culturally Relevant Pedagogy ...............................................21
Dearth of Research on Black Male Teachers..................................................................22
Liberalism and Colorblindness.......................................................................................23
Critical Race Theory......................................................................................................23
Interest Convergence .....................................................................................................24
Research Gap ................................................................................................................25

viii
Summary of the Literature .............................................................................................25
Chapter Three: Methodology.....................................................................................................28
Statement of Problem ....................................................................................................28
Purpose of Study ...........................................................................................................28
Research Questions .......................................................................................................29
Selection of the Population ............................................................................................30
Sampling Method ..........................................................................................................31
Design Summary ...........................................................................................................32
Methodology .................................................................................................................32
Instrumentation and Protocols........................................................................................33
Data Analysis ................................................................................................................35
Summary.......................................................................................................................36
Chapter Four: Findings..............................................................................................................38
Participants....................................................................................................................39
Data Coding ..................................................................................................................41
Results and Findings......................................................................................................41
Summary.......................................................................................................................66
Chapter Five: Discussion...........................................................................................................69
Discussion of Findings ..................................................................................................69
Liberalism and Colorblindness.......................................................................................75
Critical Race Theory......................................................................................................76
Interest Convergence .....................................................................................................77
Potential for Future Research.........................................................................................80
Implications for Practice ................................................................................................81
Conclusions...................................................................................................................82

ix
References ................................................................................................................................84
Appendix A: Interview Protocol................................................................................................94
Appendix B: Survey Instrument ................................................................................................99

x
List of Tables
Table 1: Selection Criterion of Black Male Teachers 31
Table 2: Survey Participants 40
Table 3: Interview Participants 40
Table 4: Black Male Teachers’ Engagement in Antiracist Practices in Classroom 46
Table 5: Black Male Teachers’ Belongingness Level 57
Table 6: Black Male Teachers’ Support from School’s Leadership/Admin Team 58
Table 7: Black Male Teachers Support Level from the Schools’ Administration 60
Table 8: Perceived Impact of School’s Leadership/Admin Team on Black Male
Teachers’ Ability to Engage in Antiracist Practices in Classroom 61

xi
List of Figures
Figure 1: Average National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP)
Reading Scale Scores of 4th-Grade Students, by Race/Ethnicity:
Selected Years, 1992–2017 2
Figure 2: Average National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP)
Reading Scale Scores of 4th-Grade Students, by Race/Ethnicity:
Selected Years, 1992–2017 3
Figure 3: Interest Convergence Conceptual Framework 79

1
Chapter One: Overview of the Study
The lack of Black male teachers in classrooms needs to be addressed because having
Black men in our classrooms is good for all kids. We need them because the world is
diverse, and diversity brings new ideas, it brings the ability to look at things in various
ways. (Gray, 2015, p. 23)
Despite the increase in the diversity of students in K–12 classrooms across the United
States, the diversity of K–12 school staff has not paralleled this shift. In 2023, Black men
account for a mere 2% of teachers even though Black school-aged males constitute 7% of the
U.S. student population nationally (National Center for Education Statistics, 2016). This statistic
is particularly alarming and deserves urgent attention because of the prevalence of the
achievement gap between White students and students of color. According to the National Center
for Education Statistics (2019), since 1992, Black and Hispanic 4th grade and 8th grade students
have consistently performed between 19 and 41 scaled points lower than their White
counterparts (see Figure 1 and Figure 2).

2
Figure 1
Average National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) Reading Scale Scores of 4thGrade Students, by Race/Ethnicity: Selected Years, 1992–2017
Note: Reproduced from National Center for Education Statistics (2019).

3
Figure 2
Average National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) Reading Scale Scores of 4thGrade Students, by Race/Ethnicity: Selected Years, 1992–2017
Note: Reproduced from National Center for Education Statistics (2019).
A mismatch in demographics between teacher and student can drive inequality in
achievement outcomes (Grissom et al., 2015). Thus, a need exists for more Black male teachers
to counter these statistics. Black and White students have significantly higher academic
outcomes when assigned to a teacher of the same race; however, because White students are

4
more likely to have same-race teachers, they benefit disproportionately (Dee, 2004). The current
literature is severely lacking on the Black male educators’ impact on social and emotional
learning, and creating inclusive and culturally responsive environments for students. This study
seeks to evaluate the comprehensive impact of Black male educators to mitigate some of this gap
in the literature.
The academic gaps between Black and White students have persisted not because of an
inherent cognitive or achievement dissonance; rather, the academic gaps are products of the
historical marginalization and decolonization of people of color in the United States, resulting in
educational, historical, economic, sociopolitical, and moral debts owed to people of color
(Ladson-Billings, 2006). Ladson-Billings (1992) emphasizes the need for culturally responsive
teachers who engage in culturally responsible pedagogy and curricular decisions grounded in the
cultural and racial understanding of students to address the educational debt. Black male teachers
in particular serve to cultivate relationships and tap into students’ sense of belonging resulting in
an ideal learning environment for the students of color to have a sense of security and achieve
academic success (Hunter & Stinson, 2019; Milner, 2016).
Black male teachers’ impact is not always recognized due to a misalignment of the
schools’ expectations of Black male teachers. “The call for Black male teachers is often
connected to their status as role models and as an antidote to the issues facing Black boys”
(Callendar, 2018, p. 167) – often ignoring their contributions to students’ academic outcomes
and to the schools’ antiracist and inclusion.
This study employs a qualitative methodology using quantitative and qualitative data that
aims to capture where there are common experiences among black male teachers in

5
predominantly White and in predominantly student of color communities, while providing
opportunity for authentic voice in capturing unique experiences through interviews.
Background of the Problem
Though several nationwide recruitment efforts focus on attracting Black males into the
teaching profession such as “Black Men to the Blackboard,” “Profound Gentlemen,” “Real Men
are Teachers,” “NYC Men Teach,” “The Fellowship,” “Call Me MISTER,” “Teachers as
Leaders,” “My Brother’s Keeper,” “New York Black Male Initiative,” and “Black Male
Educators for Social Justice” (Black & Rice, 2020, Brown, 2012; Brown & Thomas, 2020;
Young & Young, 2020), Black male teachers remain severely underrepresented. Flawed
assumptions governing these recruitment efforts, contribute to the lack of Black male educators
(Brockenbrough, 2014; Carey, 2020). Black male teachers face a uniquely dichotomous
challenge due to the intersectionality of their race and gender (Fenton, 2017).
Black male teachers are typically called upon at a greater rate to address concerns of
student of color outside of the academic setting compared to their colleagues. When students of
color, particularly boys, are deemed “uncontrollable” by school staff, the Black male when
available is deemed as the authority figure who can “control” the students. Problematic,
heteronormative assumptions of masculinity undergird the belief that boys of color need an
exorbitant amount of discipline to be “saved” (Carey, 2020, p. 393). Exasperating this disconnect
for students of color is the predominance of White females in the teaching profession–79.3% of
teachers are White and 76% of teachers are female (National Center for Education Statistics,
2021; Will, 2020). In a profession that is statistically overrepresented by White females, Black
male teachers are overlooked as pedagogical experts in their fields and are rather, viewed as
“father figures” the only members on staff able to exercise disciplinary authority over Black

6
children (Brockenbrough, 2014, p. 502). Challendar (2018) draws on experiential knowledge (a
tenet of critical race theory) to identify the everyday tensions and achievements of Black male
teachers using narratives to ground the impact of this intersectionality.
It is impetuous to assume that the Black male teachers’ worth is tied to supporting Black
students because they are likelier to come from fatherless households. However, recruitment
efforts for Black male teachers are grounded in such beliefs (Brockenbrough, 2014; Carey,
2020). In this study, I explore the Black male teachers’ sense of purpose in choosing the field of
education. I further examine what motivates the Black male teacher and empowers him to gain
self-efficacy, which in turn allows him to engage his students in inclusive and antiracist
practices. I look at to what extent providing students with a classroom space that is inclusive,
welcoming, and informed by culturally relevant pedagogy is deemed important as compared to
limited disciplinarian roles often assigned.
Though Black male teachers are primarily viewed as disciplinarians for Black male
students, studies indicate they have a positive impact on the achievement outcomes of students of
color. The inclusive and welcoming environment that is tied to culturally relevant practices
constructs a relationship between the students’ perception of Black teachers’ expectations and
the teachers’ pedagogical practices resulting in improved academic test scores (Woolley et al.,
2010). Moreover, the chances of Black students enrolling in college increases when they have
one Black teacher before the third grade (Kamenetz, 2017). While the findings of these studies
serve as an impetus for further research on Black male teachers’ impact on students of color, it
should not disavow the education system of their responsibility to all children (Challendar,
2018).

7
Statement of the Problem
Black males are underrepresented in the teaching profession in the United States. In
response to the statistic that Black males represent just 2% of teachers, former Education
Secretary Arne Duncan decreed:
We want to have world-class teachers in every classroom, there is nothing more
important, but for me, it’s also important that those teachers reflect the diversity of our
nation. You can go to far too many elementary schools around the nation and still not see
a teacher of color. (Gray, 2015, p. 24)
By focusing the recruitment efforts of Black male teachers exclusively on predominantly
Black schools, we pigeonhole and deny the potential impact of Black male teachers on all
students. For the purpose of this study, I utilize Lomotey’s (2010) definition of a predominantly
Black or White institution as one in which the Black or White population accounts for 50% or
more of student enrollment. This is of particular concern as current recruitment and retention
efforts are rooted in the belief that the impact of Black male teachers is limited to disciplining
fatherless Black students. However, schools that value the diversity of their teacher workforce,
and thus operate outside of this limiting paradigm, can unlock the true potential of its teachers.
When the school supports, values, and welcomes Black male teachers’ self-efficacy, it uniquely
contributes to the creation and maintenance of an inclusive and antiracist school setting for
learning that impacts all students.
Currently, there is also a void in research specific to that of Black male teachers’ impact
in predominantly White schools. This study aims to contribute to the literature by demonstrating
the influence of Black male teachers in both predominantly Black and White schools. For the
purpose of this study, I utilize Lomotey’s (2010) definition of a predominantly Black or White

8
institution as one in which the Black or White population accounts for 50% or more of student
enrollment. Therefore, this study considers the impact of Black male teachers’ contribution in
creating welcoming classroom environments for all students – thus broadening the assumptions
that govern the current recruitment and retention efforts.
In particular, the study examines how the interests of both predominantly Black schools
and predominantly White schools converge and influence the Black male teachers’ sense of
purpose and efficacy in promoting curricular and pedagogical decisions that impacts schools’
inclusion and antiracist practices.
Purpose of the Study
The study provides insights on Black male teachers’ impact in elementary-middle
schools. The study compares the influence of predominantly Black and predominantly White
schools on the Black male teachers’ efficacy and pedagogical decisions on the schools’ approach
to inclusive and antiracist practices. Interviews and survey will be conducted to understand and
distinguish how and if the interests of Black male educators and those of the school align for
inclusive and antiracist outcomes and policies.
Research Questions
The following research questions were formulated to guide this study:
1. What are the motivations and perceptions of Black male teachers on conceptualizing
inclusive and antiracist practices in predominantly Black and predominantly White
schools?
2. How does the Black male teachers’ sense of belonging, and self-efficacy in schools
impact their approach to pedagogical and curricular decisions in the classroom in
predominantly Black and predominantly White schools?

9
3. How do Black male teachers perceive their interests and self-identified purpose
converge with those of predominantly Black and predominantly White schools to
challenge the dominant ideology?
This study will determine how Black male teachers perceive the relationship between
their interests and the schools’ interests. The impact of encouraging self-efficacy in teachers to
promote inclusive and antiracist practices in their classrooms will be evaluated by the alignment
of the interests of the teachers and the schools. This study will also examine the extent to which
educators feel supported and encouraged, thus maximizing their self-efficacy to disrupt the status
quo.
Significance of the Study
This research study will provide insights on schools’ impact on the self-efficacy of Black
male teachers in encouraging or discouraging their ability to make pedagogical and curricular
decisions that support inclusive and antiracist practices in their classrooms. The study will also
highlight the Black male teachers’ impact on the schools’ culturally responsive practices. The
outcomes of this study will assist policymakers and schools to formulate and expand their
recruitment practices for Black male teachers in predominantly Black and predominantly White
elementary-middle schools. For this study, I identify an elementary-middle school as one that
serves students from kindergarten to the 8th Grade. Elementary-middle schools were chosen
because recent teacher education programs in California have been adapted for this demographic
of students. This includes their demonstrated need for social emotional development (D’EmidioCaston, 2019). Moreover, children who master social emotional skills at the elementary level are
socially aware, perform well in school, and have successful careers and better mental health and
physical health as adults (Jones et al., 2017). By studying the Black male teachers’ engagement

10
in antiracist and inclusive outcomes in the classroom at this critical level of development for
students, I hope to be able to suggest targeted recommendations that can potentially resource
schools to cater to their students mental and physical health more comprehensively—thus setting
them up for success as adults in a diverse and inclusive society.
Limitations and Delimitations
A limitation of the study is that the concentration of Black male teachers in elementarymiddle education at both White dominant and Black dominant schools in my region of study is
small. As discussed, Black male teachers make up 2% of teachers nationwide. This small makeup leads to an even smaller potential sample size population – especially when disaggregated for
only elementary-middle teachers. The relatively small number of prospective research
participants lengthened the data collection process and limited the potential candidate pool. A
larger number of participants would strengthen the reliability and transferability of the findings
of the study (Merriam & Tisdale, 2015). Another related limitation is lack of research statistics
on the number of Black male educators at the elementary-middle level compared to those in high
school.
The delimitations of this study are the gender of the teachers (men), race (Black),
geographic region (Southern California), and the number of teachers surveyed and interviewed.
This study intentionally excludes the dominant make-up of elementary-middle teachers –White
women (National Center for Education Statistics, 2019) – in order to focus on a subgroup where
a vacuum in the literature exists.

11
Definition of Terms
The following are the definitions of the key terms used in the study:
Antiracist education: Praxis that identifies racism as an organizing principle of the social
and political structure, closely linked to a class system and other forms of discrimination that
deny human rights. According to an antiracist perspective racism operates not only through
personal prejudice but is interconnected through personal, structural and institutional ways
(Lynch & Isaacs, 2017).
Black (White) dominant schools: A school with a majority population of Black (White)
students.
Critical race theory: A theoretical perspective guided by the principle that race continues
to be significant in the United States (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
Equality: The state or quality of being equal; correspondence in quantity, degree, value,
rank, or ability (Dictionary.com). Equal protection implies a government body cannot deny
protection of its governing laws. The governing body must treat all individuals equal in similar
conditions and circumstances (Staff, 2018).
Educational equity: Educational equity implies that the education services received by
each child helps them to develop to their maximum academic and social potential. (Chatman &
Osta, 2018).
Intersectionality: The application of interconnectedness of social categorizations such as
race, class, and gender to a given individual or group creating overlapping and interdependent
systems of discrimination or disadvantage (Crenshaw, 1991).
Interest convergence theory: A theory that posits that Black people achieve civil rights
victories only when White and Black interests converge (Bell, 1980).

12
Liberalism: A normative political philosophy and a hegemonic mode of governmentality
in which colorblindness is the most effective method towards social justice outcomes (Bell,
2014).
Predominantly White (Black) institution: Institutions of learning in which Whites
(Blacks) account for 50% or greater of the student enrollment (Lomotey, 2010).
Race: A social construct that designates species of men distinct both in physical
constitution and mental capacities” (Banton, 2004, p. 334). Racial discrimination occurs when an
individual is subjected to unequal treatment because of their actual or perceived race. Under
federal law, race discrimination in education is prohibited by Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of
1964. Title VI protects people from discrimination based on race, color or national origin in
programs or activities that receive federal financial assistance. Title VI states that: “No person in
the United States shall, on the ground of race, color, or national origin, be excluded from
participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any program or
activity receiving federal financial assistance” (Sands, 2017).
Self-efficacy: Refers to “judgments about one’s capability to organize and execute a
course of action to attain a goal” (Bandura, 1994, p. 318).
Sense of belonging: The extent to which students feel personally accepted, respected,
included, and supported by others in the schools’ social environment (Goodenow & Grady,
1993).
Teacher self-efficacy: The belief in one’s capabilities to achieve positive outcomes even
in the most difficult students (Khan, 2012). Teachers’ self-efficacy is “one’s belief in their ability
to organize and execute the course of action required to successfully accomplish a specific
teaching task in a particular context” (Goddard et al., p. 117).

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Organization of the Study
A comparative Case Study on the Impact of Black Male Teachers in Elementary-Middle
Education is organized into five chapters. This study follows Merriam & Tisdale (2015) and
Creswell (2009) on conducting a research study.
Chapter One provides a brief overview of the study, the research problem and purpose of
the study and introduces national statistics that demonstrate the urgent need to recruit more Black
males into the education profession. It also includes definitions of key terms used. Chapter Two
presents a literature review focusing on the following three areas: the impact of liberalism as a
barrier to inclusive and antiracist practices in schools, critical race theory as a framework to
understand the historical impact of race on current education, and interest convergence theory to
examine the interests of Black male teachers and their schools. Chapter Three focuses on sample
and population selection, interview questions, data collection, research design, sampling, and
methodology. Chapter Four presents the results by analyzing, interpreting, and reporting the data.
Chapter Five presents a summary of findings, implications for practice, conclusions, and
recommendations.

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Chapter Two: Review of Literature
The objective of this literature review is to synthesize and apply the body of knowledge
and research in two specific areas of education: the outcomes for students of color in comparison
to their White counterparts, and the available research on the roles and impact of Black male
elementary-middle teachers in the United States. While research on student outcomes
disaggregated by race is abundant, research on Black male elementary-middle teachers is not as
prevalent. This is partly attributed to Black male teachers making up just 2% of the teaching
workforce in the United States (National Center for Education Statistics, 2019).
Hence, the Black male teacher shortage in America is not solely a “Black community”
problem; rather, it has documented roots weaved in the foundation of American history. Black
people were systematically excluded from civic and political processes, which led to substandard
education opportunities when compared to those for White people (Tyack & Lowe, 1986). Under
this backdrop, it is unsurprising that the “achievement gap” persists today: students of color lack
a sense of belonging in classrooms entrenched in a system not designed for them. (LadsonBillings, 2006).
Increasing the number of Black male teachers in elementary-middle classrooms can play
a critical role to pragmatically address the historic, economic, sociopolitical, and moral debts
owed to people of color, and issues stemming from a lack of inclusivity. Black and White
children have significantly higher academic outcomes when assigned to a teacher of the same
race (Dee, 2004). Therefore, in this chapter I will review the research concerning the critical
issue of representation. First, I will highlight the nature of the “achievement gap” in the United
States—a direct product of the historical marginalization and colonization of people of color in
the United States. Subsequently, I will highlight the current role and positionality of Black male

15
teachers in schools. This includes their impact on achievement outcomes for Black students, and
their assigned roles as “disciplinarians” and “father figures” to Black students. I will then review
the literature associated with the impact of liberalism and colorblindness as antithetical
constructs for establishing inclusive and antiracist practices in schools through the lens of critical
race theory (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). The chapter concludes with a discussion on the
conceptual framework of interest convergence to understand how the increased recruitment of
Black male teachers can serve multiple interests.
Current State of Education for Students of Color in America
Despite recent government intervention to target the disparities in achievement outcomes
in public education—including President George W. Bush’s “No Child Left Behind” program in
2001 and President Barack Obama’s “Race to the Top” program in 2009, compared to other
races, students of color still perform disproportionately lower as compared to their White
counterparts. For example, according to the National Center for Education Statistics (2020), in
2019, the average score of Black and Hispanic 8th Grade students was 26 and 21 points lower
respectively in reading compared to White students, not much change from earlier decades
Almost two decades earlier, in 1992, the average score of Black and Hispanic 8th Grade students
in reading was 30 and 26 points lower respectively in comparison to their White counterparts
(Education Commission of the States, 2020). Data demonstrates a persisting longitudinal gap
between the performance of White students and students of color despite a refocused national
attention on supporting low-income students and students of color in traditionally failing schools.
While the research shows that several factors serve as predictors of academic achievement
including parental achievement, school type, and socioeconomic status (Battle & Lewis, 2008;
Miller et al., 2019; Scherer & Siddiq, 2019), there are few studies that directly focus on the

16
socio-historical impact of race on the achievement gap. For example, Bowman et al. (2018)
suggest that the achievement gap persists because on average, Black families tend to reside in
segregated, underserved communities; as a result, Black students live in under-resourced
environments and attend under-resourced schools. In addition to poorer resourced schools, Black
and Hispanic attend schools that are largely staffed by teachers who do not represent the racial
and economic experiences of their students (Schaeffer, 2021). As a result, just as we observe
gaps in achievement outcomes for students of color when compared to White students, similar
disproportionate data is uncovered when examining the make-up of teachers in schools
nationwide.
While the demographical make-up of students in public education in the United States
has changed, the demographic make-up of teachers has not mirrored this shift and remain largely
female and White. Between fall 2000 and fall 2017, the percentage of White public-school
students decreased from 61% to 48% whereas the percentage of students of color increased from
33% to 42% (National Center for Education Statistics, 2020). In juxtaposition, Black and
Hispanic teachers made up 8.2% and 3% of teachers in America in 1987, respectively, while
White teachers made up 86.9% of the teaching workforce in the same year (National Center for
Education Statistics, 2020). In the year 2020, Black and Hispanic teachers constituted 6.8% and
7.8% of the teacher workforce respectively, while White teachers made up 81.9% of teachers in
America (National Center for Education Statistics, 2020). In summary, while students of color
today make up over fifty percent of the student population, the percentage of teachers of color in
the workforce has been stagnant.

17
From the research, I summarize:
1. Historical data post the 1964 Civil Rights Act via multiple government, private, and
independent organizations demonstrate the continued persistence of low achievement
outcomes for students of color in the nation in comparison to their White
counterparts.
2. Over the past two decades, the United States has experienced an increase of students
of color into public education but the efforts to address or match this shift with
staffing teachers of color is clearly lacking.
3. The research serves as a basis for the urgent call to action by education policy makers
to focus on race as a sleeping giant and a hitherto unused tool in the sociopolitical
resources that should be utilized to address the achievement gap in schools.
Foundations of the Achievement Gap
Educational and scientific researchers have attempted to explicate a consistently lower
academic achievement results of students of color than those of their White counterparts. Over
time, though, what is considered accepted theory in educational literature has evolved.
Intelligence science originally suggested that the substandard performance of students of
color relative to White students was attributed to genetics and lifestyle, thus, educational
interventions for students of color were misguided. Researchers went as far as to justify
segregation and unequal treatment by assuming that children of color were victims of
pathological lifestyles that hindered their ability to benefit from schools (Hess & Shipman,
1965). It was accepted that families of color were unfit at a cognitive and physiological level for
traditional, White-oriented schooling, thus, maintaining lower standards for students of color was
common. Scientists nefariously presented biased perspectives of their intelligence studies, to

18
further rationalize and institutionalize the unfair treatment of children of color in schools
(Hernstein & Murray, 1994; Hess & Shipman, 1965). Early cognitive scientists attributed much
of the racial variation in intelligence to genetics and gave one-sided evidence on the differences
between White and Black Americans to be partially genetic in origin (Hernstein & Murray,
1994).
Stereotypes about intellectual capacity created a pervasive culture around suspicion and
fear around Black children (Dumas, 2014; Okonofua & Eberhardt, 2015). The scientific
community’s consensus justified discriminatory practices, an inferior education, and inequitable
educational conditions for students of color. These conclusions led to the belief that the
achievement gap between White students and students of color was a natural manifestation of
White people’s genetic superiority over people of color, thus, targeted interventions to support
students of color specifically were considered futile, perpetuating the status quo. A
comprehensive understanding of the historical and societal forces that have played a role in
contributing to the achievement gap is required to understand its scope.
A purely quantitative assessment of the achievement gap without delving deeper does not
contextualize the experiences of people of color. The achievement gap that exists between White
students and students of color should be characterized as an “educational debt” (Ladson-Billings,
2006, p. 3). While the achievement gap, as it is traditionally understood, focuses exclusively on
the academic outcomes for students of color when compared to their White counterparts, the
educational debt is centered on the forces that preceded the academic outcomes. It exposes the
differences in educational opportunities between White students and students of color which has
led to the ongoing existence of the achievement gap. The historical marginalization and
colonization of people of color have led to educational, historical, emotional, economic,

19
sociopolitical, and moral debts accrued by the United States (Ladson-Billings, 2006). The
educational debt reveals the impact of the historically unfair treatment experienced by people of
color as the genesis of the achievement gap. Therefore, it is unsurprising that a gap in learning
outcomes persists even today. We lose the ability to examine the root causes for the achievement
discrepancies when the achievement gap is not observed within its proper context. Hence,
framing the achievement gap as a broader issue of educational debt aids education leaders to
examine nontraditional solutions to address the achievement gap, rather than accepting it as a
fixed canon of understanding.
Elementary-Middle School Focus
Elementary-middle schools serve as the ideal age demographic to examine Black male
educators because this stage of schooling is critical for development of students’ social and
emotional skills that create the conditions for learning. These grade and age levels can be a
highly effective place to begin to mitigate the occurrence of new education debt. Current
research has acknowledged the shift in elementary-middle teacher education to maintain a more
holistic approach to student learning (Darling-Hammond & Cook-Harvey, 2018). Recently,
teacher education has responded to the growing need for social emotional development of
elementary-middle-aged students (D’Emidio-Caston, 2019). Children who master social
emotional skills get along better with others, perform better in school, and have more successful
careers and better mental and physical health as adults (Jones et al., 2017). Therefore, an
examination of the achievement gap requires the study of the social emotional conditions
impacting students during their developmental years. Elementary education is core to supporting
students’ social emotional development, which affects student outcomes throughout their formal

20
schooling. Therefore, not only is the integration of social emotional learning and supports into
the academic program critically important, but also who is engaged with our students of color.
Current Position of Black Male Teachers in America
Making up just 2% of the teaching workforce in the United States, Black men have not
only been underutilized in education, but have also been misused in the school setting
(Brockenbrough, 2014). Black male teachers have been traditionally categorized as
disciplinarians for Black students in the elementary-middle setting (Young & Young, 2020).
Whereas the general orientation of teachers is towards promoting academic achievement for all
students, Black male teachers are considered as wardens of Black students—particularly Black
male students. The recruitment of Black male teachers in schools is due to their status as role
models and an antidote to Black boys’ issues. (Brockenbrough, 2014; Callender, 2018; Young &
Young, 2020). Discussions on recruitment of Black male teachers are centered on the
longstanding history on the sociology of the Black family (Brown & Thomas, 2020). Policy and
practice are driven by the stereotypical narrative that Black children and Black boys in particular,
are disruptive in the classroom or lack socioemotional maturity because of the assumed absence
of a Black father at home. Thus, Black male teachers are overlooked as pedagogical experts in
their fields and instead are viewed as “father figures” exercising disciplinary authority over
Black children which cannot be performed by other staff members and school administrators
(Black & Rice, 2020; Brockenbrough, 2014, p. 502). The priority placed on the Black male
teachers’ ability to discipline students is higher than developing his pedagogical abilities or
teaching practices. Focusing on the Black male teacher as the central agent of social change for
Black male students not only puts a restriction on their potential classroom expertise, but also
diminishes the impact of the Black male teachers in the school (Brown, 2012). This longstanding

21
underutilization of Black male teachers limits the full application of their capabilities not just for
the benefit of Black students but for the entire school community.
Contrary to the reasons cited in previous research that Black male students desire Black
male teachers because they lack “father figures” at home (Brockenbrough, 2012), current
research (Carey, 2020) suggests that male students of color desire male teachers of color for
other reasons including relationship building and experiencing a sense of belonging. Positioning
Black male teachers as the discipline stop for Black male students dangerously reinforces archaic
notions of Black families’ children being unsuited for traditional schooling, while also restricting
the potential impact of Black male teachers as pedagogical experts in the field and creating
inclusive and antiracist classroom environments for all students.
Black Male Teachers and Culturally Relevant Pedagogy
In addition to their impact on academic outcomes, Black male teachers effectively create
inclusive and antiracist classroom environments that demand culturally relevant pedagogy
(McKinney de Royston et al., 2021). Culturally relevant pedagogy is a student-centered approach
to teaching that includes cultural references and recognizes the importance of students’ cultural
backgrounds and experiences in all aspects of learning (Ladson-Billings, 1995). Those who
engage in culturally responsible pedagogy and curricular decisions that are grounded in the
students’ cultural and racial understanding support the decolonization of marginalized students
(Ladson-Billings, 1992). Moreover, this approach promotes engagement, enrichment, and
achievement of all students by embracing a wealth of diversity, identifying and nurturing
students’ cultural strengths, and validating students’ lived experiences and their place in the
world (Villegas & Lucas, 2007). Black male teachers have a proclivity towards creating
classroom conditions that focus on inclusive practices and ensuring students feel “protected”

22
(McKinney de Royston et al., 2021). Black male teachers influence their students’ perception of
care, which impacts student motivation, confidence, discipline, concern for the future, and
culture (Hunter & Stinson, 2019; McKinney de Royston et al., 2021). Furthermore, the culturally
responsive practices in which Black male teachers engage, leads to increased outcomes for Black
male students (McKinney de Royston et al., 2021; Milner, 2016). This research will support this
study to make a case for the unrecognized potential of Black male teachers to maximize their
impact not only on Black male students, but for the entire student community.
Dearth of Research on Black Male Teachers
While limited, contemporary research highlights the positive impact of Black male
teachers on students of color. Yet, much more research is needed. One possible reason for the
highly limited research on Black male educators could be attributed to the low number of Black
male teachers who constitute a mere 2% of the teachers nationally (National Center for
Education Statistics, 2019). Despite their small number, Black men in the field of education have
positively impacted achievement outcomes for student of color. The probability of college
enrollment for Black students increases when they have one Black teacher before the third grade
(Kamenetz, 2017). Moreover, research has found that Black teachers’ perceptions and
expectations of, along with their application of pedagogical practices with Black students,
resulted in improved Math test scores for Black elementary and middle school students (Woolley
et al., 2010).
Restricted characterization of Black men by school administrators and education policy
leaders has resulted in missed opportunities to leverage the potential multifaceted impacts of
Black male teachers in schools. Such mischaracterization is also likely negatively impacting the
number of Black men who opt to enter the field or remain in the field. This study therefore seeks

23
to gain deeper insights on the underutilization and misuse of Black male teachers in elementarymiddle education.
Liberalism and Colorblindness
Colorblindness is a tenet of liberalism that has resulted in the maintenance of the status
quo and contributes to the decelerating adoption of inclusive and antiracist practices in
classrooms. According to critical race theorists, colorblindness, which is strongly linked to
liberalism, idealizes racism as “individual prejudices,” and assumes equal opportunity for social
advancement if cultures and racial groups are treated equally (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017).
Colorblindness ignores the historic and systemic marginalization of students of color, which in
turn, exacerbates the education debt as described by Ladson-Billings (2006) and disregards the
root causes of the achievement gap. In practice, tenets of colorblindness include the avoidance of
racist terminology, “rhetorical shields” to avoid being labeled a racist, and “rhetorical
incoherence (Bonilla-Silva, 2001). The fear of addressing race in the classroom is problematic
because it serves as a barrier to creating a sense of belonging in a classroom, especially for
students of color (Ladson-Billings, 2006). Though colorblindness in schools is seen as generally
positive, its adoption prevents a school from actualizing inclusive and antiracist practices
(Bonilla-Silva, 2001). Furthermore, colorblindness in schools impedes inclusive practices
because it misrepresents reality in ways that allows and encourages discrimination against
students of color in K–12 education (Castro-Atwater, 2016).
Critical Race Theory
According to Critical Race Theory, racism is not aberrant, and has been normalized in
America (Ladson-Billings, 1998). Liberalism and colorblind policies continue to marginalize
people of color because they allow White people to have a false sense of neutrality. This serves

24
as the most dangerous form of White supremacy though not obvious or extreme; it has morphed
into a taken-for-granted routine privilege of White interests that goes unremarked in the political
mainstream (Gillborn, 2005). When schools adopt critical race theory ideology, it compels them
to critically examine its inclusive and antiracist practices.
While colorblindness and liberal multiculturalism avoid discussions of race, the
theoretical perspective of critical race theory is that race is significant in the United States and
cannot be ignored. Furthermore, an understanding of how race has historically influenced social,
economic, and education policy in the United States can assist in creating conditions for
inclusive classroom environments (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). When existing disparities in
race such as the achievement gap remain misdiagnosed it casts doubt on the agency, efficacy,
and academic ability of communities of color (Ladson-Billings, 2006). Race-neutral instruction
then leads to one-size fits all instructional strategies, overlooks the education debt, and widens
the achievement gap (Ladson-Billings, 1998). To resist deficit-based narratives, the design of the
school system and curriculum should allow dialogue that questions the individuals coming to
power, and the ways race, gender, and class create privileges for some and limited opportunities
for others (Gillborn, 2013). Black educators disrupt racialized harm in the classroom by
vocalizing a political clarity about White supremacy and the racialized harm it cultivates in and
out of schools, and how students can navigate these conditions successfully (McKinney de
Royston et al., 2021).
Interest Convergence
This section provides a theoretical framework for examining a potential barrier that
diminishes the ability of Black Male teachers to implement antiracists and inclusive practices in
their classrooms.

25
Interest convergence theory stipulates that Black people achieve civil rights victories only
when White and Black interests converge (Bell, 1980). Further, culture defense claims of
minorities and immigrants are likelier to receive accommodation with a convergence of their
norms to those of American culture (Gill et al., 2020; Lee, 2007). This theory argues that
inclusive and culturally responsive practices are achieved by people of color when
predominantly White schools understand and recognize inclusive education as a necessity not
just for students of color, but for all students. When the schools’ values are aligned with the
interests of Black male teachers, they are empowered with self-efficacy to engage in inclusive
and antiracists practices in the classroom that benefit all students. Driver (2011) identifies
“awareness” as the first step towards overcoming another barrier in the struggle for equality.
Research Gap
Previous studies on the educational impact of Black male elementary-middle teachers
only address their impact on students of color. This study adds to the literature by uncovering the
impact of Black male elementary-middle teachers on not only students of color, but also on
schools that maintain a dominant population of White students. Through a comparative analysis,
this study seeks to amplify the Black male teacher’s impact on achievement outcomes and
inclusive and antiracist practices in the classroom and the school at-large for both those that
teach at schools with majority populations of students of color and at schools with majority
populations of White students.
Summary of the Literature
There is a void in the research on the impact of Black male elementary-middle teachers
on narrowing the achievement gap, on creating inclusive and antiracist classroom practices, and
on White students. One cause for this is that Black male teachers make up a fractional number of

26
the teaching force, which is disproportionate to the increased number of students of color in
elementary-middle schools in the United States. Since 2000, the percentage of White publicschool students in all public education has decreased, while the percentage of Black publicschool students has increased (National Center for Education Statistics, 2020). While the
percentage of Black teachers increased in the same period, this increase is slow and unequal to
the rate of increase of Black students in elementary schools (National Center for Education
Statistics, 2020).
The achievement gap between White students and students of color has been attributed to
genetics and to the racist assumptions about Black intelligence and lifestyles that deemed Black
students as incapable of learning compared to their White counterparts (Hernstein & Murray,
1994; Hess & Shipman, 1965; Ladson-Billings, 2006). While the achievement gap, as it is
traditionally understood, focuses exclusively on the academic outcomes for students of color
when compared to their White counterparts, Ladson-Billings (2006, p. 3) reframes the
achievement gap as an “education debt.” Framing the issue as an education debt helps leaders in
education to examine nontraditional solutions to comprehensively address the achievement gap,
rather than accepting it as fixed canon of understanding.
Though research on the education practices of Black male teachers is minimal, the
existing research is centered around their status as a role model in the school setting, which
serves as an antidote to the issues facing Black boys (Brockenbrough, 2014; Brown & Thomas,
2020; Callender, 2018; Young & Young, 2020). Rooted in past racist assumptions on Black
intelligence and lifestyles, research went so far as to justify the segregation and unequal
treatment assuming that children of color were victims of pathological lifestyles that hindered
their ability to benefit from schools (Hess & Shipman, 1965). Consequently, Black male teachers

27
are often overlooked as pedagogical experts in their fields, and instead are viewed as specialized
disciplinarians and placeholders for fatherless homes. The longstanding underutilization of Black
male teachers limits their potential impact not only on Black students but on the school
community at large.
According to critical race theorists, colorblindness and liberalism decelerate the use of
inclusive and antiracists practices in classrooms (Bonilla-Silva, 2001; Castro-Atwater, 2016).
Implementation of the tenets of colorblindness and liberalism assume equal opportunity for all
while ignoring the historic and systemic marginalization of students of color. Moreover, it
impedes inclusive practices because it misrepresents reality that allows and at times encourages
discrimination against students of color in K–12 education (Castro-Atwater, 2016).
To resist deficit-based narratives, the design of schools’ systems and curriculum should
allow dialogue questioning how today’s societal, political, and economic realities were
influenced by the historical treatment of individuals based on their race, gender, and class.
Interest convergence provides a theoretical framework to examine potential barrier that
diminishes the of Black Male teachers’ ability to implement antiracists and inclusive practices in
their classrooms. According to its principles, Black people achieve political, social, and
economic victories only when White and Black interests converge (Bell, 1980; Gill et al., 2020;
Lee, 2007). This theory argues that people of color achieve inclusive and culturally responsive
practices when predominantly White schools understand and recognize inclusive education as a
necessity not just for students of color, but for the entire student community.

28
Chapter Three: Methodology
Statement of Problem
The number of students identifying as Black and Hispanic increased from 33% to 42%
nationwide since 2000 fall (National Center for Education Statistics, 2020); yet Black male
teachers make up only 2% of the teaching force while White male teachers make up 20% of
teaching force, in the same period (National Center for Education Statistics, 2019). Though
research suggests that Black and White children have significantly higher outcomes when
assigned to a teacher of the same race (Dee, 2004), recruiting and retaining Black male teachers
at a rate comparable to the enrollment of students of color is a challenge. Studies have shown
that Black male teachers have a positive impact on Black students’ academic achievement
(Kamentz, 2017; Woolley et al., 2010; Young & Young, 2020). Although an important finding,
there is much more to understanding, including the impact of Black male teachers on all
students, not just on Black male students.
Purpose of Study
The purpose of this study is twofold: (a) to highlight the impact of Black male teachers in
predominantly Black schools and in predominantly White schools, and (b) to understand how
school administrative teams either limit or encourage the self-efficacy of Black male teachers to
make their own curricular and pedagogical decisions. This study will focus on the elementarymiddle school years because of the significant importance during these years of social emotional
development (D’Emidio-Caston, 2019). Children who master social emotional skills at the
elementary-middle level have better social skills, perform better in school, and have successful
careers and better mental and physical health as adults (Jones et al., 2017).

29
For this study, I utilize Lomotey (2010)’s definition of a predominantly Black or
predominantly White institution as one in which the Black or White population accounts for 50%
or greater of student enrollment (2010). While Black male teachers are traditionally relegated to
roles as disciplinarians or father figures for students of color (Black & Rice, 2020;
Brockenbrough, 2014, p. 502; Callendar, 2018), this study pushes the traditional research agenda
to focus on the culturally relevant pedagogical practices of Black male educators. In particular,
this study examines the inclusive and antiracists practices in which Black male teachers engage
their students, and how their self-efficacy is supported or restrained by their schools. By studying
the Black male teacher’s engagement in antiracist and inclusive outcomes in the classroom at this
critical level of development for students, I can use my data from the field to suggest targeted
recommendations that can potentially inform schools on additional approaches to better assist
their students’ mental and physical health and thus setting them up for improved academic
outcomes. The research study will aid school officials and policymakers on ways to support and
empower Black male teachers in elementary-middle schools, which in turn will help in
recruitment and retention to increase this demographic of teachers.
Research Questions
The following research questions were formulated to guide this study:
1. What are the motivations and perceptions of Black male teachers on conceptualizing
inclusive and antiracist practices in predominantly Black and in predominantly White
schools?
2. How does the Black male teacher’s sense of belonging, and self-efficacy in schools
impact their approach to pedagogical and curricular decisions in the classroom in
predominantly Black and predominantly White schools?

30
3. What is the Black male teachers’ perception on the convergence of their interests and
self-identified purpose for teaching with those of predominantly Black and of
predominantly White schools to challenge the dominant ideology?
Selection of the Population
I will survey and interview Black Male teachers to understand the influence, impact, and
experience of Black males in elementary-middle schools.
The survey participants included twenty Black male teachers currently serving in
Southern California public schools during the 2021–2022 school year with at least two years of
experience at their current schools participated in the study. Ten of the survey participants teach
at schools with predominant populations of students of color, while the remaining ten survey
participants teach at schools with predominant populations of White students. Of the 20 men
who participated in the survey, nine were selected to participate in the interview protocol.
Educators with at least two years of experience were prioritized because of their familiarity with
the schools’ practices. A good respondent understands the school’s culture and can reflect on it
and articulate what is going on (Merriam & Tisdale, 2015). The participants with at least two
years of experience at the school can navigate the schools’ customs and priorities in response to
their own beliefs.
The make-up of the interview participants is as follows: five of the participants teach at
predominantly schools of color, while the other four participants are teachers at predominantly
White schools. This study examines the influence of Black male teachers holistically—in
predominantly schools of color and in predominantly White schools. One of the respondents who
taught at a predominantly White school also serves in a dual capacity as a Diversity, Equity and

31
Inclusion coordinator. During his interview, he was instructed to frame his responses from the
lens of his experience as a teacher.
Table 1
Selection Criterion of Black Male Teachers
Survey Interview
Years of experience at current school: two
years or more
Years of experience at current school: two
years or more
Serving in elementary-middle public or
independent school
Serving in elementary-middle public or
independent school
Serving in school with predominantly White
population or predominant Black
population of students
Serving in school with predominantly White
population or predominant Black population
of students
Serving in Southern California Serving in Southern California
Sampling Method
A nonprobability sampling was utilized to focus the attention of the study on Black male
teachers from elementary-middle schools with a predominantly Black or a predominantly White
student population. Convenience sampling is ideal for the study due to a limit on the
respondents’ number that can be interviewed and surveyed (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009).
Black male teachers are disproportionately under-represented in the teaching profession
(National Center for Education Statistics, 2020). Purposeful sampling assumes that the
investigator wants to discover and understand a specific phenomenon, and therefore must select a
sample from which the most can be learned (Merriam & Tisdale; 2015). Thus, nonprobability
purposeful sampling was appropriate to examine the experience of Black male
teachers. Selection of the participants were made through online teaching blogs and forums that

32
cater to Black male educators such as the National Association of Black Male Educators and
Black Educators Rock, through nonprofit organizations such as 100 Black Men of American and
Concerned Black Men, and through word of mouth. Table 1 displays the participant criteria for
survey and interview for the Black male teachers.
Design Summary
This study employs a qualitative methodology using quantitative and qualitative data.
This was adopted so that I could interact with the participants in their natural environments to
gather insights on how participants made sense of their world and their experiences (Merriam &
Tisdale, 2015).
Methodology
A survey questionnaire was given to participants as a part of the quantitative
methodology, whereas the qualitative data was collected through open-ended interview
questions. I used a semi structured interview format. The use of the semi structured interview
allows the researcher to respond to the situation at hand, the emerging worldview of the
respondent, and new ideas on the subject (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). This interview approach
gives room to the respondents to examine and critique their schools’ policies and practices. The
survey investigated the respondents’ behaviors and attitudes towards their classroom practices
and their schools in general (Robinson & Leonard, 2019). This is particularly useful in
classifying the experiences of Black male teachers at predominantly White schools compared to
predominantly Black schools. All three research questions were addressed in the survey and
interview.
Utilization of both qualitative and quantitative data ensures interval validity through data
triangulation and creates consistency between the survey data, interview data, and the literature

33
review. The triangulation of data is a safeguard to ensure that the conclusions of the study’s
findings match the reality of the phenomenon of interest (Maxwell, 2013).
Instrumentation and Protocols
Qualitative Instrument
In-depth interviews aided in the collection of qualitative data. Further, I ensured that the
interview questions aligned with the research questions. First, the interview protocol was field
tested with three educators on the Zoom video conferencing platform for clarity and length. The
interview protocol consisted of 19 questions (see Appendix A). There were additional follow-up
questions for all excluding question number four, five, six, seven, seventeen, eighteen, and
nineteen. Follow-up questions provide the researcher an opportunity to gain deeper insights on a
topic or issue, and are included in the interview process when further clarification is required
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). I used Zoom video conferencing as the primary platform for
conducting interviews. Thus, the interview protocol was open-ended and semi structured;
moreover, notes were taken during the process (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015).
Quantitative Instrument
The quantitative data was obtained through the administration of a survey. The survey
consisted of 15 items (see Appendix B). Three questions were related to the participants’
demographics, while the rest of the questions focused on the three research questions. Questions
four through seven examined the impact of identity and the perception on sense of belonging.
Questions eight and nine focused on teacher impact on students and the schools’ leadership team
impact on teachers’ self-efficacy. Further, the survey examined the interest convergence of the
teachers and schools to engage students in inclusive and antiracists practices. I established
internal validity of the survey instrument by avoiding bias in words and phrases, exclusion of

34
unnecessary jargon, incorporation of standard language rules, and the meaningfulness of the
questions to the respondents (Robinson & Leonard, 2019). Survey requests were sent out through
social media (Facebook and Instagram), to Black teacher publications such as “Black Men to the
Blackboard,” “Profound Gentlemen,” “The Fellowship,” “Call Me MISTER,” “Teachers as
Leaders,” “My Brother’s Teacher,” and through word of mouth. The survey instrument was
responded to by 20 Black male teachers in California public and independent schools through
Google Forms, which is an application used to create online forms and surveys with multiple
question types that allows for results to be in real-time. The survey provided me with numeric
data descriptions on the attitudes and/or opinions of the Black male educators to triangulate the
data for establishing validity (Creswell, 2009).
Data Collection
The data collection involved the following steps: (a) location of the individual and/or site,
(b) following steps to gain access and create a relationship, (c) purposeful sampling,
(d) collection of the data and recording the information, (f) solving any field issues, and
(g) storing of the data (Merriam, 2009). The quantitative data was collected through surveys
which was made accessible to 20 Black male teachers in Southern California public and
independent schools who met the selection criteria of the study. A cover letter accompanied the
survey and stated the study’s purpose (see Appendix B).
Semi structured interviews were conducted with nine Black male teachers who
participated in the survey for collecting the qualitative data. As mentioned previously, a
nonprobability sampling method was utilized in selection of those who met the selection criteria
to answer the research questions and address the study’s purpose. To maximize the study’s
credibility, the research design adopted ensured that seemingly opposing perspectives were

35
elicited from participants - Black males who teach at predominantly Black and those that teach at
predominantly White schools. According to Merriam and Tisdell (2015) researchers can ensure
the credibility and integrity of data by examining data that supports alternative explanations.
Moreover, gaining prior consent is essential to ensure the interviewees’ confidentiality of their
responses and elimination of any identifying information from the findings (Merriam & Tisdell,
2015).
Each Black male teacher interviewed determined his own convenient time and each was
conducted via the video messaging platform, Zoom. The interviewees should be given sufficient
notice to select a convenient time to be as comfortable as possible with the interview process
(Bogden & Biklen, 2007). Finally, the interviewees’ consented to record their responses for the
study’s purpose. Informed consent serves as an additional safeguard to ensure the study’s
trustworthiness and it is conducted ethically (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Each interview was
approximately 45 to 60 minutes. Follow-up phone calls were conducted as deemed necessary to
clarify any further information to target the research questions. Subsequently, all the interviews
were transcribed and reviewed by me.
Data Analysis
This research study serves as a qualitative study using both quantitative data from survey
protocols and data from interview protocols. All the survey items and interview protocols were
linked to the three research questions. The research questions guided the data analysis for this
study. The interviews provided me with insights on what the respondents did in their practice.
The qualitative interviews highlighted cultural stories and examples of how beliefs play out in
the Black male teachers’ pedagogy (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Subsequent to the data collection
from the surveys and interviews, I wrote separate reports documenting the findings from each of

36
the data sources. The responses in the interviews and surveys were transcribed and coded by me.
The analysis was developed from the information provided by the participants (Creswell, 2009).
Validity and Reliability
Throughout the study, considerable efforts were undertaken to establish validity and
reliability. The research framework was grounded in the following, “The quantitative study must
convince the reader that procedures have been followed faithfully. The qualitative study provides
the reader with a detailed depiction to show that the author’s conclusion ‘makes sense’”
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2015, p. 238). The study’s validity and reliability were established by
adhering to the following steps: giving adequate time for data collection, construct validity,
member checking or respondent validation, peer review, audit trail, collecting rich data, and data
triangulation (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2015; Salkind, 2017).
I acknowledge the possible influence of my positionality as the researcher in the study. I
am a former Black male teacher and current principal of a racially diverse middle school in Los
Angeles. I attended a middle school with a predominant population of Black students. Because I
maintain a similar profile to the participants in the study, participants may have shared responses
with me that they may not have with a researcher who did not maintain a similar profile. For this
reason, I strictly adhered to the validity and reliability protocols outlined in this chapter.
Summary
This research study utilized both quantitative and qualitative approaches—quantitative
data from surveys, and qualitative data from interviews. The data collected from the Black male
teachers was analyzed to target the three research questions: the motivations and perceptions of
Black male teachers in engaging students in inclusive and antiracist practices, schools’ impact on
the Black male teachers’ sense of belonging and self-efficacy, and the alignment level of Black

37
male teachers’ interests with their schools. These findings are presented in Chapter Four, with a
follow-up discussion of the findings in Chapter Five.

38
Chapter Four: Findings
The study proposes to gain a comprehensive understanding of the motivations and
perceptions of Black male elementary-middle school teachers for supporting the socioemotional
needs of students and the broader school community to cultivate inclusive and antiracist
classrooms in school districts in Southern California. Previous research on Black male teachers’
is solely focused on their impact on students of color (Young & Young, 2020). While this
research significantly contributes to our perception of Black male teachers’ impact on
elementary-middle schools, this representation of their influence is incomplete. Existing research
on Black male teachers overlooks their motivations and perceptions for all students.
Framed through the lens of Black male teachers’ ability to create inclusive and antiracists
practices in the classroom, this research seeks to understand and compare the motivations and
experiences of Black male teachers in predominantly White and predominantly Black schools.
This can assist in identifying areas of strength and improvement to support, recruit and maintain
Black male elementary-middle teachers in all school settings. The research questions focused on
three crucial areas of the Black male teachers’ experience: question one focused on Black male
teachers’ motivations and perceptions on conceptualizing inclusive and antiracist practices in
elementary-middle classrooms; question two focused on the Black male teachers’ sense of
belonging and self-efficacy; and the final question focused on how recruiting more Black male
teachers can serve multiple interests based on the framework of convergence theory. This study
further compares the responses of Black male elementary-middle teachers in contrasting settings.
The results and findings from this study provide valuable insights and assistance to
school system leaders and administrators to increase inclusive and antiracist practices in racially
diverse schools and schools that maintain a uniform racial demographic. Moreover, the findings

39
indicate Black male educators as nontraditional solutions to current educational issues where
their utility is more than serving as “father figures” for Black boys.
Participants
This research study serves as a qualitative study using both quantitative data from survey
protocols and qualitative data from interview protocols. A qualitative study is appropriate given
the reflective qualities of the research questions regarding race, self-efficacy, and sense of
purpose, which are based on the participants’ experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). All
participants in the study were Black male elementary-middle school teachers or administrators
with a minimum teaching experience of at least two years at their current school. Of the 20
educators who participated in the survey (See Table 2), nine participated in semi structured
interviews over the Zoom video platform (See Table 3). Five of the interview participants
currently serve in a Southern California school with a predominant population of students of
color, while four of the participants served in a Southern California school with predominantly
White students. After interviewees gave their consent, I captured interview data through audio
and video recordings while taking notes throughout the conversation for analyzing later.
Lastly, given the candid nature of responses regarding their leadership practice within
their current professional role, participants’ identities were masked, and are referred to as
Educator-A1, Educator-B1, and so forth, in this chapter. Participants designated “A” refer to
Black male educators who teach in schools with predominant population of students of color;
participants designated “B” are Black male teaching in schools with a predominantly White
student population. The researcher masked any identifiable information with a numerical figure
when participants directly quoted their communities by name. Therefore, any direct quote from
participants that reads “district #X,” is the participants’ reference to their community. Lastly,

40
demographic data on specific districts, is presented in ranges, so as to not identify the district or
leader.
Table 2
Survey Participants
Survey respondents Predominant population of students Participant race
10 White students Black
10 Students of color Black
Table 3
Interview Participants
Educator identifier Type of school Race
Educator A-1 Public, students of color Black
Educator A-2 Public, students of color Black/Latino
Educator A-3 Public, students of color Black
Educator A-4 Public, students of color Black
Educator A-5 Public, students of color Black
Educator B-1 Public, White students Black
Educator B-2 Independent, White students Black/White
Educator B-3 Independent, White students Black
Educator B-4 Independent, White students Black

41
Data Coding
Each question on the questionnaire survey was aligned to one or more of the research
questions. After transcription of each interview, the researcher replayed the interview while
reading the transcription. Maxwell’s (2013) strategies for qualitative data analysis were
employed to identify the specific passages relevant to the three research questions and the
study’s conceptual framework. Using an analytical deductive coding method (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2015), the data aligned to each research question was further analyzed to form themes
and subthemes that emerged across participants and was supported by the literature. Predefined
codes included the following: “teaching purpose,” “father figures and disciplinarians,”
“teachable moment,” “inclusive and antiracists pedagogy,” “colorblindness and liberalism,”
“critical race theory,” and “interest convergence.” From theses codes, the researcher gathered the
relevant statistics and experiences of the Black male teachers into themes supported by both the
survey and interview data.
Results and Findings
This section presents the findings corresponding to the themes aligned to the literature.
For each research question, a brief review of relevant literature is presented. The findings are
summarized through presentation of specific salient passages from participants, and tables for
each research question. Emerging themes amongst school’s Black male educators with
predominant populations of students of color are compared to those of Black male educators with
predominant populations of White students for each research question. A final summary of this
chapter is presented towards the end. The following research questions were formulated for
guiding and organizing this chapter:

42
1. What are the Black male teachers’ motivations and perceptions on conceptualizing
inclusive and antiracist practices in predominantly Black and predominantly White
schools?
2. How does the Black male teachers’ sense of belonging and self-efficacy impact their
approach to pedagogical and curricular decisions in the classroom in predominantly
Black and in predominantly White schools?
3. How do Black male teachers perceive the convergence of their interests and selfidentified purpose for teaching with those of predominantly Black and predominantly
White schools to challenge the dominant ideology?
Research Question One Results
The research question focused on the Black male teachers’ impact and motivations
beyond the traditional academic outcomes for students. The research question proposed to
determine the practices engaged in by Black male teachers that are not quantifiable through
achievement data. Particularly, the study highlights the Black male teachers’ use of soft skills
that influence antiracist and inclusive practices in the classroom. Research indicates positive
impact of Black male teachers on the academic outcomes for students of color (Kamenetz, 2017;
Woolley et al., 2010). The preponderance of the research centers on Black male teachers as
disciplinarians for Black male students (Brockenbrough, 2014; Callender, 2018; Young &
Young, 2020). Thus, Black male teachers’ impact on all students is clearly lacking (Young &
Young, 2020). The participants were questioned on their curricular decisions and their
engagement of students in antiracist and inclusive practices, and their administrations’ support.
Participants were provided the opportunity to expound on their classroom impact and provide
evidence of specific practices they engage in to promote an antiracist and inclusive classroom

43
environment, and the impact of their efforts. The participants’ responses demonstrate that Black
male teachers’ purpose for teaching goes beyond their dedication to academic content.
Respondent A-2 highlights this purpose: “I teach ELA but my whole drive is to help
disadvantaged kids. Before this I worked as a community advocate and from there, I saw that the
root of the need was in the classroom.” Black educators in both demographical settings are
anchored in personal conviction based on their experiences as Black men that prioritize engaging
students in antiracists practices and creating an inclusive classroom environment. For Black
educators that serve in schools with predominant White student populations, this is exceptional
because they boldly engage students, families, and other staff members in conversation and
practices that may not have been possible otherwise. When White teachers told Respondent B-2
that they were excited for him to bring DEI practices to the school, he would unabashedly
challenge them with, “That’s great, but what are you doing to support diversity and equity in
your classroom?”
Respondents in both settings explained their impact on engaging students in antiracist
practices and inclusive practices; however, the nature of this engagement is distinct for each
setting. During the interview protocol themes emerged on the types of engagement that
characterize the practices the Black male teachers engage in with their students:
 For Black male teachers who teach in schools with predominant populations of
students of color, emergent themes included practices centered on giving their
students a classroom environment that eluded them as students.
 For Black male teachers who teach in schools with predominant populations of White
students, themes that emerged centered on explicit conversations on race to expand

44
upon the traditional definitions of inclusion to confront the schools’ non-inclusive
practices.
Theme 1: Black Male Educators Teach to Create Inclusive Classroom Space That Eluded
Them as Students
Growing up, I saw how people were being treated overall. They were being treated as
“less than.” Being a Black man, I always had a feeling in society of being less than. So, I
want to uplift my Hispanic brothers and sisters and also the Black community. My goal is
to show them they are more than and not less than. It starts with education. I am passing
down the spark that I needed. (Respondent A-2)
When asked to describe their impact and motivations for conceptualizing inclusive and
antiracist practices in the classroom, all the five participants from schools with predominant
populations of students of color mentioned either the deficits faced by them as students in school
or those faced by the communities of color in society. Ninety Percent of respondents who taught
at schools with predominant populations of students of colors characterized their ability to
engage students in antiracist and inclusive practices as “impactful” or “very impactful” (See
Table 4). Black male teachers emphasized their drive to create inclusive and antiracist spaces in
their classrooms, which they did not experience growing up. Respondent A-3 highlights this
point: “I was the kid that was kicked out of class all the time. I just needed somebody to
understand me and talk to me. It was the emotional support that I didn’t have, you know. I get to
be that for these kids now.” This is echoed in Ladson-Billings’ (1995) study that a sense of
belongingness in the classroom is necessary for students to demonstrate achievement outcomes.
Teaching at a school with a predominantly population of students of color provides an
opportunity to Black male teachers to impact students in a manner they wished for themselves.
When describing his inclusive classroom practices, one teacher noted, “Everyone is involved.

45
Everyone is celebrated. Everyone has a voice. Everyone is seen. I feel myself in all of my kids”
(Respondent A-1). Black male teachers intend to fill these gaps that they believe are beneficial to
provide a sense of belonginess in the classroom. Later in the interview, he offered the following
perspective:
I think about all the times I pushed for more inclusiveness. I don’t think I ever heard an
adult say, “There’s nothing wrong with being gay.” So that was one of the first things I
say when that type of non-inclusive language comes up. (Respondent A-1)
Black male teachers’ desire to impact antiracist practices is rooted in their perception of the
marginalization of people of color in society at large. “I’m comfortable with talking about race.
We know we are minorities, and the odds are stacked against us. And we have to get out no
matter what.” Each respondent who teaches at a school where students of color are the majority
mentioned that their purpose for teaching students of color goes beyond the confines of the
classroom. The respondents’ practices are directly influenced by their perception of society’s
historical marginalization and mistreatment of people of color. They see their classroom as the
vacuum which needs to be filled, to create a sense of belongingness by undoing many of what
their students hear about themselves outside of the school. “When I talk to kids, I understand
where they are coming from. I understand that they have had a rough patch. Let me show you
how to get out of it,” explained Respondent A-2, who, mentioned earlier a feeling of being “less
than” in society when compared to White counterparts. He speaks of a greater purpose of helping
his students of color overcome mistreatment that he himself experienced, which goes beyond
teaching reading and writing. Thus, creating inclusive classrooms is essential because of the noninclusion of people of color in society. Black male teachers address race directly as a tool to
actively create the inclusive environment. He goes on to explain,

46
I like to open kids’ eyes up to what’s going on in the world. If there was a racist attack, I
would definitely talk about that. It’s important for kids to be exposed to that just so that
they know there are different types of people in the world that do things differently.
(Respondent A-3)
Not only do Black male elementary-middle teachers create inclusive classroom
environments that eluded them, but they also prepare students of color for hardships faced
outside of school. The Black male teachers address this directly and unapologetically:
I use my classroom to bring reality to the situation of what the kids are facing. Standardsbased education is good, but the standards are for the test. The lessons that are really
impactful are the ones that allow students to understand that despite all that is going on,
life is still happening. (Respondent A-4)
The respondent understands his responsibility to provide students with traditional academic rich
content to pass the state test; however, he takes on an added responsibility to provide his students
with “life lessons” to fare well in community context as a person of color. Black male teachers
see their own life experience as lacking inclusivity and belongingness. Black male teachers
choose to provide their students of color with the tools to navigate these experiences more
successfully.
Table 4
Black Male Teachers’ Engagement in Antiracist Practices in Classroom
Population of students at school Very impactful Impactful Some impact No impact
Predominantly students of color 20% 70% 10% 0%
Predominantly White students 20% 50% 30% 0%

47
Theme 2: Black Male Educators Impact on Antiracist and Inclusive Practices Expands
Traditional Definitions of Inclusion During “Teachable Moments” to Confront Non-Inclusive
Practices
Somebody told somebody else that their skin was rough to be hurtful to the person. This
interaction came back to me. Whereas most may not have said anything about it, for me,
it was a lesson in my classroom. “Gather ‘round students. Let’s take two minutes to talk
about the smoothness of our skin. Who knows what melanin is?” (Respondent B-4)
Research on Black male teachers’ impact on all students—in particular, on White
students is lacking (Young & Young, 2020). Despite the void in the literature, 70% of the
respondents who identified as Black male educators who teach in schools with a predominantly
White student population characterized their ability to engage students in antiracist and inclusive
practices as “impactful” or “very impactful” (See Table 4). The Black male teachers suggested
that though their current work in schools is impactful when compared to the school’s previous
practices, they called out the institutional and personal obstacles that limited them. Respondent
B-2 claimed, “When I was first hired in the first 3 month, I can’t tell you how many people came
to me saying they were excited to hear my plan for DEI. But I quickly learned that they wanted
surface things – like “give me the words not to say” – without recognizing that a growth mindset
was needed to truly shift the school culture.” Antiracists are active in calling out and disrupting
racist practices (Svetaz et al., 2020); as an antiracist, the Black Male teacher challenges schools
to expand notions of inclusion through “teachable moments.” Lawson & Flocke (2009) define a
teachable moment as (a) synonymous with “opportunity” or (b) a context that leads to a higherthan-expected behavior change. Respondent B-4 recalls a time when his elementary-middle
students engaged in racially charged hurtful language. Though beyond the scope and sequence of
the curriculum, the Black male educator took this as an opportunity to explain to the students the
science behind different skin tones. Respondent B-4 exclaims, “It was not in the lesson plan, but

48
it was important because me not addressing it is a signal that I condone it.” This interaction lends
itself to the effort to curate an inclusive classroom environment.
Although, race is not directly addressed by the school, Black male teachers draw
attention to it as needed by leveraging teachable moments. Several of the Black male teachers
emphasized their role in addressing an opportunity for a teachable moment. With regards to race,
a Black educator notes that race is not something that they talk about:
The only time it would come up is if one of the Black kids came to me saying, “Hey,
somebody called me Blackie.” Then I would address it there. The student felt
comfortable with me. If I were not there, who else would the student bring this to?
(Respondent B-2)
Black male teachers utilize their identity and position to address teachable moments with a
perspective with which other teachers in the school lack. Respondent B-4 recalls the use of a
teachable moment when a racially charged comment was used by a 2nd grader:
A kid was confused as to why I have darker skin and I had to explain to him that I was
Black. I was tying my shoe and I had to pull up my pants and the kid said, “Look your leg
is black.” And I said, “Yes, it’s because I’m Black.” Then we had a conversation about it.
It was genuine. We went deeper and I told him, “It’s not black, it’s a little brown. I like to
call it chocolate.” So, I turned it into a funny thing. It was a teachable moment. And he
would not have had that experience if it were not for my presence at the school.
Black male elementary-middle teachers maintain a crucial role in schools that have
predominantly White student populations because students are not yet fully conditioned by the
social nuances of society. Students’ convictions can be easily molded by the adults they
encounter. The student’s comment made it clear that their interaction with people of color

49
outside of the school environment was minimal. The Black male teacher addressed the student’s
social miscue by using age-appropriate humor to explain a racial subtlety to provide the student a
new perspective on the different types of people in society. Without this exposure, the student’s
awareness on inclusivity would be narrower.
The impact of Black male teachers’ perspective in predominantly White school settings
in expanding the school’s antiracist and inclusive practices is significant. Every respondent
expressed a willingness and an imperative to engage their students in these practices. For many
of the White students, this was their first time having a Black male teacher. Black male teachers
having awareness of this, endear themselves to take on the responsibility to counter the
unconstructive narratives of Black males in society. Respondent B-3 used his classroom to
confront this condition bluntly:
Being the only Black male teacher on staff and with the classroom culture that I created, I
was curious, so one day I just stopped class. We had gotten off topic with something and
I just asked. I said, “I’m curious, how many of you have never had a Black teacher
before?” and literally all of my kids in all four classes that I teach told me that they never
had a Black teacher before.
According to the survey, of the Black male teachers who teach in schools with predominantly
White student populations, 95% felt disinclined to make curricular decisions outside of what the
school provides. However, as Respondent B-3 further demonstrates, when an educator is the sole
authority in school on the Black male experience in America, the teacher must make a decision
about integrating race-based experiences into the classroom. He continues:
So, with the implication of being the only Black male that they interact with regularly, I
know I need to show up and I’m going to set that example, and I’m going to set that

50
precedence for any other Black teachers or Black people that they would ever encounter
again. We know that Black male teachers only make up 2%. (Respondent B-3)
The respondent was aware of the national percentage of Black male teachers in the teaching
profession. Rather than being disheartened by the lowly statistic, Black male teachers feel
empowered by it to share their perspective because statistically speaking, the students may not
receive it. They see it as an opportunity to ensure that people of color are represented in the
schools’ idea of antiracism and inclusivity. As a biracial educator at a school with a predominant
population of White students, one teacher reflects on how his school experience shaped his
imperative to lead more transparent dialogue today:
It was really taboo to talk about race in any sort of constructive way, you know, it’s
saying even the word Black or even just identifying. I had an experience as a kid where I
remember we were talking about slavery and every single time, the class turned and
looked at me. And I felt so lonely in that situation. My work now allows me to ensure no
kid has to experience that. (Respondent B-2)
For Black Male teachers, addressing race directly is as critical to their responsibility as
what they delivery through academic instruction. For students to engage with content, they must
feel a sense of belonging and inclusion in the classroom community (Ladson-Billings, 1995).
Respondent B-2 did not feel included, and thus, creating an inclusive classroom became core to
his practice as an educator. His experience served as the inspiration for his development of
“affinity spaces” at his school. The goal of the affinity spaces is to support discussions with the
students of color about the importance of “feeling seen” and represented, and to “share the
perspective of what it’s like to be a minority at a majority White institution.” The teacher
summarized:

51
In my classroom, I am not afraid to talk about race. I’m not scared to bring up race. I’m
not scared to tell the truth. Even though I may look different, I show up authentically,
which allows them to do the same. We respect and listen to everybody. That’s how you
build inclusivity in education. (Respondent B-3)
Black male teachers utilize teachable moments to address antiracist and inclusive
practices not just in the classroom, but also during their interactions with the other staff outside
of the classroom. Though this study’s primary focus was to understand the nature of the Black
male teachers’ impact on different populations of students, several respondents recalled instances
in which they were compelled to use “teachable moments” to address students as well as staff
members. In such cases, while the staff and school championed inclusion as a school value, the
Black male teachers’ perspective forced the school to reexamine its notion of inclusion. One
respondent detailed the story of a conversation amongst colleagues that was occurring when he
walked into the teachers’ lounge. Here, teachers were discussing police brutality in the wake of
the George Floyd incident, an incident that involved a Black man being fatally suffocated under
the knee of a police officer in 2020 (Hill et al., 2020). The teachers were expressing sympathy
towards police officers and the pressure they face to be safe and “make it back to home to their
families.” Within this larger societal content, this teacher felt an imperative to share his
perspective:
Most of my interactions with the police have been negative, not because of anything I
have done, but mostly because of what I look like. And I think that your experience with
the policy is because of what you look like. When I see the police, I don’t feel safe.
(Respondent B-1)

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He further explained that his White colleagues were left bewildered, and they expressed to him
how they had never heard this perspective before. He is convinced that the open reception to his
perspective was attributed to the relationships that he had built as respected colleagues. Research
exhibits that inclusive practices focusing on few students, is contrary to the principles of
inclusive education (Messiou, 2016). This story highlights a teachable moment that challenged a
notion held by the staff and the students. Without the Black male teacher’s perspective, this
notion would have continued to thrive within the school community unchallenged. Another
respondent echoed this sentiment when discussing his approach involving a change of hearts and
minds to embrace inclusive education:
I think about what to do for those who say, “Don’t take [offensive actions] personally.”
They feel justified and valid in it. And so, what do you do from there? How can we shift
perspective or help them to see? You know that’s not always the case for people who
you’re having an impact on, you know, because your experience is not theirs.
(Respondent B-2)
Therefore, the schools’ inclusive practices must be truly inclusive for all and provide
opportunities to shift perspectives that are singular and biased against other groups.
Research Question Two Results
The study’s next research question focuses on the schools’ impact on Black male
teachers. The aim is to determine the school conditions that create an environment for
maximizing Black male teachers’ impact on schools. Research shows that policy and practice are
driven by the stereotypical narrative that Black children and Black boys in particular, are
disruptive in the classroom or lack socioemotional maturity because of the absence of a Black
father at home (Brockenbrough, 2014; Callender, 2018; Young & Young, 2020). Consequently,

53
school administrators and staff typically overlook Black male teachers as pedagogical experts in
their fields, and instead Black male teachers are pigeon-holed into exercising disciplinary
authority over Black children when other staff members cannot (Black & Rice, 2020;
Brockenbrough, 2014). The participants were questioned on the schools’ impact on their ability
to make pedagogical and curricular decisions outside of the schools’ traditional offering.
Questions ranged from their experience on microaggressions, level of support, their level of
belonginess at the school, and the freedom extended to them by the school to engage in antiracist
and inclusive practices. The responses provided the participants an opportunity to expound on
the extent their schools supported their feelings of belonginess and the role that the schools play
in encouraging or discouraging their self-efficacy to engage students in antiracists and inclusive
practices at their schools. The responses from the participants were mixed. While most of the
Black male teachers agreed on receiving adequate support from their school administrators, they
felt restrictions on the practices they could employ due to the limited consent from their school
administration. This was a universal theme for both Black male teachers that taught in schools
with predominant populations of students of color as well as those in schools with predominant
populations of White students. Black educators in both demographical settings listed extra
hurdles that they had to overcome before their plans could be executed.
In both settings, respondents asserted a strong sense of belonging and self-efficacy to
engage students in antiracist and inclusive practices; however, this was stronger for Black male
teachers at schools with predominant populations of students of color. During the interview,
themes emerged on why and how Black male teachers experience a sense of belonging at their
schools. In addition, the conditions demanded by the administrators from the Black male
teachers to execute plans outside of the curriculum also emerged from the interview responses.

54
 For Black male teachers who taught in schools with predominant populations of
students of color, themes that emerged included feeling a sense of belonging with the
school population due to their similar backgrounds, embracing the label of the
disciplinarians for the Black male students, and a need to “prove” themselves to
administration for the schoolwide adoption of their practices.
 For Black male teachers who taught in schools with predominant populations of
White students, themes that emerged included, feeling a sense of belonging after
demonstration of strong practices for classroom discipline, and the limits placed on
their implementation of practices for building inclusion into the curriculum.
Theme 3: Black Male Educators Experience a Sense of Belonging with Black Students, but
Often Have Different Standards Applied to Them as Professionals
Most Black men end up with the quote unquote bad kids because you are the de facto
dean of discipline. They give you the classroom with all of the “tough personalities”
because they expect you to bear the brunt of it. We are not being heard as far as when we
are at a breaking point. We then just leave it altogether because obviously we’re not in it
for the pay. (Respondent A-5)
For Black male educators who teach at schools with a dominant population of students of
color, the sense of belonging with students of color manifests as empathy for their students’
plight and a shared sense of duty to overcome disadvantages. 70% of the participants who taught
at schools with predominant populations of students of color responded that they experienced a
strong sense of belonging at their respective schools (See Table 5). In response to an interview
question regarding his purpose for teaching at his particular school, one teacher noted:

55
I always wanted to give back to my community. And this is the community that I belong
to, so I always felt welcomed. I grew up in an area that wasn’t so promising for Black
men. I made it out. I can motivate these kids to do the same like me. (Respondent A-3)
Black male teachers use their sense of belonging to empower their students outside the content of
traditional curriculum. Another respondent explained how he shared his vulnerability to build
connection and motivation with students: “I tell them, I’m a child of a teenage mother. I was
open about that. Grew up on welfare. I would always say, if I can make it then you can, too”
(Respondent A-4).
Black male teachers embrace the disciplinarian role assigned to them by school staff and
administrators; however, the interview responses indicate a sense of exasperation when they are
pigeonholed into the role. Research suggests that due to negative stereotypes regarding the Black
family, Black male teachers are typically categorized as “father figures” who are specialized in
exercising disciplinary authority over Black children when other staff members cannot (Black &
Rice, 2020; Brockenbrough, 2014, p. 502; Brown, 2012). This theme emerged for many of the
respondents as captured by one teacher:
I can’t tell you how many of [the students] call me “pa.” I looked at it as a term of
endearment because essentially what they were saying to me was I look at you more as a
father than as I do your teacher. I embraced it because for me to say “no, I am not your
daddy,” that’s a rejection on them. (Respondent A-4)
Another teacher shared:
My school does a great job of letting me focus on my “why.” My why of giving back to
the community, especially for those students who do not have father figures at home.
That’s my why. He has no father figures or uncles. (Respondent A-3)

56
Despite the Black male teachers’ readiness to fill the void of a missing parent, the Black male
teachers offered caution to those school staff members and administers who compartmentalize
Black men solely into this role. “Most Black men end up becoming the de facto ‘detention
center.’ They do it with love, but they reach a breaking point” (Respondent A-5). Another
teacher further expanded:
Black male teachers can be more than just disciplinarians for the Black kids. They just
need to be heard and respected. If they were taught classroom skills instead of just
discipline, they can be just as successful as any other teacher (Respondent A-1).
Black male teachers also indicated that they must exhibit a competence level to have their ideas
backed by administration that is not required of other staff. One teacher shared, “I was in
meetings to help shape the discipline policy, but there was pushback on my ideas because I don’t
have the background or the research. So, I had to try it first with my class on a micro level”
(Respondent A-5). The nuance of this dynamic is reflected in the survey. While 70% of the
respondents indicated that they felt a strong sense of belonging at their schools, only 20% of
respondents felt strongly supported by their school’s leadership or administrative teams (See
Table 6).

57
Table 5
Black Male Teachers’ Belongingness Level
Population of
students at school
5
I feel like I
belong at
my school
4 3 2 1
I feel like I
do not
belong at
my school
Predominantly
students of color
70% 30% 0% 0% 0%
Predominantly
White students
50% 30% 20% 0% 0%

58
Table 6
Black Male Teachers’ Support from School’s Leadership/Admin Team
Population of
students at school
Strongly
agree
Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly
disagree
Predominantly
students of color
20% 70% 10% 0% 0%
Predominantly
White students
20% 40% 40% 0% 0%
Theme 4: Black Male Educators Experience a Lower Sense of Belonging at Schools With
Predominant Populations of White Students and Encounter Limits to Their Implementation of
School Practices
All the respondents who teach at schools with a majority population of Black students
had a feeling of belongingness, compared to 80% of respondents who teach at schools with a
majority population of White students (See Table 6). Moreover, 90% of respondents who teach
at schools with a majority population of Black students felt supported by their school’s
leadership or administrative teams, compared to 60% of respondents who taught at schools with
majority populations of White students (See Table 7). Additionally, 90% of survey respondents
who teach at schools with predominant populations of students of color indicated that they were
encouraged to make curriculum decisions that embody inclusive practices, compared to 50% of
Black male teachers at schools with predominantly White student populations (See Table 8).
Despite the lower sense of belongingness in predominately White schools than schools
with predominant populations of student of color, Black Male teachers demonstrated
commitment to building connection with students. When describing his ability to create
belongingness, one respondent described the conversation he had with a student in his classroom:
Ok, do you like this? No. Ok, have you heard of this person? No. Or have you been here?
No. So, it’s like damn, this is going to be harder than I anticipated. But my thing is, I

59
could always find one thing that we have in common, and just build on that and use it as a
foundation for the relationships that I build in my classroom. (Respondent B-3)
Due to his commitment to building interconnectedness and belonging with his students,
the respondent explained what helped him find a sense of belonging with the students and
staff. He continues:
I know I look different than the other teachers that are here. But I think, how can that be
leveraged? With the classroom culture that I created, I am able to hold my students to
account unlike other teachers. Other teachers see how I am cool, but I reprimand
students. Then they come to me to ask how I did it. (Respondent B-3)
The Black male teacher was able to leverage his ability to build connections with his students
who are dissimilar to him to support his classroom management and discipline practices that
made the other staff take notice.
While Black male teachers demonstrate a desire to make their classrooms and schools
more inclusive aligning with the school’s values, they receive resistance when the desire goes
beyond the schools’ comfort level. To make the school curriculum more inclusive and build
empathy amongst his students, one interview participant discussed how he designed a project for
his students to help them find commonality amongst the religious and cultural differences of
various countries through current events. Although the school champions inclusivity as a value,
he notes, “The parents were irate because they thought I was pushing a political agenda”
(Respondent B-2). Despite the strain to his self-efficacy to implement the inclusive practices that
were ironically in the school’s charter, Respondent B-2 was undeterred: “It wasn’t until they
actually listened to it, and they were like, ‘Oh wow! This is interesting. You’re teaching these
kids.’”

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Table 7
Black Male Teachers Support Level from the Schools’ Administration
Population of
students at school
5
I am strongly
encouraged by my
admin team
4 3
Neutral
2 1
I am strongly
discouraged by my
admin team
Predominantly
students of color
30% 60% 10% 0% 0%
Predominantly
White students
10% 40% 50% 0% 0%
Research Question Three Results
The study’s third research question focuses on the parameters required within a school’s
environment that allows Black male teachers to challenge the dominant ideology through
inclusive and antiracist practices. This assumes teachers’ interests and values must converge with
those of the schools to make significant changes to the prevailing philosophy of the school.
Interest convergence theory stipulates that Black people achieve civil rights victories only when
White and Black interests converge (Bell, 1980). This theory underpins the argument that people
of color achieve inclusive and culturally responsive practices when predominantly White schools
understand and recognize the value of inclusive education as a necessity not just for students of
color, but for all students. When the values of the school align with Black male teachers’
interests, they are empowered with the self-efficacy to engage in inclusive and antiracists
practices in the classroom that benefits all students.
According to the survey, 90% of respondents who teach at schools with predominant
populations of students of color indicated that their schools’ leadership team is impactful or
strongly impactful in supporting their ability to engage in antiracist and inclusive practices in

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their classrooms in comparison to 60% of respondents who teach at schools with predominant
White populations of students (See Table 8). During the interview protocol, themes emerged on
the convergence of interests of Black male teachers and their schools, as well as the impact of
this convergence:
 For Black male teachers who teach in schools with predominant populations of
students of color, themes that emerged included a joint purpose between teacher and
school to help “their own” community and embracing their positionality as Black
men.
 For Black male teachers who teach in schools with predominant populations of White
students, themes that emerged centered on an imperative to change the narrative for
Black men by both students and staff by uplifting their perspective, and the resistance
experienced by Black male teachers in their attempt to expand the meaning of the
schools’ collective interests.
Table 8
Perceived Impact of School’s Leadership/Admin Team on Black Male Teachers’ Ability to
Engage in Antiracist Practices in Classroom
Population of
students at school Very impactful Impactful Some impact No impact
Predominantly
students of color
30% 60% 10% 0%
Predominantly White
students
20% 40% 40% 0%

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Theme 5: Black Male Teachers Are in Demand at Schools with Populations of Students of
Color Due to Convergence of Their Interests in the Classroom With the Interests of the School
[The school administrators] let me go on my own. They trust me. I am helping kids see a
bright future for themselves. I want them to say, “Oh, I remember when I had Mr. X.”
(Respondent A-3)
All the interviewed participants indicated a deeper purpose for teaching that extended
beyond the traditional academic curriculum; moreover, every participant couched the
maximization of their impact based on whether their purpose aligned with that of the school.
Regarding his school’s administration, Respondent A-1 noted, “They gave me the opportunity to
lead and create and push my ‘agenda.’” Respondent A-3 added bluntly, “The administration was
looking for strong Black males. If I can’t be myself, it’s hard for me to shine in my own ways.”
These respondents demonstrated a high level of self-efficacy to affect inclusive and antiracists
environments because they were made to feel empowered by school administrators who value
the offerings of the Black male educators servicing elementary-middle students of color. They
discussed a direct connection in their purpose: “The support that I receive from my school is
meaningful to me because is connects to my why,” Respondent A-3.
In contrast, for Black male teachers who teach at school predominantly White schools,
they identity a struggle with reconciling the stated goals of the school with what is occurring in
practice on the campus. When the culture of the school is cemented, it is difficult to make
changes that go against it. This is highlighted by Respondent B-3 in his recounting of his
school’s culture in a conversation he had with his principal: “My principal told me that her goal
was diversity. But the school has had an established culture since 1911 and there are teachers
who have been here for 20 years. Progress is going slow because they push back on her
initiatives. That’s why I look around and I don’t see any teachers that look like me.” Though the

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head of the school articulated an interest in making the school more diverse, she faces obstacles
due to the school’s historical traditions. Though schools may promote diversity and anti-racist
practices, this end may be more difficult to achieve practice.
Theme 6: Black Male Teachers Share a Common Objective to Provide Students an Alternative
to the Prevailing Narrative of Black Men in Society and to Expand Inclusiveness for Schools
That Indicate a Desire to Do So
The other aspect of it is, I might be the only Black face that they see regularly. It is
important not just for the Black kids, but also for the White kids there. I might be the only
representation that they have between what they see on the news and real life.
(Respondent B-1)
Black male teachers who teach at schools with predominant populations of White
students indicate an imperative to demonstrate an alternative perspective to the traditionally
negative generalizations of Black men in society. Schools that champion commitments to
diversity, inclusion, and antiracism demonstrate this by creating formal and informal
opportunities for the Black male teachers to share their unique perspective on a range of social
topics. One respondent noted a shift in his cafeteria conversations with his coworkers on the state
of policing in America:
These cafeteria gatherings became very serious because I’m in there, and I’m the only
one that looks like me. And so, I became very intriguing to the teachers because they had
questions about the police. “What do you feel?” “What do you think?” And so, our
cafeteria times went from being playful to us having a real discussion on what it’s like to
be a Black man in America. (Respondent B-1)
Without the Black male teacher’s perspective in the school space, the school’s prevailing notion
of policing would go unchecked. An awareness of the issue is significant before any systemic

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changes can be made. Black male teachers take initiative in increasing awareness to make
systemic changes.
I feel like, “OK, God, I see where you put me and it is valuable because it’s an
opportunity for me to change whatever status quo, or whatever movies they see, or songs
they listen to, or what have you.” There is an opportunity for me to change that.
(Respondent B-1)
The Black male teachers’ efforts to make systemic changes are boosted when the school provides
support by creating an environment with a similar vision outside of the traditional curriculum. A
respondent described the impact of his principal’s vision:
Her vision and goal were to create a campus that was more inclusive to create spaces for
more people that look like me and I liked to hear how she was talking. I wanted to be part
of that, and I wanted to help lead that initiative as well. I know what I brought to the
classroom, but in the greatest sense, in the greater landscape for cultural movement and a
cultural shift on that particular campus. I was asked to be part of that and that kind of
sparked my interest in it. (Respondent B-3)
In addition to their impact on students and staff, Black male educators’ perspectives
challenge schools’ practices that do not align with the inclusive and antiracists tenets that they
claim to champion. Respondent B-4 recounted a story in which his administrative team was
choosing a new school mascot and decided on a mascot that unknowingly had racists undertones:
The administration was on the verge of using a bear with a hood as a mascot. I get a vote
and I shut it down. Mind you, this was a year removed from Trayvon Martin [in 2012].
Think about the Black families. I went there. I told a story and everybody in the meeting

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said, “We didn’t think about that.” And that was the first thing I thought about.
(Respondent B-4)
Although the school supported inclusive and antiracist practices, the Black male educator
challenged his colleagues to reconsider its practical implications. Though their intent was good,
the Black male educator’s perspective made his White colleagues aware on the school’s
inclusive practices.
Theme 7: Black Male Educators Navigate Making Systemic Change While Confronting
Administrative Resistance
While schools champion inclusion and antiracist practices, an adjustment to their longstanding held beliefs and traditions is difficult. Black male educators who teach in schools with
predominant White student populations must navigate cautiously while attempting to influence
systemic changes in the school, as any disruption to the status quo can result in a dismissal of the
practice by the school community. Respondent B-2 recounts his story to this end:
We used to say that we’re changing hearts and minds, but it’s kind of a transition that
were changing attitudes and behaviors because changing hearts and minds is a lifelong
process added to the behaviors. I am going to teach you the skills, the resources, and tools
on how to navigate this area—you know, the realm of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion
(DEI) without creating such a negative impact that is dismissed by students, staff, or the
parents. (Respondent B-2)
The expansion of inclusive and antiracist practices occurs when schools challenge their
traditional and historical practices. For many, this change is an indictment on their own personal
views and ego. While attempting to make such a change, Respondent B-2 described his
experience although positive but also tumultuous at times when the school was not in agreement
with his notions of inclusion and antiracism:

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I’ve been in some situations where I’ve tried to implement the practices that I absolutely
believe would move the school forward when it comes to antiracism, and I’ve had my
wrists slapped pretty aggressively by either board of trustees’ members, or other
administrators. I’ll be honest, it’s rather demoralizing to the work. We try to assess where
we are and powers get defensive. I tell them that these are the ways we are not inclusive
and that we as a school, have a long journey to go. (Respondent B-2)
For Black male teachers who teach in schools with predominant populations of students
of color, administrative resistance is not tied to their attempts to incorporate inclusive and antiracists practices; rather, they believe that administration isolates them into discipline-related
issues. This frustration is highlighted in Respondent A-5’s response to what he believes schools
can do a better job of to keep Black males in the classroom: “[Black male teachers] are being
pushed out of the classroom, even though its where we can have the most impact, because at
least if I’m a counselor or assistant principal, I can only be tasked with the job that I signed up
for. We need to draw the line on what’s going to happen with the men on campus.”
While Black male teachers may be driven to make systemic change in inclusive and
antiracist practices, the strength of their impact is reflected in the schools’ willingness to
subscribe to it. This is difficult since it challenges the schools deep rooted practices and
traditions that are ingrained in the schools’ fabric and milieu. A cultural shift affronts those
embedded in its ecosystem. Black male teachers face reprimand in their attempts to make
change, but they remain steadfast in their purpose and conviction.
Summary
This chapter reported the results of this qualitative study, to understand Black male
elementary-middle educators’ impact on cultivating inclusive and antiracist classrooms for

67
students and the broader school community. While the previous literature on Black male teachers
has focused on their impact on students of color, this study also analyzed Black male teachers’
impact on White students.
The first research question asked, “What are the Black male teachers’ motivations and
perceptions on conceptualizing inclusive and antiracist practices in predominantly Black and in
predominantly White school?” The results indicate that the nature of the Black male teachers’
impact was correlated to their purpose for being a teacher at the school at which they worked.
For Black male teachers in schools with predominant populations of students of color, practices
centered on giving students an inclusive classroom environment that eluded them as students.
What is noteworthy is that ninety Percent of survey respondents in this demographic of Black
male teachers, characterized their ability to engage students in antiracist and inclusive practices
as “impactful” or “very impactful. The five interview respondents detailed the difficulties they
experienced growing up in society as Black boys as the motivation for creating spaces for
belongingness in their classrooms. For Black male teachers who teach in schools with
predominant populations of White students, themes that emerged centered on having explicit
conversations about race through teachable moments in order to expand the schools’ traditional
definition of inclusion. Seventy Percent of the survey respondents in this demographic
characterized their ability to engage students in antiracist and inclusive practices as “impactful”
or “very impactful.” Several interview respondents noted an imperative to address issues of race
at their schools, and asserted their role in addressing racial issues which would not be addressed
by any other staff member in a meaningful way.
The second research question asked, “How does the Black male teachers’ sense of
belonging and self-efficacy impact their approach to pedagogical and curricular decisions in the

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classroom in predominantly Black and in predominantly White schools? For Black male teachers
who teach in schools with predominant populations of students of color, emergent themes
focused on a sense of belongingness with the schools’ population due to similar backgrounds and
experiences in society. Every participant embraced the label of “father figure” and
“disciplinarian” for the Black male students. Respondents also expressed the need to “prove”
themselves as pedagogical experts before the schools’ adoption of their ideas and suggestions.
For Black male teachers who teach in schools with predominant populations of White students, a
sense of belongingness with their schools prevailed after their demonstration for strong
classroom practices. Three-fourths of participants in this demographic expressed limits placed on
their implementation of practices for building inclusion in the curriculum.
The third research question, “How do Black male teachers perceive the convergence of
their interest and self-identified purpose for teaching with those of predominantly Black and of
predominantly White school to challenge the dominant ideology. For Black male teachers who
teach in schools with predominant populations of students of color, themes that emerged
included a joint effort between the teacher and school to help “their own” community and
embrace their positionality as Black men in a White dominated profession. For Black male
teachers who teach in schools with predominant populations of White students, themes that
emerged centered on an imperative to change the narrative of Black men for both students and
staff by sharing their perspective on racially charged topics. Black male teachers in the
demographic also recalled the resistance experienced on their attempt to broaden the meaning of
inclusion in the schools’ interests.
Chapter Five presents a summary of the research findings including its practical
implications, and recommendations for future research.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
This chapter discusses the study’s findings, organized by the research questions. This
includes the study’s limitations, practical implications, and scope for future research.
This study focused on gaining insights on the Black male teachers’ impact in elementarymiddle schools. The research questions analyzed the nature of the Black male teachers’ impact
on students, the administrations’ impact on the Black male teachers’ self-efficacy and sense of
belonging, and the interest convergence between the Black male teachers’ self-identified purpose
for teaching and the schools’ aims. The following is a discussion of the findings for each
research question, including potential limitations based on the study’s design.
Discussion of Findings
Research Question One
This study’s findings strongly confirm the assertion that Black male teachers who teach
in schools that have predominant populations of students of color find themselves in the roles of
“disciplinarian” and “father figures” for students—especially male students of color
(Brockenbrough, 2014, p. 502; Callender, 2018; Young & Young, 2020). All the participants in
this demographic embraced this role assigned to them as one of the few Black males in the
campuses either by the students or staff. Furthermore, each participant connected their classroom
teaching to a desire to provide students of color with the opportunities and classroom inclusion
experience that eluded them as students. Ninety Percent of respondents who taught at schools
with predominant populations of students of colors characterized their ability to engage students
in antiracist and inclusive practices as “impactful” or “very impactful.” These findings reflect
Black male teachers’ motivations to bring inclusive and antiracists practices to their classrooms.

70
In contrast, Black male teachers who teach at schools with predominant populations of
White students confront non-inclusive practices through “teachable moments.” Outside of the
curriculum, three-fourths of the participants in this demographic considered it imperative to
address racial issues because non-inclusive and racists offenses would otherwise be ignored if it
were not for their presence at the school. This imperative was displayed not only in and outside
of the classroom with students, but with the entire school community. Three of the four
respondents in this demographic described their encounters with school staff by providing their
own perspective as Black males to counter prevailing notions on racial issues that were outside
of the schools’ purview. This broadened the schools’ traditional understanding of inclusion to
incorporate a wider perspective of a person a color.
Each of the respondents in the interview described a purpose for teaching that was not
limited to classroom content and/or curriculum; rather, it was grounded in a desire to address
societal concerns experienced firsthand. For Black male teachers that teach in schools with
predominant populations of color, promoting inclusive practices is important as these were
denied to them. Thus, their sense of purpose in the classroom is derived from their understanding
of the plight of people of color in the United States, including discrepancies in socioeconomic
status, achievement outcomes, and political power when compared to White people. This finding
demonstrates that despite unique motivations, Black male teachers support the expansion of and
remain committed to inclusive and antiracist practices in their classrooms and school
environments regardless of the type of school and the school demographics.
A qualitative study is ideal for this research given the reflective qualities of the research
questions regarding race, self-efficacy, and sense of purpose, which rely on the experiences of
the participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). These findings are subject to limitations that include

71
the following: they are limited geographically given that the population is centered on Southern
California, the focus on a racial perspective that excludes the gender perspective, and due to the
sole focus on the personal experience and motivations of Black male teachers. Nevertheless, the
findings provide great insight within a broader societal context of how Black males have been
historically perceived in society. Given that Black male teachers constitute 2% of teaching
professionals, the participants that meet the criteria for the study were limited. Internal validity
and reliability were strongly established by employing both survey and semi structured
interviews in the study’s design (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). External validity is challenged since
societal racial relations are unique for different communities; however, strong external validity in
qualitative research including detailed quotes paints a rich description of the finding, which were
captured in this study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015).
There is a potential for selection bias in who self-selected to interview. All interviewees
indicated at least, a partial sense of belonging with their schools. This may mean that those who
did not feel a sense of belonging chose not to engage in an interview, which would skew the
findings. Moreover, I acknowledge that all of the schools with predominant populations of
students of color were also a public school, while the majority of the schools with predominant
populations of White students were independent schools. Future research should examine
whether the public versus independent school differences make a difference in perceptions and
experiences of Black male teachers within each setting.
Research Question Two
The findings demonstrate that Black male teachers perceive that they must navigate an
extra number of obstacles before their implementation of practices for building inclusion into the
curriculum is approved by the school’s administration. While 70% of survey participants who

72
taught at schools with predominant populations of students of color experienced a strong sense of
belonging at their respective schools, only half of those who taught at schools with predominant
populations of White students experienced the same level of belonging. Black male teachers in
schools with predominant populations of students of color experienced a sense of belonging with
their students due to growing up in similar conditions and experiencing the plight of people of
color. Comparatively, every respondent in this demographic expressed a shared sense of duty to
overcome disadvantages and embracing the label of disciplinarians for the Black male students.
However, these findings caution school administrators to avoid pigeon-holing Black male
teachers in the role of father figures. Three participants expressed that being supported in their
pedagogical skills rather than discipline, would increase their sense of belonging within the
school community. This is also reflected in the following statistic: while 70% of the respondents
indicated that they felt a strong sense of belonging at their schools, only 20% of respondents felt
strongly supported by their school’s leadership/ admin teams. This data reveals the need for
differentiation of support for teachers that do not rely on racialized assumptions of need.
All respondents who teach at schools with a majority population of Black students felt a
sense of belongingness compared to 80% of respondents who taught at schools with majority
populations of White students. While respondents who teach at White predominated schools
indicated going through a learning curve to understand their students, they were committed to
building relationships with their students and creating an inclusive classroom environment. This
raises the question of whether the school also assumes the responsibility of going through a
learning curve to understand the experiences and needs of their Black male teachers. Half of the
respondents who taught at schools with a majority population of White students detailed
scenarios in which they encountered hostility to their practices both from the students’ parents

73
and school staff. One respondent was told that his inclusive practices were “pushing a political
agenda,” and another reported being reprimanded by members of his school’s board for going
outside of the school’s boundaries of the meaning of inclusion. These findings look different
from results that state that 90% of survey respondents who taught at schools with predominant
populations of students of color felt encouraged to make curriculum decisions that embody
inclusive practices at their schools, compared to just 50% of Black male teachers at schools with
predominantly White student populations.
While it may be true that maintaining a sense of belonging can maximize one’s
effectiveness in a given environment, these findings underscore an important facet of that reality.
Black male teachers embrace the disciplinarian role in schools, ensure a sense of belonging
through teachable moments outside of the traditional curriculum, and create inclusive
environments both inside and outside of the classroom; however, the limits placed on these
opportunities conspire to discourage Black male teachers resulting in their quitting the
profession. Black males in education constitute just 2% of the teachers in the profession. Due to
this meager percentage, the Black male teachers’ perspective in research and in practice is
resigned to be restricted. Putting limitations or obstacles on their ideas and practices for inclusion
further inhibits their ability to attain a sense of belonging within the school community and
eventually limits the practice of inclusion for the entire school community.
These findings are subject to the limitations of the study’s scope, given the research
question’s focus on the personal experience and motivations of participants. The triangulation of
the qualitative data includes both survey responses and interview protocols and the review of
research literature, to ensure the internal validity and reliability of the findings (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2015). Internal validity was established by masking the participants’ identities for

74
publication, and there was diversity in data with participants included from both public and
independent] schools under economically diversified school communities (Merriam & Tisdell,
2015). Strong reliability of the study’s findings is supported by the fact that all the interview
participants aligned with the majority of this section’s findings.
Research Question Three
Based on Interest Convergence Theory, this study’s findings support Bell’s (1980)
proclamation that Black people achieve civil rights victories only when White and Black
interests converge. The three themes which emerged, were in line with this study’s conceptual
framework. These include the joint purpose between the Black male teacher and the school to
help “their own” community, Black male teachers’ desire to change the prevailing negative
narratives regarding Black men in society, and the resistance experienced by Black male teachers
in their attempt to broaden the collective interests of the school. These finding signify the
importance of the school in maximizing the Black male teachers impact in creating inclusive and
antiracist classroom environments. This personal and reflective understanding was evident in all
nine interview participants, regardless of the demographic of their school.
For Black male teachers who teach in schools with predominant populations of students
of color, increased impact is attributed to their sense of purpose converging with the interests of
the school community at large. All five interview participants in this demographic expressed a
desire to teach in their schools because they either grew up with similar struggles or witnessed
firsthand the obstacles that people of color face. The Black male teachers were guided by an
imperative to provide their students with inclusive and antiracists classroom spaces that eluded
them as students. Each participant expressed high self-efficacy in their practice because they
maintained a philosophical alignment with their schools, which manifested in a supportive

75
school leadership team. This is evident from the survey given that 90% of respondents who teach
at schools with predominant populations of students of color indicated strong support from their
schools’ leadership team to engage in antiracist and inclusive practices in their classrooms. These
schools also maintained values that extended beyond the traditional curriculum. Hence, the
schools both formally created spaces for Black male teachers to become disciplinarians and de
facto father figures for their students—particularly for male students of color in both formal and
informal ways. Four of the five participants in this demographic embraced this role because of
their personal connection to the prevailing narrative of absent Black fathers. Thus, Black male
teacher practices extend beyond the traditional curriculum because their interests converge with
those of the school and the surrounding community.
Liberalism and Colorblindness
The findings of this study demonstrate Black male teachers’ inclination to handle
liberalism and colorblindness – issues that exist outside of the traditional curriculum – through
teachable moments. Three of the four interview respondents from this demographic detailed
event where sharing their perspectives as Black males created an awareness for both students and
staff that eventually resulted in acceptance of a broader definition of inclusion for all. Driver
(2011) identifies “awareness” as the first step towards overcoming non-inclusive practices. In
particular, one respondent highlighted an incident in which a White student was confused with
his teacher’s darker skin compared to him and his classmates. If the school were to follow its
colorblind approach to engagement, the student would have been reprimanded or discouraged for
his line of questioning. Instead, the presence of the Black male teacher aided in navigating the
conversation to acknowledge the differences between himself and the student, while ensuring

76
that both are celebrated equally. This is a tangible example of the Black male teachers’ impact in
predominantly White elementary-middle schools, which will never show up in any curriculum.
Critical Race Theory
While colorblindness and liberal multiculturalism avoid discussions on race, critical race
theory is guided by the principle that race continues to be significant in the United States. By
understanding how race has historically influenced social, economic, and education policy in the
United States, inclusive classroom environments can be created (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
Critical race theorists believe that comprehending how race has influenced and continues to
influence society and our institutions, society can better comprehend the education and
socioeconomic gap between White people and people of color. This understanding will aid in
easing tensions and disputes that occur with the prevailing negative narrative of Black men in
society today. Half of the respondents in this demographic expressed their desire to work with
White students explicitly to present a positive alternative of what a Black man is.
Though not stated explicitly, half of the Black male teachers who teach at schools with
predominant populations of White students reflected principles of critical race theory to navigate
colleagues away from non-inclusive practices. One participant shared a story in which he
reminded his colleagues of the historical implications of wearing hoods for people of color to
avoid endorsing a mascot with possible racist undertones. Another participant introduced a
project that challenged students to research the historical cultures of other countries to shed light
on their current cultural practices to build awareness, understanding, and empathy for countries
unlike our own. Critical race theory is not taught or even addressed specifically, but Black male
teachers implement its philosophy to build inclusive and antiracist practices into the school.

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Interest Convergence
The findings confirm that minorities claim of culture defense are more likely to be
accepted when a convergence exists between their cultural norms and U.S. cultural norms (Gill
et al., 2020; Lee, 2007). Black male teachers who teach at schools with Black student
populations are more likely to maintain self-efficacy and feel supported by the schools’
leadership team in introducing inclusive and antiracists practices in their classrooms. The
findings suggest that while schools may champion inclusion, Black male teachers experience
resistance from school administrators when inclusion goes beyond the schools’ traditional
notions of inclusion. For example, one respondent in this demographic detailed being
reprimanded by his school’s board of trustees for introducing a policy that was not received well
by a few parents who asserted that the policy, which was grounded in inclusion, would make
White students “feel bad” for being White. The respondent concluded that the school was not as
inclusive as it claimed to be, but he stated that he remained committed in his mission to ensure
that all of his students had a feeling of belongingness at his school.
For schools that are devoted to inclusion and antiracism in the classroom, employing
Black male teachers demonstrates a progressive step in achieving the goal. The findings
demonstrate that irrespective of the demographic of the student population, Black male teachers
find a purpose beyond the traditional curriculum. According to the interest convergence
framework (See Figure 1), when the Black male teachers’ cultural values, sense of belonging and
self-efficacy, converge with the schools’ desire to prioritize inclusive practices, inclusive and
antiracist policies and practices for the school are actualized. For schools that have a
predominant population of students of color, the Black male teachers’ resolve to help people of
their race converges with the goals and interest of the school to support the students’ community.

78
For schools that have a predominant population of White students, Black male teachers find
purpose in changing the prevalent negative narrative of the schools’ student and staff populations
surrounding Black men that comes from society and the history of Black people in this country.
Black male teachers experience resistance towards this end from the school when their practices
expand beyond the schools’ meaning of inclusion.

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Figure 3
Interest Convergence Conceptual Framework
Note: This figure was designed by the researcher to highlight themes particular to Black Male
Teachers and the Elementary-Middle School Culture converge to impact include and antiracists
policies and practices.
The limitations on these findings are similar to those in the previous research questions
due to focus on the personal experience and motivations of participants from schools in southern
California. However, internal validity is strengthened through triangulation, including a
comprehensive analysis of the schools’ goals and the schools’ administrative team’s perspectives

80
in setting, and enforcing the goals (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). I relied on the respondents to
detail their understanding of the schools’ values to determine how and if they converge with
those of the respondents. Following the qualitative reliability from Merriam and Tisdell’s (2015),
readers can assume that the collected and analyzed data is consistent with the study’s conclusions
and findings.
Potential for Future Research
There are several opportunities for potential future research. First, to gain better insights
on convergence of interests, interviews can be conducted with school administrators and families
to understand their expectations of the school. This study details the resistance faced by the
Black male teachers from the school community, from the perspective of the Black male
teachers. Interviewing members of the school community would help to provide more data and
insight on the inclusive and antiracists practices through the perspective of the school community
members to determine its convergence with those of the Black male teachers.
Similarly, future research can focus on document analysis—including school district
websites, memos, and marketing materials to comprehend the language that the school employs
to signal its commitment to inclusive and antiracists practices. This can offer detailed
understandings on inclusion, offering concrete examples for Black male teachers to determine if
schools’ interests converge with their own.
This study also did not look at the intersectionality of gender and race to examine and
compare experience of Black female teachers as compared to Black male teachers to look for
commonalities and gendered matters.

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Implications for Practice
The findings from this study have major implications for school leaders and communities
who are intent on introducing and sustaining inclusive and antiracists practices in their schools
and hire more Black male educators. Given that Black male teachers make up only 2% of the
total number of educators in the profession, these findings will inform school boards and
communities on the Black male teachers’ impact in engaging in practices that promote student
belongingness in schools. The findings demonstrate evidence that Black male teachers impact
schools’ antiracist and inclusion practices regardless of the school’s demographic.
For administrators and communities that have student populations where the majority of
students are of color, the findings suggest that Black male teachers would be effective
contributors from a curriculum and a whole child development perspective. Furthermore, though
the findings suggest that Black males embrace the role of disciplinarians and father figures in
schools when there is a need, school administrators must not pigeonhole them with this label.
This can underestimate the Black male teacher’s potential for career advancement and further
discourage Black males from teaching altogether. This can also be misused as a bias against
Black families that have a different constitution by choice or that is being mislabeled as needing
a father, when in fact there is a father in the home.
For administrators and communities that have student populations where the majority
population of students are White, the findings suggest that Black male teachers would be
effective additions to their staff of teachers to encourage inclusive classroom and schoolwide
practices. This benefits the entire school community, including students, their families, and the
school staff. Black male teachers express a desire to provide White communities an alternative to
the prevailing negative narrative surrounding Black men. They demonstrate a purpose beyond

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the traditional curriculum to serve the school community as examples of positive Black men in
authoritative positions. Having a Black male teacher in a decision-making capacity also supports
calling out non-inclusive and potentially racist policies that may elude those who are not of
color. Furthermore, school administrators should clearly communicate the schools’ expectations
for building inclusive and antiracist environments for staff members to determine its
convergence with their own beliefs. When the interests of both the school and Black male
teachers align, inclusive practices and policies are maximized.
The findings in the study inform policy change recommendations centered around
maximizing the impact of Black male teachers in schools. I recommend that all schools that
accept any form of public funding must have comparable demographic representation in its
instructional staff that are found in the neighboring community and society at-large. I highlight
the National Football League’s “Rooney Rule” as an example. When hiring head coaches, the
NFL requires that teams interview at least one ethnic-minority candidate. Similarly, schools
would have to interview at least one Black male teacher to fill teaching vacancies. Additionally, I
recommend that all schools that accept any form of public funding must also maintain a
Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Belonging counsel that includes at least one Black male
teacher. With the perspective and support of the Black male teacher, this counsel would advise
school administrators on pedagogical and curricular decisions for both inside and out of the
classroom with an equity lens.
Conclusions
While there are many policies and aspects of the schools’ environment that can impact
the schools’ trajectory towards inclusive and antiracist practices, employing Black male teachers
in elementary-middle schools can serve as a powerfully influential factor towards this end.

83
Making up just 2% of teachers in the profession, Black males remain underutilized and highly
under-represented. Thus schools, districts and communities are missing out on this capacity.
Whether the school maintains a predominant White population of students or students of color,
Black male teachers find purpose beyond the traditional curriculum to implement practices that
support inclusion and belonging for all.

84
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Appendix A: Interview Protocol
I. Introduction:
Thank you for agreeing to participate in my study. I recognize that time is a precious
nonrefundable resource, and I am grateful that you are taking this time with me today. As I
mentioned when we first discussed this study, the interview should take about 45 minutes. Does
this timeframe still work for you?
Before we get started, I want to remind you what this study is about, the goals of this
study, and I want to answer any questions you may have about participating in this interview. I
am a doctoral student at the University of Southern California, and I am conducting a study on
the impact of Black male K-8 teachers at both, schools that have a predominantly Black student
population and those that have predominantly White student populations. Specifically, I am
looking at the impact of school leadership teams in their ability to encourage or discourage the
self-efficacy of Black male teachers in engaging their students in inclusive and anti-racist
practices.
This interview is confidential. Your name will not be shared with anyone outside of the
research team. I will not share any identifying information with other teachers, the principal, or
the district. The data for this study will be compiled into a report with nothing being directly
attributed to you. A pseudonym will be used to protect your confidentiality and I will try my best
to de-identify any of the data from this interview. I will be happy to provide you with a copy of
my final paper if you are interested.
If you have any questions, feel free to ask them now. I have a recorder so that I can
accurately capture what you share with me. May I have your permission to record our
conversation?

95
II. Setting the Stage:
I’d like to start by asking some questions about your background in education.
1. What brought you to the field of education?
a. How long have you worked in education? How long have you worked at your
current school?
b. What roles or positions have you held generally? What roles or positions have
you held at your current school?
c. What grades and what subjects have you taught?
III. Heart of the Interview:
Now I would like to learn more about your “why”
2. What attracted you to the school your current school?
a. How were you recruited to this school?
3. Does a sense of purpose outside of teaching influence your work in education? How
would you characterize this sense of purpose?
a. Think about a recent lesson that you think exemplifies why you are an
educator. Talk me through that lesson.
4. What does it mean for you to be Black male educator at your school?
5. How would your students describe you as a teacher?
6. Think of a situation you were involved in that you believe is reflective of your
experience as a Black male teacher at your school with your peers. Talk me through
that experience.
7. Think of a situation you were involved in that you believe is reflective of your impact as
a Black male teacher at your school with your students? Talk me through that experience.

96
Now I would like to learn more about your alignment with your school with regards to
promoting inclusive and anti-racist practices.
8. How do you define inclusive education in your context?
a. How, if at all, is it important to engage your students in inclusive practices?
b. Think of a lesson or experience that characterizes your use of inclusive
practices at your school. Describe it to me.
9. How do you define anti-racist education in your context?
a. How, if at all, is it important to engage your students in anti-racist practices?
b. Think of a lesson or experience that characterizes your use of anti-racist
practices. Describe it to me.
10. How, if at all, is it important to your school’s leadership team to engage your students
in inclusive practices?
a. Tell me about an example that you think does a good job of demonstrating
how important inclusive practices are to your school?
11. How, if at all, is it important to your school’s leadership team to engage your students
in anti-racist practices?
a. Tell me about an example that you think does a good job of demonstrating
how important anti-racist practices are to your school?
12. How else, if at all, does your school staff encourage or discourage inclusive and/or
anti-racists practices amongst each other.
a. Provide an example of how this materialized in action for students?
13. How do you respond to this statement based on your experience? “Today’s school
systems and practices uphold the status quo for school-based practices grounded in

97
white supremacy or white privilege.” Describe an experience that supports your
response.
a. How, if at all, does your school support you in promoting inclusive and antiracists practices in your classroom?
14. What role, if any, does your school play in encouraging or deterring your selfefficacy to engage students in inclusive practices with your students?
a. Describe a time that exemplifies your experience.
15. What role, if any, does your school play in encouraging or deterring your selfefficacy to engage students in anti-racist practices with your students?
a. Describe a time that exemplifies your experience.
Now I would like to talk specifically about how what you believe in aligns with the school’s
practices.
16. Do you feel that your priorities as an educator align with the goals of your school?
a. Describe a time that exemplifies this experience.
17. How, if at all, does your school support you in developing self-efficacy to become a
better teacher?
IV. Closing Question:
18. How would you characterize your impact on your school?
19. How do you think your school can do a better job of supporting its Black male
teachers in promoting inclusive and anti-racist practices at your school?

98
V. Closing Arguments:
Thank you for your candid responses on this sensitive, but important topic. I appreciate
your time and willingness to share. Should I have a follow-up question, may I contact you?
Thanks again for you time.

99
Appendix B: Survey Instrument
Introduction
Thank you for agreeing to participate in my study. This survey should take about 15
minutes to complete. I am conducting a study on the impact of Black male K-12 teachers at
schools that have a predominantly Black student population, and those that have predominantly
White student populations. Specifically, I am interested in uncovering the school’s influence in
bolstering or hindering the Black male teacher’s impact on their students to conceptualize
inclusive and anti-racist practices in their classrooms. You were chosen to participate because
you identify as a Black male teacher, and it is my desire to amplify the voices of a demographic
that represents 2% of teachers in America.
The survey is confidential. Your name will not be shared with anyone outside of the
research team. The data for this study will be compiled into a report with nothing being directly
attributed to you. I will be happy to provide you with a copy of my final paper if you are
interested.
If you have any questions, please feel free to contact me at boganey@usc.edu. Thank you
once again.
Survey Items
Table 1: Survey Items and CF alignment
1. How many years have you been an educator? Open-Ended
2. Which description best characterizes your school’s
population of students?
Predominantly students of color,
Predominantly White students,
Relatively evenly split between
students of color and White
students
3. How would you rate your experience as a Black
male teacher at your school?
Very satisfied, satisfied, neutral,
dissatisfied, very dissatisfied
4. How often do you experience microaggressions at
your school based on your identity?
Never, rarely, sometimes, often,
always

100
5. How often do your students experience
microaggressions at your school based on their
identity?
Never, rarely, sometimes, often,
always
6. To what degree do you agree or disagree with the
following statement: “I feel supported by my
school’s leadership/admin team.”
Strongly agree, agree, neutral,
disagree, strongly disagree
7. Rate your level of belongingness at your school. 5 - My school’s admin team makes me
feel like I belong at the school.
4
3 - Neutral
2
1 - My school’s admin team makes me
feel like I do not belong at the
school.
8. How would you characterize the impact that you
have on your students to engage in anti-racist
practices in your classroom?
Very impactful, Impactful, Some
impact, No impact
9. How would you characterize the impact that your
school’s leadership/admin team has on your ability
to engage in anti-racist practices in your classroom?
Very impactful, Impactful, Some
impact, No impact
10. Rate your level of agreement with the following
statement: “I share the same values as my school
when it comes to engaging in inclusive practices in
my classroom.”
Strongly agree, agree, neutral,
disagree, strongly disagree
11. Rate your level of agreement with the following
statement: “I share the same values as my school
when it comes to engaging in anti-racist practices in
my classroom.”
Strongly agree, agree, neutral,
disagree, strongly disagree
12. To what degree do you feel encouraged to make
curriculum decisions for your students that embody
inclusive practices at your school.
5 - I am strongly encouraged by my
school’s leadership/admin team to
make curriculum decisions that
embody inclusive practices at my
school.
4
3 Neutral
2
1- I am strongly discouraged by my
school to make curriculum
decisions that embody inclusive
practices at my school.
13. To what degree do you feel encouraged to make
curriculum decisions for your students that embody
anti-racist practices at your school.
5 - I am strongly encouraged by my
school’s leadership/admin team to
make curriculum decisions that
embody anti-racist practices at my
school.
4

101
3 Neutral
2
1- I am strongly discouraged by my
school to make curriculum
decisions that embody anti-racist
practices at my school.
14. How long do plan to stay at your school after
the end of the current school year?
0-1 Years
2-3 Years
4-5 Years
6+ Years
15. What is the main reason for your response to
Question 14?
Open ended
Closing
Thank you for taking the time to complete the survey! Your candid responses will be
helpful in characterizing the experiences of Black male teachers in elementary schools. If you are
interested in the results of the survey, I will make them available to you upon request.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Boganey, James (author)

Core Title A comparative case study on the impact of Black male teachers on implementing inclusive and antiracist practices in elementary-middle education

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2024-05

Publication Date 03/07/2024

Defense Date 01/30/2024

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag antiracist education,Black dominant schools,critical race theory,educational equity,equality,interest convergence theory,intersectionality,liberalism,OAI-PMH Harvest,predominantly White (Black) institution,race,self-efficacy,sense of belonging,teachable moment,teacher self-efficacy,White dominant schools

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Kishimoto, Christina (committee chair), Cash, David (committee member), Phillips, Stefanie (committee member)

Creator Email boganey.james@gmail.com,boganey@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113848770

Unique identifier UC113848770

Identifier etd-BoganeyJam-12681.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-BoganeyJam-12681

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Boganey, James

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20240311-usctheses-batch-1128 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu