University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

For DEI practitioners of color who’ve considered leaving when the rainbow isn’t enough: the impact of DEI fatigue on the retention of Black women in big tech

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For DEI practitioners of color who’ve considered leaving when the rainbow isn’t enough: the impact of DEI fatigue on the retention of Black women in big tech

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Content For DEI Practitioners of Color Who’ve Considered Leaving When The Rainbow Isn’t
Enough: The Impact of DEI Fatigue on the Retention of Black Women in Big Tech.
by
Janeen Blige
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2024

© Copyright by Janeen Blige 2024
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Janeen Blige certifies the approval of this Dissertation.
Alan Green
Nicole Maccalla
Esther Kim, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024

iv
Abstract
Black women are leaving the technology industry at a concerning rate despite their
representation being less than 4%. After nearly a decade of ongoing scrutiny, Big Tech
organizations have made minimal progress in addressing racial and gender equity, particularly
concerning the experiences and retention of Black women. Research highlights that Black
women are enduring significant challenges compared to their male counterparts and even White
women, having to navigate the racial and gender disparities of Big Tech. The responsibility for
advancing Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) falls heavily on DEI practitioners, who often
experience DEI fatigue, impacting their well-being and effectiveness as catalysts for change.
This study aimed to explore the perceptions and experiences of DEI practitioners of color within
Big Tech, focusing on the factors contributing to the success or failure of DEI initiatives and
how DEI fatigue affects outcomes for Black women, such as allyship. Through qualitative
interviews with 13 DEI practitioners of color, the research uncovered the complex internal and
external factors shaping their experiences and hindering their ability to drive change.
Organizations must implement evidence-based strategies to improve the retention of Black
women in Big Tech. These include utilizing intersectional data, fostering cross-collaborative
networks, adopting a disaggregated approach to address each tenet of DEI, and offering tailored
sponsorship opportunities to empower Black women to thrive within the industry.

v
Acknowledgments
“I am the master of my fate; I am the captain of my soul” - Invictus
This dissertation is the culmination of three years of persistence, pursued passion, and lived
purpose. First and foremost, I want to thank God for the privilege and opportunity to
acknowledge his grace and protection through this journey.
I want to thank and acknowledge my parents, James and Juliette Blige, who, without their
unwavering support and guidance, would not be the woman I am today. I want to thank my
incredible village of friends and community, who have supported, prayed for, and lifted me over
this almost four-year journey. To my partner, Dray Davis, who has walked alongside me every
single step of this journey, thank you for your patience, grace, love, and support.
To my line sister, soul sister, best friend, and confidant, Courtney Dobbins, who always
reminded me of the light at the end of the tunnel, even when I couldn’t see it for myself, you are
greatly appreciated. Thank you.
I want to express my extreme gratitude and appreciation to my dissertation chair, Dr. Esther
Kim, and committee members, Dr. Alan Green and Dr. Nicole Maccalla, who have been so
generous with their expertise, time, and care. Although no longer on my committee due to
unforeseen circumstances, I would also like to thank Dr. Jennifer Phillips, who affectionately
made the impossible seem possible from the start.
I owe so much gratitude to my cohort 20 family, who, when needed, reminded me I deserved to
be here and that this process was my own. I want to give special acknowledgment to my study

vi
core and Black girl magic tribe, Dr. Gaile Gwynn, Dr. Mechelle Garrett, Dr. Tamara Newman,
and doctoral candidates Keva Brown and Tammy Deane-Alsberry, all of whom, as a collective,
made sure that No Doctor is Left Behind #NDLB.
Lastly, I am so grateful for the DEI Practitioners who graciously shared their time and voices for
this study. The work is hard, and the acknowledgments are few, but still we rise. Your shared
stories and experiences reignited my purpose and commitment to this work, even when the
rainbow isn’t enough.

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Acknowledgments........................................................................................................................... v
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures................................................................................................................................. x
Chapter One: Introduction to the Problem of Practice.................................................................... 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 2
Field Context and Mission .................................................................................................. 5
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions.................................................................... 6
Importance of the Study...................................................................................................... 7
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology .................................................... 8
Definitions........................................................................................................................... 9
Organization of the Dissertation ....................................................................................... 11
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ........................................................................................ 12
The Value of Black Women in Tech ................................................................................ 12
Experiences of Black Women in Tech.............................................................................. 15
The Need for Allyship to Black Women .......................................................................... 24
Developing Allyship in Organizations through Training ................................................. 30
Role of the DEI Practitioner: The “Diversity Messiah” ................................................... 34
DEI Fatigue....................................................................................................................... 38
Conceptual Framework..................................................................................................... 45
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 49
Chapter Three: Methodology........................................................................................................ 51
Research Questions........................................................................................................... 51
Overview of Methodology................................................................................................ 51

viii
The Researcher.................................................................................................................. 52
Data Source: Interviews.................................................................................................... 53
Ethics................................................................................................................................. 59
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 61
Findings Organized by Theme.......................................................................................... 61
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 87
Chapter Five: Findings and Recommendations............................................................................ 88
Discussion of Findings...................................................................................................... 89
Recommendations for Practice ......................................................................................... 97
Limitations and Delimitations........................................................................................ 106
Recommendations for Future Research .......................................................................... 107
Implications for Equity ................................................................................................... 108
Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 109
References................................................................................................................................... 112
Appendix A: Interview Protocol................................................................................................. 112

ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Data Sources 52
Table 2: Participants 61

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 48

1
Chapter One: Introduction to the Problem of Practice
Retaining Black women in Big Tech has been a perennial issue in the United States. Big
Tech refers to the five most prominent information technology companies that dominate market
share across the S&P 500 in the United States, including Google, Amazon, Meta, Apple, and
Microsoft (PwC, 2022). Black professionals comprise over 13% of the workforce yet represent
just 7% of the technology industry and only 3.7% of technical roles in Big Tech (Bureau of
Labor Statistics, n.d.). Even more unsettling is the underrepresentation and rate at which Black
women are exiting the industry despite accounting for less than 4% of the sector. Characterized
as the “leaky pipeline,” Black women are abandoning the technology industry at an alarming
pace in response to the adversities of weathering sexism, Black fatigue, and institutional racism
(Sherbin & Rashid, 2017; Solomon et al., 2018; Yamaguchi & Burge, 2019; Xu, 2021).
Despite almost a decade of scrutiny on the lack of racial equity in Big Tech and public
commitments to improve the diversity and inclusivity of their workforce, organizations within
the industry have made very little progress towards enhancing the experience and, subsequently,
the retention of Black professionals. Between 2014 and 2021, the sector only achieved a 1%
increase in Black representation across technical roles (McKinsey & Company, 2021), and
according to a study conducted by the Pew Research Center (2018), 62% of Black people in
technology report experiences of institutional discrimination. The social disrupters of 2020
further amplified the necessity for changed behavior amid acts of racial injustice and an
unforeseen global pandemic that had crippling effects on people of color. If organizations in Big
Tech continue to neglect to implement effective cultural transformation mechanisms to change
behavior, the negative experience and poor retention of Black women in technology will persist
(Lean In.org, 2020).

2
Background of the Problem
The intent of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) efforts in the workplace has evolved
over the years to focus on long-term, authentic behavioral change rooted in transferable skills
and applied knowledge (Portocarrero & Carter, 2022). Research establishes a clear consensus
recognizing the importance of progressing DEI and the positive impact on organizational
performance (Baker et al., 2023; Kaufmann & Goodwin, 2018; McKinsey & Company, 2020).
Black professionals remain vastly underrepresented despite widespread commitments to progress
DEI, from Affirmative Action to increased educational opportunities and concerted DEI
programs. Moreover, Black women are enduring the worst experience compared to male
colleagues and are behind White women as they continue to face substantial racial and gender
inequality (Beckwith et al., 2016; Hoobler et al., 2011; Lean In.org, 2021; Sendze, 2023; Wynen
et al., 2015). While disparities concerning the experiences of Black women in Big Tech are
evident, literature neglects to explore the impact of intersectionality, the ineffectiveness of
diversity training interventions, the role of allyship in the workplace, the burden of the DEI
Practitioner, nor the associated fatigue as a result of failed behavioral change.
For Black women, the intersection of race and gender can heighten institutional
discrimination and hinder access to career networks and career advancement opportunities
(Beckwith et al., 2016; Ngue et al., 2020; Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010; Yamaguchi & Burge,
2019). Despite evidence of the limitations mentioned above, the intersectionality of race and
gender as it relates to the experiences of Black women in the workplace is often omitted in most
bodies of research. Available research has primarily been conducted through the lens of White
male-dominant cultural experiences (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010). Little research exists
centering the voices and career experiences of Black women.

3
Historically, systematic influences like corporate culture, workplace norms, beliefs, and
practices have predominately been written by White men, further perpetuating racial equity gaps
in the workplace. (Beckwith et al., 2016). Countless studies have shown that negative
perceptions (whether implicit or explicit) influence discriminatory practices and prejudices
toward groups of people that impact hiring and advancement processes and decisions (Beckwith
et al., 2016; Carli & Eagly, 2016; Einarsdottir et al., 2018; Heilman, 2012; Hoobler et al., 2011;
Ito & Bartholow, 2009). These biases are uniquely amplified among in-group attitudes about
Black women being a good fit within the existing organizational networks and culture.
According to Parks-Yancy (2010), over 80% of all jobs are found through social capital—a
mechanism that Black professionals, regardless of educational attainment level, have historically
been denied. Research highlights that organization’s efforts to correct racial equity and
discrimination fail partly due to the lack of integration of social networks within the workplace
(Petersen et al., 2000); however, literature also demonstrates that DEI training may be
contributing to the stagnant progress of those efforts (Combs & Luthans, 2007; Wiethoff, 2004).
Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) training in the United States evolved as a response
to the track record of racial discrimination in the workplace. Initial efforts by organizations in the
1960s centered around legislation and compliance due to Title VII of The Civil Rights Act of
1964, which legally prohibited employers from discriminating against employees based on race,
color, religion, sex, or national origin (Kaiser et al., 2013). Today, while many organizations
have adopted DEI training as a primary intervention mechanism to affect change, according to
several studies, most DEI training has primarily focused on raising awareness, mitigating bias
towards marginalized communities, or implemented as a compliance exercise (Benschop et al.
2015; Cocchiara et al., 2010; Noon, M., 2018). However, the literature reveals a fundamental

4
knowledge gap in understanding the true impact of DEI training. Limited research seeks to
understand how DEI training influences the individual behaviors of its intended audience or the
development of long-term interventions, such as allyship.
Allyship has been proven paramount in overturning systems of oppression and helping
members of dominant groups understand and accept the existence of pervasive, systematic
inequities (Nugent, 2021). Although literature fails to establish a clear consensus around the
definition of allyship, several studies highlight common themes whereby allies serve as an
integral means of reducing racism against underrepresented groups by engaging in prejudiced
confrontations or openly addressing discriminatory behaviors (Becker & Barreto 2019; Chaney
& Wedell, 2022; Czopp et al., 2006; Swim et al., 2009). In the workplace, allyship amongst
dominant groups is a crucial indicator of changed behavior and an enabler for the support of
Black women. Conversely, the literature fails to demonstrate how allyship is developed among
members of dominant groups. There is a clear need to understand the characteristics of allies
better and determine their impact on mitigating prejudice and advancing the progress of DEI.
Regardless of the development vehicle, the journey to equity can be derailed by
organizational fatigue in response to a lack of DEI progress. The term diversity fatigue was
coined in the 1990s to describe the associated stress aligned to organizational attempts to
diversify the workforce through recruitment and retention initiatives; over recent years, the term
has evolved to include overwhelming feelings of exhaustion, frustration, and skepticism around
creating more diverse, inclusive, and equitable environments (Doan & Kennedy, 2022; Smith et
al., 2021). DEI fatigue evolved from the concept of diversity fatigue as organizational efforts to
diversify the workforce expanded beyond diversity to include values of achieving equity and
inclusion.

5
The DEI practitioner sits at the center of organizational efforts to advance DEI. DEI
Practitioners work tirelessly to address systematic inequalities and further efforts to improve
diversity; however, the demanding nature of their work leaves them vulnerable to burnout and
fatigue (Johnson, 2022). DEI practitioners are charged with carrying massive amounts of
responsibility and navigating through complex racial and gender inequities daily. For DEI
practitioners, the burden of DEI fatigue can take a toll on their well-being and ability to catalyze
cultural change due to their continuous exposure to the traumas and challenges of systematic
inequality (Zhang et al., 2021).
For organizations, DEI fatigue can negatively affect DEI efforts and progress (Farmanesh
et al., 2020). Despite the growing challenges of this phenomenon, more research is needed to
explore the cause and effect of DEI fatigue. This study will engage literature on both diversity
fatigue and DEI fatigue, using the terms employed in the original research as applicable. Still,
this study will focus on DEI fatigue as an emerging phenomenon of focus. The gap in literature
reveals a clear need to explore the presence and influence of DEI fatigue on furthering the
progress of DEI, more specifically, DEI Practitioners’ ability to support the retention of Black
women in Big Tech.
Field Context and Mission
This research study explores the experiences of DEI practitioners of color within Big
Tech. Over the past decade, these companies have come to dominate their respective market
segment, accumulating a combined market value of over $9.3 trillion in 2021. According to an
article by the Financial Design Studio (2020), the U.S. equity market has been relatively
concentrated since the late 1960s. The technology sector also significantly contributes to the U.S.
economy, employing over 12 million tech workers and providing nearly 200,000 jobs annually.

6
Furthermore, on its own, the wealth created by the technology sector is considerable. Stocks
from the top 5 Big Tech companies account for 23% of the S&P 500, and the median tech wage
is 89% higher than the national median (Fortune, 2023).
Beyond financial impact, the technology sector has significantly influenced the U.S.
workforce. According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2021), as of 2021, 7.9% of the total
US labor force works in tech, of which men hold 73.3% of jobs and women hold 26.7% of jobs.
Further demographic analysis shows that most tech jobs are held by White professionals (62%),
followed by Asian professionals (20%). Black professionals account for 13% of the national
population, occupying a mere 7% of all tech jobs across the United States. When further
disaggregated by gender, Black women account for just 3% of the technology workforce and
hold only 1.7% of jobs in Big Tech (AnitaB.org, 2021), yet they comprise 14% of the U.S.
population (US Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2021).
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to understand the perceptions and experiences of DEI
practitioners of color regarding what contributes to the success or failure of DEI interventions in
Big Tech and how DEI fatigue has influenced outcomes (e.g., allyship) for Black women. The
research questions that guided this study were as follows:
1. What are the experiences of DEI practitioners of color with DEI training interventions,
and what contributes to their success or failure for Black women in Big Tech?
2. What is the perception of DEI practitioners of color of how DEI fatigue is impacting DEI
outcomes for Black women in Big Tech?

7
Importance of the Study
A recent market study by Korn Ferry Institute (2022) discovered the likelihood of a
global human talent shortage of more than $85 trillion. The shortage could result in over $160
billion in missed annual revenues for the technology sector. The global economy and rapidly
changing workforce continue to reinforce the case for diversity, equity, and inclusion throughout
corporations in the United States. Though progress has been made to address inequities in the
workforce, research demonstrates there has been minimal impact towards improving the
underrepresentation and advancement of Black women across any level of the tech, further
contributing to gaps in the workforce (Roberts & Rizzo, 2021; Rucker & Richeson, 2021). Even
Big Tech companies that have publicly shared their organizational demographics over the past
couple of years need to catch up, only demonstrating incremental progress (Amazon, n.d.; Apple
Inc., n.d.; Google, n.d.; Meta, 2022.; Microsoft, n.d.). For Black women, the problem persists as
they continue to experience inequitable treatment and institutional discrimination at alarming
rates, contributing to the increased rate at which Black women are exiting both the technology
educational track and industry (Yamaguchi & Burge, 2019).
America has endured a long history of institutional racism and sexism that continues to
exclude Black women from higher levels of attainment in the workforce (Combs, 2003; Lean In,
2020; Perry, 2007; Sisco, 2020). The oppression of Black women is particularly compounded
given the complexities of having to navigate both gender-related and racially charged bias
(Crenshaw, 1989; Lean In, 2020). They continue to face insurmountable barriers imposed by
organizational practices, are denied access to pivotal social networks, and experience more
discrimination than any other demographic (Allen & Lewis, 2016). Racially charged external
events, such as the murder of Ahmaud Aubrey, George Floyd, and Breonna Taylor, demonstrate

8
the prevalence of deep-rooted institutional racism in America (Forbes, 2023). These events
further highlight the need for corporations to deploy impactful strategies that address social
justice and equity for their Black and underrepresented employees (McKinsey & Company,
2020; Zheng, 2020). At the current rate of progress, it will take corporations another 29 years to
reach milestones on gender parity alone (McKinsey & Company, 2021). Racial equity in Big
Tech is imperative and has vast implications for the future of the United States. However, it will
likely not be achieved without behavioral change amongst members of dominant groups.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory model (Bronfenbrenner, 1994, 2000),
informed by Critical Race Theory, was used as a theoretical lens to examine the influences that
affect the DEI Practitioner and the retention of Black women in Big Tech. The model was first
introduced in the 1970s and posits that to understand an individual’s development and growth
fully, it is essential to examine the associated relationships, context, and external influences
embedded (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). The individual is placed at the epicenter of a series of
systems depicted as concentric circles, and the closer the influence is to the proximity of the
center of the circle, the more significant the direct impact the system has on the individual’s
development or growth. The theory helps us understand how the individual’s growth is
influenced by external factors within and outside their sphere of control (Bronfenbrenner, 1994,
2000).
This study applied Bronfenbrenner to the organizational context aligned to diversity,
equity, and inclusion with the DEI practitioner at the hub. As a theory of change, the model
played a pivotal role in understanding the impact environmental influences and barriers had on
DEI practitioners and the relationship aligned to advancing social change. The approach allowed

9
for the systematic examination of a DEI change model that considered a variety of influences
that could impact the successful implementation of achieving a diverse, equitable, and inclusive
organization. Critical Race Theory (CRT) was also used as an overlay to explore how race
appears in the dominant culture and its presence throughout varying systems of power. CRT was
leveraged to reveal the historical and sociocultural variables associated with race and racism and
the influence on DEI practitioners (Crenshaw et al., 1995).
A qualitative research design was used to explore the perceptions and experiences of DEI
practitioners of color in Big Tech regarding how DEI fatigue has influenced outcomes for Black
women. The method of inquiry selected for this study was qualitative, leveraging virtual
interviews comprised of open-ended and semi-structured questions. I used purposeful sampling
to identify participants who were DEI practitioners in Big Tech and who identified as a person of
color. The qualitative method of inquiry was the best approach to explore and unearth study
participants' opinions, thoughts, and feelings (Merriam &Tisdell, 2016). The aforementioned
target population was the most appropriate choice given their likely experience and proximity to
understanding the impact of DEI fatigue on outcomes aligned to the retention of Black women in
Big Tech.
Definitions
• Allyship: The quality or practice of addressing oppression in solidarity with a group of
systematically disempowered people (Nugent, 2021).
• Big Tech: Big Tech refers to the five most prominent information technology companies
that dominate market share across the S&P 500 in the United States, including Google,
Amazon, Facebook, Apple, and Microsoft (Divine, 2020).

10
• Black Fatigue: The mental, social, and emotional exhaustion and stress experienced
by Black people as a result of racism (Winters, 2020).
• Dominant group: The social group that controls a particular society's value systems and
rewards (Dumont & Van Lill, 2009).
• DEI Fatigue: The feelings of frustration, overwhelm, and exhaustion resulting from
engaging in diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts over time (Smith et al., 2021).
• Diversity Fatigue: Coined in the 1990s, describes the stress associated with
organizational attempts to diversify the workforce through recruiting and retention
efforts.
• DEI Practitioner: While role descriptions vary, according to Williams and Wade-Golden
(2007), the DEI practitioner is a senior-level position responsible for spearheading DEI
efforts. The DEI practitioner is the key stakeholder of focus who will be recruited for this
study.
• Inclusion: provides people with diverse identities a strong sense of being welcomed and
valued within an environment (Hodkinson, 2011).
• Equity: fairness and access for all parties, where everybody is provided the same
opportunities while recognizing that advantages and barriers exist for some people
(Annie E. Casey Foundation, n.d).
• Blacks/Black People refers to all members of the skin-color-based racial grouping,
including African Americans, pan-Africans, Caribbean, African immigrants, etc. (Davis,
2010; Shipler, 2016).

11
• Intersectionality: Considers how the combination of different factors, such as gender,
race, class, sexual orientation, and national origin play together and impact people's
experiences (Crenshaw, 1993).
• Institutional discrimination involves institutional systems and structures in race-based
discrimination and oppression (Braveman et al., 2022).
Organization of the Dissertation
Chapter One of this study includes an introduction to the problem of practice, context,
and background surrounding the lack of retention of Black women in Big Tech. Also included
are the study's purpose, research questions, theoretical framework, importance of study, and
definitions. Chapter Two comprehensively reviews the literature related to the research topic and
the theoretical framework. Chapter Three will outline the qualitative research methodology,
including the study's design, sampling criteria, data collection procedures, and data analysis
approach. Chapter Four will describe and synthesize the research findings, and Chapter Five will
provide an interpretation of the results, suggestions for practice, and recommendations for future
research based on the outcomes of this study.

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Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
The purpose of this study was to understand the perceptions and experiences of DEI
practitioners of color regarding what contributes to the success or failure of DEI interventions in
Big Tech and how DEI fatigue has influenced outcomes (e.g., allyship) for Black women. This
literature review provides insight into the importance of Black women in technology (tech), the
historical factors and challenges that shape their experiences, and the need for allyship in support
of their progression in the industry. This summary also delves into the historical and current
contexts and challenges of the DEI practitioner role, followed by developing an understanding of
the influences of DEI fatigue. The chapter additionally contains a detailed description of
Bronfenbrenner‘s Ecological Systems Theory and Critical Race Theory, which form the
conceptual framework for this research study. This literature review summarizes the historical
and current influences contributing to Black women's retention in Big Tech.
The Value of Black Women in Tech
The trials and tribulations endured by people of color in technology and adjacent
industries have been well documented, and similarly, for challenges faced by women. However,
too few empirical studies intentionally explore the lived experiences of Black women, and even
less research exists around the intersection of race, gender, and technology. Additionally, a focus
on this population's experience in Big Tech is lacking. For these reasons, much of the literature in
this study focused on the technology field more broadly, but the term Big Tech will be used when
a research article specifically focuses on this subset of the larger technology field. Groundwork
has been laid for research exploring the systematic harms impacting groups marginalized by race
and gender in the workplace (America, 1970; Daniels, 2022; Hughes & Dodge, 1997; Tourse et
al., 2018), but it is not enough.

13
Black women experience intersectional oppression across a plethora of axes (Davis,
2016); therefore, they are a model for centering other marginalized identities that intersect with
race and gender in tech. Research notes the demand for tech talent is expected to increase over
the next decade substantially (Korn Ferry Institute, 2022), and increasing the number of Black
women in Big Tech will not only be critical to building and sustaining a competitive workforce
but also influence the technology created that affects daily lives. The focus of this section will
overview the literature surrounding the importance of diverse influences in tech, concerns due to
the lack thereof, resulting harms against marginalized communities, and the disproportionate
impact on Black women.
Big data, algorithms, and artificial intelligence are infiltrating the everyday lives of
Americans, and the technologies are mirroring the innate racial and gender bias prevalent
throughout tech. According to a study conducted by the Pew Research Center (2022), 45% of
Americans are “equally concerned and excited,” and 37% of Americans are “more concerned
than excited” about the increased use of AI in daily life (Pew Research Center, 2022, p. 4). These
systems are subject to biases based on who builds them, how they are developed, and, ultimately,
how they are used (Hanna et al., 2020). Furthermore, the disproportionate representation of
White men in these fields is inevitably impacting how the technology is being developed (Fry et
al., 2021). Artificial intelligence (AI) leverages extensive amounts of personal data to inform
decision algorithms (Adams & Khomh, 2020) and has expanded to become a part of everyday
life. However, the lack of diversity within the AI industry harms marginalized communities
(Bauer et al., 2021).
The diversification of the AI field has been a growing concern amid the technology
community since 2015 when a Black engineer discovered Google’s Photo app identified dark-

14
skinned humans and Black people as chimpanzees and gorillas (Guynn, 2015). Research and
published data have found that AI-powered job search tools favor men (Ly-Le, 2022), and facial
recognition systems frequently misidentify people of color (Hall & Clapton, 2021). Furthermore,
algorithms discriminate against black defendants in sentencing (Skeem et al., 2020), and lending
tools will charge higher interest rates to Black and Hispanic Americans (Klein, 2020); yet AI is
increasingly being used to inform critical decisions within society throughout healthcare,
employment, education, and policing (Magee et al., 2021).
The lack of diversity in tech directly contributes to why AI and tech products are less
responsive to the Black community. Over 69% of top developers and coders in the United States
are White, middle-aged, cis-gender men, creating systems used by people across all
backgrounds, religions, and ethnicities (Zippia, 2022). Evidence validates that the lack of diverse
perspectives and experiences in technology perpetuates white-centric systems, ideals, and
philosophies as building blocks of evolving daily algorithmic operations (Adams & Khomh,
2021).
As AI harms against marginalized communities continue to amplify, Black women are
disproportionately affected (Zhang et al., 2021). From the over-sexualization of Black women
within search engines to facial recognition software that has been proven to produce higher error
rates for dark-skinned women, Black women are bearing the brunt of harmful AI systems and,
therefore, one of the most vulnerable groups with concern to its impact (Brookings Institution,
2019). Despite the identification of this problem, little has been done to address these concerns
and ensure systems are being built to serve everyone, regardless of race, gender, sexuality, or
background. Research has established the criticality for marginalized groups, especially Black

15
women, to occupy space within Big Tech (Adams & Khomh, 2020). Yet, the gender and racial
gap in Silicon Valley is widening (Silicon Valley Index, 2022).
Although female representation in Silicon Valley has marginally increased over the past
few years, the statistics for Black Women remain anemic. Eighty-three percent of Silicon
Valley’s tech workers are men, and ninety-three percent of those employees identify as White
(Silicon Valley Index, 2022). For example, the data is further exacerbated within AI, where
women account for less than 15% of AI dedicated research staff at Meta and 10% at Google
(Meta, 2022; Google, 2022). There is minimal public data on racial diversity in AI; nevertheless,
anecdotal evidence suggests even wider gaps exist.
Industry leaders acknowledge the need to progress DEI, but research reveals that it would
take thousands of Black women to close the employment gap in Tech (McKinsey & Co., 2023).
This number does not account for numbers lost due to attrition of Black female employees within
the industry, which is also a problem of concern (Brooks, 2023). Some scholars believe the
emphasis on increasing the representation of Women in Big Tech will likely predominately
benefit White women over others, reminiscent of the early side effects of the introduction of
Affirmative Action in the 1960s (Button et al., 2006). If the racial and gender bias-fueled
challenges that permeate throughout the culture of Big Tech prevail, the leaky pipeline, used to
describe how women and minorities become underrepresented in STEM fields (Resmini, 2016),
for Black Women will persist.
Experiences of Black Women in Tech
Black women are having the worst experience in Corporate America in comparison to
their White colleagues (Lean In.org, 2020), and the tech industry is even worse. Black women
consistently weather more systematic barriers, face higher levels of sexual harassment, are less

16
supported by managers, and encounter more acute discrimination than any other demographic
(Lean In.org, 2022). Moreover, while careers in tech out-pay most other fields, for every dollar
earned by a White man in tech in 2020, a Black woman in the same role earned just 90 cents
(Hired, 2020).
The social/psychological and structural barriers endured by people of color and women
entering the technology pipeline are well documented (Catalyst, 2020; McGee, 2018; McKinsey
& Company, 2019; Sendze, 2023), but little has been done to address the underlining factors
contributing to the negative experiences of Black women in tech. While the spectrum across the
experiences of Black women runs deep, the following section will unpack some of the influential
triggers leading to the poor retention of Black women in tech, including the journey into the
field, barriers to entry, cultural hurdles, and failed impact of DEI interventions.
The “Pipeline Problem”
For years, tech has blamed the talent pipeline as the root cause of their racial and gender
gap woes (Brown et al., 2016), but evidence suggests there is more than a pipeline problem.
While the tech industry has seen steady growth over the past two decades, the workforce has not
evolved to reflect the composition of the changing U.S. demographic; moreover, while tech jobs
are expected to increase 14% by 2032, Black tech talent is only expected to grow 8% over the
same period (McKinsey & Co., 2023). However, the pipeline to tech will remain estranged
unless the deep-rooted educational bias, absence of diverse role models, and limited access to
influential social networks are addressed.
Research detailing evidence of systematic racial and gender bias has been found
throughout the education pipeline from the early stages of schooling through post-secondary
education and beyond (Campbell, 2012; Collins et al., 2020; Ireland et al., 2018; Warikoo et al.,

17
2016; Young et al., 2017). In 2015, a study (Gershenson et al., 2016) of 16,000 educators,
researchers discovered that White teachers were less likely to believe in Black students’ ability to
attain a college or university degree and even less likely to achieve a tech career compared to
White students. Furthermore, according to a study by the National Bureau of Economic Research
(2016), students’ test scores of female students in comparison to males displayed evidence of
implicit or explicit bias by teachers who underestimated female performance. The research also
highlighted that girls were still less likely to enroll in advanced higher education courses despite
boys outperforming STEM subjects. For example, while young Black girls’ interest and early
matriculation in STEM is cultivated early (Ireland, 2018; Mitchell et al., 2022), according to the
National Center for Education Statistics (2019), less than 3% of STEM degrees are earned by
Black women. Taken together, the evidence posits that the early suppression of young Black
girls’ potential to achieve careers in technology has undoubtedly detoured their pursuit of the
industry.
The lack of Black women completing computer science degrees not only stifles access to
successful careers and entrepreneurial opportunities in tech but also widens the gap in social
scaffolding, such as providing role models for young Black girls. Research has established the
importance of role models in shaping the career aspirations of youth (González-Pérez, 2020);
however, limited empirical research exists aligned with the impact of role models on the
aspirations of Black women (Burrows et al., 2022; Rivera et al., 2007; Smith et al., 2019), and
there is a gap of research specially aligned to Black women in tech. One recent study conducted
across 366 young Black women enrolled in school at Indiana University–Purdue and University
Indianapolis discovered that young Black women were more likely to feel they belonged in
STEM and the career field at large when they have access to Black women role models (Johnson

18
et al., 2019). The study also found that in addition to role models, Black female students’ sense
of belonging was bolstered by the support of allies from other races. Taken together, early
ambitions of pursuing a career path in tech can be deferred by the limited visibility of Black
women in the space.
Black women must enter one of the nation’s most lucrative career paths, and access to
influential social networks is one of the keys. Circles of influence amongst organizations in Big
Tech are often dominated by White men, increasing the likelihood of career-accelerating
opportunities and connections being given to those who look like them (Axios, 2020). Informal
networks based on similar interests, knowledge, and experiences often exclude women from
male-dominated “old-boy networks” (McDonald, 2011, p. 317). According to DiThomaso
(2017), over 80% of all jobs are found through social capital, a mechanism that Black
professionals, regardless of educational attainment level, have historically been denied.
Furthermore, studies show in comparison to White and Asian professionals, Black professionals
are less likely to have role models or associates capable of referring them to available
opportunities (Burrows et al., 2022). On average, Black women take almost 50% more time to
secure their first role after completing their degree in comparison to White women (Lean In.org,
2021). Beyond the lack of communal support opening doors to tech, Black women are also met
with recruitment and hiring bias.
Barriers to Entry
Racial and gender stereotypes result in biased hiring practices, and Black women have to
navigate dual challenges to gain access to opportunities in tech (Gonzalez, 2019; Johnson et al.,
2019). The potential of inequitable hiring practices for women and people of color has been a
trend throughout the tech industry. For Black women, this trend is uniquely amplified by

19
technology-dependent hiring platforms, bias assessment tools, and the influence of appearance
on hiring outcomes.
Technology has always influenced recruitment by reducing costs and delivering increased
efficiencies (Okolie, 2017); therefore, it is no surprise that over 99% of Fortune 500 companies
rely on the aid of talent-sifting software (Fuller et al. 2021), and 55% of human resource leaders
in the U.S. use predictive algorithms to support hiring (Mercer, 2020). The use of AI and
machine learning in various employment processes is advancing rapidly. In the absence of
human intervention, bias can be compromised by bias from the real world (Adams & Khomh,
2020). In 2021, the Department of Labor fined Google $2.6 million because its hiring and pay
practices were found to discriminate against women and Asians (ABC10, n.d). Complaints
against Meta by applicants and recruiters alleged bias in hiring practices, evaluations,
promotions, and pay (Dwoskin, 2020). As demand for tech talent persists, the way organizations
attract, assess, and evaluate culture fit has further opened the door for exclusionary practices, and
even for organizations with the best of intentions, hiring processes are often riddled with
unexamined systematic bias (Cascio & Aguinis, 2011).
Educational pedigree bias—selecting candidates based on attendance to specific schools
(Leske, 2016)—is one example linked to concerns about evaluation questions embedded into
hiring platforms. Scholars highlight the influence of standardized exams, which have been found
to privilege knowledge taught at specific schools (Kendi, 2019). Despite evidence of inequity in
legacy assessment models like Standardized Tests (Taylor & Latham, 1987), the tech industry
continues to leverage the same kind of qualifiers and potentially biased screening assessments
that inhibit the success of marginalized groups advancing in hiring pools. The increased

20
dependency on technology in hiring has left organizations in tech vulnerable to inequity despite
historical evidence of bias throughout selection processes in the United States.
Beyond having to navigate hurdles to demonstrate skill appropriately, Black women are
further met with distinct hiring challenges related to their appearance. According to research by
Anýžová and Matějů (2018), professional appearance is often used as a predictor of one’s
perceived competence; moreover, it has been found to play a critical role in the evaluation
process. Furthermore, biases surrounding appearance are particularly elevated among dominant
group attitudes about Black women and their fit within existing organizational networks and
culture. The simple hairstyle selection presents a unique challenge for Black women that is likely
not experienced by women across other races (DeGruy, 2017).
Perceptions and stigmas around the appearance of Black Women have been a longstanding issue. Dating back to slavery, Black women whose physical traits favored White
women, such as straight or wavy hair, received less grueling labor assignments and more access
to food, clothes, and education (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003; Patton, 2006). These perceptions
have been carried forward through history, with natural styles viewed as less attractive and more
domineering than Black women with straightened hair (Opie & Philips, 2015; Rudman &
McLean, 2016).
Beyond wearing natural hair, the pressure to conform to Eurocentric norms in the
workplace is undeniable. Some Black women have learned to code—switch—altering
mannerisms to project a specific tone in the workplace, especially when working with members
of dominant groups (McCluney, 2021). According to the Crown Research Study conducted by
Dove (2021), which surveyed over 1,000 Black women across the U.S., 80% of Black women
were more likely to alter their hair from a natural state to assimilate into workplace culture

21
norms. Furthermore, the study also highlighted Black women are almost two times more likely to
be sent home from work as a result of the style of their hair. Even with the presence of DEI
initiatives in the workplace, Black women struggle to show up as their authentic selves in the
absence of culturally supportive environments. While there is a substantial amount of research
exploring the role of appearance and the challenges women face in the workplace (Ly-Le, 2022;
Toledano, 2012; Williams & Dempsey, 2014), few scholars have examined the juncture of
gender and race as it pertains to hiring outcomes (Beasley & Xiao, 2023; Hodson et al., 2021;
Koval & Rosette, 2021).
A Culture of Exclusion
Research (Schein, 2017) reveals that organizations with inclusive cultures are twice as
likely to meet or exceed financial targets, three times as likely to be high-performing, six times
more likely to be innovative and agile, and eight times more likely to achieve better business
outcomes. These outcomes have ultimately yielded higher retention rates (Deloitte, 2018).
However, toxic organizational cultures riddled with microaggressions and stereotypes can often
make women, particularly Black women, feel excluded and undervalued (Xu, 2021). Moreover,
the culture of tech is heavily influenced by pervasive microaggressions and stereotypes about
women and Black women specifically that affect their access, perception, and treatment. The
literature demonstrates the detrimental impact racialized gender stereotypes and discrimination
can have on Black women’s presence, performance, and mental health in the workplace.
Intersectional racial and gender stereotypes influence the perceptions and treatment of
Black women in the workplace, inadvertently causing a sense of invisibility and silencing that
demoralizes their ability to advance in tech (Rosette et al., 2012). According to a survey of over
1400 Black women by Every Women Leads (2022), 75% of Black women say their organization

22
does not take full advantage of their skills. In tech, women are often overlooked or undervalued
due to the misconception that women cannot code (Tassabehji et al., 2020).
Research has also found that stereotypical perceptions of Black women, such as “angry”
and “loud,” make them fearful in professional settings even when advocating for themselves
(Lewis & Neville, 2015; Nelson et al., 2016) and in addition to stigmas of being hostile,
aggressive, and domineering, Black women are forced to navigate being viewed as intellectually
inferior or incompetent in comparison to their colleagues (Carter & Rossi, 2019; Ghavami &
Peplau, 2013). The unique intersectional experiences of Black women make them particularly
susceptible to “Imposter Syndrome”- the overwhelming feeling of inadequacy or lack of
belonging (Rosette et al., 2012). Between being overlooked for advancement opportunities and
the struggle to exist within seemingly hostile workplace cultures in tech, Black women are
feeling burnt out due to the pressures of performing in non-supportive environments (Lean
In.org, 2020).
Research has also discovered isolation to be one of the most prevailing experiences
reported by Black women in tech; similarly, themes of isolation have also been unveiled in prior
research amongst female STEM professors of color and engineers (Chang et al., 2014; Garcia &
Hurtado, 2011; Hurtado et al., 2009; Ong et al., 2011; Yosso et al., 2009). As the data illustrates,
with Black women barely comprising 4% of the tech workforce and less than 0.5% of leadership
roles in Silicon Valley (Silicon Valley Index, 2022), it is not uncommon for a Black woman in
tech to be the only representation of their race and gender within a team and sometimes work
environment predominately comprised of White men. Fifty-four percent of Black women say
they are often “Onlys” in that they are the only Black person or one of the only Black people in
the room at work (Lean In.org, 2020). The lack of peers can exacerbate feelings of isolation and,

23
as the literature notes, furthers a culture of exclusion from dominant groups (Beckwith et al.,
2016; Holder et al., 2015).
The cultural barriers Black women face in tech can seem impossible and ultimately
impact their retention. In the past two decades, there has only been a 2% increase in the number
of women software engineers in tech, and for Black women, the percentage is even more acute
(Zhou, 2023). Although there is limited public data on the retention of Black women in tech or
Big Tech, in recent years, organizations have begun to acknowledge that Black employees are
leaving at higher rates than their White peers (Hobbs, 2022).
DEI Programs are Failing Black Women at the Intersection of Race and Gender
In recent years, Black women have become vocal about the inequities and discrimination
they face in the workplace. However, organizations are failing to create solutions that protect and
support those who sit at the intersection of being Black and a woman. According to a survey of
over 1400 Black women by Every Women Leads (2022), Black women are still waiting for many
organizations to deliver on promises made amidst the civil unrest and global pandemic of 2020.
Beyond DEI efforts, organizations are neglecting to address the realities faced by Black women
having to juggle multiple responsibilities like childcare. According to the Brookings Institution
(2022), Black women lost more jobs amidst the pandemic in comparison to their White
counterparts, and Black mothers had to face tough decisions surrounding staying at work while
managing childcare. Broad approaches to DEI, such as focusing on gender equity, are missing
the mark for Black women.
Equality for White women does not mean equity for Black women. Previous DEI efforts
have largely emphasized gender equality with a limited focus on racial equity (McKinsey & Co.,
2022). A study of 216 women of color in tech reported that organizational efforts to improve the

24
gender gap have centered on the experiences of White women and have neglected the
intersectional experiences of women of color (Center for WorkLife Law, 2022). These types of
efforts have unconsciously resulted in gendered racism—a particular kind of oppression
experienced by Black women and other women of color who sit at the intersection of race and
gender (Jones et al., 2022). Intersectionality posits that gender can intersect with different social
identities based on race, class, sexual orientation, religion, and other dimensions and is not a
monolithic categorization (Cole, 2009; McCall, 2005; Rosette & Livingston, 2012). The unique
and complex experiences of Black women are tied to their intersection and often subjugated to
an alternate reality and an array of social injustices overlooked by gender-focused efforts that
ignore other identities, including race (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003).
Intersectionality can be leveraged as a framework to explore and center the lived
experiences of Black women whose voices have been ignored. An emerging body of research has
begun to examine the concept of intersectional computing – an integrated approach to dissecting
the experiences of underrepresented groups in tech who live at the various intersections of social
identity (Crenshaw, 1989). Recognizing the intersection of social identities and how they interact
with existing systems can inform promising DEI practices and strategies to attract and retain
Black women in tech (Beasley & Xiao, 2023). However, the lack of disaggregated data and
empirical research specific to Black women impede attempts to fully uncover the root causes and
consequences of their underrepresentation in the field.
The Need for Allyship to Black Women
Black women are almost twice as likely to say they do not have strong allies in the
workplace (McKinsey & Co., 2022). Yet, few studies have examined the impact of allyship on
persons with dual social identities; instead, the majority of research has broadly focused on

25
women or racial and ethnic minorities generally (Cheng et al., 2019; Drury & Kaiser, 2014;
Dubow & Ashcraft; 2016; Gardner & Ryan, 2020; Sabat et al., 2013). Given the unique
organizational threat to and lack of representation of Black women in tech, it is crucial to define
allyship in the context of this study, understand allyship to Black women, and examine how it
can be developed.
Defining Allyship
The role of allies and allyship in addressing inequities and discrimination in the
workplace has recently begun to be investigated. As the research on allyship in the workplace is
still in its infancy, research has come to a consensus around the behaviors of allies. Scholars
believe allies may positively influence feelings of inclusion, equity, and safety for people of
color (Brown & Ostrove, 2013; Sabat et al., 2013). An ally is traditionally defined as an
individual from a majority or dominant group who provides support and advocacy for minority
members and targets of discrimination (Washington & Evans, 1991), though it has also been
expanded to include individuals from other minority, non-dominant, and stigmatized groups
advocating for one another (Brooks & Edwards, 2009; Brown & Ostrove, 2013). The term ally
originated from research on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) issues (Evans &
Walls, 1991; Washington & Evans, 1991), and it has been extended to describe individuals
engaging in support and advocacy behaviors on behalf of minority and nondominant groups
outside of LGBTQ issues, such as gender (Drury & Kaiser, 2014; Madsen et al., 2019),
race/ethnicity (Brown & Ostrove, 2013; Rasinski & Czopp, 2010), and disability (Ostrove et al.,
2009; Ostrove et al., 2019).
Although research has not established a universal definition of allyship, scholars have
identified some common themes. Scholars agree that effective allyship is paramount to

26
dismantling systems of oppression and exposing the existence of systematic inequity in the
United States (Brooks & Edwards, 2009; Brown & Ostrove, 2013; Drury & Kaiser, 2014;
Madsen et al., 2019; Sabat et al., 2013). According to Brown and Ostrove (2013), allies are
conscious of power and race's role in historic and systematic inequalities. Furthermore, allies
actively support movements for equality, educate themselves to use their knowledge and skills
for change, and intervene and speak up in the face of injustice. White people who identify as
allies recognize their power and privilege, understand institutional racism, hold themselves
accountable, reflect on their racism, and leverage their societal position to advocate in solidarity
with people of color (Spanierman & Smith, 2017). Generally, while allies can be characterized as
those who take action to benefit members of marginalized communities, poor approaches to
allyship can impede efforts to improve inequities in the workplace (Droogendyk et al., 2016).
Theoretical and empirical research acknowledges the benefits of allyship in the
workplace (Louis et al., 2019; Radke et al., 2020). However, scholars have also identified
potential challenges (Droogendyk et al., 2016; Lyer & Achia, 2020; Radke et al., 2020). The
motivation and actions taken by allies for reasons other than to benefit disadvantaged groups
could unintentionally yield harmful consequences (Thorne, 2022; Nadler & Halabi, 2006).
Scholars have begun to characterize these views as a form of inauthentic allyship, recently
coined as performative allyship (Kalina, 2020; Philips, 2020). The lack of sacrifice or action to
ignite social change in support of minority groups is seen as a performative effort motivated only
by the prospect of reward through recognition and praise for doing good (Erskin &
Bilimora, 2019).

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Allyship and Race
The authenticity of the recent rise in declarations of allyship by White people towards
efforts like the Black Lives Matter Movement has been called into question (Kalina, 2020;
Springer, 2022). However, several studies have found that people of color do believe that
dominant group members can demonstrate authentic allyship by recognizing and taking action
against the racial injustices and challenges faced by people of color (Chu & Ashburn-Nardo,
2022; Droogendyk et al., 2016; Brown & Ostrove, 2013).
When White racial justice allies take action to disrupt the dominant culture and ideology
sustaining racial inequality, i.e., the status quo, racial justice will prevail (Bergerson, 2003).
Racial justice allies are White people who are proactively working to end racism and systems of
racial oppression. It is, therefore, critical to understand how allyship in support of racial injustice
is developed (Williams & Sharif, 2021). In psychology, Racial Justice Allyship is aligned with
dismantling White in-group solidarity— “the unspoken agreement among White people to
protect White advantage and not cause another White person to feel racial discomfort by
confronting them when they say or do something racially problematic” (DiAngelo, 2018, p. 57).
Furthermore, White Americans have been socialized to protect the racist structures that favor
them and, therefore, experience difficulty confronting issues of racial justice. A recent
experimental study found that White people did not sustain their intentions to be allies even after
a successful period of antiracism training (Williams & Gran-Ruaz, 2021).
Limited research exists about racial justice ally development, and the existing literature is
grounded in broader social justice ally work concepts. While little empirical evidence directly
connects racial ally development in support of Black women, the literature highlights a few
models identifying thematic characteristics and everyday experiences of racial justice allies.

28
Bishop (2002) presented a six-step framework to understand the development of racial justice
allies, focusing on the challenges associated with ally identity and the need for support, moving
from cognitively understanding oppression to self-awareness and ally action. Another study by
Stokes Brown (2002) found several common personal traits among allies explored through a life
history of the narrative of four White racial justice allies. Although both models intuitively
provide insights into allyship development, they equally have little empirical support beyond the
original work.
The Role of White Women and Allyship
Research has predominately focused on the benefits of developing allyship of dominant
group members, specifically White people, and heterosexuals, to members of racial minority
groups, women, and LGBTQ (Nugent, 2021). While there is limited research on allyship
development amongst White women, some scholars believe they can serve as ideal allies given
their own historical experiences with discrimination (Linder, 2015: Reasons et al., 2005). Parallel
literature exploring the experiences of Black female leaders found that White women who
actively engaged in conversations about race and acknowledged the uniquely differentiated
experiences of other racial groups were more likely to be perceived as allies (Domingue, 2015).
Conversely, scholars have highlighted the challenges White women face in accepting concepts of
privilege and how they experience race in society (Gillespie et al., 2002).
When confronted with racial privilege or injustice, many White people react in defense
(DiAngelo, 2018), often as a result of limited worldviews developed from belief systems shaped
by a climate of racial ignorance (Bonilla-Silva, 2014; DiAngelo, 2018; Miller & Harris, 2005;
Roediger, 2017). This posture has been associated with White fragility, the feeling of being
uncomfortable or threatened when perceived notions of race are disrupted (DiAngelo, 2011). In

29
recent years, White women have been notoriously associated with the concept of White fragility,
often accused of weaponizing their Whiteness and perceived societal position of purity against
people of color. By making themselves the victim, silencing the wrong, or avoiding conflict to
preserve their societal well-being, they inadvertently display deference to upholding a culture of
White supremacy (Wegwert & Charles, 2019). For these reasons, despite their proximity to and
own experiences with discrimination, White women, when allowed to challenge oppression, may
still not surface as allies.
Allyship in Support of Black Women
There is a dearth of research specifically exploring allyship to Black women in the
workplace; however, parallel literature has made some meaningful connections. Black women
are one of the most stigmatized groups and often most vulnerable to feeling devalued due to their
social identity, otherwise known as social identity threat (Murphy et al., 2007; Purdie-Vaughns et
al., 2008). In contrast to stereotype threat, which induces anxieties in individuals about
themselves, social identity threat triggers concern in individuals about the perceptions of their
associated social group (Derks et al., 2008). A substantial volume of research has demonstrated
the value of exposing women to counter-stereotypic narratives to combat social identity threats
(Dasgupta, 2011; Morgenroth et al., 2015). Similarly, the potential for allies to increase feelings
of belonging and act as identity-safety cues for stigmatized groups (signals suggesting one’s
identity is valued) has been established as effective (Avery et al., 2004; Davies et al.,
2005; Walton et al., 2015).
Conversely, few studies have explored the development of identity-safety cues among
individuals with multiple stigmatized social identities, such as Black women. The lack of
research is problematic because previous studies within STEM organizations have alternatively

30
found that Black women did not perceive dominant group members as allies, nor did they
experience an elevated sense of trust or belonging (Johnson & Pietri, 2019, 2022). As a result of
the gap in academic literature, this study will explore how allyship with Black women is
developed.
Developing Allyship in Organizations through Training
In the workplace, allyship amongst dominant groups is a crucial indicator of changed
behavior and an enabler for the support of Black women. Organizations have tried mainly to
influence behavioral change through the heavy investment in DEI training initiatives. Although
all DEI training is not intended to cultivate allyship, the overall desired effectiveness and impact
of DEI training in the United States has been increasingly questioned.
DEI Training
Diversity training has evolved into a multi-million-dollar industry; it was estimated over
a decade ago that organizations across the United States spend anywhere from $200 million to
$300 million a year on DEI-related training (Chang et al., 2019). Today, according to Bohnet
(2016), U.S. companies spend roughly $8 billion a year on DEI training. Virtually all companies
across the Fortune 1000 in the U.S. offer DEI training (Chang et al., 2019). An emerging body of
research has begun to explore allyship development through training (Williams & Gran-Ruaz,
2021). However, most literature primarily concentrates on participants undergoing allyship
training and their resistance to allyship at large (Salter & Miglaccio, 2015). Despite the adoption
and value of training as a prime intervention method, it has a patchy history, and various critics
argue that DEI could be a better use of time and money (Dobbin & Kalev, 2018).
In response to heightened racial discrimination in the workplace, diversity training in the
United States evolved as a mechanism to increase sensitivity and awareness towards racial

31
differences and evoke lasting social change (Kaiser et al., 2013). There is a tendency to lump any
training associated with race, gender, ethnicity, or other demographic differences under the
umbrella of “diversity” (Anand & Winters, 2008). However, specific types of training have
evolved, some of which pre-date the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Phillips et al., 2016). For
example, the diversity ideology that combatted the sanctioned exclusion of racial and ethnic
minorities and White supremacy before the 1960s was followed by Civil Rights, equal
opportunity, and the multiculturalism and diversity management of the 1980s and 1990s. The
evolution continued through the contemporary ideologies of anti-racism, White privilege, and
allyship development (Phillips et al., 2016).
DEI training programs of the past struggled to yield substantial improvement and have
been found to backfire. A plethora of literature (Alhejii, 2016; Dobbins & Kalev, 2018;
Kalinoski, 2013; Waheed, 2017) exists on the perils of mandatory and compliance-based
diversity training that have little impact on changed behaviors and attitudes. A recent study by
Dobbin and Kalev (2022) on the effects of diversity training programs adopted between 1971
and 2002 on the representation of women and people of color in managerial positions found that
diversity training programs did not increase diversity representation in management.
Furthermore, it was found to have no specific effect on increasing the representation of Black
women. In some cases, diversity training programs resulted in a decline in the number of
available management opportunities for Black women. (Dobbins & Kalev, 2022).
Researchers (Pietri et al., 2019) have found that diversity training can also generate
feelings of threat and exclusion amongst members of dominant groups. Techniques that attempt
to change racial perceptions of dominant group members by belittling and blaming have been
found to reinforce notions of divisiveness, defensiveness, and bias (Phillips et al., 2016).

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According to Kalinoski (2013), reactions to this type of training approach by White people
typically resulted in either a slight increase in racial awareness, resistance towards racial
harmony and racism as a construct, or, at the extremity, cultivated advocacy against any form of
racial injustice. Moreover, diversity training failed to resonate with dominant group members
due to the inapparent connection between changed behavior and business results (Waheed,
2017).
DEI Training in Big Tech
The literature demonstrates an acute need for DEI training research across the technology
industry. However, existing literature denotes similarities from other sectors. While the contents
of DEI training content were not detailed in many studies across literature (Chang et al.
2019; Jackson et al. 2014; Phillips et al. 2016; Madera et al. 2011; Reynolds 2010), many
trainings in Big Tech generally pertain to the advancement and inclusion of marginalized groups.
Historic DEI training formats outside of tech were predominately lecture-based and conducted
by an outside consultant (Paluck, 2006). Today, DEI training delivery in Big Tech commonly
includes several methods of instruction, both asynchronous and synchronous, often over a virtual
interface such as eLearning or microlearning courses (Amazon, n.d.; Apple Inc., n.d.; Google,
n.d.; Meta, 2022.; Microsoft, n.d.).
In addition, Big Tech organizations have been found to utilize an integrated approach
using lecture-based interactions along with guided discussions, reality-based scenarios, and roleplaying activities (Amazon, n.d.; Apple Inc., n.d.; Google, n.d.; Meta, 2022.; Microsoft, n.d.).
While there is no one-size-fits-all approach, Big Tech's overarching goal is cultivating an
inclusive and productive workplace environment (Bezrukova et al., 2016). Despite the unifying
objective and goals of DEI training, less than 20% of organizations in Big Tech deploy

33
mandatory DEI training (Sparks, 2023). In recent years, Big Tech DEI training approaches have
begun to connect the benefits of improving diversity and inclusivity to organizational
performance and success; however, the effectiveness of efforts like DEI training remains a
source of concern.
Concerns on Diversity Training Effectiveness
Despite the vast amounts of published research advising the implementation of diversity
training, little empirical evidence has been found to validate its benefits (Dobbins & Kalev,
2018). In many cases, the implementation of diversity training by corporations has outpaced the
rate at which research has been able to effectively inform industry best practices, impairing the
ability of corporations to progress their training initiatives (Anand & Winters, 2008). Research
has attempted to examine the effectiveness of diversity training in creating a more equitable
corporate culture; however, the evidence has been questionable. According to McKinsey &
Company (2021), most diversity training efforts by corporations in the United States are
ineffective and even counterproductive, leading to unintended backlash regarding diversity. In
September 2020, the White House issued an Executive Order on Combating Race and Sex
Stereotyping that stated, “…training that promotes race or sex stereotyping or
scapegoating…promote[s] divisiveness in the workplace and distract[s] from the pursuit of
excellence and collaborative achievements in public administration” (Trump White House
Archives, 2020, p. 2). Regardless of the positive intent by corporations to institute mechanisms
for change and widespread adoption of diversity training initiatives over the past 50 years,
research has highlighted the inadequacies in the execution and effectiveness of diversity training
at large.

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Organizations often need to deploy the proper tools to measure DEI training
effectiveness, and as a result, poor measurement and unvetted implementation have cast doubt on
its efficacy (Alhejii, 2016). According to Dobbins and Kalev (2018), while most organizations
have deployed diversity-related initiatives, few have implemented a method to measure the
impact of those initiatives; furthermore, while most organizations track diversity metrics around
recruitment and retention, far fewer consistently collect correlating employee sediment or
engagement as a result of program outcomes. The results of one study (Lindsey et al., 2019) on
the effects of diversity training revealed that success often depends on the education method and
participants' motivation and level of empathy. Additionally, the lack of pre-evaluative
assessments can lead to ambiguous training goals and limited evaluation processes (Alhejii,
2016) and, as a result, offer inadequate evidence for validating the effectiveness of DEI training
and its impact on creating systemic change in corporations. Research supports the importance of
DEI training as a critical intervention; however, more appears to be needed to shift decades of
oppressive and toxic workplace cultures.
Role of the DEI Practitioner: The “Diversity Messiah”
In 2020, the murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor elevated the value of the DEI
Practitioner (DEIP) role for organizations; the amount of DEIP-related open roles soared. It
should be noted that even before the triggers of 2020, the DEIP industry experienced significant
growth. Global data by LinkedIn (2020) revealed that between 2015 and 2020, the number of
people globally with the title of head of diversity more than doubled (i.e., 107% growth). In
addition, the director of diversity title grew by 75% and the Chief Diversity Officer by 68%.
Despite the increased popularity and growth of the DEIP role, limited research exists exploring
the archetype of the role or associated organizational effectiveness (Anderson, 2020).

35
Past and present available research has primarily focused on the Chief Diversity Officer
(CDO) and predominately throughout higher education (Leon, 2014; Parker, 2015; Nixon, 2017;
Washington, 2019; Williams & Wade-Golden, 2007, 2008, 2013). Scholars have yet to examine
the DEIP's role across all levels and industries, such as tech. Furthermore, while a few scholars
have begun to highlight the challenges faced by DEIPs (Arnold & Kowalski-Braun, 2012; Leon,
2014; Sernak, 2021; Williams & Wade-Golden, 2007, 2008, 2013), the intersection of the DEIP
role and race has yet to be explored. Given the absence of available research on DEIPs across all
levels, the subsequent section will overview literature aligned to the role of the CDO in
organizations. It will also cover the challenges to enact change and the unique challenges faced
by CDOs of color, which can be used as an exemplar for DEIP in lower levels of the role.
CDOs serve as educators, persuaders, and catalysts for change within organizations and
are often brought on by organizations to address cultural issues strategically and symbolically in
an organization (Gravley-Stack et al., 2016). According to Leon (2010), in higher education,
CDOs can serve as an institution’s moral compass concerning DEI and embed a values-based
element of right and wrong into organizational culture. However, Williams and Wade-Golden
(2008) cautioned that CDOs may end up functioning as “diversity messiahs” (p. 1), with the
unattainable expectation to solve all diversity challenges. Moreover, this approach can result in
the burden and responsibility being solely put on one person instead of the organization
(Williams & Wade-Golden, 2013).
While scholars agree the role of the CDO can be deeply complex, the scope remains
widely interpreted and often needs to be better defined across industries (McKinsey & Co.,
2022). The need for industry standards, consistency, or accountability aligned to the role
contributes to the problem (Leon, 2014). Despite the numerous certification and enablement

36
programs that have emerged in the DEI industry, one report noted that only 18% of CDOs in
2021 had previous diversity experience (Paikeday, 2021). Even so, literary consensus
surrounding the skills and competencies required to succeed within the role must be improved.
At a glance, the evident and strategically critical CDO role is ideal for high-potential
leaders with a passion for driving change. However, CDOs are forced to navigate several
challenges. CDOs often must tackle organizations with exclusionary histories, external pressure,
decentralized structures, and an overall culture of resistance to change (Leon, 2014). Further,
Leon suggested that all of these barriers may be tackled while CDOs are responsible for serving
as a symbol for change. The impact of the role often relies on their ability to influence others and
enact change despite resistance effectively. However, CDOs typically lack the formal power to
sanction behavioral change (Williams & Wade-Golden, 2007). The paradox and poor
construction of the position often result in CDOs experiencing feelings of marginalization as they
are isolated by the nature of their work and operate from a false position of authority and
perceived tokenism (Nixon, 2011). These obstacles partly explain why the average tenure of a
CDO was less than two years compared to the average of 4.9 years for all roles in the C-suite
(McKinsey & Co., 2022).
Past research has highlighted the importance of race and leadership on DEI intervention
effectiveness (Ancis & Ladany, 2001; Fouad & Arredondo, 2007; Smith et al., 2017). There are
continued debates surrounding the validity and perceptions of White people leading DEI efforts
in corporate America. For example, evidence suggests White people who lead diversity training
interventions are perceived as less effective than trainers who are Black (Liberman et al., 2011).
Yet, demographic data across the U.S. illustrates the role has been historically and predominantly
filled by White professionals - 81.3 % (Zippia, 2022).

37
The data suggests organizations are designing and implementing DEI interventions and
strategies without diverse perspectives and leadership. The breadth and complex nature of DEI
work, for some, calls into question whether White DEI professionals are equipped with the racial
literacy to prioritize issues of discrimination, anti-black racism, and racial disparity (Smith et al.,
2017). In addition, it can generate perceptions of White saviorism, which propagates the notion
that White people must save racially marginalized people and that people of color are not
authorities in their own experiences (Cole, 2012). White saviorism can also show up in ways that
impact the way Black women are treated in the workplace, going from being treated well to
being mistreated, otherwise known as “pet to threat” (Forbes, 2021).
In recent years, more Black and Hispanic people have stepped into CDO roles, often
where organizations are not ready or willing to provide the resources necessary to build an
equitable environment (Paikeday, 2021). This has limited the ability of people of color in these
positions to truly drive meaningful change (Williams & Wade-Golden, 2013). Time and again,
people from marginalized communities are left with the burden of fixing the broken system that
was built to oppress them (Lam, 2018). People of color may often enter the DEI industry without
understanding the profession and personal taxation. For example, the racially charged tragedies
of 2020 may have been triggers for CDOs of color and their own experiences with racial trauma,
making the daily balance of executing their professional responsibilities and embracing their
identities a particularly arduous task (McKinsey & Co., 2022).
The strategic positioning of visible minorities in limiting diversity-related careers has
been a historic trend within organizations. For people of color, particularly Black people, this
trend is an example of racial patterns that have historically impacted upward occupational
mobility (Ladson-Billings, 2013). An approach some scholars identified as reminiscent of Jim

38
Crow era practices where Black people were typecast for “nigger jobs” (Darden, 1987, p. 36)
that one could argue is still prevalent today. Regardless of the person in the role, evidence
validates corporate politics, and red tape stifles CDOs' ability to enact real and sustainable
change, leading to accelerated turnover and eventual fatigue.
DEI Fatigue
Despite the considerable resources invested in DEI efforts, overwhelming evidence
highlights the continuum of bias and systematic inequity throughout organizations in Big Tech
(McKinsey & Co., 2022). Theorists posit that the ineffectiveness of DEI initiatives can be
attributed to the failure to address underlying psychological components that can emerge with the
introduction of change (Zhang et al., 2018). The nature of equity-focused work can induce
several stress-related reactions, including exhaustion (Ledoux, 2015), indifference (Zhang et al.,
2018), and physical and mental fatigue (Dass-Bralsford & Thomley, 2012), that can impede
individual effectiveness. Furthermore, research has found that work-related stress disorders are
higher among Black adults relative to their White counterparts (Archibald, 2021). While there is
a documented body of research rooted in psychology covering a variety of work-related stress
disorders (Clarner et al., 2015; Eklund, 2013; Von, 1996), including burnout, compassion fatigue,
and racial battle fatigue, this study will focus on the concept of what has been defined in
literature as diversity fatigue, specifically. The following section will review the manifestation of
diversity resistance and backlash and its close relation to the various forms of DEI-related
fatigue.
Diversity Resistance
Resistance to change can manifest throughout any level of an organization; it is often
camouflaged behind behaviors of indifference yet is rooted in conduct that maintains the status

39
quo (Foster, 2010). According to Maurer (1996), resistance exists on a spectrum that at first can
begin with subtle gaps in understanding of the intended change, shifting to fears of losing power
and ultimately ending with a lack of trust towards the entirety of the change initiative. Distinct
from other forms of change resistance, resistance towards diversity-related initiatives is often
rooted in personal belief systems that evoke backlash and threats amongst members of dominant
groups (Case & Deaton, 2017).
An emerging body of social psychology research suggests that psychological resistance is
a cognitive and motivational occurrence that manifests when in-group bias is challenged
(Bartlett, 2009), such as when diversity change is introduced in organizations. Unlike other
change initiatives, diversity resistance may be unique from other organizational change as it can
be deeply rooted in an individual’s social identity, value systems, personal beliefs, or ways of
engaging with others (Chrobot-Mason et al., 2008). While expressions of diversity resistance can
manifest in several ways, the backlash is suggested as one of the most outward actions
mentioned in the literature (Probst et al., 2008; Plaut et al., 2009).
Literature characterizes diversity backlash as a passive or active form of resistance directed
towards efforts to improve the hiring and advancement of marginalized groups (Davidson &
Proudford, 2008; Hill, 2009). Individuals exhibiting either form (active or passive) of backlash
often feel they are the target of discrimination as a result of being viewed as the enemy (Burke &
Black, 1997) and are unable or unwilling to embrace the existence of systematic inequity
(Goodman, 2001), or inherently devalue the benefits of diversity (Plaut et al., 2011). For
example, according to Burke and Black (1997) and Case and Deaton (2017), the diminished
advantage of being White or male, compounded with declining economic opportunity and the

40
growing ethnic U.S. population, has resulted in a backlash towards both the marginalized groups
and the legislation DEI efforts have been designed to support.
Furthermore, research has demonstrated how these perceived threats have specifically
impacted the views of White Americans toward DEI. A nationwide survey conducted by Erst and
Young (2018) found that 35% of respondents overall, including women, thought DEI left out
White men. Of that group, 62% said they thought White men were missing out on advancement
opportunities. Research also demonstrates when faced with realities such as the declining
proportion of White people in America and decreased life expectancy of White males with only
high school degrees (Danbold & Huo, 2015), resistance to DEI progress is perceived as the only
viable response.
The intense sense of loss contributes to the view of racial justice progress as a “zero-sum
game,” in which advancement for people of color results in losses for White Americans (Craig &
Richeson, 2014; Norton & Sommers, 2011). Moreover, despite an overwhelming amount of
contradicting evidence, some White people believe discrimination to be a more critical issue than
racism and will even exalt the claim of reverse racism—the unsubstantiated view that White
people are, in fact, the victims of racial discrimination (Norton & Sommers, 2011). Given the
disposition, positionality, and alignment to diversity resistance by White people, some scholars
associate the concept of diversity fatigue as a dominant group phenomenon, which allows
someone to minimize the effect of systematic oppression from a presumed position of power and
privilege (Liviatan & Jost, 2014). Diversity fatigue may at first resemble other forms of diversity
resistance; however, research has found it rooted in broader societal, organizational, and
psychological contexts (Plaut et al., 2009).

41
Understanding Fatigue
Literature has highlighted the unintended negative consequences of anti-prejudice
narratives, as seen in early iterations of diversity training, and the harmful effects of reactive
organizational DEI structures (Kaiser et al., 2013). Therefore, it is no surprise that positive
responses toward DEI initiatives initially evolve into feelings aligned with fatigue. Several
studies, including one by Smith et al. (2021), found that employees and hiring teams were 50%
less likely to participate in DEI efforts than the previous year. The forward progress of DEI is
challenged by the manifestation of fatigue in its many forms, including burnout, compassion
fatigue, racial battle fatigue, and, eventually, diversity fatigue.
Burnout
Although frequently associated as a direct response to work-related stress, burnout was
coined in the mid-1970s to describe the negative influence of one’s emotional engagement
leading to or exhibiting a state of exhaustion (Maslach, 1998). Research has demonstrated the
impact of burnout on an individual’s mental and physical ability to perform both personally and
professionally (Maslach, 1998). The increased focus on employee well-being has prompted
additional research on the influence of burnout and productivity (Figley, 1995; Rothschild, 2006;
Stamm, 2010). In 2019, the World Health Organization added burnout to its International
Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems, leveraging the Maslach Burnout
Inventory as a primary framework. The Maslach Burnout Inventory is a tool used to measure
burnout, breaking it down across various workplace risk categories and three primary
dimensions: exhaustion, cynicism, and negative self-worth (Maslach et al., 1997).
Roles that require increased levels of emotional engagement may induce vulnerabilities
for professionals and ultimately negatively impact outcomes in the workplace (Kaiser et al.,

42
2013), particularly for people of color. 88% of Black women report experiencing burnout in their
careers, fueling the need for effective change in the workplace (Lean In.org, 2022). One study
found that Black women are biologically 7.5 years older than White women, and 27% of the
difference is due to perceived stress and poverty (Geronimus et al., 2010). In recent years,
limited research surrounding the impact of burnout on people of color has been developed across
a few fields of study (Danquah et al., 2021; Lawrence et al., 2022), a small emerging body of
research has begun to specifically explore the impact of burnout on Black women (Danquah et
al., 2021; Geronimus et al., 2010).
Compassion Fatigue
The phenomena of compassion fatigue has been well established throughout literature
over the years and across several disciplines within social work, counseling, and healthcare,
particularly in the field of nursing (Dass-Bralsford & Thomley, 2012; Lauvrud et al., 2009;
Stamm, 2010; Zhang et al., 2018). Compassion fatigue was first identified in a study of burnout
in emergency room nurses by Joinson (1992). The term has come to be applied to the
disengagement or lack of empathy experienced by caregivers as a result of caring for others
(Figley, 2002). Researchers have identified common characteristics associated with compassion
fatigue, including irritability, a dread of going to work, and chronic fatigue. These symptoms
manifest as a result of giving high energy and compassion over long periods without
experiencing positive outcomes (Ward-Griffin et al., 2011).
There is a gap in the literature that exists aligned explicitly with the impact of
compassion fatigue on people of color and Black women. Ledoux (2015) has classified
compassion fatigue in various ways, including secondary trauma syndrome, post-traumatic
stress, vicarious trauma, and even a variant of burnout. However, scholars debate the relationship

43
between compassion fatigue and burnout. For some, the concept has been characterized as sitting
somewhere on the spectrum of burnout, either occurring before or after, eventually leading to
compassion fatigue (Valent, 1995). Others, like Thomas and Wilson (2004), suggest compassion
fatigue is isolated to its phenomena. Burnout and compassion fatigue are closely related and, as
literature has shown, can be obscurely defined. Both phenomena are significant given the
demonstrated correlation to retention, turnover, and employee satisfaction in healthcare (Garman
et al., 2002; Halbesleben & Buckley, 2004) that may have similar implications for organizations
in Big Tech.
Racial Battle Fatigue
Racial Battle Fatigue (RBF) was coined through an initial study of African American
male students and university faculty by education professor William A. Smith (2004). According
to Smith (2004), RBF examines the behavioral, physiological, and physiological response to
racially charged stressors typically aligned with being a person of color. More specifically, in the
workplace, RBF is characterized as the mental, physical, and emotional manifestation of racial
microaggressions (Smith, 2004; Smith et al., 2011; Solórzano et al., 2000). Symptoms have been
found to include, but are not limited to, high levels of anxiety, rapid mood swings, tension
headaches, and social isolation (Smith et al. 2011); these symptoms develop as a result of the
amassed and constant exposure to racial microaggressions.
The constant battle against microaggressions and racial stress disrupts the lives of many
people of color and, for some, leads to critical health disparities (Smith et al., 2004). While
compassion fatigue helps to understand the experiences of those close to equity-oriented work,
RBF focuses on the unique challenges of people of color. Furthermore, RBF can serve as an
essential informing tool to analyze the constant exposure to race-related stress encountered by

44
Black women and DEI practitioners of color in Big Tech. Unaddressed, RBF can profoundly
affect the individual and the organization (Smith et al., 2011).
Diversity Fatigue
The concept of diversity fatigue, or what is now regarded as DEI fatigue, is a relatively
new notion rooted in the association of previously studied psychological disorders, such as
compassion fatigue, racial battle fatigue, and burnout. A small emerging body of research has
begun to study diversity fatigue (Bronson & Merryman, 2006; Hsu, 2017; Lam, 2018; Norton &
Sommers, 2011; Wilkins et al., 2013). These scholars will generally agree at the highest level
that diversity fatigue reflects the physiological, psychological, and emotional tax created due to
navigating the complexities and mounting resistance to dismantling inequitable systems.
Furthermore, diversity fatigue describes a variation in how individuals or groups experience
desensitization and a diminished response toward DEI efforts (Doan & Kennedy, 2022; Smith et
al., 2021).
While diversity fatigue can manifest in different ways, literature has highlighted that
those experiencing the phenomenon express several common symptoms: general disappointment
towards DEI progress, a lack of engagement in DEI efforts, and discouragement of DEI
initiatives (Hsu, 2017). Some scholars also posit diversity fatigue primarily impacts those
directly responsible for diversity-related work (Lam, 2018). However, what about individuals
who are not nested on the front lines of DEI work but are nevertheless accountable for enhancing
DEI efforts? Some scholars have asserted that DEI fatigue should be solely characterized as a
dominant group occurrence as a variation of resistance (Bronson & Merryman, 2006; Hsu,
2017; Lam, 2018).

45
Diversity fatigue is rooted in broader societal, educational, and organizational contexts
influenced by the status quo. As such, the notion that White Americans distinctively experience it
is supported by research (Kaiser et al., 2013; Norton & Sommers, 2011). For White Americans,
the view of racism as a zero-sum game, the possible loss of White privilege, or the potential to be
seen as a race traitor can have a powerful effect (Preston & Chadderton, 2012). Moreover,
diversity fatigue may further amplify a diminished response to or desensitization toward DEI
efforts in organizations.
Those on the front, i.e., DEI Practitioners, may feel burnt out and frustrated by the
unrelenting emotional labor and seemingly stagnant progress. Emotions associated with diversity
fatigue can influence reactions to future DEI interventions, even among those who consider
themselves allies or champions of DEI work (Lam, 2018). Furthermore, DEIPs of color are left
with not only navigating the effects of diversity fatigue amongst the organization they are trying
to enact change but also risk falling victim to the effects of diversity fatigue themselves. Despite
the emerging body of research citing the impact of workplace stress disorders on professionals of
color (Archibald, 2021; Tovar-Murray, 2007; Williams, 2018), there is a complete absence
regarding the impact of diversity fatigue on DEIPs in particular, who sit on the frontlines of
equity-focused work and change. This study seeks to understand the perceptions of DEIPs of
color and the holistic effects of diversity fatigue on organizational progress and themselves.
Conceptual Framework
The Bronfenbrenner ecological model serves as a cornerstone of human development
research and suggests that to understand individual development, it is critical to assess the
environmental influences, context, and relationships in which individuals are embedded
(Bronfenbrenner, 1994). The theory reflects developmental and systemic dimensions (Crawford,

46
2020) and is designed to understand the pervasive influences on an individual’s development and
future performance (Bronfenbrenner & Evans, 2000). According to the model, the learner is
nested within a complex ecological context that consists of numerous intrafamilial and
extrafamilial systems that influence the learner’s development: the micro-system, meso-system,
exo-system, macro-system, and chrono-system (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). Each system depends on
the contextual nature of the individual and demonstrates the interconnected relationships and
sources of growth that exist; subsequently, the coinciding systems all contribute to the holistic
view of an individual’s environment (Mahlo, 2013).
Despite being grounded in human development research, Bronfenbrenner’s theory
(Bronfenbrenner & Evans, 2000) serves as a valuable framework to organize external factors and
understand the effect environmental influences and barriers have on DEI practitioners and the
resulting relationship aligned to affecting social change amongst dominant groups. More
specifically, how perceptions surrounding progress to develop allyship in support of Black
women in Big Tech are shaped. As a theory of change, the model plays a pivotal role in
understanding the impact, influences, organizational pressures, and critical stakeholders that
affect DEI practitioners. The approach allows for systematically examining a DEI change model
and considers the various influences that impact the successful implementation of a diverse,
equitable, and inclusive organization.
The DEIP is strategically positioned at the epicenter of the model along with individual
characteristics, such as belongingness, productivity, skills, and ability. The innermost system,
known as the micro-system, contains elements embedded within their ecosystem that are directly
experienced (Bronfenbrenner, 2000), such as interactions within their immediate teams and
colleagues. The mesosystem is the next system and holds the dynamic relationships and

47
connections that continuously influence the DEIP at the center of the framework, i.e., the
organizational culture in which they work (Bronfenbrenner, 2000). The exo-system, when
applied to this study, is Big Tech; it encircles the meso-system (Bronfenbrenner, 2000) and, while
indirect, maintains influence over the DEIP. The final environmental system is the macro-system
outside the physical ecosystem and the culture that encompasses all preceding systems
(Bronfenbrenner, 2000). The macro-system holds the social, political, historical, and global
influences that shape the experiences of the DEIP (Bronfenbrenner, 2000), such as Critical Race
Theory, as shown in Figure 1.
Figure 1
Conceptual Framework
Critical Race Theory (Crenshaw et al., 1989) is also used as an overlay to explore the
phenomena of interest and understand how race manifests amongst the dominant culture and its

48
omnipresence throughout varying power systems. Sitting at the heart of the macro-system, CRT
is leveraged to reveal the historical and sociocultural variables associated with race and racism
and their influence on individuals (Crenshaw et al., 1993). CRT as an academic concept
originated in U.S. law schools that assert power, race, and racism as institutionally embedded
threads weaved into our society (Martinez, 2014). Moreover, these attributes perpetuate the
social, political, and economic injustices to racial minorities. Scholars leverage CRT to analyze
the evolving relationship between race, racism, and power that manifests through inconspicuous,
structural, and often categorized inequitable practices (Delgado, 2011). Furthermore, CRT
comprises seven tenets designed to elevate the voices and experiences of marginalized racial
groups, expose systematic issues, and challenge positions of power (Delgado, 2011; Ledesma et
al., 2015; Sleeter, 2017). Many well-known principles, such as unconscious bias,
microaggression, anti-racism, and intersectionality, as well as organizational DEI efforts focused
on equity, advocacy, anti-discrimination practices, and allyship, are grounded in the principles of
CRT (Delgado, 2011).
The tenets of CRT have been proven as a valuable framework for advancing research
surrounding diversity, equity, and inclusion. Still, the cumulative use of all principles is optional
to establish CRT scholarship (Crenshaw et al., 1989). For purposes of this study, only four
foundational tenets will be leveraged to examine the experiences of DEIPs of color in
progressing allyship with Black women: (a) racism is a standard construct embedded throughout
United States culture, (b) interest convergence theory, dominant cultures will only take action
and align interest with minorities when it is advantageous to them, (c) intersectionality is critical
to understanding the experiences of those who identify with multiple marginalized social
identities, and (d) elevate the voices of people of color that has historically and systematically

49
been silenced (Delgado, 2011; Harper, 2009; Ladson-Billings, 1998; Ledesma et al., 2015;
Sleeter, 2017; Taylor, 2000).
Summary
Resistance is natural, and many organizations who pledged their commitment to
improving the gender and racial inequities in Big Tech over the past decade are now radio silent,
and little has changed. Despite the overwhelming evidence indicating the value of DEI, either
from a moral or business perspective and the scramble to hire DEI practitioners following the
racial pressures of 2020, America has succumbed to DEI fatigue. Black women remain
underrepresented and continue to navigate unique challenges in organizations as a result of their
dual stigmatized identities (Clancy et al., 2017; Settles, 2006). Feelings of isolation and
invisibility, coupled with an unwelcoming organizational environment filled with microinsults,
microinvalidations and microaggressions, gender biases, negative stereotypes, and inequitable
barriers (Steele et al., 2002), are causing Black women to question their value and belonging in
tech.
As society’s power dynamics dictate, White people, as a dominant culture, hold most of
the power in Corporate America and, therefore, are well positioned to serve as allies to Black
women. While research supports allyship as a critical component to improving gender and racial
inequity, and over 80% of White people view themselves as allies to people of color in the
workplace, less than 50% of Black women agree (Lean In.org, 2022). Furthermore, while most
White people consider themselves allies, less than 40% have ever spoken up against racism in
the workplace. Applied effectively, allyship can be leveraged as a strategic mechanism to foster
an inclusive, equitable, and diverse environment in Big Tech; furthermore, it can also serve as a
weapon to address the distinct problems faced by Black women and eventually operate as a

50
prototype for social change (Brown & Ostrove, 2013; Burrows et al., 2022; Droogendyk et al.,
2016)

51
Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of this study was to understand the perceptions and experiences of DEI
practitioners of color (DEIPs) regarding what contributes to the success or failure of DEI
interventions in Big Tech and how DEI fatigue has influenced outcomes (e.g., allyship) for Black
women. This study was framed by Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory and informed
by Critical Race Theory. A qualitative study approach was used to unpack the unique
perspectives of DEIPs of color. The details of the methodology, approach to research, data
collection, instrumentation, and analysis are summarized in this chapter. This chapter also
includes an overview of the ethical implications of this study and a discussion of my
positionality.
Research Questions
The following research questions were used to guide this study.
1. What are the experiences of DEI practitioners of color with DEI training
interventions, and what contributes to their success or failure for Black women in
Big Tech?
2. What is the perception of DEI practitioners of color of how DEI fatigue is
impacting DEI outcomes for Black women in Big Tech?
Overview of Methodology
The research design for this study was qualitative. Qualitative research focuses on
unearthing the how and why of experiences and uses stories to understand people's perspectives,
experiences, and lives (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Specifically, a phenomenological research
study was conducted. The phenomenological design is commonly used in qualitative research
when the study aims to understand a phenomenon through participants’ perspectives better and

52
personally constructed realities (Vagle, 2018). Qualitative design leverages words as data rather
than numbers for interpretation and analysis (Clark & Braun, 2013); moreover, in this design, the
researcher serves as the primary data collection instrument, data is typically collected in the
participant’s natural setting, and participants are purposefully selected (Creswell & Creswell,
2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As a whole, this study was designed to center the voices of a
marginalized population, and a qualitative approach was the most appropriate, considering this
study's goals. The site of this study was Big Tech, where participants were in a location of their
choosing to provide the most convenient and cost-effective experience (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Individual interviews were used to collect the data and answer the research questions, as
shown in Table 1.
Table 1
Data Sources
Research questions Interview
RQ 1: What are the experiences of DEI practitioners of color with DEI training
interventions and what contributes to their success or failure for Black women in Big
Tech?
X
RQ 2: What is the perception of DEI practitioners of color of how DEI fatigue is
impacting DEI outcomes for Black women in Big Tech?
X
The Researcher
According to Creswell (2018), positionality sits at the intersection of race, gender, and
politics within the oppression section of the wheel of privilege. My positionality allowed me to
frame this study around my personal experiences and suspicions about what was influencing the

53
progress of DEI in Big Tech, particularly in support of Black women. I am a Black Women
woman whose experiences encompass the entire burden of the emotional tax associated with the
duality of my race and gender. Although the microsystem of my background portrays being
Black and a woman as having positive traits (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), society has built a counternarrative. As a member of a culturally marginalized group, I strived to evaluate the challenges
from the perspective of the community of leaders charged with changing the narrative.
Awareness of researcher positionality is critical to mitigating bias, limiting data
misinterpretation, and regulating reflexivity that might impair the credibility and trustworthiness
of this study (Creswell, 2014; Maxwell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As a DEI practitioner
and someone who identifies as a person of color, I was aware of the potential impact my personal
bias may have on the research process. For instance, the way I synthesized participant
experiences may have been predisposed by my similarly shared experiences.
Understanding the viability of this risk, I strived to mitigate personal bias and the
potential for data misinterpretation by engaging in a systematic process of self-awareness and
reflexivity--the process of acknowledging, interrogating, and interrupting worldviews,
experiences, and assumptions (Korstjens & Moser, 2018). In addition to self-reflection, I used a
peer-review process to enhance the accuracy of the findings. During the reflectivity process, I
discussed preliminary conclusions and interview interpretations with my dissertation chair
(Creswell, 2014). This activity helped fortify this study’s findings’ integrity, credibility, and
qualitative validity (Maxwell, 2013).
Data Source: Interviews
Interviews were the primary data source for this qualitative study. The following
subsections provide detailed information about the study’s research design. Specifically, they

54
will include information about the study’s participants, instrumentation, data collection
procedures, and data analysis.
Participants were asked to participate in video interviews for data collection. Interviews
were semi-structured and directed by an interview-guide approach consisting of open-ended
questions designed to elicit participants’ beliefs, knowledge, experiences, and motivation about
topics in the conceptual framework. Semi-structured interview protocols can offer richer insights
by probing participants’ answers and clarifying incomplete or ambiguous responses (Clarke,
2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Participants
The target population for this study was DEI Practitioners (DEIP) of color within Big
Tech. At the time of this study, recently available demographic data suggested people of color
were underrepresented across the United States throughout DEI-related roles, such as the Chief
Diversity Officer (Zippia, 2022); therefore, the stakeholder group of choice for this study was
intentional. Purposive sampling is a non-probability technique that includes a sample of
individuals with knowledge of and experience with a specific phenomenon (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This approach targeted 12-15 DEIPs of color who
had held (within the last five years) or were currently in a DEI-related position within Big Tech
and had five or more years of DEI experience. The inclusion criteria for qualifying DEI-related
positions required that they were at a senior level or above, which included but was not limited to
senior managers, directors, vice presidents, or members of the C-suite.
Between September 2023 and December 2023, interviews were conducted with 13 DEI
practitioners of color working within Big Tech. Among the six men and seven women
participants, nine identified as Black or African American, and four identified as Latino or

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“Other.” At the time of the interview, all the participants held over five years of DEI-related
professional experience, and more than half had worked within the technology industry for at
least five years. Pseudonyms were assigned to participant names and company names to protect
the privacy of each participant. Table 1 lists the relevant data for each participant, including their
pseudonym, occupational level, years in Technology, and years as a DEI practitioner.
Table 2
Study Participants
Pseudonym Level Years in
DEI
Years in
tech Years at current company
Lashelle Senior Manager 0-4 years 5-9 years 0-4 years
Steve Senior Manager 0-4 years 5-9 years 5-9 years
Dana Global Leader 5-9 years 5-9 years 5-9 years
Courtney Global Leader 5-9 years 0-4 years 0-4 years
Sheri Executive Leader 5-9 years 5-9 years 0-4 years
Angela Global Leader 5-9 years 5-9 years 5-9 years
Dray Senior Manager 5-9 years 5-9 years 5-9 years
Elijah Senior Manager 5-9 years 5-9 years 5-9 years
Keith Executive Leader 5-9 years 15-19 years 0-4 years
Lynn Global Leader 5-9 years 5-9 years 5-9 years
Vallyn Senior Director 10-14 years 0-4 years 0-4 years
Shameka Executive Leader 10-14 years 0-4 years 0-4 years
Christopher Director 10-14 years 10-14 years 0-4 years

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Instrumentation
A single interviewer, myself, conducted this research study, and the protocol details were
documented to ensure consistency in collected data through question structure and appropriate
probes (Burkholder et al., 2020). My interview protocol included 15 semi-structured questions
along with an introduction and closing script; the complete list of interview questions was
summarized in the interview protocol, which can be found in Appendix A. Given the gap in
research surrounding the retention of Black women Big Tech through the lens of EST, it was
necessitated that I developed my own instrument, given there was no readily available interview
tool. The interview protocol was vetted and adjusted based on feedback from multiple sources
before deployment.
Interviews were the primary source of data collection for this study. The interview
protocol included semi-structured open-ended questions and probes designed to explore the
experiences of DEIPs of color and foster a rapport of trust (Patton, 2014). The introductory
questions were designed to build rapport and comfort by learning about the participants’
backgrounds. In contrast, the closing question provided an opportunity to offer additional
information not addressed in the interview, as suggested by Weiss (1994). The remaining
questions encouraged the participant to elaborate on topics related to specific topic areas aligned
to the research questions, including influences on DEI outcomes, DEI training interventions,
allyship, and support for Black women in Big Tech.
Data Collection Procedures
Once I obtained IRB approval, I recruited participants from my personal and professional
social network, extended network, and LinkedIn —the professional social media and job posting
site. Given my over fifteen years of DEI experience, I first leveraged my personal network of

57
DEIPs, intentionally excluding any close personal or professional ties that may introduce bias.
Second, I used referrals from my personal DEIP network to extend the opportunity to their peers,
colleagues, and friends. Once gathered, the recruitment list was vetted by reviewing LinkedIn
profiles and available biographies to verify each individual met the criteria for participation.
Once the study participants were identified and consent was obtained, I scheduled onehour interviews using Zoom and Microsoft Teams video conference platforms. As suggested by
Creswell and Creswell (2018), a reminder was sent two days before the scheduled interviews. At
the start of the interview, participants were met with a warm greeting, an expression of gratitude,
a reminder of the purpose of the study, and consent to use transcription and recording features
was obtained. Each interview lasted between 40 and 55 minutes, which allotted transition time
for the participants and time for me to provide a brief introduction and obtain verbal consent to
record.
The data for transcription and recording was stored on the Zoom or Microsoft Teams
server, where it was encrypted with an Advanced Encryption Standard (AES-256), which uses a
one-time key for the specific Zoom or Microsoft Teams room. The recording and transcription
access was limited to the meeting host (i.e., me) and the account administrator (i.e., the
University of Southern California). Transcripts were reviewed for blatant errors, and identifying
information, such as the participants' names and current or previous organizations, were removed
to ensure confidentiality before beginning the coding process. Every measure was taken to
safeguard the confidentiality of the participants, and pseudonyms were assigned to protect their
identities within the various created files. In addition to using the data transcription and
recording, I took notes to capture additional insights for further reference. Following each

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interview, I continued documenting immediate thoughts, reflections, observations, or ideas
aligned with my research questions and conceptual framework.
Data Analysis
Data analysis began with the data collection process. The interview recording, notes, and
reflective memos allowed for detailed analysis and data review (Creswell & Creswell, 2018;
Gibbs, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Following the comprehensive data review, I began the
thematic analysis and coding process. The coding process involved generating initial (a priori)
codes based on the theoretical and conceptual framework, followed by looking for patterns that
emerged from the interview data (Gibbs, 2018; Saldana, 2016). The codes were analyzed
independently and then examined holistically to generate themes that were precursors to the
findings. Gibbs (2018) suggested that the qualitative analysis process began by generating codes
with textual data and then categorizing the codes into themes and subthemes. The findings that
emerged from these themes and sub-themes are covered in detail in Chapter Four.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
The quality of a research study is primarily determined by the level of trustworthiness in
the procedures used while conducting the research (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This research
study was intentionally designed with high transparency to be viewed as credible and
trustworthy. According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), the trustworthiness of a study is
evaluated according to its credibility, confirmability, dependability, and transferability.
Credibility for this study was maximized through stakeholder selection and adherence to
exploring research questions without bias or anticipated theories about the results (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018). To improve confirmability, interviews were recorded and transcribed to
minimize misinterpretations of interview responses for the research study (Merriam & Tisdell,

59
2016). The trustworthiness of the study was enhanced by having the interview protocol reviewed
in advance of the interviews by a panel of experts (Rosenthal, 2016), openly sharing the intent of
the study and plans for data collection and dissemination (Creswell & Creswell, 2018), and by
interrogating and documenting any potential influences on the research process such as my own
personal experiences, beliefs, and biases (Korstjens & Moser, 2018). As the primary agent of
data collection, ensuring credibility and trustworthiness regarding my positionality and biases
was essential to this study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Ethics
An ethical framework based on research guidance and protocols defined by Creswell and
Creswell (2018) and Merriam and Tisdell (2016) was utilized for this study. I did not anticipate
any harm to the participants or the population from which they were selected. Furthermore, this
research study did not have any health-related ethical concerns. All participants were adults who
voluntarily participated after understanding the intent of the research study. People of color who
are underrepresented in organizations may have concerns about retaliation from leadership for
sharing insights and experiences that touch on culturally sensitive topics. As such, ethical
behavior and honoring confidentiality commitments were a high priority for this research project
to protect participants from any potential hardship.
Significant measures were taken to ensure adequate protection, privacy, and
confidentiality for participants throughout the discussion of this research study (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018; Glesne, 2011; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Participants’ identities were protected,
and no mention of the organizations they supported or led was mentioned. The confidentiality of
participant information was maintained by assigning pseudonyms in place of participant names
at every step of the research process. Solicitations were sent to participants requesting

60
participation; no compensation or incentives were provided. The interview protocol was
explained to all participants, and they were allowed to opt out of the videoconference and audio
recording. The recordings, interview notes, and all data collected were only viewed by me and
stored in personal data files in password-protected accounts on a personal laptop. Transcripts of
the interviews were downloaded, and all personally identifiable information – names and
organizations- was removed.

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Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this study was to understand the perceptions and experiences of DEI
practitioners of color regarding what contributes to the success or failure of DEI interventions in
Big Tech and how DEI fatigue has influenced outcomes (e.g., allyship) for Black women. The
problem of practice for this study focused on the retention of Black women in Big Tech and was
guided by the following research questions:
1. What are the experiences of DEI practitioners of color with DEI training
interventions and what contributes to their success or failure for Black women in
Big Tech?
2. What is the perception of DEI practitioners of color of how DEI fatigue is
impacting DEI outcomes for Black women in Big Tech?
Based on the methodology described in Chapter Three, this qualitative study relied on
data collected through semi-structured interviews conducted by Zoom and Microsoft Teams with
13 participants. The interview data were examined through the Bronfenbrenner ecological
systems model (EST) lens and informed by critical race theory. I interviewed participants to
understand the external influences that shaped their perceptions and experiences as DEI
practitioners in tech. This chapter will discuss the research findings, beginning with a section
describing the participants. Then, the findings will be organized by themes derived from
participants’ interviews. The two research questions that guided this study will be discussed in
the following chapter.
Findings Organized by Theme
Four thematic findings surfaced from conversations with the research participants. This
section covers each of the following themes in more detail.

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1. The progress of DEI in tech continues to take two steps forward, one step back
2. There is no light at the end of the tunnel; DEI practitioners are losing the battle
against DEI fatigue.
3. DEI training is not performing and has become performative
4. Black women remain unprotected and unvalued.
The themes examined in this section are supported by evidence presented in participant
interviews. As a benchmark for becoming a theme, the topic, idea, or concept must have been
expressed by at least nine of the 13 participants. Each theme is organized with broad findings,
supported by a synthesis of data from distinct sources. This data helped to address the two
research questions about the perceptions of DEI practitioners of color in Big Tech, which will be
further discussed toward the conclusion of this chapter.
Theme 1: Two Steps Forward, One Step Back
DEI practitioners described the progress of DEI in tech as taking “two steps forward and
one step back.” Of the thirteen participants, 10 highlighted this theme, which will be discussed in
this section. This theme manifested through three sub-themes: the lost momentum post the
murder of George Floyd, seeing the writing on the wall, and the fear of repercussion. DEI
practitioners mentioned the slowed pace of change following the racially charged events of 2020.
Also, they reported having identified early signs of stunted progress based on external and
internal influences generating fear and an aversion to risk. This section examines the research
data for all three sub-themes.
Lost Momentum
Three years since George Floyd was murdered by convicted former police officer Derek
Chauvin and video footage of the murder sparked nationwide protests and a renewed focus on

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racial disparities, nine of the participants described the lost momentum on DEI as cyclical.
Shameka noted incremental progress as a part of the cycle; “there's progress being made, there's
certainly more awareness, which is a big key piece… but if you look at what happened after
George Floyd, it was just another cycle, right?” While progress has been made, Shameka
acknowledges this progress as another phase in the cycle, meaning it has happened before and
will likely happen again. Courtney expressed frustration regarding diminished corporate
commitments as a part of the revolution. “Everybody was hyper-focused on diversity like it was
essential, throwing millions of dollars at different organizations. Courtney went on to say,
“When companies were writing $1,000,000 checks every week to nonprofit organizations…I
think we knew eventually that money would dry up, so the new phase of the cycle shifts, and
companies stopped sending that money.” She continued to share her perspective:
Initially, everything was very public; diversity reports were consistently published, but
now you don't see that happening consistently across tech or other industries. People need
to share more information, and the dollars are starting to dry up in the current
environment.
Courtney uses diminished data transparency and financial investment into organizations that
address #BlackLivesMatter as almost a metaphor for how organizations have had their level of
interest rise and fall since the murder of George Floyd.
Angela shared similar sentiments highlighting not only the stunted progress by
companies but the seemingly counter progress as well; “Some companies are going completely
100 mph backward despite having made some progress.” Dray attributed the backward progress
to companies creating “band-aid solutions” versus truly implementing systematic changes. Dray
said, “Return to office policies certainly add to the reverse of progress.” Dray was not the only

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participant who mentioned organizational return-to-work policies as a step backward for DEI
progress. Christopher, Dana, and Lashelle also offered their perspectives on return-to-office
mandates, commenting on the specific impact on people of color. Lashelle stated, “return to
office mandates have largely impacted people of color, women, and people who are in caregiver
positions.” Moreover, Dana and Christopher stressed the importance of tech companies
understanding the difference between return-to-work mandates for women and people of color
versus White people. Christopher candidly expressed:
It's a lot for these white folks to understand because they are just trying to get back to
work… meanwhile, every Black person came out of the pandemic reflecting on having
had two years to sit around in their own house and own safe space and not have to code
switch and deal with the weight of the world… they are not interested in returning to the
office! When you have a team of all folks that look like you, sound like you, and pretty
much are you…you don't understand the impact of that decision.
For people of color, the office can create more pressure to conform to racially biased
workplace expectations, which challenges psychological safety and deters productivity.
Furthermore, return-to-office mandates hinder the opportunity for tech organizations to attract
talent from diverse geographies who otherwise would not have considered working for the
organization. Sheri commented on the potential impact:
Opening remote work is probably one of the best things that's happened in tech, but many
tech companies are now going backward. They are starting to hemorrhage their diverse
talent because they insist on implementing mandates that are not necessarily in alignment
with diversity and inclusion policy.

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By contrast, Elijah offered an alternative perspective, sharing that the pushback by Black
people to return to work fundamentally contradicts what is needed to succeed in corporate
America: relationships. Elijah shared, “We have never in history, since these large organizations
have been constructed, been able to survive as a lone soldier sitting in a room by yourself just
because that's where you feel comfortable.” Elijah went on to say, “most tech organizations are
incredibly relationship-driven, and being at home goes against what we as Black people know
we need to succeed, period.”
In addition to return-to-office mandates, participants reported how organizational
commitments to DEI have become silent three years after George Floyd and how narratives
around DEI have changed. Steve elaborated, “there is now a different narrative in how external
media frames DEI and the discourse in different media outlets.” Companies have shifted their
approach to DEI over the last few years and have begun to censor conversations around DEI to
include more “acceptable terms,” sometimes using language such as being open to “diversity of
thought” or respecting “all people.” Furthermore, progress has been stunted as a result of the
fundamental clash between conservative narratives around DEI and the conversations happening
in more progressive spaces.
In an alternative outlook, Vallyn shared that despite the disappointing progress over the
last three years, there have been some companies that are positively pushing forward, “You have
some companies that are moving forward and doubling down and doing excellent work as it
relates to diversity and inclusion and attracting and retaining talent.” Angela added that
companies that care are doing fewer performative things and are more concerned with impact,
“Tech companies that care about becoming more creative around what impact looks like are
starting to realize that to focus on diversity, you actually don't have to call it diversity.” Most

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DEI practitioners shared similar sentiments that the tech platform is well-positioned to amplify
progress, given its high visibility and economic impact. Lynn enthusiastically shared, “When
tech talks, the world listens!”
The Writing on the Wall
The DEI practitioners mentioned seeing early warning signs of the current state of DEI in
tech, as described by Sheri, “We saw the writing on the wall.” All participants reported
recognizing early internal indicators within their own companies. “Slowly, I began to see a
reduction in the resources I needed to be effective in my role,” Sheri shared. The participants
expressed how they witnessed companies begin to scale back the financial resources needed to
support practitioners’ ability to build robust programs. Lashelle shared her frustration with her
internal team reductions: “our DEI staff is decreasing! Lashelle was not the only participant
feeling overwhelmed by staff reductions. Keith also stated, “in the last two years, there's been
many layoffs, right? And so that means that the people who are left, are left under-resourced,
overworked, and undervalued… and ultimately our work suffers.”
In addition to Keith, other DEI practitioners candidly mentioned the layoffs that swept
across the tech industry throughout 2022 and 2023 as one of the early indicators they foresaw
impacting the DEI space. Courtney described feeling the importance of DEI for companies had
faded, “DEI has become expendable; it’s not a must-have but a nice to have.” She further
emphasized the impact of the tech layoffs: “when it came around to layoffs happening, they laid
off 75% of the DEI team because again, it makes sense because you can easily say this is not
going to help our bottom line.” The tech layoffs were reported to have a disproportionate impact
on DEI teams and DEI practitioners of color. Lashelle shared her personal experience:

67
Having been recently impacted by the layoffs myself and looking at the data…I can say
that marginalized people primarily serve in the roles of diversity practitioners. It's mostly
marginalized people who are taking up that mantle, but it is also us [DEI practitioners]
who are targeted mainly by these layoffs, by these reductions in our budgets, that sort of
thing.
In addition to internal indicators, some participants, including Sheri, mentioned
recognizing external signals targeting DEI progress. Sheri described the problem with language:
I feel like just some of the current legislation, governmental regulations, and restrictions
around how companies can position programs and goals, from nonprofits to Fortune 500
companies, have created a lot of churn, so some of the progress that was made is now
being reversed.
Sheri described the external influences and opposition as an “attack on DEI '', furthering that the
socio-political influences have been mounting against the progress of DEI inside and outside the
corporate arena for some time.
In a landmark ruling in 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court effectively ended race-conscious
admission programs at colleges and universities across the United States (Sidney Austin LLP,
2023). Further commenting on external opposition, “I mean, the Trump administration started it
through the White House and a lot at the federal level, so it just feels like they are trying to hit it
from a different angle now.” Like Sheri, Steve believes that there is an attack on DEI by actively
trying to remove not only new programs that were starting to build steam post-George Floyd’s
murder but also existing ones such as affirmative action.
Furthermore, Sheri, Courtney, and Vallyn reported that the reversal of affirmative action
has caused a ripple effect, igniting risk aversion and fear throughout companies. Vallyn shared,

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“there were letters sent to the heads of most of the Fortune 100, if not the full Fortune 500,
essentially saying, you guys are next.” She continued to reflect and said, “and so it puts corporate
America and those of us in Big Tech that are within the Fortune 500 on notice.” All three
participants expressed their concerns for the future of DEI; Courtney voiced:
If we're already creating programs because we don't have a space, then go on to develop
programs to give people access to this space, and now you're literally saying that the
programs created are illegal. It is terrifying to think how that will impact society and the
workforce moving forward.
Vallyn voiced similar sentiments, further adding to the attack on DEI-related spaces.
“There's been a huge uptick in white men suing these large companies for discrimination.” She
candidly recalled a related media story:
I don't know if you've seen a lot of this in the media lately about Black Venture Funds
for Black women in tech being sued because white men can't apply?... It signals that it
was already happening before affirmative action was overturned. So, what are we doing
to ensure these spaces are still dedicated to supporting folks when we know systems and
institutions aren't?
A Fear of Repercussion
DEI practitioners also described the fear of repercussions as a mounting barrier to DEI
progress. An overwhelming majority of the participants described tapping on the glass floor or
tiptoeing around their jobs. In addition, several participants reported tech organizations' risk
aversion to pushing DEI amid mounting social and political opposition and the impact of
opposing threats on DEI practitioners’ ability to do their jobs.

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Participants reported experiencing a constant fear of repercussions leading to a reduction
of resources or elimination of their role just for doing their job. Courtney candidly expressed the
need to protect her position: “I'm trying to keep my job, so I'm not saying anything that's going
to put a target on my back.” Lashelle shared similar sentiments, “I think the current state has
made us all feel like we [DEI practitioners] are trying just to keep our heads down and be silent.”
Sheri also described the problem with language:
We now have to ensure that we're cautious and don't put the organization at risk with our
work because the opposition is so much more organized right now and is strategically
watching everything we do. We know our career could be on the chopping block, and we
know DEI is being deprioritized regardless of what people say or the writings on the wall.
Sheri went on to say that she has paused some programs and initiated systematic reviews
to assess the risk benefits to the organization. Dray indicated a slightly different experience in
their organization, expressing how some organizations are becoming numb to conversations
about DEI. Dray expressed, “it's almost like white noise now, if a DEI practitioner walks into the
room, you're the diversity person… people roll their eyes like here we go again.” Christopher
also shared a similar perspective, experiencing feelings of indifference toward DEI practitioners:
It's like they hired us to do this work, but folks are getting tired of listening and having to
bring race into every conversation…we are going and speaking with leaders or speaking
in these spaces, and they're like, haven't we talked about DEI enough, like can't we move
on?
The agitated response to conversations around DEI is a sign of fatigue that has
manifested at work. Elijah shared, “DEI fatigue is like…ok, we’ve heard about George Floyd,

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we've done the unconscious bias training, we've heard about white privilege, we don't want to
hear about that anymore!” Elijah went on to share their perspective:
They don't want to hear about those things anymore and don't know why they're
relevant… To the extent that they think they might be relevant, they feel they've already
gotten all the information they need to hear about it.
Moreover, further commenting on fatigue, Christopher described an experience with one
of the leaders in his organization: “I remember being candidly asked, what box do I need to
check so that my HR person doesn’t have to come over here and tell me something else about
being inclusive?” The oversaturation of performative DEI expectations has led to fatigue, and
people and organizations resort to just checking the box.
Organizations and individuals are no longer willing to take the risk of DEI work and are
subsequently protecting themselves. Courtney said, “there are now enough resources and
information available for organizations to make informed decisions about how to do better, but
they no longer are willing to take the risk.” The amplified opposition against DEI has made
organizations reluctant to move forward. Political influences have reinforced opposition efforts
and added to the lack of motion. Sheri said, “we're trying to assess how we move forward, and
the voices of opposition are feeling more emboldened than they have been in the last few years
because of the Supreme Court decision around affirmative action.” Shameka and Steve
expressed the impact opposed forces are also having on individuals. Sheri described the problem
in further detail; “some folks believe DEI means that somehow, they are going to be excluded
and exclusion creates hesitation, indifference, and fear. Fear of progress, fear of Blackness, and a
fear of making mistakes.”

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Aligned with Sheri, a few participants surfaced the fear of Blackness when referencing
the aversion to risk. Courtney expressed, “organizations have always had a fear of Blackness; we
see it in the passive avoidance in DEI conversations.” In addition to organizational fear, Angela
commented on the impact fear is having on allies, “the fear of Blackness detracts from allyship;
allies are in fear of public scrutiny, retaliation or making a mistake given today's climate.” Those
who identify as allies find themselves operating with extreme caution. Steve described the
problem, “You've got folks who are allies who have been supportive, and I think they are not
quite sure how to support at this moment because, again, it's that kind of risk; we're in this weird
space.” As in Steve’s response, when discussing issues of DEI, the words “support” and “risk”
always seemed to go hand-in-hand.
The inherent divergence between support for DEI and fear of opposition has created a
polarizing conversation that generates discomfort or the natural reaction for dominant groups to
protect themselves. Courtney offered, “Well, I think that folks, mostly White folks, put their
head down to protect themselves and go on making their money.” Courtney went on to share her
experience:
They believe that DEI is almost synonymous with exclusion, which destabilizes them.
Given the economy's state, the layoffs, inflation, and other issues, they're fighting for
their lives…or jobs. So, they don't want to pay much attention to investing in or even
supporting DEI efforts because they don't necessarily want to support their demise.
As Courtney describes, the polarization of DEI has resulted in heightened defense mechanisms
for dominant groups against efforts to deploy social change. Furthermore, when potential losses
are associated with DEI, dominant groups aim to protect their interests by adopting a
preventative focus (Ellemer et al., 2010).

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Theme 2: No Light at the End of the Tunnel, DEI Practitioners are Losing the Battle
Against DEI Fatigue.
Eleven of the DEI practitioners described feeling uncertain about the future of DEI in
tech, as defined by Angela: " There's no light at the end of the tunnel.” The theme emerged from
data interpreted through two sub-themes: the uncharted journey into DEI, and DEI practitioners
are just moving through the motions. Participants described how they entered the DEI space
from unexpected and informal pathways. They also reported feeling unsure about how to persist
as a DEI practitioner. This section examines the research data for each sub-theme.
An Unexpected Journey
Most participants described falling into the DEI space through informal pathways, “my
career in DEI was somewhat unexpected and informal,” Angela expressed. Most of the
participants described coming from roles adjacent to the DEI space. Dana stated, “I think most of
my roles throughout my career have either been adjacent to DEI or organically included DEI as a
component of the role… my career has mostly been focused on helping.” There is a common
thread between human-centered roles and the transition into DEI. Angela reported, “as I got
more into the talent acquisition space, I transitioned more into DEI.” For Angela, her journey
into DEI work, like others, did not begin until she was responsible for attracting diverse talent
into organizations.
By contrast, Elijah and Christopher described how people of color informally do DEI
work in other roles. “I think anytime Black and Brown folks are in human-facing roles, they're
constantly doing DEI, whether there's a formal title to it or not,” Christopher stated. People of
color are often charged with taking on DEI-related work in adjacent roles to account for cultural

73
competency gaps in organizations. Elijah went on to say, “we end up doing DEI because the
intercultural capacity of the organizations we’re serving just isn’t there.”
Lashelle shared a similar experience of being called to the work and not chosen, having
set out on an unrelated career path, “I didn’t expect to be here. I just wanted to be an advertising
practitioner like my colleagues and go out and create great campaigns.” Lashelle went on to say,
“but I very quickly saw that I just couldn't turn a blind eye to all the racism that was going on in
my space.” DEI organically became a part of Lashelle’s career path out of social obligation;
Lashelle described her experience further:
I was the only Black person in my agency. We were servicing multicultural customers,
and things would come across my desk. I always had to be the one to say something or do
something. After a while, they suddenly started to bake that into my role without
compensation or anything else.
As Lashelle mentioned, DEI is not only expected or obligatory work for people of color but also
does not come with additional compensation, even though further work must be done.
DEI Practitioners are Exhausted
The participants reported feeling exhausted and uncertain about their ability to persist in
their career as a DEI practitioner. Lynn described the role's heavy cultural and emotional tax as a
contributing factor: “I have been questioning whether to continue the journey or get off and try to
do something less emotionally taxing.” Vallyn described the cultural burden of having to be all
things to all people DEI-related: “We can't be all things to all people; we really have to be like
this is the core of our work that we have the capacity to do.” Vallyn described the problem:
Black people, and many times Black women, are pushed to the forefront of DEI efforts to
say…you can be the face of this, you can be the person that runs this, you can be the

74
person that helps shift the conversation here at the company. But now it is on you to
represent the entire experience for a group of marginalized folks… historically
underrepresented folks, and try to get things right. And it’s usually without the proper
backing, usually without the right funding, or generally without the appropriate pay or
title, and it just becomes a burden.
Vallyn went on to describe the emotional impact associated with being charged with changing
the face of DEI; “you find yourself in the space of resentment, or you find yourself in the space
of uncertainty, like can I actually do this, or do I even want to do this, or is this even making an
impact? The profession's heavy cultural and emotional tax can question a DEI practitioner's
career choice.
The participants also described similar experiences, reporting feeling tired and checked
out. “I'm tired like I'm exhausted…I love the work, I love the impact and potential impact on the
organization, but it can be challenging work”, Sheri stated. She went on to say, “it's like you
think you need a vacation, but the vacation doesn’t last long enough.” Courtney described what it
sometimes feels like to endure as a DEI practitioner in tech, “it’s like being asked to be the
emotional punching bag of your organization, as well as being able to be the physician that has to
heal their wounds because there aren't any resources for you to recharge.” Dana also described
her experience:
I think it's been a traumatic year, and we're constantly in a place of supporting other
people and other functions that there's no one left to help us. And just seeing such an
influx in this number of us who have taken leaves for mental health reasons is a clear
indicator that there is a sentiment of exhaustion.

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Courtney shared a similar experience to Dana, expressing the need for a break while
remaining committed to the work. “Most of us who serve in this function are all taking leaves of
absence…. I lost my grandmother a couple of weeks ago, and I decided that the work I was
doing was too important to take a leave, which is crazy!” Courtney was not the only participant
who expressed having a continued commitment to the work of DEI. Elijah also shared how the
DEI community motivates them to persist. “Even if it is not in my organization, seeing other
practitioners push forward keeps me on course… that continued partnership, collaboration, and
coalition of folks who are steadfast in the work keeps me here.”
By contrast, Lashelle reported how DEI practitioners are just moving through the
motions, “I feel like a lot of us [DEI practitioners] are just showing up.” Lashelle elaborated,
“the benefits are good, the pay is great, but the ability to generate excitement and energy around
the works is fading and we’re disillusioned…Many of us are just sitting, and when we're tapped
to do something, we'll do it.” Lashelle described the problem further:
I feel that my ability to exist in this space is getting shorter and shorter. Like I don't know
if I can actively support the mission and objectives of a company that isn't doing right by
its most marginalized group of people… Black women, Black trans-women… I think it's
just a big disservice. So how can I actively support and uplift this work when I'm not
being beneficial or even personally benefiting from it?
Lashelle describes battling her own moral conflicts with continuing to do work that is not
yielding results for marginalized groups, especially Black women. This is not how Lashelle has
always felt, but introspection made her realize that her existence was getting smaller.
Angela attributed her disconnect from DEI work to the need for more progress in tech.
Angela said, “the fatigue comes from not being able to see the change you envisioned.” The lack

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of organizational support and resources impedes DEI progress and weighs heavily on DEI
practitioners. “The reduction of practitioners compounded with DEI being deprioritized is
causing a type of disconnection and fatigue from the work,” Shameka reported. Christopher
added, “fatigue can impact allyship; people become tired of advocacy falling on deaf ears or the
amplification of it and do not know what to do next.” The lack of progress impacts an
organization’s ability to change behavior and transform culture. Steve described his similar
experience:
How are we transforming a culture when it feels like everything we're doing is a fight…
everything we're doing has to be justified…everything is exhausting, and we are just
being asked to perform. It's like being a hamster on the wheel… when you feel like you
can see the light at the end of the tunnel, but you can never reach that end because you're
not seeing the progress you anticipated over the years.
Steve depicts the monotony of constantly performing and failing to achieve the desired results.
Theme 3: DEI Training in Not Performing and Has Become Performative
Nine of the 13 DEI practitioners reported concerns about the ineffectiveness of DEI
training in their organizations. As the research data indicated, DEI training does not achieve the
desired results to change behavior for good; instead, it has become a performative mechanism for
many organizations. As with DEI progress at large, DEI training fails to introduce mechanisms
for application or accountability, which drives poor performance and encourages performative
actions by everyone from the organizations to the employees.
Organizations’ failure to implement accountability around DEI was a key factor
contributing to the stunted progress in tech overall. Shameka described a lack of accountability
from a leadership perspective and stressed, “leadership is not being held economically

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accountable.” There is a missed opportunity for leadership to align financial implications to
progress. Dray added, “when you start putting economics behind numbers and measurements,
especially in tech, then I think you start driving change, and the conversation shifts from moral
obligations to economic implications.” Dray calls out how organizations today seldom hold their
leaders or themselves economically accountable for the lack of progress in DEI.
Data transparency was also noted as a barrier to DEI's accountability. Over the last few
years, the data transparency of organizations has diminished, leading to a lack of accountability
for tech organizations. Dana shared, “I think the area in which we can do better is just
transparency on where we are. Courtney added, “people aren't sharing as much information as
they used to.” Tech organizations are receiving a pass due to diminished data sharing, adding to
the lack of accountability. Courtney explained, “I think there aren't a lot of folks who can hold us
[Tech] accountable because people can't see the data.” Vallyn shared similar sentiments,
expressing that in the absence of data, there is no accountability. She went on to offer, “when
you don’t have the numbers, how are you ensuring that there is some level of accountability to
making progress if no one knows where you are, that means you control the narrative.”
Christopher highlighted that the DEI progress in tech is primarily due to “forced
accountability.” He recalled an experience he witnessed early in his tech career:
I remember being at my organization back in 2013, right after Jesse Jackson had come to
Silicon Valley, walked around different campuses, and asked, “Where are all the people
of color?” Tech organizations, mine included, claimed they had the numbers but did not
want to publish them, and Jesse’s response was essentially, “Either you publish them, or I
will.” Forced accountability.

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Although the memory was from nearly a decade ago, Christopher remembered the story because
it was memorable back then to have someone like Jesse Jackson call out the tech industry and
because it felt as if nothing had changed over time. Keith also echoed how companies say they
believe in certain things but are seldom forced to prove it.
One of the most significant issues before 2019-2020 was that the data was all hidden
behind a wall that no one could see. Companies knew all the metrics behind hiring efforts
regarding underrepresented candidates but never displayed them, only when forced to.
In the absence of data transparency, holding companies accountable is nearly impossible.
The lack of accountability and data transparency extends beyond implications for
economics alone and impacts the ability to drive changed behavior. Many participants attributed
the poor performance of DEI training to a lack of accountability. Lynn stated, “If you're the
dominant group and you're not being held accountable, any training you do is nice to have, but
you're not driven to change your behavior.” Keith offered how training participants do not retain
learning objectives without accountability. “Once they leave this training, their every day is not
impacted by this subject because they get to return to their privilege and power in an office
where everyone looks like them.” Lynn described the problem in this language:
I don't know whether accountability comes in if you force someone to go to a training
every quarter as a part of their regular tenant employee agreement that they had to go
through, whether it’s bias training, leading inclusively, or anything like that…. but we're
not holding them accountable.
Organizations need mechanisms in place to hold people accountable for training objectives. Dray
also expressed, “organizations don’t measure success on the back end or have a continuous
improvement process to apply and revisit what is learned in training.” Elijah and Vallyn

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described how organizational leadership often lacks the relevant knowledge to implement DEI
accountability mechanisms. Vallyn described the situation:
Not all environments have representation or leadership at the top that understands what
goals around learning and development (L&D) to pursue and what is outside the scope of
managers. Leaders should be a bit more astute in learning so that they understand the
need for and why these things are essential.
There is a missed opportunity for tech leaders to understand how to implement impactful DEI
learning and development. Lashelle elaborated further, “Not all of them [leaders] provide the
resources to do what you need to do… so then you end up having overworked and overburdened
DEI practitioners and learning practitioners who are trying to educate out of their scope.” Tech
leaders are often unaware of the need for learning and development (L&D) to truly change
behavior. Moreover, DEI’s lack of standardization was mentioned as one of the factors
preventing accountability. Angela elaborated on the following:
No one is reading from the same playbook. Everyone has their interpretation of DEI and
what that means to them personally, professionally, and within an organization. There
needs to be a more formal approach to this work because there's a science behind it.
Participants agreed that DEI training is increasingly underperforming when it comes to
addressing Black women. “I have never created or taken a training specifically dedicated to
Black women; there is a huge gap in DEI training for Black women,” Steve stated. In recent
years, organizations have begun to lightly touch on concerns related to Black women by
introducing intersectionality. Christopher commented, “the closest I’ve seen in training to touch
Black women is intersectionality.” Dray added, "I think it would be even more fruitful if we
would really dive into concepts surrounding Black women like anti-Blackness or colorism and

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its root.” However, colorism and intersectionality may be too advanced, even for advancing
organizations. Vallyn described the problem:
Those of us who are practitioners have been talking about intersectionality in a more real
way over the last two years because we realize its importance. But to be very honest with
you, tech organizations are still just now getting up to level 101 with overall
representation and why it matters. So, it's like we're about three steps ahead, wanting to
get people there, but we still have to go back and grab them from level one!
Courtney cited a similar perspective, “I think we would like to see more of a focus on Black
women and other areas, but again, you can only meet these folks at the surface because no one's
ready to go that deep yet, and that's the problem.” As Vallyn and Courtney stated, tech
organizations often lack the cultural competency and maturity to address seemingly advanced
concepts of DEI.
By contrast, three participants described how some organizations are getting training
right. Lynn stated, “I think some companies are doing it right, and they're embedding it into the
fabric of what they do regularly.” Dray added, “I think it's been a positive shift in the way that
we're talking about what's right for companies to do… but I sometimes question if the training is
as impactful as we think they are.”
Dana described how the most impactful DEI training is face-to-face, peer-to-peer
learning. “I think for DEI training to be impactful, where I've seen the most ability to change
people's hearts and minds is in person when they can hear from other people that are in the
similar position…it creates a sense of psychological safety like we’re in it together.” Elijah also
shared a story recanting a similar experience, expressing how impactful training is bold and
direct:

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Too many DEI trainings avoid talking about "the thing," it's like we're missing something
and creating gaps…we have to be bold and just say the thing. One of my good friends, a
director in the department, put together a “Black @” training, basically what it meant to
be Black and work here. He gave a bit of general and historical context and told his
personal story…then went directly to the thing. It was one of the most powerful sessions
you can sit in…to the point that he flew around the globe and delivered the same training
because people were just so impressed.
As Dana and Elijah describe, some of the most impactful DEI training are those that directly and
boldly address root challenges that drive differences.
Theme 4: Black Women Remain Unprotected and Unvalued
When asked about Black women in tech, all DEI practitioners talked about how they are
unvalued and largely unprotected in the industry. This theme became evident in data interpreted
through two sub-themes. First, participants highlighted the natural tendency for Black women to
lean into expendable roles and become deprioritized. Second, participants discussed the need for
Black women to become their allies. This section examines the research data for these subthemes.
Black Women are Expendable, Especially When Serving as the Face of DEI Roles
DEI practitioners spoke to the expendability of Black women in tech. Christopher stated,
“In general, I mean the quote that the Black woman is the most unprotected person in America is
a fact, and it continues to be true even within tech.” Black women remain unprotected
throughout all facets of history and industries. Elijah shared similar sentiments, “well, I mean, if
you're already being disrespected from the start, it’s easy for Black women to become targets in

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vulnerable roles.” Black women in tech often lean into roles that open themselves up to
insecurity. Courtney elaborated on the situation:
Black women tend to lean into particular areas often early in their careers. They also tend
to be mothering and caring and to fall into the roles that allow them to do those things, to
care for people, to care for the organization and all of that. And sometimes, those roles
are the ones that are the most filled with us [Black people] and with Black women.
Lashelle also described how Black women become undervalued because of the roles they
gravitate towards. “And then at the same time, those roles are also the least valued within the
organization… and so when there are not as many of those roles or once that pipeline becomes
filled to a point, they cut that one off fast, or when it's time to cut something, that pipeline is the
first to get cut.” Black women naturally find themselves serving in roles that hold little value to
the organization and subsequently end up being disposed of, and DEI is an example.
“One of the largest groups of professionals in the DEI space within tech is Black
women,” Keith expressed. However, their prevalence in DEI roles can come with a heavy tax;
Angela stated, “Black women are often the face of DEI and can be stigmatized for enforcing the
work.” She went on to say, “What’s happening is that it's mostly marginalized people who are
serving in these roles of diversity practitioners…and mostly marginalized people who are taking
up that mantle, but it is also us who are mostly targeted by these layoffs and by these reductions
in our budgets.” Shameka described her experience with how Black women, despite being in
positions of power, can be received while in DEI roles:
Black women have risen into roles; however, people will continue to turn their back on
them [Black women], but I think…, and I don't have any research on this, just what I
have been seeing, but.... it is easier to give a cold shoulder to Black women in the DEI

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space. Our presence and influence are apparent, and clearly, we’re here and making a
difference…again in these very influential and critical roles, I mean, it's clear that our
presence is here, yet the support is not.
Although Black women in tech have ascended into roles of power within the DEI space,
they remain undervalued. Christopher highlighted the lack of influence Black women hold in
roles of influence in tech; “even if they are the person in charge at the top, the number of white
women that probably sit in the middle of it are overwhelmingly dominant… and those are the
real decision-makers, those are the ones puppeteering stuff.” Christopher went on to say, “and so
now you've got a group that's going to protect themselves naturally and protect their interests and
their people.” In other words, dominant groups in DEI are looking after their well-being and the
well-being of their peers rather than furthering the interest of the groups they are designated to
protect.
The lack of representation was cited as a root cause for Black women not being
considered a priority in tech. Lynn said, “I think there is a lack of Black women in so many
important roles here… it makes sense we are forgotten as a priority.” Lashelle shared similar
observations, “I think they just don't care…I'm just being honest; I think there is just not enough
of us in positions of power within these organizations to influence a prioritization of our needs.”
The needs of Black women are being overlooked because of their absence throughout the
industry and in prominent roles. Angela described the problem in the following language:
The lack of power is why we don't see anything tailored or catered to us and our needs.
People who don't see the problem daily don't feel like it affects them, preventing us from
progressing. And when we are actually in a position of power or to be heard…our voice
falls on deaf ears.

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Black women are both visible and invisible. In other words, their voices are often
apparent but seldom respected. Keith described what it would look like if Black women were
both visible and respected in tech: “It would look like Black women at the top of our leadership.
and it would look like Black women running it because they would have been the folks who have
actively sponsored us to move into those positions of power and influence.” Black women would
have been their own allies.
Black Women are Becoming their Own Allies
Several participants emphasized the importance of Black women becoming their own
allies. “In my experience, I have seen less allyship given towards Black people, but even less
given towards Black women,” Christopher expressed when asked about allyship in support of
Black women. Keith also shared, “I don't see that many white men or white women speaking on
behalf of Black women.” While allyship has been evident across other groups, allyship in
support of Black women has been minimal. When probing into potential causes for the absence
of allyship, Sheri mentioned how the “lack of focus on intersectionality” dilutes the emphasis on
Black women. Dray shared similar observations regarding understanding how to support Black
women in tech:
I think Black women are a blind spot… and again, it's interesting in the allyship space. I
believe some allies want to help, but they still feel awkward about talking about Black
issues… When it comes time to raise those issues or, to that point, be a megaphone for
Black women in a room where there are no Black women, there seems to be either fear or
a lack of understanding of how to do that best.
Despite good intentions, the lack of focus and understanding of Black women’s unique
needs is stiffening the ability to develop true allyship. Courtney frustratingly expressed, “we just

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have to be our own allies. Black women have to lean on each other and sponsor ourselves… if
not us, there is no who… no one else who knows what we need or willing to step up…
sometimes not even our Black men!” Shameka offered a similar perspective, “particularly
around DEI work, there could be the perception of self-interest and Black women advocating for
Black women because it would only be Black women bringing up the fact that this group needs
to be advocated for.” Shameka commented, “No other group would be standing up on behalf of
Black women but Black women.”
When allyship is present, it needs to be positioned correctly. Keith stated, “I think there
has been a lack of allyship where we need it.” Lynn shared observations of allyship feeling selfserving, “I don't want to say performative because it's not all performative, but a lot of people
have seen allyship as a means to elevate themselves and not the groups that need that allyship.”
Vallyn expressed similar sentiments regarding allyship motivations:
Some people believe themselves to be allies that other people don't necessarily consider
them to be....so I think that an actual ally is someone who self-identifies that way, but
also that the community that they're serving identifies them that way; you can't be in my
view, a self-declared ally.
For some, there is a disconnect between the actions of an ally and the perception of allyship.
Dray added to the conversation describing what allyship should be, “allyship is using power or
privilege that you have in a certain space to help people that don't have the same privilege or
power.” Dray went on to add:
If allyship were an actual value to organizations in which we're talking about prioritizing
Black women and tailoring them to our needs, it would already be solved because we
would have those folks in positions of power pushing for that. They would be putting in

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the work to speak up to help shift resources to give visibility and amplify; they would be
taking personal risks and using their power and privilege to support something that does
not directly benefit them. But that is not happening because allyship is not happening.
Further commenting on the actions of an ally, Lynn spoke to how the conversation of
allyship has overshadowed the importance of doing the work of an ally, “the concept of being an
ally is a more digestible thought process and conversation than confronting power and privilege
head on.” Dana also weighed in on the allyship discussion, “I think that most of the conversation
around allyship has been driven from external pressure and Gen Z and millennials pushing on
tech to evolve.” Dana added, “Because tech wants to court these customers and these employees,
they have to kind of bend to some of that external pressure.” Tech organizations have succumbed
to the performative influences of allyship, and Black women are suffering as a result.
While several participants commented on the importance of allyship itself, Christopher
was the only participant who specifically mentioned the need for allyship to progress DEI in
tech, “allyship is imperative to progress; in theory, it has been an underlining constant for
historic change movements.” Christopher went on to emphasize allyship as a dependent on DEI
success:
In general, no movement has ever been successful without some type of allyship outside
the core group pushing for change…whether it be a civil rights movement or now. It’s no
different in tech; there's always been some ally who has helped push the agenda forward.
Christopher reminds us of allyship's historic role in moving the needle toward social change and
its impact on improving the conditions of marginalized groups like Black women.

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Summary
This analysis uncovered five primary themes related to the findings. (1) The progress of
DEI in tech continues to take two steps forward and one step back. (2) DEI practitioners feel like
there is no light at the end of the tunnel and are losing the battle against DEI fatigue. (3) DEI
training is not performing and has become performative. (4) Black women remain unprotected
and unvalued. Data analysis indicated that DEI practitioners are weathering through the various
storms surrounding the progress of DEI in tech. As described by their experiences, mounting
external influences are stunting the progress of DEI, DEI practitioners, and marginalized groups,
and as a result, Black women are suffering. As the data shows, DEI practitioners are trying to
withstand the onset of fatigue while holding on to their commitment to the work and leaning on
the DEI practitioner community. Black women remain unprotected, often serving in thankless
roles, relying on each other for support. The final chapter, which follows, will align these
findings with the conceptual framework and present evidence-based recommendations for
change.

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Chapter Five: Findings and Recommendations
The purpose of this study was to understand the perceptions and experiences of DEI
practitioners of color regarding what contributes to the success or failure of DEI interventions in
Big Tech and how DEI fatigue has influenced outcomes (e.g., allyship) for Black women. For
DEI practitioners of color, fatigue has been proven to take a toll on their well-being and ability to
catalyze cultural change (Zhang et al., 2018). Furthermore, various influences contribute to their
fatigue, impacting their ability to achieve their desired results.
This study additionally sought to explore how DEI fatigue has influenced allyship
development in support of Black women in the industry. Despite efforts to diversify tech, Black
women are disproportionately excluded across all levels of the industry (Roberts & Rizzo, 2021;
Rucker & Richeson, 2021; Society for Human Resource Management, 2021). The retention of
Black women in Big Tech has been a perennial issue in the United States, and as research
indicates, structural headwinds such as toxic work cultures, lack of advancement, and isolation
lead Black women to leave the tech sector (DuBow & Ashcraft, 2016). According to the
National Center for Women and Information Technology (2016), U.S. companies are projected
to spend $64 billion yearly on bias-related turnover costs. Though progress has been made to
address inequities in the workforce, research demonstrates there has been minimal impact
towards improving the underrepresentation and advancement of Black women across any level
of tech, further contributing to gaps in the workforce.
This chapter first provides additional insight into the research findings connected to the
perceptions of DEI practitioners in the technology field through the lens of Bronfenbrenner's
Ecological Systems Model (EST) informed by Critical Race Theory (CRT). Following are the
study’s limitations and delimitations, three evidence-based recommendations for change specific

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to the cultural landscape of Big Tech, opportunities for future research, and the conclusion. The
following section discusses the findings related to the conceptual framework, literature, and other
research studies.
Discussion of Findings
This research focused on understanding the perceptions and experiences of DEI
practitioners of color in Big Tech. Leveraging qualitative methods, I interviewed 13 DEI
practitioners of color within the industry with five or more years of experience in DEI. This
research intended to address the failed retention of Black women in Big Tech by examining the
external and internal influences that shape the DEI Practitioner’s ability to affect outcomes for
Black women. One of the intended purposes of this study sought to specifically explore DEI
training intervention outcomes by answering the following research questions: (1) what are the
experiences of DEI practitioners of color with DEI training interventions and what contributes to
their success or failure for Black women in Big Tech? and (2) what is the perception of DEI
practitioners of color of how DEI fatigue is impacting DEI outcomes for Black women in Big
Tech? However, the findings only lightly addressed the performance of DEI training and,
instead, predominantly shifted to focus on several other influences impacting outcomes for DEI
practitioners. Specifically, as uncovered through the emergent themes in Chapter Four, DEI
practitioners of color are experiencing a variety of headwinds that are impacting their ability to
succeed in their roles.
Key findings from the five themes that emerged from the research data analysis in
Chapter Four will be addressed in this section: (a) falling off the glass cliff, (b) Black women
remain unprotected and unvalued, (c) DEI training is not working, (d) the (mis)education of
allyship, and (e) the fear of repercussion is paralyzing progress. The findings of this study

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provided foundational support to and were in alignment with the conceptual framework. When
applied to the findings, the EST model examined the environmental influences — factors both
within and outside the DEI practitioners' span of control across each system. The innermost layer
is the microsystem, followed by the mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem, and finally, the
chronosystem, where CRT is applied and surrounds the system, much like the concept itself. The
first research finding – falling off the glass cliff is discussed next.
Falling Off the Glass Cliff
DEI practitioners of color are losing the battle against DEI fatigue. All thirteen DEI
practitioners expressed their struggle to overcome the intense cultural and emotional tax
associated with their role and the uncertainty about the future of their careers as practitioners.
DEI practitioners expressed having their expertise questioned and their efforts undermined,
threatening their ability to perform. Research confirms that the constant invalidation of my
participants’ contributions in their workplaces not only takes a heavy toll on their mental health
and psychological safety by triggering feelings of anxiety, self-doubt, and fatigue (Williams &
Wade-Golden, 2013) but the anxiety also contributes to the high turnover rates within their
profession. These emotional and psychological influences directly impeding their role are
reflected within the microsystem of this study’s conceptual framework.
By the same token, research has shown that DEI practitioners are often hired for the
wrong reasons and play pawns to tokenistic DEI efforts that are only designed to create the
illusion of inclusivity without systematic change (Williams and Wade-Golden, 2007). These
subtle forms of manipulation have been aligned to what sociologists and psychologists have
rendered as “gaslighting,” or in other words, causing someone to question the perception of their
reality and the validity of their thoughts, which leads to confusion, loss of confidence, or self-

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esteem (Sweet, 2019). The findings from this study both validate DEI practitioners' feelings of
being gaslighted and emphasize the importance of tech organizations creating environments
where DEI practitioners are enabled rather than gaslit.
As noted in Chapter Two, people of color are often compelled to serve in DEI-related
spaces (Ladson-Billings, 2013) and can easily fall victim to different forms of fatigue (Clarner et
al., 2015; Eklund, 2013; Von, 1996). Evidence from this study validates that the emotional labor
required to navigate the DEI environment is often underestimated. Furthermore, research
highlights the propensity for these positions to be associated with more risk. A recent
phenomenon referred to as “Glass Cliff” claims that women and people of color are often placed
into higher risk positions in comparison to their White or male peers (Morgenroth et al., 2020).
Research on glass cliff theories has highlighted the penalties imposed on women and people of
color due to bias and discrimination faced when placed in visible positions (Morgenroth et al.,
2020). The penalties for taking on high-risk positions such as DEI contribute to the expendability
of people of color in these roles.
This finding was especially true for the Black women in this study. The majority of the
DEI practitioners spoke to the tendency for Black women to lean into expendable roles like DEI,
given their intrinsic nurturing nature. The National Women’s Law Center (2019) stated, "almost
all social justice movements were and are carried on the backs of Black women.” Moreover,
according to a survey by Lean In (2020), more than 50% of Black women who aspire to advance
into visible roles say they desire to influence cultural change within their workplace. Research
also validates that in many cases, Black women in highly visible roles contend with more
negative stigmas and backlash for their efforts to enact change (Davis & Maldonado, 2015). This

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finding coincides with the literature in Chapter Two and recent studies that highlight
organizations' failure to address the intersectionality of Black women (Nash, 2017).
In 2022, a recent study published by Williams et al., examining the perceptions of Black
women in tech, highlighted how the tech industry fails to acknowledge the distinct experiences
of women of color, with 51% of reporting distinctly higher levels of negative racial and gender
stereotypes than that of White women. This research was built on the findings from another
study by Allison et al. (2017), where women of color reported the highest level of stereotyping
compared to all groups studied. According to DuBow and Ashcraft (2016), fifty-sixth percent of
women in tech exit their positions mid-career as a result of inhospitable experiences, further
validating the findings from this study and that Black women are having one of the worst
experiences in corporate America.
Black Women Remain Unprotected and Unvalued
Although Black women in tech have ascended into roles of power within the DEI space,
the deprioritization of Black women continues to exemplify how Black women remain
unprotected, unvalued, unseen, and unheard. Literature has demonstrated the detrimental impact
racialized gender stereotypes and discrimination can have on Black women’s presence,
performance, and mental health in the workplace (Steele et al., 2002). While there is a shortage
of literature and data capturing the experiences of Black women in DEI roles across the tech
industry, parallel research in education has revealed similar findings (Johnson, 2022). Despite
existing evidence, Black women continue to be forgotten.
The mistreatment of Black women is another example of the inhospitable culture of tech,
whose influences reside within the exosystem of this study’s conceptual framework. This finding
was indicated by eleven of the 13 DEI practitioners and validated across several research studies.

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A recent study examining the experiences of women of color in White and male-dominated
cultures found that Ninety-five percent of interviewees reported experiencing erasure--unheard
and unseen, at work (Bhattacharyya & Berdahl, 2023). Another recent article highlighted that
despite the wealth of thought leadership, formidable research, and lived experience with the
inspection, design, and deployment of Artificial Intelligence (AI) by Black women, their
contributions are going unacknowledged (Center for WorkLife Law, 2022). Throughout history,
the invisibility of Black women has been critical in maintaining social inequalities and
oppression, not only in their physical underrepresentation but in the undervaluing of their
contributions, deeming them cognitively invisible (Sesko & Biernat, 2010).
DEI Training Interventions are Not Working
Several DEI practitioners reported the underperformance of DEI training interventions;
furthermore, they expressed concerns, citing how it has instead become performative. As
discussed in Chapter Two, the efficacy of DEI training has long been questioned, and little
empirical evidence exists validating its true impact (Dobbins & Kalev, 2018). Despite the
abundance of DEI training organizations offer, the practice has surpassed the evidence
suggesting it is moving the needle (Green & Hagiwara, 2020; Moss-Racusin et al., 2014; Paluck,
2006).
The findings from this study further validate research discussion regarding the poor
measurement and unvetted implementation methodologies of DEI training as an ongoing
phenomenon (Dover et al., 2020). As several DEI practitioners mentioned, organizations' failure
to implement accountability or delayed measures of impact post-DEI training largely contributes
to their underperformance. Often, organizations do not empower DEI practitioners to enforce
accountability measures despite having ownership over the recommendation or their

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recommendations. The divergent power dynamics and influences aligned with DEI training
outcomes are outside the DEI practitioner's span of control and, therefore, also exist within the
exosystem of this study’s conceptual framework.
A recent study conducted by Chang et al. (2019) assessing the impact of virtual diversity
training focused on women discovered limited evidence to support the training's efficacy in
delayed behavioral measures three weeks post-training, despite the positive attitudes reported by
participants immediately following the intervention. The outcomes of the research mentioned
above are consistent with older bodies of research that have questioned the efficacy of DEI
training (Dobbin & Kalev 2016). moreover, scholars have highlighted that these interventions
may be counterproductive toward benefiting employees from historically marginalized
demographics (Dover et al., 2020).
The (Mis)Education of Allyship
Despite positive associations with the concept of allyship, DEI practitioners called out the
exploitation of allyship as a barrier to progress. According to the findings, there is a disconnect
between self-proclaimed allyship and the experiences of marginalized groups, particularly Black
women. Subsequently, DEI practitioners in this study highlighted the inclination for Black
women to form communities amongst themselves by becoming their own allies in the absence of
true allyship. The literature review has highlighted both allyship's importance and performative
tendency, validating these findings and the desire amongst Black women to lean on each other.
According to a study by Every Level Leads (2022) in the Black Women Thrive report, less than
half of the Black women surveyed believed they have strong allies at work, and over 60%
reported not feeling emotionally safe.

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Feelings of belonging, inclusion, and trust amongst colleagues are more challenging to
achieve for Black women, given the historical and sociocultural context of the United States
(Black Women Thrive, 2022) and the challenging culture of tech. Black women require
differentiated solutions to feel psychologically safe in the workplace (Office of the Surgeon
General, 2022), and as the data indicates, they are creating these spaces amongst themselves. The
concept of allyship and building community encompasses direct and indirect influences and lives
within the conceptual framework's mesosystem. Distinct from the other systems, the mesosystem
represents the interconnectivity of relationships and interactions between the different systems.
In concert with allyship, Black women require genuine relationships, transparent systems of
accountability, and sponsors who have the desire and means to shield them from standards,
policies, and practices that influence harm or prevent their success.
The Fear of Repercussion is Paralyzing Progress
All of the DEI practitioners spoke about DEI’s lost momentum three years after the
murder of George Floyd and the increased momentum of layoffs that have stunted the progress
of DEI in tech. Following demands for broader racial equity, a study conducted by LinkedIn
found that CDO positions grew by over 160% from 2019-2022 (George, n.d). DEI roles rose by
over 55% (Society for Human Resource Management, 2020). However, a recent report
conducted in 2023 examining the state of DEI found that DEI-dedicated roles experienced nearly
40% attrition at companies engaged in layoff compared to 24% for non-DEI-dedicated roles
(Revelio Labs, 2023). The results of these studies highlight the grim reality of many companies’
commitments to DEI and validate this study’s findings concerning the stalled progress of DEI in
tech.

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Findings from this study also underline the mounting socio-political opposition
surrounding the DEI practitioner and contribute to their pressure and the resulting fear of
repercussion. These societal pressures sit within the macrosystem of the DEI practitioners’
sphere of influence. As the data indicated, external influences are forging an “attack on DEI” that
has triggered an aversion to risk across practitioners and organizations. The Supreme Court
decision on affirmative action effectively ended race-conscious admissions practices in higher
education and eroded 40 years of precedent. As with today and as briefly discussed in Chapter
Two, socio-political pushback towards social change has been well documented throughout
history (Dobbin & Kalev, 2018); furthermore, a vast amount of empirical research has
discovered varying predictors of dominant groups opposition to DEI (Dover et al., 2016; Harper
& Reskin, 2005; Harrison et al., 2006).
As indicated in the literature review, the perceived threat of DEI to the political and
economic power of dominant groups (Wilkins et al., 2015) aligns with the socio-political
pushback described by DEI practitioners of this study. In 2019, an examination of the 184 briefs
submitted to the U.S. Supreme Court cases on affirmative action positioned the policy to threaten
resources highly valued by White Americans, such as jobs (Iyer & Achia, 2022). Despite
evidence of affirmative action programs' positive impact on increasing racial diversity in higher
education (New York Times, 2017), in 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled race-based
affirmative action in college admissions unconstitutional (Rice et al., 2023). The reverse of
affirmative action in higher education has only widened the divide between the polarization of
DEI efforts in the United States and, as DEI practitioners predict, will have a pervasive effect on
the outcomes of DEI in Big Tech.

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Recommendations for Practice
This research study was framed by Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory (EST)
and informed by Critical Race Theory. EST allowed for a systematic examination of the
environmental influences and barriers (Crawford, 2020) that impact DEI practitioners and the
resulting relationships aligned to affecting social change in Big Tech. More specifically, how
perceptions surrounding progress to develop allyship in support of Black women in Big Tech are
shaped. Critical Race Theory, as an informing tool, offered additional context for pinpointing the
historical and sociocultural variables associated with race and racism and their influence on
individuals (Crenshaw et al., 1995). In this study, participants self-identified as people of color,
DEI practitioners, and tech employees.
The following section focuses on four proposed recommendations to address the key
findings of this study. Based on the extensive review of existing literature and the qualitative
analysis of the lived experiences of the study participants, it is recommended that organizations
in Big Tech implement the actions below. The deployment of any of the following
recommendations could help address the retention of Black women in Big Tech. However, the
recommendations below would be most effective if deployed alongside one another. This
problem of practice is perennial and systematic and, therefore, requires a holistic solution
inclusive of both a structural and behavioral approach to enacting true and eternal change
(Bolman & Deal, 2007). The first recommendation is to disaggregate data to create intentional
programming and mechanisms for accountability. The second recommendation is to crosscollaborate and create a shared network of responsibility. The third recommendation is to
develop more sponsors for Black women. The fourth and final recommendation is to adopt a

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disaggregated approach to diversity, equity, and inclusion. The following section discusses the
first recommendation, which is to disaggregate data.
Recommendation 1: Disaggregate Data to Develop Programs Intentionally Designed to
Support the Retention of Black Women and Create Mechanisms for Accountability.
DEI practitioners expressed the underperformance of DEI interventions when it comes to
Black women. Furthermore, only two of the 13 DEI practitioners reported experiencing
programming specifically dedicated to supporting Black women. The data suggest that
organizations create and implement DEI intervention strategies without diverse perspectives,
particularly regarding the importance of recognizing intersectionality. Black women are not
monolithic; the absence of their presence and perspectives in Big Tech hinders its ability to
propel innovation and create products and services that resonate across a global audience.
Existing research on intersectionality has exhibited that headwinds for Black women can be
more significant than both sexism and racism (Crenshaw, 1989; Kvasney et al., 2009; Malcom et
al., 1976). Biases at work, cultural misunderstandings, limited advancement opportunities, and
the ongoing effects of historic disinvestment are severely impacting the experiences and
retention of Black women in Big Tech. Many DEI efforts deployed by organizations focus on
either gender or race in opposition to the intersectional approach, which often leads to the unique
needs of Black women remaining unmet.
One of the fundamental tenets of CRT highlights the influential role intersectionality
plays in understanding the experiences of those who identify with multiple marginalized social
identities, i.e., Black women, especially those in the STEM workforce (Haynes et al., 2020). In
the conceptual framework of this study, intersectionality as a tenet of CRT sits within the
Mesosystem as a critical influence that surrounds each of the ecological systems defined by EST.

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Evidence suggests Black women are having the worst experience in Corporate America in
comparison to their White colleagues (Lean In.org, 2020), and Big Tech is far worse.
Furthermore, research states Black women are one of the most stigmatized groups and often
most vulnerable to feeling devalued due to their social identity (Murphy et al., 2007; PurdieVaughns et al., 2008).
Organizations’ failure to address the specific needs of their various demographics is
mainly due to the lack of disaggregated data and mechanisms for accountability. Aligned with
one of the fundamental tenets of Quantitative Critical Race Theory, data should explore an
intersectional perspective (Covarrubias et al., 2021), which can only be achieved through
disaggregation—breaking down data into smaller, specific, meaningful subgroups. While
aggregated datasets can provide big-picture insights into organizations’ related challenges, they
fail to uncover the specific trends affecting particular demographics. Disaggregating data allows
organizations to peel back multiple data layers and dive into accurate root cause analysis,
particularly in creating transformative solutions to DEI. When organizations disaggregate data
for a demographic, their needs become visible, allowing organizations to prioritize resource
allocation and create systematic change. Furthermore, it helps ensure organizational
intentions match their impact.
My recommendation for deploying interventions designed for the intersection of Black
women is to disaggregate and collect intersectional quantitative and qualitative data to create a
tailored coaching and training program. Disaggregated data is crucial in identifying additional
resources to increase and advance Black women and measure the impact of DEI interventions
(Bentley et al., 2023). Women of color in tech are often labeled and grouped due to their limited
presence in the industry, making their specific needs frequently overlooked. Intersectional data

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can allow organizations in Big Tech to identify, understand, and address the critical influences
and systemic patterns that specifically impact the experiences of Black women (Kvasny et al.,
2009). This vital data can then be leveraged to create programming that equips Black women
with tailored coaching and training to help them weather and persist within the tech ecosystem.
Intersectional data can also equip leaders and instructional designers with the necessary
information to fully grasp the scope of Black women’s challenges and curate targeted solutions
to improve their outcomes (ACT, 2021; AnitaB.org, 2017; National Academies of Sciences,
Engineering, and Medicine, 2021).
Building a successful coaching and training program dedicated to Black women will
require appropriate resourcing, funding, and buy-in from leadership (Elliot et al., 2017; Schein,
2018). A key evaluative measure for this program will require implementing pre and postprogrammatic assessments (Kirkpatrick and Kirkpatrick, 2016), and the importance of this
program should be communicated and supported top-down, detailing the catalyst for the change
and the potential impact on the organization at large (Lewis, 2019). While tailored programming
targeted towards the needs of Black women is a promising start, accountability is imperative to
drive systematic change and is required to engage sustainable impact.
A systematic approach requires defining DEI goals, interrogating processes and policies
to root out inequities, and creating an infrastructure for accountability that holds leaders
accountable for achieving those goals. As indicated from the findings of this study, after the
murder of George Floyd in 2020, many organizations anxiously made DEI commitments they
didn’t have the infrastructure to achieve. DEI goals should be approached with the same rigor as
essential business objectives or financial targets, and to be effective, they should be detailed,
time-bound, measurable, achievable, accompanied by an action plan to promote change and

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shared internally and externally to create accountability (Kirkpatrick & Kirkpatrick, 2016).
Organizations can embed measures for accountability into the fabric of their organizations by
setting clear expectations for leaders, providing the necessary resources and training, and
addressing progress through regular performance reviews. Without accountability, systematic
change is moot.
The moral and business case for DEI alone is not enough. Lofty goals and promises left
unfulfilled can alienate employees; however, driving systematic change in DEI can build the
capacity for employees to feel seen and heard. Tech organizations are not effectively cultivating
intentional programs to further the retention of Black women, nor are they building
accountability infrastructures to drive systematic change. Furthermore, DEI efforts are often left
to fall solely on the backs of DEI practitioners and are seldom a shared responsibility throughout
the organization. The following section discusses the opportunity to introduce a framework for
shared responsibility amongst tech organizations to help effectively move the needle for DEI.
Recommendation 2: Create a Cross Industry Collaboration and Share Responsibility
The DEI practitioners who participated in the study referenced the external difficulties
that motivated and paralyzed them in their organizations and work. According to study
participants, layoffs across the tech industry have significantly reduced DEI dedicated resources.
They are slowly undoing the positive progress made over the last few years. Furthermore, as the
data indicated, DEI practitioners carry the cultural and emotional tax of their role and are often
left to carry the burden of responsibility on their own. “Diversity professionals can be left with
the responsibility being solely put on one person in opposition to the organization at large”
(Williams & Wade-Golden, 2013, p.84). DEI practitioners are succumbing to DEI fatigue,

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navigating a lack of resources while having to sustain expectations to move the needle on their
own.
Research has found that many organizations rely on DEI teams to ensure compliance
with inclusive policies and practices rather than embed DEI as a cross-functional priority across
all departments (White et al., 2022). To cope with the adversities of their role, DEI practitioners
of color often seek support from their peers, forming their own communities of practice to help
navigate the challenges they face in their roles. I recommend cultivating a culture of shared
responsibility to create an intra-organizational and intra-sector collaboration to address the
common disparities prevalent across Big Tech. Mutual data trends across the tech sector have
revealed opportunities for cross-collaboration. Some industries have already begun collectively
sharing best practices, leveraging cultural insights, cross-analyzing intersectional data, and
developing critical measures to improve DEI.
Moreover, the responsibility to improve DEI should also be shared internally across
functions and teams through shared accountability systems. Organizations should ensure that
every function and team is engaged in equity-building work and be held accountable. This can be
achieved through creating a dedicated train-the-trainer model program designed to scale the
capacity and expertise of DEI professionals. This model will help ensure equity is a shared
responsibility while slowly building the capacity to implement change, turning the expertise of
one to the expertise of many. Aligning diverse teams and perspectives to work towards a shared
goal and vision cultivates robust problem-solving (White et al., 2022). This recommendation is
crucial to embedding DEI into the fabric of tech organizations to create effective and sustainable
cultural change.

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Recommendation 3: Create More Sponsors Than Allies
The majority of the DEI practitioners of this study identified the lack of focus and
understanding of Black women’s unique needs as a barrier to true allyship. Allyship can be
applied effectively as a strategic mechanism to foster an inclusive, equitable, and diverse
environment (Ashburn-Nardo, 2020; Brown & Ostrove, 2013; Droogendyk et al., 2016; Ostrove
& Brown, 2018). Furthermore, for Black women, it can also serve as a tool to combat the racial
and gender inequities faced explicitly by Black women in Big Tech. While there is no consensus
on the formal definition of allyship, researchers agree that a distinct set of learned behaviors and
applied actions are required beyond intentions. Unfortunately, DEI practitioners who participated
in the study reported allyship being improperly positioned and largely absent when it comes to
supporting Black women.
While most members of dominant groups may consider themselves allies, research
suggests there is a gap between the perceptions of allyship and the actions of allyship and that
dedicated advocates are needed. Although not specific to the tech sector, in 2019, survey results
from a nationwide workplace inclusion study conducted by Deloitte administered across 3,000
full-time professionals found that of the 92 percent of the individuals who self-identify as allies,
nearly one-third chose to ignore rather than address bias when witnessed (Deloitte, n.d.).
Moreover, findings from a similar study from Lean In and McKinsey & Company (2020)
discovered that employees who say they are allies to women of color, less than 12%
acknowledged actively confronting discrimination on their behalf.
While allyship has been identified as a mechanism to assist these efforts, research
suggests sponsorship is a more effective means (Randel et al., 2021). The role of a sponsor
differs from that of an ally. According to Chow (2021), sponsors are considered to be advocates

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who help colleagues navigate networks, foster relationships, and amplify the visibility of their
work both internally and externally. In addition, a sponsor should be someone in a senior-level
position with the influence and ability to encourage access to opportunities to grow and advance
(Randel et al., 2021). Despite the evidence validating the benefits of sponsorship, less than 30%
of Black women say they have equal access to sponsorship, compared to over 30% of White
women (Lean In, 2020). Given this statistic, increasing the number of sponsors available to
Black women is paramount.
Tech organizations can take action toward increasing the retention of Black women by
increasing the number of sponsors specifically for Black women. Organizations can achieve this
by creating a program to train managers on effective strategies for sponsorship of Black women.
As with any successful program, accountability plays a critical role in the efficacy of
sponsorship. Program evaluation can be measured based on increased visibility, advancement
opportunities, and retention of sponsored Black women. As the data indicated, Black women in
tech are unprotected, unvalued, and both under-allied and under-sponsored. Sponsorship is vital
in creating an inclusive and equitable culture in tech. Intentional strategies for increasing the
visibility of Black women can increase opportunities for them to thrive.
Recommendation 4: Adopt a Disaggregated Approach to Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion
DEI represents the non-negotiable tenets on which strong organizational cultures are
built. Research has established the moral and business case for DEI, yet DEI practitioners have
expressed that organizations are failing to move the needle. Literature tracks the origins of
diversity, equity, and inclusion in the workplace back to the mid-1960s. Organizational efforts
that began with a focus on diversifying the workforce slowly expanded to include tenets of
inclusion—creating conditions where differences are not only tolerated but valued, and equity—

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fair treatment and access for all (Hodkinson, 2011). Despite the evolution of DEI in the
workplace, many organizations have become stuck at the diversity stage and have failed to focus
on the other components of equity and inclusion. Big tech organizations have primarily directed
their efforts towards recruiting differences without the infrastructure to manage effectively.
Organizations that are mature in their DEI journey understand diversity is more than metrics and
the percentage of diverse people employed. Furthermore, they know that successful and
sustainable diversity cannot be achieved without clearly focusing on the other non-negotiable
tenets.
Amid economic insecurity, corporate cutbacks, and legislative efforts to dismantle DEI
initiatives, the momentum for DEI has waned. Organizations continue to deploy a lump-sum
approach, creating programs and initiatives that fail to reveal systematic inequities and instead
generate the illusion of progress. Subsequently, superficial fixes to create optics of equity and
inclusion have amplified the exclusion of marginalized groups like Black women and, in some
cases, made the perception of exclusion by majority groups like White men. According to the
White Men’s Leadership Study (2013), which conducted a survey of White men and DEI, almost
70% of White men reported feeling “forgotten” by organizational DEI efforts. Given the broad
representation of White men in positions of power throughout tech, their meaningful engagement
is essential to drive real change, particularly for Black women.
The final recommendation is for organizations in Big tech to independently focus and
assess the maturity of their diversity, equity, and inclusion tenets. The aggregated approach to
DEI adopted by most Big tech organizations often neglects to uncover the systematic disparities
affecting marginalized groups. Furthermore, it fails to identify the root causes driving the
cultural deficits throughout the industry. Progress towards each tenant should be strategized,

106
measured, and reported separately; moreover, leaders should be held accountable in alignment
with each tenet. Racial and gender inequities within Big Tech can only be addressed once
organizations examine the root causes and barriers preventing feelings of fairness, belonging,
and psychological safety, which culturally underpin equity and inclusion. This study
demonstrates that the lump-sum approach to DEI is polarizing efforts and ultimately contributing
to DEI fatigue. Diversity alone is not enough; progress can only be sustained with an equal focus
on equity and inclusion.
Limitations and Delimitations
Limitations are the influences on the study that the researcher cannot control (Creswell,
2018). For example, participant responses can be influenced by a multitude of factors, including
the participants’ state of mind, exaggeration, false responses, the interaction between the
researcher and the participant, or the veiled willingness to participate in the study (Borg &
Mohler, 1994; Iarossi, 2006). Participants can also exhibit self-reporting bias, providing answers
they believe are socially or professionally appropriate rather than their true beliefs and
experiences. Similarly, researcher bias can limit the study (Creswell, 2014). Another potential
limitation of this study was its duration, as it may not have captured the complete scope of issues
influencing the phenomena. Finally, because the survey was purposeful and limited in scope,
findings may be delimited to Big Tech and may not be generalizable to other industries. The
small, homogenous, and self-selected sample size restricts the generalizability of these results to
a larger population (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Delimitations are influences that the researcher can control through a carefully designed
study (Creswell, 2014) or, in other words, choices made by the researcher to create boundaries
within the study (Simon, 2011). This study was delimited to 13 participants who were DEI

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practitioners of color within Big Tech and designed based on access and convenience. The
insights for this study were also delimited to data collected from a brief survey, and semistructured interviews allowed for more targeted data-rich information (Creswell, 2014).
However, because this study was purposefully limited in scope, results were delimited to Big
Tech and may need to be more generalizable to a larger population. Nevertheless, the influences
subject to examination were familiar to the tech industry. As such, these results can inform the
DEI practice by adding to an understanding of the knowledge in this area. Finally, while an
analysis of other key stakeholders was beyond the scope of this study, the perspective may or
may not be representative of different stakeholders and the broader DEI community.
Recommendations for Future Research
This research study focused on understanding the perceptions and experiences of DEI
practitioners in Big Tech. Although this study was limited to DEI practitioners of color, it would
be compelling to explore the perspectives and experiences of White DEI practitioners to
understand how their perspectives differ. Research has shown that White people account for over
75% of Chief Diversity Officer roles in the United States (Zippia, 2022). Furthermore, it would
be insightful to understand White DEI practitioners’ perception of their impact on advancing
DEI and, more specifically, improving the experiences of Black women in tech. Additionally,
while this study leveraged the principles of CRT methodology, exploring the lived experiences
of people of color, future research might consider how the racial identity of the DEI practitioners
contributes to their ability to impact organizational change.
The tech industry is a broad and substantially impactful contributor to society. Despite its
innovation, it continues to be riddled with racial and gender disparities that perpetuate the status
quo. Further studies can expand the scope of tech organizations beyond those comprising Big

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Tech. This would allow the research to identify trends and patterns that may exist across a
broader range of tech organizations and extrapolate common themes that inform
recommendations for practice. In addition, a landscape analysis across DEI interventions is
needed to investigate promising practices across tech that are moving the needle in the right
direction and those that are not—in particular, further unpacking the experiences of Black
women in Big Tech to understand how to drive sustainable systematic change that ultimately
creates an inclusive and equitable ecosystem in tech.
Future research is also needed to explore the external and internal influences mentioned
by the participants, including changes to legislation and organizational resistance to change as a
result. Additional opportunities for future research include gaining a deeper understanding of the
intrinsic motivations that foster allyship in dominant groups. Moreover, the influences that
motivate dominant groups to become sponsors of Black women. Finally, from the findings of
this study, DEI practitioners highlighted the emotional toll and demands of the role. Conducting
a quantitative study investigating the relationship between DEI fatigue, engagement, and
turnover would be meaningful. Such studies could help organizations in tech understand how to
overcome fatigue and create solutions for advancing DEI.
Implications for Equity
Malcolm X once said, “The most unprotected person in America is the Black woman,” a
notion that more than 60 years later, in many ways, still unfortunately remains true. I hope this
work contributes to the testament of Malcolm X’s commitment to uplifting and empowering
Black women. Moreover, that this research provides leaders and organizations in tech with
insights to deploy mechanisms that enact impactful change. In addition, I hope this contributes to

109
the emerging research on DEI in tech and, more importantly, uplifts the voices of DEI
practitioners of color who often thanklessly serve on the frontlines of equity.
Conclusion
Tech, a trillion-dollar economic machine that claims to be on the cutting edge of
innovation and promises to propel our society, is stagnant and behind the curve regarding the
racial and gender equity of its workforce. This study examined the perceptions and experiences
of DEI Practitioners of color and the associated influences on the retention of Black women in
Big Tech. Interviews with a finite, purposeful sample of 13 DEI practitioners of color revealed
insights into their unique perceptions and lived experiences. Through the lens of EST, the data
indicated layers of systematic influences such as socio-political threats to DEI, internal
organizational resistance to change, a lack of resourcing, and DEI fatigue that shape their
experiences and impact the ability to enact change.
Intentional strategies for increasing the retention of Black women are beneficial to tech
organizations and increase the opportunity for Black women to not only survive but thrive within
the industry (AnitaB.org, 2017; Martinez-Cola, 2020). Unfortunately, tech organizations are not
effectively cultivating intentional opportunities to further the retention of Black women. The
three proposed recommendations are designed to reduce the attrition of Black women in Big tech
through intentional behavioral and structural initiatives. When implemented, these solutions are
evidence-based and curated to drive measurable and sustainable impact. By (a) leveraging
intersectional data to inform program development, (b) creating shared networks of
responsibility and collaboration, (c) championing the sponsorship of Black women, and (d)
adopting a disaggregated approach to diversity, equity, and inclusion, there is an opportunity to
begin to foster an environment in tech that nurtures and uplifts Black women.

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Increasing the retention of Black women in Big Tech will require a culture shift that
embraces the contributions of Black women and recognizes the value they bring to the tech
sector. Furthermore, improving Black women's experiences is equally important as increasing
their representation. Notwithstanding existing efforts in tech to retain Black women, they are
arguably still having one of the worst experiences in corporate America. For Black women—
even those who advance into visible roles within tech are still largely unheard, unseen, and
unprotected, succumbing to what has been characterized as the “glass cliff.”
More robust data, including intersectional data, is required to cultivate impactful change
and create evidence-based strategies that advance and sustain DEI in tech. As a strategic
undertaking, DEI initiatives must be resourced, measured, managed, innovated, and rewarded.
Instead, findings have discovered that DEI training interventions are failing, programmatic
efforts lack rigor, evaluation, and intentionality, DEI progress is stunted, DEI practitioners are
exhausted, and self-proclaimed allies are self-serving and not positioned to support Black
women.
As highlighted by the findings of this study, people of color, particularly Black women,
whether formally or informally, have long stood on the frontlines of the fight for racial and
gender equality, challenging society to be and do better. As Maya Angelou (1978) proclaims,
“out of the nuts of history’s shame, I rise. Up from a past that’s rooted in pain, I rise.” Black
women have achieved success in many ways, and their contributions to society and within the
workplace are undeniable, even in the face of glaring inequality. Through evidence-based
strategic recommendations, renewed commitments of accountability, structural and behavioral
mechanisms for inclusion, and in concert with the frontline, there is an opportunity for Big Tech

111
to fulfill its promises of equity and, like the marginalized groups who struggle to navigate the
adversities before them, they must rise.

112
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Appendix A: Interview Protocol
The purpose of this study was to understand the perceptions and experiences of DEI
practitioners of color regarding what contributes to the success or failure of DEI interventions in
Big Tech and how DEI fatigue has influenced outcomes (e.g., allyship) for Black women. The
research questions that guided this study included the following research questions:
1. What are the experiences of DEI practitioners of color with DEI training interventions
and what contributes to their success or failure for Black women in Big Tech?
2. What is the perception of DEI practitioners of color of how DEI fatigue is impacting DEI
outcomes for Black women in Big Tech?
Introduction to the Interview
Hello, thank you for your time today; my name is Janeen Blige. I am a doctoral student at
the University of Southern California. I am researching DEI training interventions for my
dissertation, including what contributes to their success or failure and how DEI fatigue has
influenced DEI training and outcomes for Big Tech organizations and their workforce. Before
we begin, I would like to review the information sheet emailed to you before our meeting today.
You will be asked a series of open-ended questions. This interview will last approximately one
hour. A follow-up interview may be planned to clarify specific points.
During the interview, and with your permission, I will use audio recording equipment to
capture all your comments accurately and totally. This audio recording will not be shared. The
audio recording will be transmitted to my password-protected cloud file storage account and
erased from the recording device as soon as the transfer is complete. A third party will transcribe
the audio recording, and all files will be sent to me once the transcription is complete. The audio
recording will be deleted three years following the approval of my dissertation defense. All

156
information acquired during the interview is confidential, your participation is optional, and you
can terminate the interview anytime.
Do you have any questions about the study before we begin? If not, please review the
information sheet. I would like your permission to start the interview. May I also audio-record
this conversation for note-taking and analysis purposes? Thank you.
Interview Questions:
1. How did you become a DEI practitioner, and how long have you worked in the DEI
space?
a. How did you come to work at your current organization/ current position?
2. How long have you been working in the Tech industry?
3. How would you describe the progress on DEI in Big Tech?
a. What do you feel is contributing to its success or failure?
4. Tell me about your experience with DEI training interventions; what were/are the
objectives?
a. What did you learn from the training?
b. What contributed to their success or failure?
5. What DEI training interventions, if any, have you witnessed dedicated to supporting
Black women, specifically?
6. How would you describe or define DEI fatigue?
a. How would you describe the impact or outcome of those initiatives?
7. To what extent, if any, have you experienced symptoms of DEI fatigue or witnessed any
instances of DEI fatigue in your organization?

157
a. Please give me some specific examples.
8. What impact, if any, do you perceive DEI fatigue has on DEI interventions such as
training and organizational progress towards DEI at large?
a. What experiences led you to think this is the case?
9. What impact, if any, do you perceive DEI fatigue to have on dominant groups within
your organization?
a. What experiences led you to think this is the case?
10. How do you think DEI fatigue impacts your role as a DEI practitioner of color, if at all?
a. What experiences led you to think this is the case?
11. How would you define allyship?
12. How would you describe the role allyship plays in your organizational progress toward
DEI?
13. Have you experienced or witnessed allyship development as a part of DEI interventions?
If so, please describe.
a. How would you describe the impact or outcome of those initiatives?
14. How would you describe allyship's role in supporting Black women in the Tech industry?
15. To what extent, if any, have you experienced or witnessed allyship in action in support of
Black women in your organization?
a. Please provide specific examples.
16. What detracts, if any, from allyship development in support of Black women?
17. What impact, if any, does DEI fatigue have on allyship development in support of Black
women?
a. What experiences led you to think this is the case?

158
Interview Conclusion:
I sincerely thank you for taking the time to meet with me today. I do not want to assume we
covered everything with the questions I asked. Is there anything else you would like to share?
Are there any areas of this topic you wish we had addressed? Well, thank you very much for
your time, and I look forward to keeping you informed on the progress of my research. Have a
wonderful day!

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Asset Metadata

Creator Blige, Janeen Alexandria (author)

Core Title For DEI practitioners of color who’ve considered leaving when the rainbow isn’t enough: the impact of DEI fatigue on the retention of Black women in big tech

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2024-05

Publication Date 04/18/2024

Defense Date 03/19/2024

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag big tech,black women,DEI,DEI fatigue,DEI practitioner,diversity,equity,inclusion,OAI-PMH Harvest

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Kim, Esther (committee chair), Green, Alan (committee member), Maccalla, Nicole (committee member)

Creator Email blige@usc.edu,janeen.blige@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113889737

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Document Type Dissertation

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Rights Blige, Janeen Alexandria

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