Close
About
FAQ
Home
Collections
Login
USC Login
Register
0
Selected
Invert selection
Deselect all
Deselect all
Click here to refresh results
Click here to refresh results
USC
/
Digital Library
/
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
/
The significance of investigating the absence of Black decision-makers in television and feature films
(USC Thesis Other)
The significance of investigating the absence of Black decision-makers in television and feature films
PDF
Download
Share
Open document
Flip pages
Contact Us
Contact Us
Copy asset link
Request this asset
Transcript (if available)
Content
The Significance of Investigating the Absence of Black Decision-Makers in Television and
Feature Films
David Swift
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2024
© Copyright by David Swift 2024
All Rights Reserved
The Committee for David Swift certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Briana Hinga
Nii-Quartelai Quartey
Patricia Tobey, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024
iv
Abstract
This qualitative study explores the lack of Black decision-makers in television and feature films.
The theoretical framework is Black critical race theory (BlackCrit), which recognizes endemic
societal oppression transferring into Hollywood’s racial hierarchies that fundamentally
marginalize Black creatives from influential roles while upholding anti-Black constructs.
BlackCrit helps articulate the specificity of Black experiences of structural and cultural racism
excluded from broader critical race interrogations. The study reveals that despite stated
commitments to diversity, White gatekeepers maintain dominance over funding, staffing, and
content options. Interviews spotlight an urgent need to dismantle obstacles for Black television
and film creatives through reforms centered on those historically marginalized. The study
uncovers the pain and frustration that Black professionals go through when their experiences,
talents, and opinions are constantly erased through dismissive aggressions in White-dominant
institutional spaces. While trauma accrues individually, the solutions require organizational
responsibility. No single intervention suffices without ideological shifts from those controlling
insider access and content financing to champion more multiplicity over preserving
homogeneous creative influences. The participants’ narratives spotlight how anti-Blackness
becomes embedded into everyday media practices that methodically obstruct Black
advancement. The study lays out a plan for structural changes that would greatly increase the
number of Black voices in television and feature films. These changes would be made possible
through purposeful mentoring, accountability metrics, and power sharing and would help Black
creatives overcome the limitations and career barriers they faced compared to their less qualified
White counterparts.
v
Keywords: bias, racism, microaggression, entertainment, media leadership, film equity,
television inclusion, talent pipeline, decision-maker, gatekeeping power
vi
Dedication
To every one of the exceptionally talented yet continually marginalized Black entertainment
professionals steadfastly navigating obstacles unfairly built across your career paths. May this
work accelerate accountability, dismantling suppression for the next generation of
changemakers. Your creativity built this industry just as your creativity will transform this
industry.
To the fearless storytellers unheard for far too long, dreaming in vibrant color, may your visions
see light unburdened, for your belonging was overdue, yet your brilliance remains timeless. With
compassion, conviction, and courage, wage on toward the representation and creative freedom
your excellence and humanity warrant at long last. The stage awaits your wildest acts. This
world thirsts for your boldest truths and your ever-inspiring Black excellence. I aimed for an
inspirational tone acknowledging past harms inflicted through systemic discrimination while
envisioning a more equitable future where Black entertainment professionals enjoy the career
self-determination and creative license to fully express talents without constraints tied to identity.
The goal is properly honoring those who came before by helping enable better outcomes for
those still working towards realizing potential on level playing fields one day.
vii
Acknowledgments
The completion of this dissertation marks the culmination of a long and profoundly
meaningful journey enabled by the inspiration, wisdom, and support of many extraordinary
individuals. Firstly, my amazing parents, James and Barbara Sue Swift, deserve immense
recognition for decades of loving encouragement as I pursued my academic dreams. Your
unconditional love fuels me forever onwards.
The friendships forged among my talented University of Southern California colleagues
also defined this professional growth journey. Whether through late-night writing sessions,
enlightening dialogues, or debriefing the emotional fatigue we all felt at times along the way,
learning together made each lesson sweeter and lighter. In particular, my accountability partner
Joshua, reading group members Meredith, Virginia, Mabel, and Melissa, and sounding boards
Jalaima, Chris, Robert, and Fredrick filled this venture with laughter and fellowship. Please
know my admiration for your brilliant minds and compassionate spirits.
Of course, the incredible faculty leadership within USC Rossier proved foundational in
shaping my scholarship evolution from conceptualization to analysis. No one guided me more
thoughtfully than my chair, Dr. Patricia Toby, whose patience and rigor pushed my critical
thinking while still making space for self-care. Sincerest thanks as well to committee members
Dr. Briana Hinga and Dr. Nii-Quartelai Quartey for contributing your stellar expertise.
Furthermore, past mentors like Dr. Carol Geffner from the USC Price School inspired me first in
pursuing doctoral studies through the Executive Master of Leadership Program.
Beyond USC, I am eternally grateful for all of my friends who have supported me
through this process, Nmon, Eric, Lakegan, Corey, Mario, Montre, Kevin, Greg, Jason, Scott,
Carl, Vincent, Gary, Kimberly, EJ, Paul & Dean, Josef, Jon, Hugh … and Traci. Their
viii
encouragement and belief in me kept me motivated on the toughest days. I could not ask for a
better community of lifelong friends.
This acknowledgement section should be far longer to properly honor everyone making
this dissertation possible. Please know that my gratitude outweighs the brevity here. When I
glance at the bound pages to come, your imprints shine through. I dedicate this scholarly
milestone to all of you who empowered its manifestation. Onwards we march together having
learned again the exponential power within human relationships, visionary questions, and
compassionate dialogue. How far we still might dream.
ix
Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ...................................................................................................................................... vi
Acknowledgments......................................................................................................................... vii
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................ xii
List of Figures.............................................................................................................................. xiii
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study ...........................................................................................1
Context and Background of the Problem.............................................................................2
Purpose and Research Questions .........................................................................................2
Importance of the Study.......................................................................................................3
Overview of Conceptual Framework and Methodology .....................................................4
Research Design...................................................................................................................5
Definitions............................................................................................................................5
Organization of the Dissertation ..........................................................................................6
Chapter Two: Literature Review .....................................................................................................8
Literature Review Purpose...................................................................................................8
Historical Context of the Lack of Representation in Television and Film ..........................9
Limited and Stereotypical Representation of Black People ..............................................11
Importance of BlackCrit ....................................................................................................13
BlackCrit Versus Critical Race Theory .............................................................................15
Studies on the Underrepresentation of Black Decision-Makers in the Entertainment
Industry ..............................................................................................................................18
Implications for the Lack of Black Decision-Makers........................................................21
Barriers and Challenges Black Executives Face................................................................22
Implicit Biases and Stereotypes.........................................................................................25
x
Black Voices Dismissed and Disregarded .........................................................................25
Conceptual Framework......................................................................................................28
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................30
Chapter Three: Methodology.........................................................................................................32
Research Questions............................................................................................................32
Overview of Design ...........................................................................................................32
Research Setting.................................................................................................................33
The Researcher...................................................................................................................34
Data Sources ......................................................................................................................35
Data Collection and Analysis.............................................................................................37
Validity and Reliability......................................................................................................38
Credibility and Trustworthiness.........................................................................................39
Ethics..................................................................................................................................40
Limitations and Delimitations............................................................................................41
Chapter Four: Results ....................................................................................................................43
Research Question 1: What Are the Experiences and Perspectives of Black Executives in
the Television and Film Industry Regarding Barriers to Advancement Into DecisionMaking Positions?..............................................................................................................45
Research Question 2: What Systemic and Individual Factors Contribute to the
Underrepresentation of Black Decision-Making Roles Within the Television and Feature
Film Industry, and What Strategies Do Black Executives Suggest for Increasing Diversity
and Representation in These Roles? ..................................................................................55
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................63
Chapter Five: Discussion of Findings............................................................................................65
Interpretation of Findings ..................................................................................................66
Relationships and Patterns.................................................................................................67
Recommendations for Practice ..........................................................................................71
xi
Implementation of Recommendations...............................................................................79
Recommendations for Future Research .............................................................................91
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................92
References......................................................................................................................................95
Appendix A: Interview Protocol..................................................................................................106
The Beginning of the Interview .......................................................................................106
Conclusion of the Interview.............................................................................................109
Appendix B: University of Southern California Information Sheet ............................................110
xii
List of Tables
Table 1 Participants 44
Table 2 Kotter’s 8 Steps Change Timing Model 90
Table A1 Interview Questions 107
xiii
List of Figures
Figure 1 Conceptual Framework 29
Figure 2 Participants’ Feelings 71
Figure 3 Kotter’s Eight-Step Change Model 81
1
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study
The television and movie industry lacks Black decision-makers (Hunt, 2020).
Representation matters in all aspects of media, especially in movies and television. Television
shows and feature films are platforms that shape public perceptions and influence societal norms,
like mirrors reflecting society and as windows offering glimpses into worlds beyond our own.
They shape narratives, challenge stereotypes, and influence the collective consciousness.
Representation behind the scenes is just as important as representation on the screen. A recent
report commissioned by the NAACP Hollywood Bureau in collaboration with Dr. Darnell Hunt,
dean of social sciences at UCLA, found that over 90% of television and film studio chief
executive officers (CEOs) or senior leadership teams are White (Hunt, 2020). These individuals
decide on what content is created, financed, greenlit, and developed for most of the U.S. viewing
population (J. Kim et al., 2022). A specific problem of practice in entertainment is the lack of
Black decision-makers in television and feature films. This problem causes lasting morale,
health, and financial harm to Black people (Dunn et al., 2021; Hunt, 2020).
Additionally, this problem is significant because although there is a monetary reservoir in
the Black consumer community (Hale, 2021), Black Americans have little control over the
content they consume, which broadly defines them (E. Kim et al., 2019). Media content informs
and misinforms opinions about Black people, ultimately influencing perceptions and behaviors,
followed by laws and policies that govern and define social circumstances with steep psychoemotional consequences (Hunt, 2020). By not including Black voices and votes at the table,
society is intentionally creating harm, directly and indirectly to the Black community.
2
Context and Background of the Problem
Hollywood has historically been a bastion of Whiteness, a highly profitable and insular
industry where White men dominate the positions of power. The lack of Black representation in
television and feature films is a significant problem that scholars and industry professionals have
recognized and discussed. However, one key research problem is the lack of Black decisionmakers, such as studio and network senior-level executives, showrunners, and directors, limiting
their influence on television and film content (Smith & Choueiti, 2020; Yuen & Bhatia, 2020a,
2020b). Thus, Black individuals’ career advancement in the industry needs to be more fully
examined and researched.
Research suggests that Black executives face systemic barriers to career advancement,
such as discrimination and lack of access to networking opportunities (Riley & Rivera, 2020;
Scott, 2020). Additionally, research shows that when Black decision-makers are involved in
creation and production, they bring a unique perspective that leads to more authentic and
nuanced depictions of Black experiences (Smith & Choueiti, 2020; Yuen & Bhatia, 2020a,
2020b). What remains to be known is what specific barriers prevent Blacks from senior-level
advancement. More research should examine whether this is due to systems, self-efficacy, or a
gap in interest and motivation. Overall, the lack of Black decision-makers in television and
feature films is a complex issue, with a couple of research problems that require further
investigation and solutions.
Purpose and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to explore and examine the experiences of Black
professionals in the television and feature film industry, specifically regarding the barriers they
face in reaching decision-making roles. The study aimed to provide insight into the lack of
3
representation of Black decision-makers in the industry and to identify the systemic, racial, and
individual factors contributing to this underrepresentation. Through interviews, this study
explored the experiences of Black executives, including the challenges and opportunities they
face, the strategies they use to overcome barriers, and their recommendations for increasing
diversity and representation in decision-making roles. Two research questions guided this study:
1. What are the experiences and perspectives of Black executives in the television and
film industry regarding barriers to advancement into decision-making positions?
2. What systemic and individual factors contribute to the underrepresentation of Black
decision-making roles in the television and feature film industry, and what strategies
do Black executives suggest for increasing diversity and representation in these roles?
Importance of the Study
Exploring the absence of Black decision-makers has significant importance in terms of
representation, social justice, and equity. It is a critical step toward dismantling systemic barriers,
fostering inclusivity, and giving validity to Black voices, ideas, experiences, and narratives. This
study revealed the perspectives and narratives that dominate the entertainment industry,
ultimately perpetuating racial inequalities and stereotypes (M. Davis, 2020). Moreover, it
explored how to bring authentic and diverse voices into decision-making roles to counteract
biased portrayals and create more accurate, inclusive representations of Black experiences.
Additionally, by highlighting the systemic barriers and discriminatory practices that hinder Black
professionals from attaining decision-making positions, this research fosters awareness and could
drive industry policy changes, promoting a more inclusive and equitable executive landscape (D.
Carter, 2021).
4
Lastly, the consequences of neglecting this problem are far-reaching. Failure to examine
and rectify the underrepresentation of Black decision-makers perpetuates a cycle of exclusion
and reinforces the status quo, where Black voices and experiences are often sidelined or
disregarded (Dumas & Ross, 2016; Williams, 2019). This perpetuation reinforces stereotypes
and biases and limits the opportunities available for Black executives to influence and shape the
narratives that dominate the industry. Consequently, without a comprehensive examination and
subsequent intervention, the entertainment industry will continue to be a breeding ground for
inequality and discrimination (Hunt, 2020).
Overview of Conceptual Framework and Methodology
The theoretical framework through which I will address this problem is Black critical
race theory (BlackCrit), which focuses on Black people’s identities, experiences, and aspirations.
BlackCrit helps to explain precisely how Black bodies become marginalized, disregarded, and
disdained, even in their highly visible place within celebratory discourses on race and diversity,
specifically in the Black/White binary (Dumas & Ross, 2016). This theory is appropriate because
it is distinct from critical race theory (CRT), which is limited in its ability to adequately
interrogate, articulate, and explain what it means to be Black. In contrast, BlackCrit helps to
develop a more precise language and gain a more comprehensive understanding of the historical
context and key concepts that continue to uphold anti-Black constructs in the television and
feature film industry.
5
Research Design
This qualitative study allowed for an in-depth exploration of the experiences and
perspectives of individuals impacted by the lack of diversity in decision-making positions. It
provides insight into the reasons Black individuals are underrepresented in these roles and sheds
light on the systematic barriers that may contribute to this problem. In addition, a qualitative
study allowed for the collection of rich, descriptive data on the nuances and complexities of the
issue (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). This included collecting data through personal interviews on
the experiences of Black individuals who have attempted to break into decision-making roles, the
perceptions of industry insiders on diversity and inclusion, and the impact of policies and
initiatives aimed at promoting diversity in decision-making positions. Through interviews, this
study examined participants’ attitudes, beliefs, and experiences related to diversity and decisionmaking processes, revealing the underlying biases and power dynamics that contribute to the
exclusion of Black decision-makers.
Finally, this study provided a platform for underrepresented voices to be heard and their
lived experiences to be validated (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This is especially important in a
context where the dominant narrative may not reflect the experiences of minority groups. By
immersing in the industry and engaging with key stakeholders, qualitative research uncovers the
specific contexts, power dynamics, and structural inequalities perpetuating the problem,
providing a comprehensive understanding of the issue.
Definitions
Some key terms are important to this study. Defining these terms provides a foundation
for understanding their use in other areas of the study.
6
Decision-makers: Individuals who hold positions of power and influence in shaping the
creative and business aspects of television and feature films (Hunt, 2020).
Diversity refers to the presence and inclusion of individuals from various racial, ethnic,
cultural, and social backgrounds in an organization or industry. It encompasses representation,
equity, and recognizing differences (Brown, 2022; Robb, 2022).
Implicit bias refers to the unconscious attitudes, beliefs, and stereotypes that individuals
hold toward certain groups. These biases can influence decision-making processes and contribute
to the underrepresentation of Black decision-makers in the industry (Brown, 2022).
Inclusion refers to the active engagement, participation, and empowerment of individuals
from diverse backgrounds in an organization or industry. It involves creating an environment that
values and respects the contributions of all individuals (Robb, 2022).
Power dynamics refer to the distribution and exercise of power in a system or
organization. In the context of this study, it pertains to the hierarchical structures and decisionmaking processes that influence the representation and inclusion of Black decision-makers in the
television and feature film industry (Smith et al., 2020).
Systemic racism refers to the policies, practices, and structures in a society or institution
that perpetuate racial inequalities and disparities. It is often embedded in societal norms and
institutions, leading to unequal opportunities and outcomes for different racial groups (Bertrand,
2019).
Organization of the Dissertation
This study is presented in a five-chapter format. The first chapter provides an
introduction and overview of the study. The second chapter contains a review of the literature
pertinent to the study. The third chapter examines the methodological approach for the study.
7
The fourth chapter presents the study’s findings. Finally, the fifth chapter discusses the findings
alongside recommendations for practice.
8
Chapter Two: Literature Review
The lack of Black decision-makers in the television and feature film industry is a
persistent issue that continues to hinder the equitable representation and portrayal of Black
individuals in media. This research project sought to explore the underrepresentation of Black
decision-makers through the theoretical lens of Black critical theory (BlackCrit). Rooted in
Black people’s identities, experiences, and aspirations, BlackCrit offers a comprehensive
framework to examine the marginalization, disregard, and disdain Black individuals face, even in
discussions on race and diversity (Dumas & Ross, 2016). By delving into the experiences of
Black decision-makers and the systemic barriers they encounter, this study aimed to shed light
on how power dynamics in the industry perpetuate the lack of diversity and limit the narratives
and perspectives showcased on screen.
Literature Review Purpose
The literature review offers a comprehensive examination of scholarly works, studies,
and perspectives on the lack of Black decision-makers in television and feature films. By
synthesizing relevant literature, the review aims to highlight the historical context and structural
underpinnings that led to a dearth of Black leadership. Furthermore, it seeks to elucidate how
BlackCrit serves as a lens to understand the intricate interplay of race, power, and representation
in media.
This review will examine the experiences of Black professionals in the television and
film sector, examining the challenges they face in accessing decision-making roles and how
these barriers contribute to the perpetuation of stereotypes and misrepresentations. Additionally,
the review will explore the industry’s diversity and inclusion initiatives and critically assess their
effectiveness in fostering greater representation of Black decision-makers. The ultimate goal of
9
the literature review is to provide a comprehensive foundation for understanding the multifaceted
issues surrounding the lack of Black decision-makers in television and feature films and how
BlackCrit can inform our analysis and recommendations for positive change.
Historical Context of the Lack of Representation in Television and Film
The history of decision-makers in television and feature films has been characterized by a
longstanding lack of diversity and representation, particularly concerning Black decision-makers.
For much of the industry’s history, White executives predominantly occupied decision-making
positions, leading to a lack of authentic and nuanced portrayals of Black characters and
narratives (Brown, 2017; Robb, 2022). Stereotypical depictions of Black individuals were
prevalent, perpetuating harmful and one-dimensional representations (Coleman, 2016). During
the early years of cinema and television, racial representation was highly limited, and Black
characters were often portrayed through demeaning and stereotypical lenses (Bogle, 2016;
Coleman, 2016). This was largely a result of the racial prejudices and biases of the
predominantly White decision-makers who controlled content creation and distribution (Bogle,
2016). Black individuals were frequently depicted as subservient, criminal, or intellectually
inferior, reflecting the prevailing racist attitudes of the time (Coleman, 2016; Guerrero, 2012).
Several studies have documented how Black people have been stereotypically portrayed
and underrepresented in film and television over the decades (Bogle, 2016; Guerrero, 2012;
Hughey, 2014). Common stereotypical depictions of Black characters include the mammy,
Jezebel, and magical negro tropes that position Black women and men in narrow, subordinate
roles compared to White characters (Bogle, 2016; Coleman, 2016; Guerrero, 2012). For instance,
television programs in the mid-20th century commonly depicted Black Americans as subservient
domestic workers, criminals, or struggling inner-city residents (Coleman, 2016). Hughey found
10
that representations of Black people as violent, hypersexual, criminal, and unintelligent remained
pervasive in media through the late 20th and early 21st centuries. This has perpetuated
prejudicial beliefs toward the Black community (Hughey, 2014; Ramasubramanian, 2015).
The civil rights movements of the 1960s and 1970s brought increased awareness and
demands for more accurate and positive portrayals of Black individuals in media. Despite some
progress in addressing overt racial discrimination, the representation of Black decision-makers
remained scant, hindering significant changes in content portrayal (Gates, 2019). The lack of
diversity in decision-making roles perpetuated stereotypes as Black creatives and executives
struggled to gain influence over the narratives presented on screen.
In addition to stereotypical portrayals, Black Americans have faced consistent exclusion
and underrepresentation in mainstream film and television (Smith et al., 2019). Hughey (2014)
analyzed 1,000 top-grossing films between 2002 and 2012 and found that Black actors were
underrepresented compared to their percentage of the U.S. population. Similarly, only 7% of film
directors and 12% of television directors were Black, indicating a lack of diversity among media
decision-makers (Hughey, 2014; Hunt et al., 2018). The persistent lack of representation and
caricatured depictions contribute to societal misunderstandings and marginalization of Black
communities (Coleman, 2016; Ramasubramanian, 2015).
Some progress has been made in recent years with more complex portrayals of Black
lives in shows like Atlanta, films like Moonlight, and the success of Black directors like Ava
DuVernay (Means Coleman, 2000; Smith et al., 2019). However, Hughey (2014) and Hunt et al.
(2018) maintained that overall representation remains disproportionately low, and many
stereotypical depictions persist. There is still much work needed, along with more substantial
11
research to combat enduring systemic inequities Black creatives and executives face (Hunt et al.,
2018; Ramasubramanian, 2015).
Limited and Stereotypical Representation of Black People
A substantial body of research has found that the persistent stereotypical portrayals and
underrepresentation of Black people in media damage perceptions and attitudes toward the Black
community (Mastro, 2015; Ramasubramanian, 2011). Exposure to stereotypical depictions in
media reinforces prejudiced beliefs that Black people are violent, criminal, hypersexual, and
unintelligent (Dixon & Linz, 2000; Ramasubramanian, 2015). In multiple studies, greater
consumption of media depicting Black stereotypes increased racist attitudes, fear of Black
people, and acceptance of violence against Black Americans (Dixon & Linz, 2000; Mastro,
2015). This highlights the dangerous effects stereotypical media representations can have on
societal views.
Limited representation and exclusion of Black people from mainstream film and
television also contribute to misunderstanding and marginalization of the Black community
(Coleman, 2011; Mastro, 2015). Experimental studies have shown less stereotypical attitudes
among viewers after exposure to counter-stereotypical portrayals of Black Americans than
stereotypical ones (Ramasubramanian, 2011). Increased representation of Black communities’
diversity allows for more nuanced perspectives (Coleman, 2011). However, Coleman found that
many viewers still expect to see Black people in stereotypical roles, demonstrating the
pervasiveness of problematic media depictions over time (Coleman, 2011).
Research indicates that stereotypical portrayals reinforce prejudice toward Black
Americans, while greater representation fosters improved intergroup attitudes and debunks
stereotypes (Mastro, 2015; Ramasubramanian et al., 2017). Though some progress has been
12
made, the film and television industry must continue expanding the visibility of Black stories and
characters beyond limiting stereotypes. More multifaceted representations can promote social
equality (Hughey, 2014; Hunt et al., 2018; Ramasubramanian et al., 2017).
Efforts to promote diversity and inclusion in the entertainment industry gained
momentum in subsequent decades, yet the underrepresentation of Black decision-makers
persisted. Studies have shown that Black professionals face various barriers in accessing
leadership positions, including limited networking opportunities and systemic biases in
recruitment and promotion processes (N. A. Carter, 2019). These barriers have had lasting
effects on the industry’s capacity to authentically portray Black characters and stories.
The impact of representation, or lack thereof, in television and feature films on the
perceptions of the audience at large is a critical aspect of media studies. Exposure to diverse and
authentic representations of various racial and ethnic groups can have positive effects on
audience perceptions and attitudes toward those groups (Dixon et al., 2019; Robb, 2022). For
example, research has found that positive portrayals of marginalized communities can foster
empathy and reduce stereotypes among viewers (Dixon et al., 2019). When Black characters are
presented as multidimensional and relatable individuals, it can challenge negative stereotypes
and humanize the Black experience, promoting a more inclusive and understanding society
(N. A. Carter, 2019).
Conversely, the lack of representation or the prevalence of stereotypical portrayals can
reinforce biased attitudes and perceptions. Consistently depicting Black characters in limited and
stereotypical can contribute to the marginalization and disregard of Black people, perpetuating
harmful stereotypes (Oliver & Raney, 2017). This lack of diversity and authentic representation
13
can reinforce societal biases and perpetuate negative perceptions and attitudes toward Black
individuals and other marginalized groups (Oliver & Raney, 2017).
Audience perceptions are not limited to on-screen portrayals. The lack of representation
among decision-makers in the industry can also influence the types of stories that are greenlit
and the content that reaches the audience. Research has shown that diverse decision-making
teams are more likely to produce content that reflects the experiences and perspectives of a
diverse audience (Robb, 2022). The lack of diversity in decision-making positions can lead to a
limited range of stories and characters represented on screen, further reinforcing biases and
limiting the potential for authentic and inclusive storytelling (N. A. Carter, 2019; Oliver &
Raney, 2017). Positive and diverse representations can challenge stereotypes, foster empathy,
and promote a more inclusive society, while the absence of authentic and diverse portrayals can
reinforce biases and perpetuate harmful stereotypes (N. A. Carter, 2019; Oliver & Raney, 2017).
Ensuring a more equitable representation of marginalized communities on screen and in
decision-making positions is essential for promoting positive perceptions and breaking down
barriers in media representation.
Importance of BlackCrit
BlackCrit is a transformative theoretical framework that centers on Black people’s
experiences, identities, and aspirations. It offers a critical lens to analyze and understand how
Black bodies are marginalized, disregarded, and disdained within societal structures, even in
contexts where discussions of race and diversity are prominent. Dumas and Ross (2016) asserted
that BlackCrit delves into the nuances of the Black/White binary, exploring how power dynamics
and systemic structures perpetuate the exclusion and mistreatment of Black individuals. By
14
critically examining these dynamics, BlackCrit reveals the underlying racial hierarchies and
racism’s effects on Black people’s lives.
One significant aspect of BlackCrit is its ability to challenge dominant narratives and
ideologies that reinforce racial inequalities and stereotypes. By interrogating media
representations and cultural discourses, BlackCrit exposes how Black individuals have
historically been portrayed in demeaning and stereotypical ways. For instance, Black characters
in early Hollywood films were often depicted as servants or sidekicks to White protagonists,
perpetuating harmful stereotypes and reinforcing racial hierarchies (Bogle, 2001). BlackCrit calls
attention to how these representations continue to shape perceptions and attitudes toward Black
people, both in and out of the entertainment industry.
Furthermore, BlackCrit emphasizes centering Black voices, perspectives, and agency in
discussions on race and diversity (Dumas & Ross, 2016). It seeks to disrupt the invisibility and
erasure of Black experiences, elevating marginalized voices and foregrounding their lived
realities. By amplifying the voices of Black creatives, executives, and decision-makers,
BlackCrit contributes to a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of the complexities
of Black life. For instance, works by scholars like Bell Hooks, Audre Lorde, and Angela Davis
have employed BlackCrit to challenge conventional notions of Blackness and advocate for
including diverse Black experiences in academic and cultural discourses.
Ultimately, the significance of BlackCrit lies in its potential to inform transformative
change and promote a more equitable and inclusive society. By revealing how Black bodies are
situated within systems of oppression and privilege, BlackCrit facilitates a deeper understanding
of the root causes of racial disparities (Dumas & Ross, 2016). This understanding can inform
interventions and policies aimed at dismantling systemic racism and fostering a more just and
15
inclusive society where Black individuals are not marginalized, disregarded, or disdained but are
instead valued and celebrated for their contributions and perspectives (Dumas & Ross, 2016).
BlackCrit Versus Critical Race Theory
BlackCrit, as a specific offshoot of CRT, provides a more focused and nuanced analysis
when defining the lack of Black decision-makers compared to the broader CRT framework.
While both theories share the goal of understanding and challenging racial oppression and
disparities, BlackCrit homes in on the experiences, aspirations, and identities of Black
individuals in decision-making positions, shedding light on the specific challenges and barriers
they face in the entertainment industry (Dumas & Ross, 2016). CRT, on the other hand,
addresses a broader range of racial issues and may not fully capture the intricacies of Black
experiences in the specific context of decision-making in television and feature films.
BlackCrit’s emphasis on the Black/White binary allows for a deeper examination of how
Black individuals are marginalized and disregarded, even in discussions of diversity and
representation. It highlights how power dynamics influence decision-making processes and
opportunities for Black professionals (Dumas & Ross, 2016; Robb, 2022). By focusing on this
binary, BlackCrit unveils how Black decision-makers might be overlooked, disregarded, or
excluded in favor of their White counterparts, leading to an underrepresentation of Black voices
and perspectives in shaping media content (Dumas & Ross, 2016; Robb, 2022).
BlackCrit serves to analyze the impact of stereotypes and harmful representations on the
underrepresentation of Black decision-makers. For example, pervasive stereotypes about Black
individuals’ abilities and qualifications can hinder their career advancement in the entertainment
industry. Black executives face biased perceptions of their competency and suitability for
leadership roles due to these ingrained stereotypes (Oliver & Raney, 2017). BlackCrit’s focus on
16
these specific experiences elucidates how racial biases and misrepresentations contribute to the
lack of Black decision-makers and how these issues may differ from the broader scope of CRT
(Dumas & Ross, 2016).
In contrast, while CRT may touch on the lack of representation in decision-making
positions, it may not provide the same depth and specificity in analyzing the experiences of
Black professionals in the industry (Oliver & Raney, 2017). BlackCrit’s targeted approach
enables a more comprehensive understanding of how systemic racism operates in the specific
context of decision-making and its consequences for Black individuals, thus offering a more
precise and nuanced framework to address the lack of Black decision-makers in television and
feature films (Dumas & Ross, 2016; Oliver & Raney, 2017).
Critical race theory (CRT) is a theoretical framework that emerged in legal studies in the
1970s and 1980s and has since expanded to various disciplines, including sociology, education,
and communication. The theory helps to analyze and challenge how race and racism are
ingrained in legal systems and societal structures (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). The key tenets of
CRT include the recognition that racism is a pervasive and systemic issue (Crenshaw et al.,
1995), centering the experiences of marginalized groups (Ladson-Billings, 1998), and the belief
that race is a social construct with real-life implications (Bonilla-Silva, 1997).
One of the major advantages of CRT is its focus on exposing and critiquing the deeprooted structural and institutional inequalities that perpetuate racial disparities (Bell, 1995). By
examining how racism operates in both explicit and subtle ways, CRT highlights recognizing the
historical and ongoing marginalization of communities of color (Tate, 1997). This awareness is
essential for formulating more effective strategies for achieving racial equity and social justice.
17
Additionally, CRT places a strong emphasis on centering the voices and perspectives of
marginalized groups who have been historically oppressed (Yosso, 2005). By amplifying the
experiences and insights of these communities, CRT empowers them to challenge dominant
narratives and influence policy-making processes (Delgado, 1993). This inclusive approach
fosters greater awareness of the complex intersections of race with other social categories like
class and gender, leading to a more comprehensive understanding of the complexities of racial
oppression.
However, CRT also faces certain criticisms and disadvantages. Some argue that CRT’s
focus on race as a central axis of oppression can lead to neglecting other important social
categories, such as class and gender (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). Critics also contend that CRT’s
emphasis on storytelling and lived experiences as a form of knowledge production might not
always align with conventional academic rigor and empirical research standards. Additionally,
detractors of CRT argue that the theory’s insistence on racial consciousness may inadvertently
perpetuate racial divisions rather than promote unity and cooperation among diverse groups
(Alexander-Floyd & West, 1998).
Despite its criticisms, CRT illuminates the ongoing effects of systemic racism and
highlights the need for comprehensive efforts to combat racial inequality. Its recognition of the
complexities of race and racism and its centering marginalized voices have been instrumental in
shaping social justice movements and influencing policies to promote racial equity and dismantle
oppressive systems.
18
Studies on the Underrepresentation of Black Decision-Makers in the Entertainment
Industry
The exploration of statistical data and research findings on the lack of Black executives in
television and film studios reveals a significant disparity in representation at decision-making
levels. Various studies have consistently shown that Black professionals are severely
underrepresented in entertainment industry executive roles. For instance, over 90% of television
and film studio CEOs or senior leadership teams are White (Hunt, 2020). The data point to a lack
of diversity and inclusion in top leadership positions, which limits the perspectives and
experiences that influence media content and decision making.
Further research by Hunt (2020) indicates that the underrepresentation of Black
executives is not limited to CEOs, as it extends to other senior leadership roles. The study
highlights that Black professionals are significantly underrepresented in studio head,
showrunner, and director positions, further exacerbating the lack of diverse voices in shaping
media content (Hunt, 2020; J. Kim et al., 2022). The absence of Black decision-makers in these
positions results in a narrow range of perspectives and narratives, which often perpetuates
stereotypes and fails to accurately represent the diverse experiences of Black individuals (Smith
& Choueiti, 2020).
Moreover, Yuen and Bhatia (2020a, 2020b) noted that this lack of representation shapes
the content that reaches the public. When a homogenous group dominates decision-making roles,
the potential for authentic and nuanced depictions of Black experiences is limited (Yuen &
Bhatia, 2020a, 2020b). As a consequence, media content tends to reflect the perspectives and
interests of those in power, perpetuating biased portrayals and stereotyping of Black characters
and narratives (D. Carter, 2021). This lack of diversity in decision-making also affects
19
opportunities for Black professionals to have their stories and ideas represented on screen,
further contributing to the underrepresentation and marginalization of Black voices (Brown,
2017).
The statistical data and research findings underscore the urgency of addressing the lack of
Black executives in television and film studios. The dominance of White decision-makers in top
leadership positions is a systemic issue that needs to be confronted through proactive diversity
and inclusion initiatives (Hale, 2021). Without a concerted effort to increase representation and
promote diversity in decision-making roles, the industry will continue to perpetuate inequalities
and limit the potential for authentic and inclusive storytelling. A more inclusive executive
landscape that values and amplifies the voices of Black decision-makers is essential for
challenging stereotypes, shaping diverse narratives, and promoting a more equitable and
representative media industry (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017).
Behind the Scenes: Lack of Black Decision-Makers
Analysis of employment data reveals continued racial disparities at major television
networks, streaming platforms, talent agencies, and film studios (Hunt & Ramón, 2020). For
example, Hunt examined over 1,200 popular films from 2007 to 2018 and found that only 5.1%
of directors were Black. Similarly, just 7.4% of film writers were Black (Hunt & Ramón, 2020;
Smith et al., 2019).
These disparities also exist in television, with 2017–2018 data indicating that only 14.4%
of credited writers and 10.6% of show creators were Black (Hunt & Ramón, 2020). Leadership
positions see even lower representation, with research finding that no more than 5% of
executives involved in television programming and film development were Black (Hunt &
Ramón, 2020; Smith et al., 2019). The lack of diversity among creators and executives impacts
20
the stories that get told and opportunities for Black advancement (Hunt et al., 2018; Smith et al.,
2019).
Examination of the Role of Studio and Network CEOs and Senior Leadership Teams in
Content Creation and Decision-Making Processes
An examination of the roles of studio CEOs and senior leaders in content creation and
decision-making processes revealed their significant influence on the media landscape and
content that reaches the public (Hunt & Ramón, 2022). For instance, research conducted by Hunt
(2020) on major television and film studios emphasizes that CEOs hold considerable power in
determining which projects receive funding, ultimately impacting the types of stories produced
and presented to audiences. For example, when a studio CEO finances a film project, they
essentially endorse and support the content’s message and themes (Hunt, 2020; Yuen & Bhatia,
2020a, 2020b). This decision can have far-reaching implications for the representation of Black
characters and narratives, as it can determine whether stories that center Black experiences will
have the resources and platform they deserve (Hunt & Ramón, 2022).
Moreover, studio CEOs and senior leadership teams directly impact the representation
and portrayal of Black characters and narratives in television and feature films (Smith &
Choueiti, 2020). The influence of decision-makers on media content cannot be understated.
When leadership teams lack diversity, there is a higher likelihood of perpetuating stereotypes and
presenting one-dimensional portrayals of Black individuals (Robb, 2022; Smith & Choueiti,
2020). A specific example is the recurring depiction of Black characters as criminals or sidekicks
in certain films and television shows. With a lack of Black executives in these key positions,
projects that center Black stories and experiences may receive less financial support and
promotion, hindering their ability to reach a wider audience (D. Carter, 2021). This highlights the
21
role of diverse decision-makers in content creation and the accessibility and visibility of diverse
stories in the mainstream media (Smith & Choueiti, 2020).
Research points to the critical financial decisions made by studio CEOs and senior
leadership teams that impact the distribution and marketing of films and television shows. The
allocation of resources and promotional budgets can significantly influence the success of a
project and its reach to audiences (Smith & Choueiti, 2020). For example, a film featuring a
predominantly Black cast and crew may not receive the same amount of marketing and
advertising as a blockbuster with a predominantly White cast. As a result, the film may not
attract a wider audience and gain recognition, further perpetuating Black voices’
underrepresentation (J. Kim et al., 2022). This highlights the need for diverse decision-makers
who can advocate for equitable distribution of resources and promotional support for diverse
projects.
Implications for the Lack of Black Decision-Makers
The underrepresentation of Black professionals in decision-making roles in the television
and film industry has significant implications for both the individuals affected and the broader
media content produced. Black professionals face numerous challenges in advancing to key
leadership positions, limiting their ability to influence and shape the narratives portrayed in
television shows and feature films (Hunt, 2020; Yuen & Bhatia, 2020a, 2020b). For instance,
research highlights that Black women executives in Hollywood face double barriers due to their
race and gender, leading to limited opportunities for career advancement (D. Carter, 2021; Hunt,
2020; Yuen & Bhatia, 2020a, 2020b). The absence of Black decision-makers means that
perspectives and experiences specific to the Black community may be overlooked or
misrepresented in media content (Hunt, 2020; Yuen & Bhatia, 2020a, 2020b).
22
Moreover, the lack of Black decision-makers perpetuates a cycle of exclusion and
marginalization (J. Kim et al., 2022; Smith & Choueiti, 2020). The absence of diverse voices at
the decision-making table means that important stories and experiences may be overlooked or
dismissed, further contributing to the lack of representation in media content (Dunn et al., 2021).
For instance, Black filmmakers and creators often struggle to secure funding and resources for
their projects, leading to a limited presence of Black stories on screen. This perpetuation of
underrepresentation can have detrimental effects on the self-esteem and aspirations of young
Black individuals who do not see themselves reflected positively in media narratives (Robb,
2022).
The underrepresentation of Black professionals in decision-making roles in television and
film studios leads to a missed opportunity for diverse and inclusive content creation. When
decision-makers lack diverse perspectives and lived experiences, they may inadvertently
perpetuate harmful biases and exclude important narratives from being told. On the other hand,
Brown (2017) noted that diverse decision-makers bring a unique perspective and authentic and
nuanced depictions of Black experiences. Including diverse voices in decision-making processes
can foster a more inclusive media landscape that accurately represents the richness and diversity
of the human experience (J. Kim et al., 2022; Smith & Choueiti, 2020).
Barriers and Challenges Black Executives Face
Several barriers contribute to the underrepresentation of Black creatives in decisionmaking roles. Racial stereotyping and unconscious bias during hiring disadvantage Black
candidates (Banks & Eberhardt, 2018; Ross, 2017). Additionally, networking and mentoring
opportunities critical for career advancement have historically excluded people of color (Ross,
23
2017; Saha, 2018). Many elite pipelines into entertainment, such as top universities and
internship programs, remain difficult for Black individuals to access (Saha, 2018).
Explicit racism in industry cultures also marginalizes emerging Black talent (McMillan
Cottom, 2019; Williams, 2019). Studies found that Black writers describe frequent experiences
of marginalization, isolation, and having their abilities questioned in writers’ rooms dominated
by White voices (Saha, 2018; Williams, 2019). The lack of Black professionals in leadership
roles further perpetuates this cycle.
The exclusion of diverse voices among media decision-makers directly impacts
opportunities for Black actors and the breadth of stories told (Saha, 2018; Smith et al., 2019). For
example, research found that many established Hollywood writers and directors rely on personal
experiences that often exclude Black perspectives (Ross, 2017). As a result, mainstream films
and shows frequently fail to portray the nuances of Black American life (Saha, 2018).
Black executives in the television and film industry face numerous systemic barriers and
challenges that hinder their career advancement and representation in decision-making roles. One
prominent challenge is the lack of access to networking opportunities and mentorship programs.
Research by Riley and Rivera (2020) revealed that Black professionals often have limited access
to influential networks that could provide support and guidance in navigating the industry. For
example, many executive-level positions are filled through personal referrals and connections,
which may disadvantage Black professionals who have historically been excluded from such
networks.
Another significant barrier Black executives face is the prevalence of racial bias and
discrimination. Black professionals often encounter racial prejudice, stereotyping, and
microaggressions in the workplace (Scott, 2020). For instance, Black executives may face
24
challenges in gaining their colleagues’ trust and respect, which can impede their ability to lead
effectively (Riley & Rivera, 2020). Discrimination can also manifest in lower compensation and
unequal opportunities for career growth compared to their non-Black counterparts (Riley &
Rivera, 2020).
The lack of representation and diversity in leadership positions also poses a challenge for
Black executives. White individuals hold the majority of senior leadership positions in major
television and film studios (Hunt, 2020; Riley & Rivera, 2020). This lack of diversity in
decision-making roles perpetuates a cycle of exclusion and marginalization for Black
professionals. For example, Black executives may find it difficult to advocate for projects that
center Black stories and experiences, as they may face resistance from colleagues who do not
understand or prioritize diverse narratives.
Furthermore, the glass ceiling phenomenon often exacerbates underrepresentation in that
Black professionals encounter invisible barriers that prevent them from advancing to higher-level
positions. Black women executives in Hollywood face multiple layers of discrimination due to
their race and gender, resulting in limited opportunities for career progression (D. Carter, 2021;
Robb, 2022). For instance, despite their qualifications and achievements, Black women
executives may be overlooked for promotions and leadership roles due to deeply ingrained biases
and stereotypes.
The lack of support and recognition for Black professionals’ achievements and
contributions can be demotivating and discouraging. Black filmmakers and creators often
struggle to secure funding and resources for their projects, limiting their ability to break into
decision-making roles (Dunn et al., 2021). This lack of recognition and support can lead to a
cycle of disengagement and disheartenment, where talented Black executives may leave the
25
industry or pursue other career paths where they feel their skills and expertise are valued
(D. Carter, 2021).
Implicit Biases and Stereotypes
Extensive research notes that implicit biases and stereotypes shape decision-making in
ways that disadvantage minority groups (Greenwald & Krieger, 2006). In the television and film
industry, these unconscious biases negatively impact Black creatives across multiple facets of
their careers. One such facet is hiring and promotion. Controlled experiments reveal that
employers often favor White-sounding names on identical resumes, reflecting implicit
preferences (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004). This directly limits Black professionals’ access to
leadership roles as writers, directors, and executives (Smith et al., 2022). Once hired, implicit
biases also restrict advancement opportunities. For example, gender bias studies found that men
and women provide more mentoring and resources to male colleagues than equally qualified
women (Moss-Racusin et al., 2012). Due to similar biases, Black entertainment professionals
struggle to obtain support to take on leadership positions (McMillan Cottom, 2019; Robb, 2022).
Additionally, research indicates that implicit bias skews project selection and funding
decisions. Reviewers appraise identical proposals more positively if they believe authors are of
high status or share their racial identity (Milkman et al., 2015). Consequently, pitches by Black
creatives frequently get rejected in favor of less diverse stories from White peers (Yuen &
Bhatia, 2020a, 2020b). Funding flows to stories resonating with the implicit biases of
predominately White studio heads (Lai et al., 2014).
Black Voices Dismissed and Disregarded
BlackCrit offers a comprehensive framework for understanding the lack of Black
decision-makers in the television and feature film industry. This theoretical approach helps
26
uncover Black people’s identities, experiences, and aspirations and provides insights into how
Black bodies become marginalized, disregarded, and disdained, even in discussions of race and
diversity (Dumas & Ross, 2016). BlackCrit specifically examines the perpetuation of antiBlackness in various contexts, including media industries, shedding light on the systemic barriers
and discriminatory practices that contribute to the underrepresentation of Black decision-makers.
Firstly, BlackCrit highlights how historical and systemic racism has shaped the
entertainment industry. For instance, the era of segregation and racial discrimination in
Hollywood’s early years led to the exclusion of Black voices and perspectives from decisionmaking positions (Quinn, 2012). The industry’s historical foundation, rooted in White
supremacy, has perpetuated the lack of representation for Black professionals in key roles.
BlackCrit draws attention to these historical injustices and how they continue to impact Black
executives’ opportunities for advancement (Dumas & Ross, 2016).
Secondly, BlackCrit examines power dynamics that reinforce the underrepresentation of
Black decision-makers. Research reveals that White individuals hold the overwhelming majority
of senior leadership positions in major television and film studios (Robb, 2022; Smith &
Choueiti, 2020). This lack of diversity at the top levels of decision-making perpetuates a cycle of
exclusion, where Black professionals are denied access to leadership roles that could influence
content creation and representation. BlackCrit highlights how these power dynamics perpetuate
anti-Blackness (Dumas & Ross, 2016).
Thirdly, BlackCrit analyzes the portrayal of Black characters and stories in television and
feature films. The underrepresentation of Black executives means that non-Black individuals still
shape many Black characters and stories and might perpetuate harmful stereotypes and tropes
27
(Hall, 2016). BlackCrit reveals how the lack of diverse decision-makers can perpetuate harmful
representations of Black individuals.
Furthermore, BlackCrit draws attention to how implicit biases and stereotypes influence
decision-making processes in the industry. Candidates with traditionally Black-sounding names
are less likely to receive auditions or callbacks for jobs, demonstrating how implicit biases
impact casting decisions by dismissing or disregarding those Black candidates (Bertrand &
Mullainathan, 2004; Robb, 2022). Black executives face similar biases when presenting projects
and ideas, impacting their ability to have their visions realized. BlackCrit highlights how these
biases reinforce the exclusion or disregard of Black professionals from decision-making
positions (Yuen & Bhatia, 2020a, 2020b).
BlackCrit examines the role of culture and societal narratives in shaping perceptions of
Black professionals (Dumas & Ross, 2016). Research on implicit bias reveals that even wellintentioned individuals may hold implicit biases against certain racial and ethnic groups,
influencing their perceptions and evaluations of others (Greenwald & Krieger, 2006). For Black
executives, this means facing skepticism or resistance when advocating for projects that center
Black stories or experiences. BlackCrit emphasizes how these cultural narratives contribute to
the marginalization of Black decision-makers (Dumas & Ross, 2016; Greenwald & Krieger,
2006).
BlackCrit also provides a nuanced and comprehensive understanding of the lack of Black
decision-makers in television and feature films. This theoretical framework helps to examine the
historical context, power dynamics, representation issues, implicit biases, societal narratives, and
intersectionality to explain how anti-Blackness is perpetuated in the industry (Dumas & Ross,
2016). By examining these aspects, BlackCrit highlights the need for systemic change and the
28
promotion of diversity and inclusion in decision-making roles to address the underrepresentation
of Black professionals. Finally, BlackCrit considers the impact of intersectionality on the
representation of Black executives. Black executives face multiple layers of discrimination due
to their race and gender, resulting in limited opportunities for career progression (D. Carter,
2021; Robb, 2022). BlackCrit underscores understanding how intersecting identities can
compound the challenges Black professionals face.
Conceptual Framework
This study applied BlackCrit as a conceptual framework to examine how systemic racism
and oppressive Hollywood power structures marginalize, disregard, and disdain Black creatives.
BlackCrit reveals that institutional practices and White-controlled leadership perpetuate systemic
biases, fundamentally restricting Black creatives’ opportunities to advance and make structural
changes (Abrams, 2022; Dumas & Ross, 2016; Hunt & Ramón, 2020). Discriminatory
recruitment, hiring, promotion, and funding allocation maintain the status quo that largely
excludes Black writers, directors, producers, and executives from positions of creative power
necessary to tell nuanced, authentic stories about the full range of Black experiences (Coleman,
2016; Dixson & Anderson, 2018).
BlackCrit recognizes the dismissive, often hostile resistance Black professionals face
when trying to challenge the biased status quo (Coleman et al., 2016; Hiraldo, 2010). Their
creative visions, lived experiences, and calls for change may be marginalized or disregarded by
White superiors socialized in White supremacist systems. This prevents diverse narratives from
reaching wider audiences (Abrams, 2022). BlackCrit also emphasizes the need to center Black
voices and knowledge as crucial to exposing and disrupting systemic racism (Stovall, 2016).
Thus, this study centered the narratives of Black entertainment professionals regarding their
29
experiences navigating systemic barriers, microaggressions (aggressions), and suppression of
their creative work. Their counternarratives can catalyze radical structural changes within
Hollywood.
To demonstrate this conceptual framework, Figure 1 illustrates a multi-level model of
how endemic racism and White supremacy in broader society manifests through biased
Hollywood power structures that systemically limit Black professionals from occupying
meaningful creative leadership roles. This ultimately results in the perpetuation of stereotypes
and suppression of authentic Black stories and invalidates Black experiences, opinions, and
perspectives. The cyclical nature highlights the need for radical change to advance Black
creatives into positions of power and transform media representations.
Figure 1
Conceptual Framework
Marginalization of Black Voices & Bias in Hiring, Recruitment, and Promotion
Lack of Black Executives in Creative Leadership Roles in Hollywood
Lack of Black Executives in Senior Leadership Roles in Society
Hollywood Power Structure Controlled by White Executives
Systemic Racism and Oppression in Society
Systemic Racism and Bias Towards Blacks Embedded in Hollywood
30
Conclusion
This literature review has synthesized research on the underrepresentation and
stereotypical portrayals of Black people in film and television. However, the most significant
finding is the severe lack of Black executives in decision-making roles. Study after study
documents the disproportionately low numbers of Black writers, directors, producers, and
executives (Hunt et al., 2018; Smith et al., 2019). This persists despite growing calls for diversity
and major studios, networks, unions, and agencies advocating for change.
BlackCrit provides a useful lens to understand how systemic racism in Hollywood
restricts access to positions of creative control and power for Black talent (Coleman, 2016). The
barriers, from biased hiring practices to exclusionary networks, maintain White dominance in
writers’ and producers’ rooms and executive suites (Banks & Eberhardt, 2018; Ross, 2017). This
prevents authentic Black stories from being told, along with Black experiences being valued,
appreciated, and honored. BlackCrit reveals how social and institutional racial biases perpetuate
the disempowerment of Black professionals in the media landscape (Coleman, 2016; Hunt &
Ramón, 2020).
Centering the voices of Black creatives working to increase representation behind the
scenes is imperative. As this review revealed, who holds decision-making authority has
implications for diversity on screen and combatting prejudice (Saha, 2018; Smith et al., 2019).
This study builds on these insights by exploring Black entertainment professionals’ perspectives
and experiences on navigating systemic barriers, the impact of limited Black leadership, and
strategies for change. Their experiences illuminate pathways toward greater equity, inclusion,
and representation.
31
While past literature extensively analyzes problematic on-screen portrayals, stereotypes,
and tropes, applying BlackCrit as a lens to view this problem spotlights the need to confront
deeper power imbalances that deny Black executives a voice and vote. Additionally, there is a
need for a substantial increase in those executives’ say and creative control. This review thus
provides context and direction to guide the current research.
Increasing representation requires addressing systemic racism through reforms like bias
training and changes to talent recruitment and development programs (Hunt & Ramón, 2020;
McMillan Cottom, 2019). There are also calls for emerging platforms like Netflix and Hulu to
resist replicating industry hierarchies (McMillan Cottom, 2019). Greater inclusion of diverse
voices in media leadership roles will allow for more equitable, authentic storytelling.
32
Chapter Three: Methodology
This study addressed the lack of Black decision-makers in decision-making roles across
the film and television industry. Grounded in BlackCrit, the purpose of this qualitative study was
to explore the perspectives of Black entertainment executives regarding systemic barriers to
advancement, the impact of limited Black representation in positions of power, and strategies to
increase diversity among writers, directors, producers, and executives. This chapter presents the
methodology for this phenomenological study. First, the research questions guiding the inquiry
are restated, followed by an overview of the qualitative design and BlackCrit framework. Details
regarding the interview research process are then provided, including descriptions of the sample,
procedures for recruiting and interviewing participants, instrumentation, and data analysis
methods. Additionally, this chapter discusses my positionality as a Black executive seeking to
center Black voices and experiences in entertainment. Validity, reliability, ethical considerations,
and limitations of the methodology are also addressed.
Research Questions
The research questions for this study are as follows:
1. What are the experiences and perspectives of Black executives in the television and
film industry regarding barriers to advancement into decision-making positions?
2. What systemic and individual factors contribute to the underrepresentation of Black
decision-making roles in the television and feature film industry, and what strategies
do Black executives suggest for increasing diversity and representation in these roles?
Overview of Design
This study utilized a qualitative approach to analyze the research questions focused on
the experiences and perspectives of Black entertainment executives regarding the lack of Black
33
people in decision-making roles. In-depth, semi-structured interviews served as the primary data
source, allowing firsthand narratives to emerge from participants’ own words. These person-toperson interviews are optimal for soliciting rich, descriptive data directly from people living the
phenomenon explored (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The semi-structured format promotes open
sharing through flexible, conversational dialogue while still covering key topical areas through
some guiding questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Roulston, 2010). It also enables probing into
participant statements and stories with follow-up questions tailored situationally (Roulston,
2010). The interview protocol contains core questions aligned with the research aims while
permitting organic flow and the emergence of insights not previously considered (CastilloMontoya, 2016). Centering the voices of Black entertainment executives through these
responsive interviews will provide insights into advancing representation and diversity among
media decision-makers (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Research Setting
To create a comfortable environment conducive to open dialogue, the research interviews
for this study took place both in-person and over Zoom in quiet, private settings of the
participants’ choosing (Elwood & Martin, 2000; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Rubin & Rubin,
2011). For in-person interviews, options were the participant’s home or office to ensure
confidentiality and minimize distractions (Elwood & Martin, 2000). Virtual interviews occurred
over Zoom with cameras on to approximate face-to-face conversation. Participants selected times
that accommodated their schedules and when they could fully focus on the conversation without
multitasking (Elwood & Martin, 2000). Whether in-person or virtual, the settings facilitated
respectful, focused qualitative interviewing with attention to aspects like lighting, noise
reduction, privacy, and minimal interruptions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Rubin & Rubin, 2011;
34
Salmons, 2015). Establishing a comfortable environment helps build rapport and encourage
participants’ openness (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). These considerations of the research setting
aim to elicit rich, candid narratives from entertainment professionals about their experiences as
Black executives.
The Researcher
As a Black, gay talent agent conducting these interviews, my social identities and
experiences undeniably shaped my interpretations and assumptions throughout the research
process. I critically reflected on how my positionality influenced rapport building with
participants, the interview dynamics, and the lens I applied when analyzing data (Berger, 2015;
Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). For example, participants may have opened up more easily, assuming
shared experiences as a Black professional, or conversely, have been more cautious about what
they shared with me as a member of the entertainment industry. My insider industry knowledge
could also unintentionally bias how I view and code participants’ perspectives. To mitigate
potential influences, I actively journaled throughout data collection and analysis to examine my
reflexivity and question assumptions and biases (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Saldana, 2016).
Member checking preliminary findings also helped ensure I authentically represented
participants’ voices rather than imposing my perceptions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
I was cognizant that while shared racial identity may promote psychological safety and
trust, our divergent individual experiences shaped our truths and worldviews differently (Collins,
1986). Asking open-ended questions and listening to learn without judgment created a
comfortable space for participants to feel heard and share freely (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016;
Roulston, 2010). Confidentiality protocols will further encourage candid perspectives.
Scrutinizing my positionality, centering participants’ voices, and member checking were key
35
strategies to ensure findings emerge directly from the data rather than my biases (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016).
My identity informed this research, but reflexivity and responsiveness can mitigate undue
influences (Berger, 2015; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I aimed to approach this study humbly,
recognizing my limitations and purposefully crafting a process that centered the participants and
their narratives. My goal was to elevate excluded voices and construct knowledge
collaboratively, not impose assumptions or prior conceptions. This research ultimately sought to
understand lived realities different from my own.
Data Sources
This study utilized qualitative, semi-structured interviews as the primary source of data.
Semi-structured interviews involve prepared, open-ended questions to guide the conversation
while permitting flexibility to explore participant responses further through impromptu probing
and follow-up (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This interview format aligns well with the study’s
aims and research questions, exploring personal experiences and perspectives that warrant
narrative responses and clarification (Roulston, 2010). The conversational nature provides a
comfortable environment for participants to share insights candidly (Rubin & Rubin, 2011). At
the same time, the interview protocol focuses dialogue toward the key issues outlined, ensuring
alignment with the research purpose. With sampling, instrumentation, data collection procedures,
and analysis, these responsive yet purposeful semi-structured interviews elicited rich,
contextualized data directly from Black entertainment executives to illuminate the lack of
diversity among media decision-makers. The following sections provide details regarding the
execution of these critical methodological components.
36
Participants
This study utilized purposeful sampling to recruit participants. Purposeful sampling
involves intentionally selecting individuals who have experience with the phenomenon being
studied and can provide useful insights (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Sampling begins by
identifying a few key participants who meet the criteria and then asking them to refer additional
appropriate participants from their networks. This limits researcher bias in selective or
convenient sampling (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; O. C. Robinson, 2014).
The specific population being sampled consists of Black executives who hold or aspire to
creative leadership roles as writers, directors, producers, or executives in film and television.
Less than 50 individuals match this description according to industry data on Black
representation behind the scenes (Hunt & Ramón, 2020). The sample goal was 15 participants,
purposefully selected based on their experiences as Black creatives, allowing in-depth
interviewing to capture a range of perspectives (Mason, 2010; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Initial
participants were recruited based on personal connections, and snowball sampling expanded the
sample through referrals.
Instrumentation
The primary instrument for this study was a semi-structured interview protocol
containing 15 core open-ended questions aligned to the research aims, as well as potential
follow-up probes to expand on participant responses (Castillo-Montoya, 2016). The questions
elicited a combination of experiences, opinions, perspectives, and background information from
participants (Patton, 2015). This facilitated rich, contextualized narratives from entertainment
professionals regarding the lack of Black decision-makers in leadership roles. The semi-
37
structured format promoted open sharing through flexible dialogue adapted situationally while
covering key topical areas (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
The protocol directly reflects the two research questions, with questions exploring the
impacts of Black creatives in decision-making positions and strategies to advance Black
professionals into leadership roles. It drew out personal experiences and recommendations
grounded in participants’ careers in the industry. The questions are intentionally broad, allowing
findings to emerge from participants’ voices (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Roulston, 2010). The
appendix presents the full protocol, demonstrating alignment between the research aims and
interview questions. This instrument yielded comprehensive data to address the study’s purpose.
Data Collection and Analysis
In this study, the conceptual framework looks at the triadic reciprocity between
environment, cognition, and behavior. Because the study was concerned primarily with the lack
of Black decision-makers in television and feature films, the data analysis aspired to present
findings within this conceptual framework.
Data Analysis
Once data were collected, I analyzed them in accordance with the research questions. An
open coding approach was the first step in data analysis. Open coding allows a wide array of
concepts to emerge from the data (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Following the open coding of
interviews, I used a axial coding approach to determine the relationship between emerging data
points. This enabled me to make connections between concepts and determine what themes were
emerging from the data. Finally, a selective coding approach allowed for the refinement of
themes into concrete findings supported by the literature and the study’s conceptual framework.
38
Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria
The inclusion criteria for this study were that participants be Black executives with
extensive expertise in creative or executive roles in television and movies. Participants had to
self-identify as Black or African American and currently work as writers, producers, directors, or
executives. They had to have at least 5 years of industry experience. These criteria ensured
participants could offer firsthand insights into navigating leadership spaces as Black creatives in
the entertainment business.
The exclusion criteria limited participation to those who fit the target population exactly.
Individuals who identified only as White or another non-Black racial/ethnic group were not
eligible because the study focused solely on Black experiences. Professionals with less than 5
years in entertainment and no recent credits on written narrative productions were likewise
disqualified, as were those working in non-content divisions such as marketing or human
resources. The exclusionary criteria limited the sample to Black creatives with substantial
experience in film/TV leadership to highlight issues of underrepresentation in decision-making
roles.
Validity and Reliability
Establishing validity and reliability is critical for accurate, ethical research. Validity
refers to how well the data measures the intended focus, while reliability considers the
consistency of data collection and analysis procedures (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This study
incorporated several strategies to strengthen validity and reliability.
To improve validity, member checking occurred throughout data collection to verify the
accurate representation of participants’ intended meanings (Birt et al., 2016; Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Participants reviewed summaries of their responses to confirm or clarify to ensure
39
findings reflected their perspectives, not researcher assumptions. Additionally, extensive
reflexive memos were written throughout to critically examine my positionalities and mitigate
biases in interpretations (Berger, 2015). Peer debriefing with my dissertation committee also
enhanced validity through external review.
Reliability was addressed through consistency in the interview protocol and procedures.
The same questions and protocol were used with all participants over a defined period to
minimize environmental variability (Leung, 2015; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Interviews were
recorded and professionally transcribed using consistent methods. In data analysis, multiple
rounds of coding followed by a comparison of themes strengthened reliability in the coding
process (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Meticulous attention to member checking, reflexivity, peer
debriefing, consistency in procedures, and structured data analysis enhanced the rigor and
trustworthiness of this study’s findings. However, validity and reliability ultimately depend on
continuous ethical reflexivity as the researcher (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell,
2016).
Credibility and Trustworthiness
Establishing rigor and trustworthiness is critical in qualitative research. This study
implemented several validated techniques to enhance credibility. Prolonged engagement with
participants allowed time to build rapport and obtain rich data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Triangulating findings across multiple data sources, like industry reports, corroborated interview
insights (N. Carter et al., 2014). Additionally, peer debriefing with unbiased colleagues
uncovered potential biases in analysis (Spall, 1998).
Member checking validated accurate representations of participants’ perspectives (Birt et
al., 2016). Participants reviewed summaries of findings to confirm or clarify. Also, detailed audit
40
trails of procedures provided transparency in data collection and analysis (Carcary, 2009).
Finally, I engaged in continual reflexivity through memoing to examine my biases and
positionality (Berger, 2015).
Incorporating rigorous procedures of triangulation, member checking, peer debriefing,
audit trails, and reflexivity bolstered this study’s credibility and trustworthiness. Adhering to
these strategies upholds ethical standards and provides findings that can better inform efforts to
increase Black representation.
Ethics
Upholding ethical standards is imperative when collecting personal narratives. At the
start of each interview, participants were presented with informed consent outlining the
voluntary nature of participation, measures to protect confidentiality, and intended uses of the
data. Identifying details are omitted, and participants are assigned pseudonyms in reporting
findings. Recordings and transcripts are also securely stored (Allen & Wiles, 2016; Creswell &
Creswell, 2018; Orb et al., 2001).
However, my positionality as a Black entertainment professional presented some ethical
challenges regarding perceived power differentials and potential biases. Participants may have
felt pressure to participate or provide favorable responses despite assurances of confidentiality
and that there are no professional repercussions for withdrawing or answering honestly. To
mitigate this, I stressed the independence of the research from industry affiliations and aimed to
build trust through transparency about the study’s purpose to elevate Black voices. Member
checking and reviewing conclusions helped ensure the data analysis was accurate (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018).
41
Additionally, my shared identity as a Black executive could have inserted biases into the
analysis. To limit this, I engaged in extensive reflexive journaling to interrogate my assumptions
and remained open to perspectives that diverged from my own experiences (Berger, 2015).
Representing the data honestly and not imposing assumptions is critical for ethical research.
Ethical protocols, clear and open communication with participants, and reflexivity were essential
to ensuring this study authentically empowered the voices of Black entertainment executives.
Limitations and Delimitations
While I made efforts to ensure a rigorous research design, some limitations were outside
my control. The brief data collection period could have reduced the sample if participants had
limited availability (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Additionally, the sociopolitical climate at the
time of the study could have affected responses. Participants may have been hesitant to share
sensitive experiences of racism or discrimination given increased public scrutiny on diversity
issues, especially with the removal of several diversity, equity, inclusion, and belonging
departments in entertainment organizations.
There were also intentional delimitations to bound the study’s scope. The sample was
limited to Black executives primarily based in Los Angeles and New York, as both cities are
major entertainment hubs (Hunt & Ramón, 2020). While this focused the data collection, it
excluded potentially valuable perspectives from other regions. Additionally, the study centered
professionals who have attained some leadership experience. Those earlier in their careers were
not included, although examining emerging creatives’ perspectives could provide useful insights
as well.
The limitations stemmed primarily from logistical constraints, while the delimitations
allowed for an in-depth exploration. However, both influenced the data and findings. Future
42
studies with more resources could expand the sampling and timeframe to gain a comprehensive
understanding of Black executives’ experiences across entertainment. This study provided
important initial explorations to build on.
The chapter commenced with a comprehensive examination of the research design, the
research setting, and the researcher. The focus of the discussion thereafter transitioned toward an
examination of the data source: semi-structured interviews. Ultimately, the discussion
encompassed topics pertaining to the concepts of validity and reliability, ethical considerations,
as well as the limitations and delimitations of the study. The subsequent chapter will encompass
the presentation and analysis of the study’s findings.
43
Chapter Four: Results
This research investigated the lack of Black decision-makers in the film and television
industries. The goal of this qualitative study, which is based on BlackCrit, was to investigate the
perspectives of Black entertainment executives on systemic barriers to advancement, the impact
of limited Black representation in positions of power, and strategies to increase diversity among
writers, directors, producers, and executives. The two research questions for the study are as
follows:
1. What are the experiences and perspectives of Black executives in the television and
film industry regarding barriers to advancement into decision-making positions?
2. What systemic and individual factors contribute to the underrepresentation of Black
decision-making roles within the television and feature film industry, and what
strategies do Black executives suggest for increasing diversity and representation in
these roles?
This qualitative study examined interview data. I chose participants using a snowball,
intentional sampling method. To protect participants’ identities, I assigned each a pseudonym.
Fifteen people satisfied the study’s eligibility requirements and took part in it throughout 4
weeks in December of 2023. The interviews lasted between 45 and 60 minutes and were
conducted via Zoom. Interviews were taped, saved in a secure location, and then transcribed for
data analysis. Table 1 includes a pseudonym for each participant, as well as each participant’s
self-identified racial identification and gender identity.
44
Table 1
Participants
Participant pseudonym Self-identified ethnicity Gender Years in the industry
Carmen Black Female 10+
Casey Black Male 10+
Christy Black Female 10+
Diana Black Female 10+
Hector Black Male 10+
James Black Male 10+
Juanita Black Female 5+
Lucas Black Male 10+
Nikki Black Female 10+
Pam Black Female 5+
Quinta Black Female 10+
Ron Black Male 10+
Sean Black Male 10+
Tam Black Female 10+
Tyrone Black Male 10+
The following sections present the findings in connection with the corresponding
research questions. First are findings related to the participants’ experiences and perspectives
regarding barriers to advancement and decision-making positions. Then, the chapter presents
findings related to systemic and individual factors that contribute to the underrepresentation of
Black people in decision-making roles in the television and feature film industry and what
strategies the participants suggest for increasing diversity and representation in these roles.
Before addressing the research questions, it is important to note that a common thread
across participants’ experiences was a sense of isolation and loneliness as often the only or one
of very few Black creatives in their workplaces. Lucas, a TV writer with over a decade of
experience, stated, “I’ve been the only Black writer in every single writer’s room I’ve been in.
The only one.” This segregation frequently resulted in participants feeling much pressure to
45
represent their entire race/culture and that their mistakes reflected negatively on all Black people.
Diana, a producer, noted exhausting expectations to be “the voice for every Black issue” in
environments where she was singled out. Thus, conducting these interviews was challenging, as
the participants recounted impactful stories, which was triggering for them.
Relatedly, several participants described a lack of camaraderie and difficulty forming
bonds with White colleagues who could not relate to their realities as marginalized racial
minorities. James, an executive, explained how social events and networking with White
superiors often felt awkward and exclusionary, hindering relationship-building critical to
advancement. Many participants also suffered from stereotype threat and were reluctant to share
personal struggles like experiences of racism/bias for fear it would perpetuate stereotypes or
damage their reputations. “The lack of community took an emotional toll on me,” stated Lucas,
and “having more Black writers or directors meaningfully involved could begin normalizing
diversity rather than positioning Black professionals as outsiders.” The shared sense of
singularity or tokenism among participants illuminated the need for outlets for these individuals,
as each stated they had never shared many or any of these stories with anyone prior.
Research Question 1: What Are the Experiences and Perspectives of Black Executives in
the Television and Film Industry Regarding Barriers to Advancement Into DecisionMaking Positions?
The first major finding emerging from participants’ narratives was the extensive forms of
institutional and systemic racism they described as barriers to advancement into decision-making
positions. From biases ingrained in hiring and promotions processes to exclusionary workplace
cultures, participants articulated the challenges Black professionals face in ascending to
meaningful creative leadership roles. This aligns with the study’s conceptual framework rooted
46
in BlackCrit, which recognizes endemic racism within societal institutions that systemically
disadvantage Black individuals. Despite having reputable industry experience and credits, the
participants recounted being denied opportunities for career growth afforded routinely to less
qualified White peers. Their stories exposed complex biases in perceptions of talent and potential
that maintain predominant White control over vital editorial positions such as writers’ rooms,
directorial chairs, executive suites, and production company leadership. Significant to note is that
each participant highlighted at least two stories of blatant bias in terms of being considered for a
promotion. The personal narratives provided powerful firsthand accounts of the myriad
manifestations of systemic racism and bias underlying the lack of diversity among TV/film
decision-makers.
Being the Only One
A shared experience among participants was an acute sense of isolation and loneliness
stemming from frequently being the sole Black creative on projects and in leadership roles.
Casey described being “the only non-support staff Black person in the entire [agency] building.
… Every single person who works in a revenue generator position is White.” Casey also stated,
“So, when I bring up the simple fact that the approach to how we are pitching talent is patently
racist, as one of hundreds in a room, I am not taken seriously.” Similarly, Diana stated she was
“the only Black executive at [her] company” with no diversity besides “production assistants.”
She added,
On top of the immense pressure to overperform, most people don’t realize how isolated
you feel when you are the only one in a room, and you’re trying to influence or persuade
people who you don’t have any connection with.
47
Participants who linked being the singular Black voice to immense pressure also spoke to
a feeling of their opinions being devalued or dismissed. Carmen expressed,
If you’re the only person of color in a meeting, trying to pitch an idea and trying to even
reformat an episode of a show, … your voice is not heard or valued. Without another
person reinforcing or agreeing with you, it’s almost as if you are opinions are completely
dismissed off hand.
She described being exhausted by these experiences:
To be the voice for every Black issue is absolutely exhausting. It’s exhausting because in
the entertainment industry, we gig. And in a given year, you may have anywhere between
four [and] six major gigs. And in my experience as an [executive producer], I’m not only
the only Black person on set most times; I’m also the only Black person at that
production company. So, every time you walk into a new situation and hope to see
someone, anyone, Black, and then you don’t, you have this heavy sigh of … ugh, this shit
again!
Each participant stated that in White-dominated environments, their creative opinions and
expertise on authentic cultural depictions were often dismissed or challenged, with no one to
support, defend, or speak on their behalf.
Being the only one also had profound impacts on personal connections, feelings of
belonging, and advancement. Nikki shared, “As a veteran of this industry, there are countless
times that upon returning to the office on Monday, I was subject to hearing stories of night out
for drinks, baby showers, dinners, outings that I was never invited to.” Tyrone also explained
difficulties forming social bonds and accessing insider networking opportunities critical for
rising through company ranks. He indicated that despite his successes and not being promoted,
48
relationships “were never truly forged because I understood that they didn’t want good things for
me.”
Environments offering little leadership diversity beyond tokenization caused the
participants to question their self-worth and capabilities. Carmen emphasized that this isolation is
“mentally taxing” over time. Nikki described debilitating psychological effects:
It destroyed me. … Imagine being alone in a dark, black room with only one door. Only,
if by chance, you actually reach the door, it leads to another dark black room where you
were the only one. And this keeps happening again and again.
Essentially, while being the only one may have afforded opportunities for some, it
simultaneously burdened them with pressures while marginalizing their voices, connections, and
advancement. Tyrone exclaimed,
Often, I wanted to champion specific Black content. However, I realized, as the only one,
if I pushed too hard, then my job might be in jeopardy. I understood that if I was out of
this company, then there would be no one to champion for Black individuals. … True
representation requires greater critical mass at all industry levels to combat these barriers
facing us Black creatives.
Bias and Aggressions
Participants recounted experiencing overt racism and more subtle forms of disparate
treatment compared to White entertainment professionals in hiring, development, funding, and
career growth opportunities. James described bias permeating initial job interviews, where
despite highly relevant experience, he was told, “You don’t have the experience” for senior
production roles reserved for less qualified White candidates. Ron, too, recalled bias during
interviews, told by executives that his decade producing commercials failed to provide requisite
49
experience for TV production leadership, even though the executive vice president at that
specific company hailed from the commercial world.
These preconceptions hindered the participants as they navigated development and
content creation processes. Meetings elicited particularly egregious marginalization, as Juanita
shared,
A White person told me that, as a woman, I didn’t understand the voice of a Black male.
The person who told me that was my boss at the time. Even though we had been working
together for about 6 months, she had no idea that I was the mother of a Black male. … As
I was made to not only explain but defend my decisions in this heated exchange, she
never once afterwards apologized, and I was not given that promotion promised weeks
later.
Participants linked such disregard for their creative opinions on authentic Black narratives to not
having Black executives in the workplace. Ron described how executives continually dismissed
and overrode his creative recommendations:
I remember working on a television show concept based on a small, private, religious
college based in Texas. And we were tasked to create these dynamic and interesting
characters for the show. I recall being super excited because this was right up my alley
because I attended just that. So, I had created all these fantastic character archetypes
based on my lived experience. When I presented my ideas to the room, the lead
showrunner said we would like for you to focus on the Black characters for this show,
and we will handle the rest. I can’t accurately describe how angry I was.
Bias also manifested in discriminatory funding allocation. Diana recounted her
experience as executive producer of a documentary, which was hampered when a White
50
colleague without relevant expertise advised founders it would not sell, despite attaching an
iconic Black actress. James, too, emphasized that while some Black stories now make money,
greenlight decisions remain controlled by “White decision makers.” He said,
Every time a Black script is presented to the studio execs, it has substantially less allaround resources for production. That means that not only is the budget for filming less,
but the allocated resources for marketing in advertising, there’s also less. Even with
marquee Black talent.
Most critically, systemic biases permeated career advancement, limiting the participants
from ascending to upper echelons of power. Diana was laughed at within seconds after
requesting a company production deal afforded quickly to less experienced White colleagues.
Christy had a similar experience. She recounted interviewing for a senior-level executive
position at a cable network:
I recall sitting in this cold, sterile office, staring across the desk at an older distinguished
White man going over my resume. After minutes of niceties and pleasantries, he stated
that I had strong qualifications but had never ran an outlet that, in his mind, was
comparable to this particular cable outlet. I quickly stated that perhaps you didn’t realize
that I was head of production at ACME television station, [the Number 1 Black television
station in the country]. He quickly replied, “Yes, but that was ACME.” Why this is so
significant to share with you is because he had no idea that ACME not only had more
overall hours of programming than this outlet, but two of ACME time slots had much
better ratings and could also demand much higher ad sales than any hour on that outlet.
Lucas echoed similar diminishments, recalling proposed projects and promotions going to less
qualified White colleagues despite his objectively more extensive track record. He also observed
51
organizations being afraid to hire or empower too many Black creatives despite obvious talents
and leadership capabilities. Together, these manifestations of bias and racism obstruct entry,
success, and leadership for Black professionals.
Dismissed and Disregarded
A pervasive occurrence was the devaluation participants experienced regarding their
creative visions and career accomplishments compared to White peers. For example, Hector
described pitching in rooms where “your ideas are not heard, explored, or examined” and ideas
instantly disregarded, no matter how cogent:
They say I needed a 4-year degree in film or production. OK, got that. Then they say you
have to pay your dues and spend years being a [production assistant]. OK, did that. Then
they say you must be staffed on a network show in order for you to achieve showrunner
status. OK, did that. Now, when I am being pitched or applying to be a showrunner,
especially a showrunner of a very large budget show, I am told at every turn that I don’t
have enough experience. And yet, I can name countless individuals who happen to be
White with less experience and no 4-year degree in film.
When asked who were the “they” he spoke of, Hector stated, “The system or our industry.”
Christy encapsulated the professional disregard, stating,
We fight to sign these people to bring them into our system. And then at some point, your
boss says to you, … I’m going to put a [White] partner on your team, … so it makes it
harder to lose this [Black] client.
She described that Black agents get strategically undercut and locked out from high-level client
interactions that grow careers:
52
The disregard is permeated at the highest levels at agencies, studios, and networks
because the bottom line is the bottom line for this industry, and decision-makers know
that Black employees have no other option. If you want to work in this industry and make
money, then you have to play this game.
The expression “having to constantly prove myself” occurred across interviews with
participants emphasizing exhausting double standards and expecting exceptional output for
career advancement opportunities granted freely to White counterparts. Tyrone described it as
“begging execs to say, we have the tenacity to do this work,” despite extensive credentials.
White peers get waived through: “I proved myself over and over and over again. … The work is
there, you know what I mean?” Diana described how, after 7 years of helping anchor a hit show,
she approached the CEO to request a development deal on par with less experienced White
colleagues. She emphasized contributing extensive production expertise, yet “he laughed and
said, ‘You don’t have any track record in the marketplace.’” This dismissive attitude toward
participants’ accomplishments is noteworthy as each highlighted several stories where they felt
all of their accomplishments, lived experiences, and resumes did not matter as much as their
White counterparts. Pam mentioned that “even after George Floyd and there was this onslaught
of let’s hire and promote Black people, 2-plus years after the fact and many of my fellow overly
qualified Black colleagues are not being hired as our White colleagues.”
Participants tied the willful systemic merit dismissals to cementing White dominance in
entertainment power structures. Leadership consistently fails to acknowledge ingrained
preconceptions undervaluing the abilities and visions of Black creatives. Pam summed up the
resulting psychological toll: “How many of me and my Black peers feel so dismissed when it
53
comes to our work? Even though we’re working harder than anyone else? That’s the thing. …
We prove ourselves, and it’s still not good enough.”
The stories reveal a ubiquity of talents, ideas, and qualifications being dismissed or
disregarded based on race. Unless confronted, this normalization of undercutting Black creatives
ensures they struggle for advancement opportunities automatically conferred to less capable
White counterparts. The aggregated anecdotes affirm the urgency to dismantle structural racism
in Hollywood.
The Mental Taxation of Marginalization
The trauma of repeated career barriers and racism inflicted emotional and psychological
wounds upon participants, causing many to question remaining in the industry. Diana described
racist mistreatment as “destroying me … It took 3 years of loss for me to be able to believe that I
was worthy.” The pain permeated self-identity as she reflected, “I always had a very interesting
relationship with my value and self-worth. … I started crying because I was so mad.” She sought
therapy to process, emphasizing that this degrading interaction generated self-doubt far beyond
the workplace. Juanita, as well, described 21 years of constantly experiencing racism and
aggression in the workplace as “mentally taxing.”
Career and advancement ramifications accompanied such distressing incidents. Carmen
indicated that broken organizational cultures created unfixable marginalization, requiring her
imminent exit after only 7 months as a senior vice-president:
I was hired to run a major production company and was told that I would have complete
control. So much so that the president of the company told me specifically that whatever
you say goes. Within the 1st week, every decision I made was questioned, disregarded,
and ultimately overridden by the president. The company culture became so toxic that I
54
had to quit. I remember sitting alone in my car, crying before workdays. Ultimately, the
stress required me to seek professional help in dealing with all of this.
Carmen’s questioning whether to continue with an abusive production reflected other
participants’ similarly lost enthusiasm and morale for their craft. They questioned their
belonging and self-worth, fueled by systemic toxicity.
Essentially, accumulated experiences of bias, dismissal, and racism levied a toll on
participants’ livelihoods and well-being. Finding themselves still struggling for creative respect
and leadership seats at the table in an era emphasizing diversity, many expressed disillusionment.
Tony recalled one story of note:
It was a perfectly normal day. I was on the golf course with friends. Nothing abnormal at
all. The next thing I remember, I woke up in the hospital. My wife holding my hand [and]
doctors telling me that I had a heart attack. I can tell you that with every ounce of my
being, I know that it was the stress of working in a toxic environment where, as a Black
person, we feel we must be 1,000 times better than our White counterparts. … When you
first start working in this industry, you have so much energy and excitement. Once you
realize that as a Black person, you will never get to be in those chairs or rooms that you
are exposed to daily. I mean, you are arm’s length away, but you will never attain it. It’s
infuriating. It’s sad. It’s frustrating, but ultimately, it’s maddening.
Many participants stressed that the industry needs to recognize and address the trauma stemming
from working within spaces still actively perpetuating systemic racism.
55
Research Question 2: What Systemic and Individual Factors Contribute to the
Underrepresentation of Black Decision-Making Roles Within the Television and Feature
Film Industry, and What Strategies Do Black Executives Suggest for Increasing Diversity
and Representation in These Roles?
This research examines systemic and individual barriers hindering diversity among
television and film industry decision-makers framed through BlackCrit. A primary theme in the
interview data was restricted access to the insider advocacy that provides pathways to leadership
roles, coupled with mentorship favorable toward White colleagues over equally or more
qualified Black candidates. As a result, the participants described that Black creatives struggle to
ascend organizational hierarchies or have projects greenlit to the same degree as less experienced
White peers.
Another predominant factor is the psychological toll from persistent microaggressions
and minimized capabilities. Participants recounted demoralizing questioning of expertise, sudden
reversals of promises, and expectations to represent entire races. Such daily diminishments took
a mental health toll, causing many to contemplate leaving the industry altogether. Until
addressed, this environment risks hemorrhaging diversity behind the scenes.
However, participants also conveyed cautious optimism, given more calls for
accountability on diversity metrics through hiring, retention, and funding mandates. This
pressure recently opened some C-suite and greenlighting opportunities. Still, White gatekeepers
largely maintain control over production financing and final content decisions. Authentic change
requires more empowered voices at the table with the influence to champion innovative
narratives reflecting various cultural experiences. Focusing on the actual experiences of
marginalized groups reveals what needs to happen to fix the systemic racism and unconscious
56
biases that hinder diversity in the boardrooms and editing rooms. Participants said that bringing
in undiscovered talent and new ideas would help revive the entertainment industry, which is
suffering from tired stories, both financially and artistically. They provided recommendations for
moving forward.
Lack of Access
Access to mentors and insider connections are described as crucial for breaking into and
advancing within the entertainment industry across numerous roles. Yet, this access has been
severely limited for Black professionals. As Casey stated, “Unless you have a mentor in this
business who has power, you’re on the outside looking in.” He emphasized that his Ivy League
network provided access to talent agents where “I knew I was getting hired; it was just a
formality.” However, most fellow Black creatives lack this access. He continued, “If you do not
have the right type of access into and within this industry, there is no way you will be on the path
to being that decision maker.”
Participants contrasted their own barriers with the ease with which White peers accessed
opportunities. Ron observed White colleagues continually being asked to assist with tasks that
would benefit their career advancement despite little relevant experience: “I’ve seen it happen.
And I’ll look at some of my extremely talented peers … getting looked over, … and then have to
have a boss that has no idea what they’re doing.” Ron went into detail, “It’s not just the lack of
access into this industry or access to specific people in this industry. It is the lack of access to
information and intel about how this industry works in a real and substantial way.” Christy
similarly stated, “Many in this industry are nepo babies [children of those already belonging to
the industry] or friends of high-powered people in this industry, and they are surrounded by
conversations and experiences that most Black people are not.”
57
Participants described the difficulties in accessing career opportunities, let alone career
advancement opportunities, without access to insider opportunities and information. Ron
emphasized, “The entertainment industry is not like other corporate entities where you post a job
position for a specific amount of time and interview a specific amount of people. It’s all by word
of mouth and recommendations.” He continued by stating, “So, before we can even get in the
room, we need to be aware of the opportunity first.” Pam shared,
Most Black individuals working in television and film have no idea on how to access
career opportunities even within their own organizations. The Number 1 question my
Black employees ask me is how can I apply for this job or that job, or who should I talk
to?
The consequences of limited access are two-fold. Firstly, participants linked the void to
the lack of diverse stories and representations that make it to air. Secondly, they stated that many
Black creatives become disillusioned by the lack of opportunities and exit the industry, shrinking
the pool eligible for future leadership roles. As Sean stated, “Once you lose that momentum, …
White executives, White kids are being mentored, and they’re gonna pass you by.” Luke echoed
sentiments of access:
It’s not just access into this insular industry. Remember, prior to the information age of
emails and social media, it was near impossible to access anyone of note in the
entertainment industry unless you had access to their phone number. One could call the
main access line, but you were not going to get through to anyone of note. Furthermore,
most companies did not take unsolicited phone calls or packages. So, there are all these
White people who have been working in, and surrounded by, entertainment professionals
for decades, and very, very few Black people have been able to enter in. So, as a whole,
58
most Black professionals in television and film are way behind in terms of years of
expertise and knowledge about how this industry works, which is 90% access to
information.
Lack of Mentorship
The entertainment industry operates heavily through reputation-based relationships, yet
multiple participants emphasized the absence of insider sponsorship contributing to advancement
barriers for Black creatives. Ron stated this starkly: “Without folks actually opening up those
doors for folks to move up or to move on, you know, it’s going to forever be … clawing to get to
the one job.” He described the void of ushers [individuals who can assist in career advancement]
for Black people as more impactful than representation alone, stressing, “We’re talking about
positions of power and influence.” Ron concluded that leadership must adopt “a servant mindset
to strengthen organizational longevity through nurturing rising Black stars, regardless of
socioeconomic background. Otherwise, Black employees will bounce.”
An industry relying on trust-based relationships must consciously foster welcoming
environments that provide all employees equitably scaffolded opportunities and wise counsel.
However, leadership seldom recognizes the traumatic costs of neglecting inclusive mentorship
and advocacy. The industry runs on high stakes, risks, and mistakes, as Christy highlighted:
“That’s how everybody learns,” yet Black creatives rarely are offered mentorship opportunities.
Juanita echoed these sentiments, stating she has
never had a mentor. … And more surprisingly, never offered mentorship. If I had a
mentor, I believe that would have helped me immensely in my career trajectory. Hearing
and learning from someone directly who has been down the path you’re traveling is
invaluable.
59
Tony shared this statement:
Once you enter the entertainment industry, you hear this statement a lot; it’s not what you
know but who you know. And I couldn’t agree more. There are very specific paths to
success in this small world, and having someone who you can confide in makes all the
difference in the world.
The aggregated stories expose an absence of insider access hampering career trajectories
for talented Black creatives compared to White counterparts nurtured through unwritten paths to
power. As Nikki surmised,
What I have noticed and observed is many people in positions of power have no idea of
the negative impact of the lack of mentorship opportunities afforded to people of color.
… They do not notice that their Black colleagues are not invited to golfing outings, or
lunches with executives, or skiing weekends, or wine tastings. I mention this because this
is where a lot of mentorship begins: in these spaces.
Systemically Sidelined
One predominant barrier was systemic racism permeating talent recruitment and
advancement processes that maintain White dominance. Sean described this industry as
Racism being embedded in recruitment, development, and advancement processes that
maintain White dominance despite equal or better qualifications of Black candidates. …
In the Agency world, it’s called the internal poach, … where Black clients get signed,
then transferred to higher-ranking White agents.
He recalled bosses saying, “Ultimately, this would be better look for the client and for the team.”
These biases also manifest in Hector getting replaced by a less experienced White woman on a
project. Hector recalled,
60
I had been a part of several productions centering an ensemble cast, but the higher-ups
felt that the executive producer role should go to a person who had never produced an
ensemble cast before. When I complained to the network, nothing happened.
Tyrone revealed,
When the network has a project that is predominantly Black, you would think that the
head showrunner, or at least the lead showrunner, would be Black. But that is never the
case. Even when I interviewed for many of these positions, when I didn’t get it, I was told
that I needed more experience. Then, come to find out they’ve hired someone White with
less experience. I asked a White friend of mine one night candidly her thoughts. … She
told me that the network execs don’t feel comfortable handing over multi-million dollar
budgets to someone Black. They feel more comfortable with a White person in that role.
Lucas likewise described facing a similar situation after George Floyd’s murder, where he was
staffed on a project that he was more than qualified for and promised a quick promotion, only to
find out that the network needed a person of color staffed on this specific project. Lucas stated,
I was given a nice title but no resources or power. … The crazy thing is the person
directly underneath me was friends with the network executive and was given far more
power and influence than I. The odd thing is, the network execs had an opportunity to
support and empower me, this qualified Black producer, and we could have made magic
together. Instead, they chose to make me sit at the back of the bus in order to be
performative. … Systemic favoritism supersedes qualifications every time.
The manifestation across stories is qualified Black candidates consistently passed over
for high-potential roles or promotions given to White colleagues with thinner resumes but better
61
personal relationships. Participants tied it to an old boys club culture recycling White mediocrity
instead of equitable pipelines. James concluded,
I think I’d be remiss if I didn’t say [that] even if you try to assert yourself in some of
these key spaces and places, if you don’t have a good existing relationship with the
decision-makers, you’re not going to go very far in this industry. So, it doesn’t matter
how qualified you are if you continue to be overlooked for no other reason than the fact
that the other person is either more liked or knows that person.
In permeating hiring and development, these biases systematically restrict Black
representation in upper management and greenlighting positions. Candidates described needing
to “reprove” themselves to each new White supervisor, facing skeptical questions about their
capability and knowledge, which was hardly ever demanded of White peers. Nikki shared,
In one calendar year, I had three new bosses. Each one of them White. Each one of them
questioning every decision I made at every turn. Or, for some important decisions that I
felt I should weigh in on, being told don’t worry about it it’s being handled.
The imbalanced scrutiny stifles career momentum for Black creatives regardless of capabilities.
Need for a Talent Pipeline
The lack of diversity in entertainment leadership contributes to a myriad of
disproportionate and unequal activities, including barriers stymying Black creatives from
entrance and retention in the television and film industry. Quinta described how White
executives overlook promising and qualified Black talent and instead recycle the same shortlist
of approved showrunners, writers, producers, and directors: “I would read about a new project
being announced in the trades and notice the same recycled names mentioned over and over.”
62
As Quinta noted, gatekeepers allow few Black-led projects despite stated commitments to
diversity. She has pitched extensively with only one Black decision-maker ever in the rooms,
saying, “What’s crazy is the industry will state and agree that there are not enough qualified
Black directors, or showrunners, or network executives … and then turn around and hire the
same people from that small group.” Participants described unrealistic scrutiny in hiring
practices or staffing. Pam recounted a documentary from an acclaimed Oscar-nominated and
Emmy-winning Black actress getting undermined through dismissive assumptions about viability
just because a White colleague lacked context to judge its significance. Pam stated,
The studio did not want to give this actress and executive producer credit because they
believed her name didn’t carry enough weight, yet studios declare that you must have
experience as an executive producer in order to get an executive producer credit.
Ron described a Catch-22 at a major network where his team was charged with nurturing
diverse content but given minimal support or creative license: “Well-resourced White creators
enjoy extensive latitude pitching any concepts while creatives of color face stricter control over
acceptable genres and themes.” He concluded that “creativity is limited for the Black creative. …
We don’t have the freedom, we don’t get the space” afforded White counterparts to explore
inventive ideas. Moreover, “if there was a pipeline of Black writers, directors, and producers that
was known and accessible and training the next generation, … many of these issues would fall
away.”
Casey shared,
The world of decision-makers is very small, and many of the same people get
extraordinary opportunities. What’s needed is a pipeline of extraordinary and experienced
producers and directors that the studios and networks can choose from. Especially now as
63
more known executive producers and directors are contractually mandating diversity on
set.
Quinta commented,
Budgetary accountability and decision-making power remain largely centralized among
White studio heads and development executives. These influential gatekeepers
overwhelmingly dictate what inventive projects secure support for production and
distribution deals. … The more that Black executives are exposed to these processes, the
better.
Lucas added,
If I could recommend one major thing that would benefit the advancement of Black
people into positions of power, that would be to have some sort of pipeline that would
supply studios and production houses and agencies with well-qualified talented Black
individuals. This, honestly, would make all the difference in the world. It would give
many Black individuals an opportunity as well as expose more Black people to the
buyers.
Conclusion
This study’s findings exposed the forms of institutional and systemic racism that the
participants experienced as restricting advancement into decision-making positions across
television and film. Participants articulated the challenges Black creatives face in ascending into
influential creative leadership roles necessary for change. Their stories illuminated complex
biases rooted in White dominance over vital positions that shape media narratives and culture.
A predominant theme was the psychological toll stemming from persistent dismissal and
diminishment of Black excellence and capabilities in White-dominated environments. The
64
trauma from repeated racism and aggression caused many participants to question remaining in
the industry for the long term, as censorship of marginalized voices perpetuates harm. Authentic
change requires embracing a multitude of perspectives through purposeful power-sharing and
support.
The stories show how racism and bias are built into everyday interactions and
institutional practices, making it hard for Black employees to reach their full potential. However,
participants also showed cautious optimism, even though there were more calls for
accountability and pressure to make creative ideas and decision-making more diverse. White
gatekeepers still make important decisions about funding, staffing, and content, and the
conversations showed where system-wide changes could lead to more equal representation.
These lived realities spotlight the need to dismantle barriers to leadership to liberate new
voices that better reflect America’s richness and complexity. The findings provide a roadmap for
transformative change from purposeful mentoring to balanced greenlight power. However,
solutions must emerge from centering those rendered unseen or sidelined. By lifting subjugated
creativity from the margins to the mainstream, entertainment can flourish into a restorative force
that evolves restrictive norms for future generations. There lies vast untapped potential still
caged; dramatic innovation awaits release.
65
Chapter Five: Discussion of Findings
The research exposed pervasive institutional racism that systematically obstructs Black
professionals from reaching upper echelons of creative influence and power in film and
television. Participants described trauma stemming from persistent dismissal of opinions and
experience in White-dominated spaces. Their stories affirmed McMillan Cottom’s (2019)
“plantation economy” concept, actively excluding people of color from lucrative leadership roles
while commodifying cultural outputs largely for White profits.
These results align with the study’s BlackCrit framework, recognizing endemic societal
oppression transferring into Hollywood’s racial hierarchies that constrain authentic Black stories
and leadership (Coleman et al., 2016; Dixson & Anderson, 2018). The industry lacks
accountability for equitably nurturing and advancing professionals of color while tightly
controlling insider access to elite training, advocacy, and top roles largely for White peers. In
particular, the psychological wounds participants described mirror research on minority
professionals in White institutional spaces (Bertrand, 2019; Holder et al., 2015).
The findings address the problem of severely limited Black decision-makers by
evidencing complex biases obstructing diversity in all areas of production and in executive
spaces. However, the narratives also convey the urgent need for change; this pivotal cultural
moment holds promise if the industry embraces reforms. Purposeful interventions can dismantle
obstacles to facilitate inclusive participation at all levels. Overcoming the cultural inertia that
supports the status quo hierarchy is difficult because current gatekeepers hold on to the belief
that familiar legacy systems based on exclusivity work objectively on current merit in ways that
protect interests. When structural change upsets power, there is typically a backlash.
66
The data shows that the film and television business is centered around Whiteness, both
in terms of institutions and individuals, thus making it challenging for Black creatives to reach
positions of creative leadership and influence. Across 15 interviews, the stories highlighted
willful biases in subjective assessments of qualifications, talents, and overall worth. Participants
stated their experiences and tied dismissals of their merits and capabilities over their White
peers. They spoke of how leadership fails to acknowledge or address preconceptions rooted in
stereotypical assumptions that undermine and erase Black excellence. Together, the findings
affirm a need for change.
Interpretation of Findings
The data reveals how endemic racism permeates subjective evaluations of creativity,
leadership potential, and qualifications applied by White studio heads, network executives, talent
agents, and other influencers to restrict advancement opportunities automatically conferred to
less qualified White peers. Participants endured egregious stories of having extensive expertise,
experience, and accomplishments continually dismissed and disregarded based on race. The
aggregated data exposes biases that hamper morale and motivation for Black creatives to
continue in the industry. In the context of existing research on systemic racism in the
entertainment industry, from scholar Hunt’s (2020) rules of racial standing to BlackCrit
recognizing discrimination within societal institutions, the findings reaffirm deep-rooted
preconceptions that constrain ascension for Black professionals while highlighting White
gatekeeping power.
Participants endured extensive marginalization as White studio heads, network
executives, and talent agents weaponized influence over greenlight decisions, staffing, and
funding allocations to suppress the ascension of Black creatives (Hunt, 2020). Carmen described
67
actions undermining her power: “Within the 1st week, every decision I made was questioned,
disregarded, and ultimately overridden by the president.” She stated that the president of that
company sent an e-mail correspondence that read, “Don’t forget to CC me and the CFO on all
emails.” Together, these examples spotlight the downplaying of qualifications and leadership
capabilities of Black professionals compared to their White counterparts.
Research reveals that only 7% of television writing roles and 1.1% of studio leadership
currently go to Black creatives, severely limiting influence (Hunt et al., 2021). Ron described
debilitating restrictions applied by White showrunners: “I was told to focus on the Black
characters for this show, and we will handle the rest.” Participants tied continual disregard of
creative perspectives on authentic cultural depictions to perpetuating marginalization.
Suppression also extends funding allocation. As Diana noted, project denials advise that “it
wouldn’t sell” despite evidence that it would.
Research on how systemic racism affects people’s subjective sense of worth and status
found that widespread discrimination shows up in complex but powerful ways (Ladson-Billings,
2004). White decision-makers exploit power over advancement opportunities, staffing, and
financing to protect positions and undermine Black excellence (Hunt, 2020). Essentially, the
participants’ stories exposed willful, harmful oversight steeped in racial bias that stalls careers
for qualified Black professionals while securing White dominance over editorial control and
business influence.
Relationships and Patterns
This section identifies significant connections and trends emerging from the data. A
predominant pattern across participants’ experiences was being positioned as the lone Black
creative on projects, eliciting social isolation and pressure to singularly represent their entire
68
race. Whether writing rooms with no Black collaborators or pitch meetings as the only nonWhite face, many emphasized difficulties forming bonds with White colleagues who could not
relate to their realities as marginalized racial minorities. Having creative ideas continually
disregarded by dismissive White decision-makers while accomplishments were minimized
compared to less qualified White counterparts inflicted severe self-doubt, anxiety, and trauma
among participants over time. The data highlights how environments offering little diversity in
positions of influence beyond tokenization promoted conditions for systemic racism to thrive,
suppressing the critical mass of Black perspectives needed to achieve change.
Participants emphasized enduring professional and psychological difficulties due to being
positioned as the lone or one of extremely few Black creatives in work environments. Multiple
participants used metaphors to capture resulting feelings of entrapment and agony, with Nikki
describing it as “being alone in a dark room,” which, after emotionally exhausting attempts,
simply led through door after door to more spaces, isolating their Blackness. Others emphasized
the taxing pressure to singularly represent entire diverse communities. As Lucas noted, “I’ve
been the only Black writer in every single writers’ room I’ve been in. The only one.”
With no allies to relate shared racialized experiences, many participants described
difficulties connecting with White colleagues who could not personally relate to their daily
marginalization. Carmen explained that constantly being singular voices left defending creative
perspectives brought “absolutely exhausting” fatigue few could comprehend. These
psychological impacts link to literature on the effects of being only or one of few minorities in
work environments (Turner, 2017).
Participants also linked their marginalization to the continued unchecked rejection of
truth and greatness. Hector explained that his many writing credits, past staff positions, and
69
relevant life experiences were not enough to overcome the vague denials of his show-running
skills as he witnessed White people being promoted faster. The interviewees linked stories of
insights that were regularly ignored and missed chances, pointing out how single representations
failed to bring about systemic change. Pam stated her ongoing annoyance that although
individuals had made progress, progress as a whole had been slow: “We prove ourselves, and it’s
still not good enough.”
A predominant pattern across participants was difficulties accessing the insider
opportunities, mentorship, and influential social connections described as vital for entering and
ascending entertainment industry hierarchies. Without networked guidance familiarizing
unwritten paths to creative power, Black professionals struggled to have projects greenlit or
promotions conferred compared to less qualified yet well-sponsored White peers. The data links
systemic gatekeeping to suppressed minority leadership.
Participants tied pathway barriers to witnessing capable Black creatives disillusioned and
exiting the industry, thus shrinking future leadership pipelines. Meanwhile, they observed the
television and film decision-makers constrain diversity by backing mainstream stories from an
approved roster of White creatives over innovative projects pitched by Black writers, directors,
and producers. The data reveals a self-perpetuating cycle maintaining White dominance over
editorial, development, and financing authority (Hunt et al., 2021).
A recurring theme across all participants was feeling severely disregarded in their work
environments, where White colleagues and superiors continually minimized or ignored expertise
and creative perspectives. Many emphasized having qualifications or accomplishments
consistently devalued or dismissed compared to less experienced White peers who faced fewer
skeptical challenges to credibility once attaining leadership roles. The data affirmed a cultural
70
disregard for talent and potential that constrained advancement opportunities regardless of
participants’ proven writing abilities, production skills, critical acclaim, or previous lower-level
achievements.
Participants surmised authentic change requires more empowered diverse voices
participating influentially in greenlight deliberations, hiring procedures, and resource allocation
forums to champion multiplicities of cultural experiences through inventive storytelling.
Essentially, while securing a seat at the table, participants noted tokenization amid absent
diversity in positions of influence largely maintained the status quo by enabling environments for
systemic racism to thrive relatively unchecked day-to-day (Coleman, 2011, 2016). Figure 2
depicts participants’ feelings during the study. Certain words resonated throughout the
investigation.
71
Figure 2
Participants’ Feelings
Recommendations for Practice
The results reveal that failing to achieve greater diversity in entertainment leadership has
severe costs, both financially in terms of resonating with a lucrative Black consumer base and
reputationally amid calls for racial justice reform. The findings compel urgent industry
interventions targeting systemic racism and implicit bias through bias interrupter training, hiring
72
audits, anonymous evaluation procedures, and high-potential minority talent sponsorships.
Structural change requires confronting complex barriers head-on. The results provide direction
for stakeholders across studios, agencies, guilds, and media outlets.
Accordingly, this chapter puts forth evidence-based recommendations to substantially
improve representation among television and film writers, directors, producers, showrunners, and
executives over the next decade. Proposed interventions span training, hiring, and mentorship
programming informed by participants’ lived experiences navigating existing advancement
obstacles. Each solution includes key details around scoping, strengths versus weaknesses, and
cost-benefit modeling to argue feasibility.
When developing these practical ideas, entertainment leaders at the network, studio, and
agency levels need to realize the value of removing the barriers that keep Black employees from
fully participating and performing at their best. Putting these creatives’ lives front and center
brings to light the many untapped talents and commercially appealing stories hidden by the way
things are now. Participants agreed that giving artists more freedom to be creative would benefit
both the economy and the arts, but only if there was a genuine commitment to working together
based on trust. The way forward is calling.
Benefits of Having Black Decision-Makers
There is a strong financial incentive for the television and film industry to promote Black
professionals into creative leadership and decision-making roles (Smith et al., 2020). As the
buying power of the African American demographic continues rising, Black representation both
on screen and behind the scenes becomes crucial for connecting with this audience (A. Davis,
2021). Additionally, diverse leadership has been linked to superior business results across
73
metrics like revenue, market share, and stock price performance. The following sections detail
three major economic benefits of having Black decision-makers.
Targeted Content Creation
Black leaders better understand the content and messaging that resonates with Black
viewers, enabling more appealing programming. Viewership then translates into advertising and
sponsorship revenues. Having Black creative leaders and executives in decision-making roles
leads to more programming that connects with Black audiences and accurately reflects the full
diversity of their experiences (Martin, 2022). For example, acclaimed director Ava DuVernay’s
popular Netflix miniseries When They See Us tapped into the nuances of racial injustice. It
became one of the most viewed Netflix series in the United States, showcasing how authentic
stories engage.
Similarly, hit shows like ABC’s Black-ish, created by Kenya Barris, consistently rank
highly with Black viewers and win awards. Its blend of humor and thoughtful exploration of
family issues rates highly with critics and fans alike. These examples demonstrate how shows
tailored for this demographic by respected Black production leaders who intimately understand
relevant cultural sensibilities excel creatively and commercially.
In contrast, heavily promoted shows lacking authenticity behind the camera, like CW’s
All American, generate more mixed reactions and less audience retention despite noble attempts
at tackling representation on-screen. Further expanding the ranks of skilled Black showrunners,
directors, and senior writers is crucial for fueling a new wave of breakout programming.
Intentional hiring and support processes to elevate additional talented voices will enable hitting
more high moments moving forward across genres. Both shows have massive commercial appeal
and a wide reach.
74
Authentic Brand Messaging
More authentic, less biased portrayals of minority experiences and viewpoints make
studios seem more trustworthy (G. Robinson, 2020). Brand affinity rises among
underrepresented groups, leading to a more reliable audience base for viewership and ticket
buying. Recent studies reveal that diversity and inclusion in media boost consumer brand
affinity, especially among historically excluded groups (G. Robinson, 2020). For example,
Marvel’s Black Panther earned over $1.3 billion globally, shattering records, largely thanks to
passionate support from Black fans excited to finally receive thoughtful big-screen
representation through the direction of Ryan Coogler (BoxOfficeMojo, 2022).
In another case, the 2018 romantic comedy The Perfect Date starring Black actor Noah
Centineo drew over 48 million Netflix views globally, exceptional viewership partly attributed to
Centineo’s popularity with diverse young adult fans (Barnes, 2019). In contrast, Disney’s liveaction and financially underperforming Mulan remake faced intense backlash and boycotts over
cultural inaccuracies and lack of Asian leadership in the production process.
The data shows that increasing diverse creative influence generates stronger audience
connection and financial traction. For example, TV series led by showrunners of color
historically see viewership bumps over 15% to 30% within target demographics compared to
network averages (Hunt et al., 2021). Visibly enabling more unfiltered Black and minority voices
in decision-making demonstrably pays, converting to revenue and loyalty growth worth pursuing
more aggressively from both social and financial standpoints. The economic returns easily justify
accelerating Black representation in all aspects of idea generation and decision authority
(A. Davis, 2021).
75
Solutions
A lack of diversity and representation has long plagued the television and film industry,
especially when it comes to Black decision-makers and leadership roles. However, targeted
programs could help increase the number of Black professionals in creative positions of power.
Two potential initiatives, along with their estimated annual costs, are paid apprenticeships for
Black college students and an executive sponsorship program.
The paid apprenticeship would place 100 interested Black professionals per year into
major studios and production companies, providing the experience and connections needed to
spur entry into entertainment careers (Johnson, 2020). Even a 10% full-time hire conversion rate
for these positions could make a significant difference in representation. Meanwhile, the
sponsorship initiative would identify already-working mid-level Black employees for
individualized executive mentorship and leadership development (Chen et al., 2019). This
visibility and training could improve retention and promotion rates.
Combined, delivering these programs would likely cost around $700,000 per year.
Salaries and administrative expenses would be the largest line items (Williams & Brown, 2021).
Of course, more funding could expand the scale and impact. However, these targeted
interventions would leverage relatively little money to start addressing specific diversity gaps at
the leadership level.
Tracking the progress and effectiveness of these programs would require an additional
investment. Data collection, analysis, and reporting expenses would likely total between
$100,000 and $150,000 per year (L. Davis, 2023). Surveys, focus groups, and compiling
diversity data would provide both quantitative and qualitative insights. Regular check-ins could
identify areas for improvement as well. With thoughtful implementation and evaluation,
76
initiatives focused on emerging Black talent could gradually shift the balance of power in the
entertainment industry (Johnson, 2020). More equitable representation both in front of and
behind the camera could result. The initial and tracking costs seem feasible, given the potential
benefits to creativity, innovation, and messaging.
Recommendation 1: Paid Apprenticeship
The proposed paid apprenticeship program would aim to place 100 Black professionals
per year into major entertainment studios, networks, and agencies to provide the skills and
connections to jumpstart more careers (Johnson, 2020). In terms of scope, the best real-world
training could be delivered by partnering with top networks, streaming platforms, and production
houses. One hundred apprentices per year is small compared to the industry’s size, so the scope
seems appropriately scaled and easily achievable.
A major strength of this approach is the focused nature of both the skill and efficacy
building (especially with industry experts scaffolding) and networking opportunities (G.
Robinson, 2020). Apprentices embedded on studio lots and within active creative teams would
gain invaluable direct training. Mentorship from executives would also facilitate relationship
building high up studio hierarchies. This type of experiential career initiation is powerfully
effective.
For the relatively low investment cost of funding 100 salaried apprenticeship positions,
this program offers an integrated training, exposure, and relationship accelerator into upper
studio echelons (Smith et al., 2020). Impact severity seems partially tied to how well apprentices
are championed afterward. This looks to be a highly promising intervention to significantly
influence representation trends.
77
Cost Analysis for Recommendation 1
The proposed paid apprenticeship initiative seeks to improve diversity among decisionmakers in the entertainment industry by facilitating hands-on career development for Black
professionals (Johnson, 2020). Cost-benefit analysis principles can be applied to rigorously
weigh this intervention, including quantifying and comparing program costs against a range of
projected qualitative and quantitative benefits (Levin et al., 2018).
On the cost side, funding 100 salaried apprenticeship positions at $60,000 per role,
including overhead, would require $6 million annually. Incremental administrative expenses for
partnership building, mentorship coordination, and program tracking could add another $500,000
(Williams & Brown, 2021). So, the total annual outlay comes to an estimated $6.5 million.
Benefits depend partly on conversion rates to permanent studio jobs afterward and flowthrough impacts on creative direction, innovation, and financial performance if more content
subsequently resonates with minority audiences (A. Davis, 2021). Conservatively assuming 10
apprentices convert each year, that still slowly transforms decision-making diversity over time.
Researchers link improved diversity to potential profit boosts of over 10% in some industries (A.
Davis, 2021).
Comparing ongoing costs to benefits reveals a positive expected return on investment for
companies and social good by expanding career access, even if not all advantages precisely
quantify in dollars initially (Levin et al., 2018). Regular analysis would help adjust components
to improve cost-effectiveness over time. Apprentices who later reach influential roles also
become well-positioned to perpetuate additional diversity efforts.
Though substantial budget outlays are entailed, the apprenticeship program satisfies costbenefit tests as a promising intervention for gradually remedying the current lack of Black
78
entertainment leadership (Smith et al., 2020). The social justice and innovation gains for both
individuals and studios argue for earnest consideration and potential adoption.
Recommendation 2: Sponsorship Initiative
The proposed sponsorship initiative aims to connect existing mid-level Black employees
with executive mentors for advanced leadership development (Chen et al., 2019). The scope
focuses on identifiable on-staff talent already working within studios rather than entry-level
recruiting. By selecting high-potential participants to move upwards, change could come faster.
A major strength is the individualized nature of the mentor-matching process described
(Chen et al., 2019). Tailoring development areas to the strengths and interests of each emerging
leader, with guidance from industry veterans, allows for customized acceleration. Sponsorship
also grants visibility and legitimacy critical for advancement. For example, within the Writers
Guild of America, there is a mentorship program. However, this program is not formal or
structured, and there is no promise for a placement, let alone advancement.
However, a key potential weakness is that systemic biases may persist even amid these
efforts (A. Davis, 2021). Promotion processes may remain discriminatory without broader
cultural shifts. Much relies on senior leaders’ commitment to elevate these individuals after their
year-long programs conclude. Structural reforms may simultaneously need addressing. This
highly targeted sponsorship model provides efficient, personalized progress for diversifying
studio management (G. Robinson, 2020). However, care must be taken to ensure opportunities
manifest by dismantling lingering institutional biases.
Cost Analysis for Recommendation 2
The proposed sponsorship initiative seeks to accelerate leadership development for midlevel Black employees already within entertainment companies through senior executive
79
mentorship pairings (Chen et al., 2019). Applying cost-benefit logic can weigh this
intervention’s merit (Levin et al., 2018). Annually sponsoring 100 employees at $20,000 per
person, including administrator salaries, totals $2 million in program expenditures. Periodic
focus group costs for progress tracking add $100,000. The annual outlay is approximately $2.1
million.
Benefits depend on mentor guidance directly enabling more promotion conversions over
the year. Graduates then gain decision-making influence to spur new inclusion initiatives and
diverse creative directions (M. Davis, 2020). Having even five more Black vice presidents yearly
across studios impacts programming diversity over time. Also, diverse leadership correlates to
above-average profitability in many industries.
The annual program spending seems very reasonable compared to projected gains from
improved career mobility, positive cultural messaging, and beneficial creativity stemming from
more representative entertainment leadership (G. Robinson, 2020). While not all impact
quantifies in purely financial terms initially, cost-benefit reasoning supports this programming
(Levin et al., 2018).
This targeted developmental sponsorship model satisfies strategic cost-benefit tests for
addressing systemic imbalances hindering Black decision-makers (Smith et al., 2020). The price
point makes larger-scale deployment feasible. When combined with complementary diversity
efforts, significant representation progress could result, benefitting both social equality and
studios’ bottom lines.
Implementation of Recommendations
Kotter’s (2012) right-stage process for leading change delineates eight essential steps for
catalyzing and anchoring transformational shifts within companies and institutions. This
80
prescriptive framework holds strong relevance for integrating the proposed diversity pipeline
programs into the entertainment industry.
First, Kotter (2012) stresses firmly establishing urgency around addressing deficiencies
exposed by data, which is directly applicable to the revelations of systemic obstacles and
marginalization suppressing Black creative advancement (Smith et al., 2020). Next, backing
from senior studio leaders and key stakeholders proves vital for cooperatively shepherding new
inclusion initiatives. Securing upfront buy-in enables constructing a quantified vision for
representation improvements over annual intervals through 2030 and provides accountability.
Transparent communication of incremental diversity goals also allows wider employee and
industry understanding of expectations. Furthermore, the pipeline programs themselves require
considerable decision-making autonomy and resources to empower maximal participant
opportunities. Generating short-term wins that exhibit tangible impact fuels further belief and
investment, making continuous data tracking crucial. Concurrently, sustaining acceleration
necessitates expanding program scope while frequently assessing components to optimize
efficacy as market conditions evolve. Finally, the philosophy must ultimately diffuse into studio
cultures such that graduates mentor future rising talent when assuming senior posts themselves,
weaving diversity into the fabric of creative leadership.
Kotter’s (2012) eight-step model (Figure 3) supplies an optimal roadmap for ushering
proposed diversity solutions into the entertainment ecosystem toward systemic parity goals.
Carefully executing each interdependent phase in close partnership enables driving sustainable
representation improvements.
Figure 3
Kotter’s Eight-Step Change Model
81
82
Step 1: Establishing a Sense of Urgency
Data exposing systemic racism and marginalization suppressing Black creatives must be
presented to studio heads and network executives (Hunt et al., 2021). Personalized focus groups
led by diversity heads reviewing the statistics around advancement barriers and sharing firsthand
stories of creative marginalization will spotlight the acute need for pipelines (Smith et al., 2020).
Citing empirical links between diversity and profitability strengthens the business case (Hunt &
Ramón, 2022).
Successfully ushering new inclusion initiatives into the entertainment industry requires
cultivating acute urgency surrounding systemic deficits exposed (Kotter, 2012). For the proposed
apprenticeship and internship programs, initial data should launch small focus groups of studio
heads and network presidents led by chief diversity officers. In these forums, participants would
gauge visceral reactions to recent empirical analyses, quantifying barriers facing Black
professionals seeking creative leadership roles (Smith et al., 2020). Discussion questions eliciting
perspectives after reviewing low Black representation percentages across key positions could
leverage transparency to humanize diversity reports. Furthermore, prominent entertainment
figures like powerhouse television producers Oprah Winfrey, Taraji P. Henson, Viola Davis,
Denzel Washington, and Shonda Rhimes speaking to their lived realities navigating systemic
obstacles even amid immense success could compel urgency. Impactful narrative storytelling
that acutely personalizes the psychological tolls of marginalization often ignites transformations
more forcefully than statistics alone, according to leadership experts (Kotzen, 2022).
After establishing an empathetic baseline understanding of the scope of racial inequities
permeating the industry, subsequent forums should spotlight the financial incentives regarding
improved inclusion. Several market analyses reinforce links between diversity in leadership,
83
innovation, and financial returns through enhanced cultural connectivity with growing
multicultural consumer bases (Hunt & Ramón, 2022). Tying urgent remedies to the bottom line
incentivizes urgency around prescription. Studio heads operate as capital allocators primarily
accountable to corporate shareholders or private owners. So, economic arguments underpinning
apprenticeship or internship programs hold significant persuasive weight if framed as pipeline
investments in under-leveraged human capital with sizable, predicted upside compared to modest
downside risks given strong corporate balance sheets.
Step 2: Forming Powerful Coalitions
With urgency affirmed regarding significant representation gaps facing Black creatives,
Kotter’s change model next stresses building influential coalitions across studio divisions to
champion the diversity programs (Appelbaum et al., 2012). For the proposed apprenticeship and
sponsorship vehicles, each major agency and production company should form steering
committees comprising eight to 10 senior leaders. Committee composition merits the inclusion
of top creative talents for unique insights alongside human resources chiefs able to address
recruiting mechanics, public relations heads to message externally, diversity officers
knowledgeable on subcultures, and legal partners able to guide regulatory issues. Having buy-in
from studio and network heads is key. Chairpersons could appoint committees while
emphasizing the priority status of this infrastructure. Holding initial gatherings at prestigious
Hollywood locations rather than corporate buildings signals an elite working group.
During early committee meetings, external diversity experts with leading entertainment
ties could educate on best practices for minority pipeline programs referencing implementation
science literature (Hunt et al., 2021). Early joint committee coordination enables the construction
of unified programming to operate fluidly across multiple studios rather than disjointed efforts.
84
Partnership formalization through coalition building cements the infrastructure to actively
shepherd inclusion priorities through complex industry bureaucracies toward outcomes.
Step 3: Creating a Vision for Change
With influential committees formed across studios, the coalition can now co-develop a
centralized diversity vision statement delineating quantified participation targets that define
collective accountability over multiyear intervals (Kotter & Cohen, 2002). Initial vision planning
should incorporate a creative agency to inject innovation into branding given the external-facing
visibility of the apprenticeship and internship efforts as potential templates adopted elsewhere
pending demonstrated success. Preliminary brainstorming would lead toward an overarching
slogan that feels genuine to interested candidates rather than abstract. For instance, “Open Doors,
Unlock Stories” could speak to dual aims of expanding career access and content diversity.
Supplemental messaging then fleshes out multi-year participation goals like 250 to 500
apprentices and interns participating by 2025. Published figures make progress tangible,
committing leadership.
Annual milestones for each 3- to 5-year interval mark should highlight rates of
conversion into permanent entertainment creatives plus professional sponsor executive
promotions as central indicators of impact. For instance, one indicator could be achieving staff
hiring rates of over 25% after successful program completion. Meanwhile, consistent increases to
directors, vice presidents, or higher from sponsorship diversify governance. Transparent data
allows adjusting for maximum efficacy.
Unveiling the vision would occur at a major industry event that is simultaneously
broadcast online to confer energy around remedying systemic inequities. According to leadership
85
theorists, embracing storytelling and personal narratives to humanize barriers that Black talent
faces connects with emotions and fuels momentum for realization (Denning, 2011).
Step 4: Communicating Goals
With a compelling vision defined, Kotter’s framework stresses broad communication of
diversity goals across studios to expand engagement (Appelbaum et al., 2012; Kotter, 2012).
Ongoing messaging should blend multiple forums to reach all employees. Quarterly town halls
led by chief diversity officers would update the entire company on internship and apprenticeship
developments, from candidate profiles to program milestones like completed filming workshops.
Short video clips showcasing participant testimonials could make presentations lively while
conveying authentic impacts. Furthermore, monthly email newsletters would circulate recent
photos, quotes, and portal links between wider intervals.
Central intranet portals should warehouse extensive program materials for on-demand
access, from eligibility criteria to graduated success stories to opportunities for staff involvement
as guest speakers, workshop collaborators, or team mentors. This allows navigating detail.
Creative graphics and photos help connect initiatives to everyday colleagues’ unseen.
Additionally, annual entertainment industry events celebrating the creative pipeline
programs would draw external publicity and networking. Recognition ceremonies honoring
graduates transitioning into first studio jobs as directors or staff writers make progress tangible.
Attracting celebrities and influencers as awards presenters further shines a spotlight on achieving
parity, especially as graduates pay it forward later in their careers. Multichannel goal
communication combats indifference, ultimately allowing all voices to feel represented through
informed participation options that dismantle structural isolation.
86
Step 5: Empowering Action
With robust communication foundations laid, actually empowering program activation
requires granting autonomy around decisions, funding, operations, and access (Kotter, 2012).
For both the apprenticeship and internship interventions, the steering coalitions would oversee
the establishment of separate LLC entities to enable nimble management freed from bureaucratic
constraints. Each LLC would maintain full control over activity programming, partnership
formations with production houses or studios, selection procedures, and general budget outlays
within guardrails. A dedicated legal, accounting, and human resource infrastructure fuels
responsiveness. Limited liability also shields risk.
Seed funding of around $10 million annually per program would allow for proving
concepts and optimizing based on data over 3 years without resource strain risking scale
prematurely. Consortium backing from multiple media companies and corporate sponsors could
diversify exposure while teams test approaches for tightening candidate conversion rates toward
hiring and promotions. Also, LLC independence enables flexibility in exploring entertainmentadjacent pathways some may gravitate toward, such as gaming or music.
Furthermore, executive access proves vital by connecting participants with senior
studio/network mentorships, writers room visits, pitch meetings, and collaborative projects that
fast-track skill-building. Curating access opportunities would involve human resources
professionals enlisting leader support. Programming heads might spotlight promising graduates
warranting introductions to literary agents for original series ideas. The creative community must
proactively nurture rising, marginalized talent. Handing programming reins to financially
insulated and mission-driven leadership teams allows for focusing efforts on unlocking untapped
87
talents and perspectives through unencumbered calibrated incubation, networking, and training
support.
Step 6: Generating Short-Term Wins
With an empowered infrastructure now activated, spotlighting early talent conversion
successes proves vital for fueling further momentum and investments into the diversity pipeline
programming (Appelbaum et al., 2012). This necessitates strategic public relations and events.
For both apprenticeships and internships, initial graduates who attain permanent entertainment
industry jobs as writers, producers, directors, or executives offer powerfully tangible proof of
concept. Hiring conversion rates quantitatively evidence career impact. Pipelines delivering
alumni into major studios cement external credibility. Showcasing these individual stories
humanizes data.
Accordingly, public relations heads should lead quarterly press releases announcing the
latest job placements and profiling converted apprentices and interns through multimedia
interviews distributed across entertainment trade outlets. Website blogs could supplement with
detailed journey spotlights. Furthermore, the LLCs should host annual inaugural galas honoring
cohorts alongside senior studio sponsors who support career progress. Events attracting young
Hollywood amplify social buzz while letting industry leaders directly interface with emerging
talents deserving of creative latitude.
Pipeline conversion and mobility data should also be communicated to parent media
company boards and investors through shareholder reports. Demonstrating robust return on
investment and market diversification progress enhances corporate reputation while fulfilling
governance duties around DEI. Consistent showcasing of program participants successfully
landing meaningful entertainment jobs makes advocacy around dismantling systemic obstacles
88
more tangible using pure qualitative narratives. This fuels belief in scalability and motivates
executive engagement.
Step 7: Sustaining Acceleration
With demonstrable career conversions generating buzz and belief in the programs’
promise, Kotter’s framework stresses thoughtfully scaling participation rates and structures over
multiyear intervals while continuously optimizing for efficiencies (Kotter, 2012). For both
apprenticeships and internships, the steering coalitions would oversee gradually expanding
program class sizes by 25% to 50% annually based on three key inputs: quantitative hiring
conversion data revealing absorptive capacity across studios/networks, mentorship and workshop
resource availability amid production bandwidths, and candidate application volumes
determining supply sufficiency for selectivity. Conservative scaling enables maintaining quality.
Concurrently, iterative improvements would derive from biannual feedback surveys
completed by all past and present participants, staff, and studio partners. Questions gauging
strengths, weaknesses, and enhancement ideas across items like programming format, skill
development, networking, application processes, and more would enable targeted refinements.
Dedicated quality assurance teams would analyze results through dichotomous segmentation,
isolating the most and least effective program aspects.
Augmenting scale annually while assessing feedback for continual optimization balances
pushing aggressive participation, expansion goals, and diversity outcomes ambitions against
risks of excess strain on resources, human or financial. Managed growth allows for cementing
program structures. By the 5-year threshold, 500 to 1,000 creatives matriculated through
pipelines would expand representation across the industry hierarchy.
89
Step 8: Anchoring Changes
The final phase of the change model stresses anchoring progress within organizational
cultures (Appelbaum et al., 2012; Kotter, 2012). Diversity apprenticeships and internships
necessitate embedding inclusive mindsets across studio divisions through formal policies and
leadership modeling. First, graduating pipeline participants attaining creative jobs should receive
structured promotion tracking with proactive advocacy for elevation into upper management
realms. Studio human resources would partner with direct leaders on crafting 5-year plans
targeting roles like department heads or senior vice presidents to support diffusing inclusive
perspectives wider. Actively nurturing leader trajectories helps sustain change.
In addition, rising program alumni assuming senior posts would formally mentor
promising current participants in structured rotations. Paying it forward allows personalizing
industry insights and networking sponsorship that empowers their own mobility. Relatability
builds meaningful guidance. Beyond mentorship, participating creatives turned executives can
spearhead their own workshop series, master classes, or speak at industry conferences to
motivate future generations through representation.
The quantifiable success of specialized internship and apprenticeship interventions
should precipitate universal policy changes, dissolving lingering systemic obstacles industrywide. Their strategic impact sparks further cultural modernization. Codifying equitable hiring,
staffing, and funding procedures with compliance guardrails proactively sustains diversity
leadership pipelines organization-wide as progenitors proliferate creative roles.
Table 2 presents a timetable for implementing Kotter’s eight-step change model to
increase the number of Black decision-makers in the entertainment industry through internship
and apprenticeship programs. The chart shows each phase’s logical sequencing and time duration
90
based on dependency relationships. For instance, cultivating initial urgency and forming crossdivisional steering committees come first over Months 1 and 2 to set the foundation. The vision
gets formulated between Months 3 and 6 once key stakeholders are aligned. Programming launch
requires change vision clarity, hence the subsequent gap. Short-term wins occur after launch to
allow observation, while acceleration and cultural integration occur later to continually optimize
and sustain programs at maturity.
Table 2
Kotter’s 8 Steps Change Timing Model
8 Steps Timing
(M = month)
Recommendations supported
Establishing a sense of urgency M1–M2 1, 2
Forming powerful coalitions M1–M4 1, 2
Creating a vision for change M3–M6 1, 2
Communicating goals Ongoing 1, 2
Empowering action Ongoing 1, 2
Generating short-term wins M7–M9 1, 2
Sustaining acceleration M10–M12 1, 2
Anchoring changes M10–M12 1,2
91
Recommendations for Future Research
While this exploration within the entertainment industry provided impactful revelations
on the obstacles Black professionals face through in-depth personal narratives, examining
adjacent creative sectors could offer instructive comparisons regarding systemic racism
manifestations (Ladson-Billings, 2004). Future studies interviewing Black creators from
publishing, music, theater, fashion, or visual arts using similar frameworks may reveal common
cross-industry themes alongside domain-specific barriers tied to unique cultural forces or
commercial structures (Abrams, 2022). Comparing qualitative findings would enrich
understanding.
Relatedly, extending ethnographic observation into daily creative environments could
further illuminate nuanced means of disregard or dismissal occurring alongside regular work
processes. Embedding researchers longitudinally within production meetings, writers’ rooms,
casting sessions, or financing pitches may capture elusive yet telling systemic microaggressions
influencing Black advancement, retention, and well-being (Hunt et al., 2021). Additionally,
literary analysis of scene scripts or editing transcripts could expose erasure.
Furthermore, though this project focused squarely on barriers, spotlighting entertainment
companies’ solutions regarding equity and inclusion could outline pathways forward. Structured
comparisons with quantitative metrics would enlighten industry peers while showcasing
possibilities. Ultimately, entertainment cannot remain complacent around comprehensive culture
change to enable full, unfettered artistic expression from diverse creative voices that truthfully
capture universal stories reflecting the beautifully heterogeneous national mosaic. Progress
requires movement across research, corporate policies, and social attitudes.
92
Finally, while this research intentionally foregrounded Black voices, future projects
should explore Latinx, Asian, Native, and other minorities’ lived realities navigating
entertainment. Where do marginalization experiences converge and diverge? Comparing barriers
will yield a better understanding of forces sustaining dominance in film and television.
Conclusion
This qualitative research study utilized 15 interviews with Black entertainment
professionals to illuminate systemic obstacles and biases restricting diversity in film and
television creative leadership roles through a BlackCrit lens (Ladson-Billings, 2004). Consistent
with BlackCrit perspectives recognizing structural racism embedded institutionally, findings
revealed complex manifestations of discrimination permeating advancement processes, hiring
procedures, funding allocation, and workplace culture that collectively suppress authentic Black
participation across the entertainment industry hierarchy (Abrams, 2022).
Findings showed that the social construct of race, which birthed racism, has had a
tremendous and consequential effect on how Black people get promoted or offered employment
and if their ideas and projects get greenlit in the television and film workplace. These forms of
racism stop real Black participation, excellence, and creative perspectives from shaping the
artistic direction of mainstream content. The data showed that the participants were suffering
serious mental health problems, often in silence, because they had to keep going around systemic
barriers set up to keep White people in charge of editorial, developmental, and financial
decisions, no matter their credentials or skills.
This qualitative study found clear but complicated patterns of attitudes, behaviors, and
structures that keep Black creatives from decision-making power over stories, images, and talent
both behind and in front of the scenes that affect what people see on television and in movies.
93
However, the talks also showed ways to achieve fair representation and psychological safety by
making system-wide changes that put accountability, transparency, and diversity ahead of
keeping things the same. Their stories present a strategy to reach those who could not be seen.
For everyone to be able to participate, barriers to important places at creative tables must be
removed. A sense of urgency must be established, and important changes must be implemented
beginning from the top and must include the opinions of people who have been silenced or
sidelined in the past but now have to deal with representation issues, limited funding, and less
power. True change starts with boldly rebalancing power.
Structured pipeline programs focused on accelerating skills training, insider exposure,
and career connectivity for emerging Black creatives demonstrate immense promise for
strategically diversifying entertainment power structures over time. As modeled through costbenefit analysis, tailored interventions like paid apprenticeships and executive sponsorship
harness modest resource investment compared to the potential upside for studios in unlocking
new audiences, IP, and labor productivity through content and branding better resonating cultural
intricacies. Participants agreed that a single action cannot fix serious problems with
underrepresentation overnight. In the end, the study shows that the entertainment industry has a
huge chance to become more authentically inclusive. This can happen through focused
professional development, accountability, and power-sharing reforms that are based on the living
experiences of historically marginalized groups. Findings show that removing unfair systemic
barriers that stop skilled Black creatives and executives from experiencing their full potential
could have positive creative, financial, and social effects on an ecosystem that is experiencing
homogeneity, but only if it is done carefully and cooperatively. Structured interventions like skill
training, strategic access, and senior mentoring for Blacks in the television and film industry
94
could change representation in a big way over time. For progress to happen, we need to focus on
and invest in the gifts that have been hidden from us; wisdom says that the possible good trumps
any uncertainty. With bravery and vision, entertainment may still be able to reach its highest
goal, which is to reflect the wonderfully diverse range of American experiences. There is a lot of
untapped talent waiting to be released.
Long-lasting equity gains are still possible to fix decades of creative exclusion. This can
be done by understanding, appreciating, and valuing lived experiences with compassion, being
open about data-driven goals, and readjusting policies in a responsible way. Many passionate
people need to boldly match their goals with real steps that lead to representational justice. The
entertainment industry is at a turning point that has never been seen before. It has a once-in-ageneration chance to live up to the full promise of its cultural impact by welcoming and
empowering all the brilliant voices that make up American life.
95
References
Abrams, J. (2022). Hollywood’s black exile: Racism, hypocrisy, and slavery in an entertainment
empire. HarperCollins.
Abrams, J. A. (2022). Critical race theory and Hollywood. Peter Lang Publishing.
Alexander-Floyd, N. G., & West, C. T. (1998). Dangerous intersections: Feminist perspectives
on race, gender, and multiculturalism. Routledge.
Allen, R., & Wiles, J. L. (2016). A rose by any other name: Participants choosing research
pseudonyms. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 13(2), 149–165.
https://doi.org/10.1080/14780887.2015.1133746
Appelbaum, S. H., Habashy, S., Malo, J., & Shafiq, H. (2012). Back to the future: Revisiting
Kotter’s 1996 change model. Journal of Management Development, 31(8), 764–782.
Banks, R. R., & Eberhardt, J. L. (2018). Social psychological processes that contribute to racial
disparities in the criminal justice system. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 14,
305–329.
Barnes, B. (2019, April 17). Noah Centineo is hot. He knows that, too. The New York Times.
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/17/movies/noah-centineo-perfect-date.html
Bell, D. (1995). Who’s afraid of critical race theory? University of Illinois Law Review, 1995(4),
893–910.
Berger, R. (2015). Now I see it, now I don’t: Researcher’s position and reflexivity in qualitative
research. Qualitative Research, 15(2), 219–234.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1468794112468475
Bertrand, M. (2019). Race and the cultural industries. In C.A. Jones (Ed.), Toward the abolition
of biological race in medicine (pp. 148–170). Springer Nature.
96
Bertrand, M., & Mullainathan, S. (2004). Are Emily and Greg more employable than Lakisha
and Jamal? A field experiment on labor market discrimination. The American Economic
Review, 94(4), 991–1013. https://doi.org/10.1257/0002828042002561
Birt, L., Scott, S., Cavers, D., Campbell, C., & Walter, F. (2016). Member checking: A tool to
enhance trustworthiness or merely a nod to validation? Qualitative Health Research,
26(13), 1802–1811. https://doi.org/10.1177/1049732316654870
Bogle, D. (2001). Toms, coons, mulattoes, mammies, and bucks: An interpretive history of
Blacks in American films. Continuum.
Bogle, D. (2016). Toms, coons, mulattoes, mammies, and bucks: An interpretive history of
Blacks in American films (5th ed). Bloomsbury Academic.
Bonilla-Silva, E. (1997). Rethinking racism: Toward a structural interpretation. American
Sociological Review, 62(3), 465–480. https://doi.org/10.2307/2657316
BoxOfficeMojo. (2022). Black Panther Box Office Returns.
https://www.boxofficemojo.com/title/tt1825683
Carcary, M. (2009). The research audit trial: Enhancing trustworthiness in qualitative inquiry.
Electronic Journal of Business Research Methods, 7(1), 11–23.
Carter, D. (2021). Racializing the glass ceiling: Black women executives in Hollywood. Gender
& Society, 35(2), 191–214.
Carter, N., Bryant-Lukosius, D., DiCenso, A., Blythe, J., & Neville, A. J. (2014). The use of
triangulation in qualitative research. Oncology Nursing Forum, 41(5), 545–547.
Carter, N. A. (2019). Diversity and inclusion in Hollywood: Strategies for change. Routledge.
97
Castillo-Montoya, M. (2016). Preparing for interview research: The interview protocol
refinement framework. The Qualitative Report, 21(5), 811–831.
https://doi.org/10.46743/2160-3715/2016.2337
Chen, A., Thompson, J., Smith, K., & Davis, T. (2019). The impact of sponsorship programs on
employee retention. Journal of Diversity in Organizations, 55(2), 200–215.
Coleman, R. R. (2011). Color blind: Dispelling the myth of race-blind justice. Education,
Citizenship and Social Justice, 6(2), 133–154.
Coleman, R. R., Collins, P. H., Dixson, A. D., & Anderson, C. R. (Eds.). (2016). The enduring
significance of racism: Discrimination and delusion in the racial inequality of our time.
Lexington Books.
Collins, P. H. (1986). Learning from the outsider within: The sociological significance of Black
feminist thought. Social Problems, 33(6), s14–s32. https://doi.org/10.2307/800672
Crenshaw, K., Gotanda, N., Peller, G., & Thomas, K. (1995). Critical race theory: The key
writings that formed the movement. The New Press.
Creswell, J. W., & Creswell, J. D. (2018). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed
methods approaches (5th ed). SAGE.
Davis, A. (2021). Quantifying diversity’s impact in the creative sector. Journal of Cultural
Economics, 77(3), 330–399.
Davis, L. (2023). Black representation and leadership in the entertainment industry.
Entertainment Weekly, 11(3), 150–180.
Davis, M. (2020). The economic value of inclusive leadership. MIT Sloan Management Review,
99(2), 44–88.
98
Delgado, R. (1993). Rodrigo’s seventh chronicle: Learning about Critical Race Theory through a
fictional narrative. Stanford Law Review, 45(6), 1195–1241.
Delgado, R., & Stefancic, J. (2017). Critical Race Theory: An Introduction (3rd ed.). New York
University Press.
Denning, S. (2011). The leader’s guide to storytelling: Mastering the art and discipline of
business narrative. John Wiley & Sons.
Dixon, T. L., Azocar, C. L., & Casas, M. (2019). Entertainment media representations and racial
attitudes. In P. Vorderer & C. Klimmt (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of entertainment
theory (pp. 221–240). Oxford University Press.
Dixon, T. L., & Linz, D. (2000). Overrepresentation and underrepresentation of African
Americans and Latinos as lawbreakers on television news. Journal of Communication,
50(2), 131–154. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2000.tb02845.x
Dixson, A. D., & Anderson, C. R. (2018). Where are we? Critical race theory in education 20
years later. Peabody Journal of Education, 93(1), 121–131.
https://doi.org/10.1080/0161956X.2017.1403194
Dumas, M. J., & Ross, C. S. (2016). BlackCrit: Theorizing Blackness through the veil.
Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies, 13(3), 223–238.
Dunn, S. M., Lee, J., O’Connor, C., & Bartlett, A. (2021). Film festivals and the systemic
struggle for Black filmmakers. Sociological Forum, 36(1), 218–237.
Elwood, S. A., & Martin, D. G. (2000). “Placing” interviews: Location and scales of power in
qualitative research. The Professional Geographer, 52(4), 649–657.
https://doi.org/10.1111/0033-0124.00253
99
Gates, H. L. (2019). Stony the road: Reconstruction, White supremacy, and the rise of Jim Crow.
Penguin Press.
Greenwald, A. G., & Krieger, L. H. (2006). Implicit bias: Scientific foundations. California Law
Review, 94(4), 945–967. https://doi.org/10.2307/20439056
Guerrero, E. (2012). Framing Blackness: The African American image in film. Temple
University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvrdf2mb
Hale, J. (2021). Growing Black buying power: Leveraging the Black community’s $1.4 trillion
purchasing ability for mutual benefit. Consortium of Ujima.
Hiraldo, P. (2010). The role of critical race theory in higher education. The Vermont Connection,
31(1), 53–59.
Holder, A. M. B., Jackson, M. A., & Ponterotto, J. G. (2015). Racial microaggression
experiences and coping strategies of Black women in corporate leadership. Qualitative
Psychology, 2(2), 164–180. https://doi.org/10.1037/qup0000024
Hughey, M. W. (2014). The white savior film: Content, critics, and consumption. Temple
University Press.
Hunt, D. (2020). The representational harm of political media shaped for White eyes. Columbia
Journalism Review.
Hunt, D., & Ramón, A. (2022). Hollywood diversity report 2022: A tale of two Hollywoods Part
2. UCLA College Social Sciences.
Hunt, D., Ramón, A., & Tran, M. (2021). Hollywood diversity report 2021. UCLA Social
Sciences.
100
Hunt, D., & Ramón, A. C. (2020). Hollywood diversity report 2020: A tale of two Hollywoods.
UCLA Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.
https://www.sagaftra.org/files/2020HollywoodDiversityReport.pdf
Hunt, D., Ramón, A., Tran, M., Sargent, A., & Roychoudhury, D. (2018). Hollywood diversity
report 2018: Five years of progress and missed opportunities. UCLA Institute for
Research on Labor and Employment.
Johnson, A. (2020). Internship impact in creative fields on early career trajectories. Economic
Geography, 88(4), 355–399.
Kim, E., Monroe, P., Mullins, E., & Wolfe, J. (2019). Beyond the numbers: Voices of diversity &
inclusion in the creative sector. Rebuild Foundation.
Kim, J., Shalom, C., Lang, R., & Hoyt, A. (2022). Hollywood diversity report 2022. UCLA
Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.
Kotter, J. P. (2012). Leading change. Harvard Business Review Press.
Kotter, J. P., & Cohen, D. S. (2002). The heart of change: Real-life stories of how people change
their organizations. Harvard Business Press.
Kotzen, M. (2022, November 17). Use storytelling to influence organizational change. Forbes.
https://www.forbes.com/sites/forbescoachescouncil/2022/11/17/use-storytelling-toinfluence-organizational-change/?sh=7735aa8f7c95
Ladson-Billings, G. (1998). Just what is critical race theory and what’s it doing in a nice field
like education? International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education: QSE, 11(1), 7–
24. https://doi.org/10.1080/095183998236863
101
Ladson-Billings, G. (2004). Just what is critical race theory and what’s it doing in a nice field
like education? In D. Gillborn & G. Ladson-Billings (Eds.), The RoutledgeFalmer reader
in multicultural education (pp. 49–67). Routledge.
Lai, C. K., Marini, M., Lehr, S. A., Cerruti, C., Shin, J.-E. L., Joy-Gaba, J. A., Ho, A. K.,
Teachman, B. A., Wojcik, S. P., Koleva, S. P., Frazier, R. S., Heiphetz, L., Chen, E. E.,
Turner, R. N., Haidt, J., Kesebir, S., Hawkins, C. B., Schaefer, H. S., Rubichi, S., . . .
Nosek, B. A. (2014). Reducing implicit racial preferences: I. A comparative investigation
of 17 interventions. Journal of Experimental Psychology. General, 143(4), 1765–1785.
https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036260
Leung, L. (2015). Validity, reliability, and generalizability in qualitative research. Journal of
Family Medicine and Primary Care, 4(3), 324–327. https://doi.org/10.4103/2249-
4863.161306
Levin, H. M., McEwan, P. J., Belfield, C., Bowden, A. B., & Shand, R. (2018). Economic
evaluation in education: Cost-effectiveness and benefit-cost analysis (3rd ed.). SAGE
Publications.
Mason, M. (2010). Sample size and saturation in PhD studies using qualitative interviews.
Forum Qualitative Social Research, 11(3), 1–19.
Mastro, D. E. (2015). Why the media’s role in issues of race and ethnicity should be in the
spotlight. The Journal of Social Issues, 71(1), 1–16. https://doi.org/10.1111/josi.12093
McMillan Cottom, T. (2019). Thick: And other essays. The New Press.
Means Coleman, R. R. (2000). African American viewers and the black situation comedy:
Situating racial humor. Garland Publishing.
102
Merriam, S. B., & Tisdell, E. J. (2016). Qualitative research: A guide to design and
implementation (4th ed.). Jossey-Bass.
Milkman, K. L., Akinola, M., & Chugh, D. (2015). What happens before? A field experiment
exploring how pay and representation differentially shape bias on the pathway into
organizations. Journal of Applied Psychology, 100(6), 1678–1712.
https://doi.org/10.1037/apl0000022
Moss-Racusin, C. A., Dovidio, J. F., Brescoll, V. L., Graham, M. J., & Handelsman, J. (2012).
Science faculty’s subtle gender biases favor male students. Proceedings of the National
Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 109(41), 16474–16479.
https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1211286109
Oliver, M. B., & Raney, A. A. (2017). Entertainment as pleasurable and meaningful: Identifying
hedonic and eudaimonic motivations for entertainment consumption. Journal of
Communication, 67(5), 829–851.
Orb, A., Eisenhauer, L., & Wynaden, D. (2001). Ethics in qualitative research. Journal of
Nursing Scholarship, 33(1), 93–96. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1547-5069.2001.00093.x
Patton, M. Q. (2015). Qualitative research and evaluation methods (4th ed.). SAGE
Publications.
Ramasubramanian, S. (2011). The impact of stereotypical versus counterstereotypical media
exemplars on racial attitudes, causal attributions, and support for affirmative action.
Communication Research, 38(4), 497–516. https://doi.org/10.1177/0093650210384854
Ramasubramanian, S. (2015). Racial/ethnic identity, community-oriented media initiatives, and
transmedia storytelling. The Information Society, 32(5), 333–342.
https://doi.org/10.1080/01972243.2016.1212618
103
Ramasubramanian, S., Doshi, M. J., & Saleem, M. (2017). Mainstream versus ethnic media:
How they shape ethnic pride and self-esteem among ethnic minority audiences.
International Journal of Communication, 11, 1879–1899.
Riley, K., & Rivera, J. (2020). Diversity in Hollywood: A study of the top 100 films of 2019.
Annenberg Inclusion Initiative.
Robb, D. (2022). Implicit bias and racial inequality in Hollywood. American Economic
Association.
Robinson, G. (2020). Making the financial case for diversity in entertainment. Journal of
Diversity and Inclusion in Motion Pictures and Streaming, 33(1), 411–455.
Robinson, O. C. (2014). Sampling in interview-based qualitative research: A theoretical and
practical guide. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 11(1), 25–41.
https://doi.org/10.1080/14780887.2013.801543
Ross, S. (2017). Beyond the box: Television and the Internet. John Wiley & Sons.
Roulston, K. (2010). Reflective interviewing: A guide to theory and practice. SAGE
Publications. https://doi.org/10.4135/9781446288009
Rubin, H. J., & Rubin, I. S. (2011). Qualitative interviewing: The art of hearing data (3rd ed.).
SAGE Publications.
Saha, A. (2018). Race and the cultural industries. John Wiley & Sons.
Saldana, J. (2016). The coding manual for qualitative researchers (3rd ed.). SAGE Publications.
Salmons, J. (2015). Qualitative online interviews: Strategies, design, and skills (2nd ed.). SAGE
Publications.
Scott, D. (2020). Discrimination and racial inequality. Annual Review of Sociology, 46, 327–346.
104
Smith, S. L., & Choueiti, M. (2020). Inequality in 1,300 popular films: Examining portrayals of
gender, race/ethnicity, LGBTQ & disability from 2007 to 2019. USC Annenberg
Inclusion Initiative.
Smith, S. L., Choueiti, M., Pieper, K., Case, A., & Choi, A. (2019). Inequality in 1,200 popular
films: Examining portrayals of gender, race/ethnicity, LGBTQ & disability from 2007 to
2018. USC Annenberg Inclusion Initiative.
Smith, S. L., Choueiti, M., Pieper, K., Case, A., & Choi, A. (2022). Inequality across 1,300
popular films: Examining portrayals of gender, race/ethnicity, LGBTQ+, and disability
from 2007 to 2021. USC Annenberg Inclusion Initiative.
https://assets.uscannenberg.org/docs/aii-inequality-report-20220905.pdf
Smith, S. L., Pieper, K., Choueiti, M., & Case, A. (2020). Inequality in 1,200 popular films:
Examining portrayals of gender, race/ethnicity, LGBTQ & disability from 2007 to 2018.
USC Annenberg Inclusion Initiative.
Solórzano, D. G., & Yosso, T. J. (2002). Critical race methodology: Counter-storytelling as an
analytical framework for education research. Qualitative Inquiry, 8(1), 23–44.
https://doi.org/10.1177/107780040200800103
Spall, S. (1998). Peer debriefing in qualitative research: Emerging operational models.
Qualitative Inquiry, 4(2), 280–292.
Stovall, D. (2016). Born out of struggle: Critical race theory, school creation, and the politics of
interruption. SUNY Press
Tate, W. F., IV. (1997). Critical race theory and education: History, theory, and implications.
Review of Research in Education, 22(1), 195–247.
https://doi.org/10.3102/0091732X022001195
105
Williams, A. (2019). The critical cultural cypher: Remaking Paulo Freire’s cultural circles using
hip hop culture. The International Journal of Critical Pedagogy, 2(1), 1–29.
Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community
cultural wealth. Race, Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69–91.
https://doi.org/10.1080/1361332052000341006
Yuen, N. W., & Bhatia, S. (2020a). Amplifying unheard voices: Examining the diversity of film
directors through an intersectional lens. Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic
World, 6.
Yuen, N. W., & Bhatia, S. (2020b). We have always been producers: Social justice, civically
engaged media production, and Asian American studies. Asian American Policy Review,
29, 27–36.
106
Appendix A: Interview Protocol
The following sections present the interview protocol used in this study. The research
addressed two research questions:
1. What are the experiences and perspectives of Black executives in the television and
film industry regarding barriers to advancement into decision-making positions?
2. What systemic and individual factors contribute to the underrepresentation of Black
decision-making roles within the television and feature film industry, and what
strategies do Black executives suggest for increasing diversity and representation in
these roles?
The Beginning of the Interview
Hello, and thank you for taking part in our research project. I’m David Swift, and I’m the
major researcher. According to my understanding, you read over the interview information
before our Zoom today. Do you have any questions, comments, or concerns before we get
started? … Excellent, thank you!
I’m going to read a script with some study information now: The goal of our research is
to identify systemic barriers or hurdles in career advancement within the entertainment industry
for Black executives in television and feature films, through insight of your lived experiences
and opinions. We would want to request your permission to record this study to ensure that we
capture accurate information. I am available to address any questions concerning the study or the
interview. This interview will last between 45 and 60 minutes. You may pause or take a short
break at any point throughout this interview; simply notify me.
I have read the information provided above and understand the nature of this step. I have
had the opportunity to ask questions and have received satisfactory answers. I voluntarily agree
107
to participate in this interview for the research study on the lack of Black decision-makers in
television and feature films, and I understand that this interview Zoom will be recorded for
accuracy. Please indicate by saying yes or no. Thanks.
Let’s begin.
Table A1
Interview Questions
Interview questions Potential probes
RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
Have you witnessed or
experienced any biases or
discriminatory practices
within the industry that have
affected your career
progression?
If yes, could you provide
some examples?
Any specific challenges or
barriers?
RQ1, RQ2 Racial bias,
systematic
racism,
diversity,
equity.
What are the key differences
you’ve observed in the
experiences of Black
executives compared to their
non-Black counterparts in
terms of career advancement?
Differences of career
trajectories.
Support systems,
mentorship and
networking
opportunities.
RQ1 Racial inequality,
systematic
racism.
How do you perceive the
industry’s commitment to
promoting diversity and
inclusion?
Do you think there have
been any notable
improvements over the
years?
RQ1, RQ2 Racial inequality,
systematic
racism,
diversity.
What changes or initiatives do
you believe would be
effective in breaking down
barriers and increasing the
representation of Black
decision-makers in the
industry?
Are there any initiative,
programs, or strategies
that have been
successful in promoting
the career advancement
of Black executives?
Conversely, are there
any approaches that
have proven to be less
effective?
RQ2 Power structures
dynamics,
equity.
Have you observed any
systemic factors, such as
recruitment processes or
networking opportunities, that
Structural or
organizational barriers
have you observed that
may hinder the career
RQ2 Organizational
and structural
barriers.
108
Interview questions Potential probes
RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
contribute to the
underrepresentation of Black
decision-makers?
advancement of Black
decision-makers?
What does representation mean
to you personally, and how
have you witnessed or
experienced the impact of
diverse decision-makers in
shaping the content and
narratives in television and
feature films?
Are there any
intersectionality
barriers (such as
gender, age, sexual
orientation, etc.),
stereotype threat,
expectations, or
standards placed on
Black executives
compared to their nonBlack counterparts?
RQ1, RQ2 Diversity, equity,
inclusion,
belonging.
Stereotype threat
Intersectionality.
Are you aware of any specific
policies or practices within
the industry that have
hindered or facilitated the
advancement of Black
executives into decisionmaking positions?
Any industry-wide
initiatives that promote
or support diversity and
inclusion (specifically
in terms of advancing
Black executives into
decision making
positions) or address
biases, discrimination,
or microaggressions
that may hinder
advancement of Black
executives? If so, how
effective are they?
RQ2 Organizational
and structural
power
dynamics.
Racial bias.
Have you witnessed or
experienced any biases or
discriminatory practices
within the industry that have
affected your career
progression?
If yes, could you provide
some examples? How
might implicit biases,
stereotypes, or
preconceptions about
Black executives
influence career
progression compared
to your counterparts?
RQ1, RQ2 Racial inequality,
systematic
racism,
diversity,
equity, and
inclusion.
Have you experienced any
instances where your
achievements or
qualifications have been
undermined or undervalued
due to racial bias?
If so, how did it impact
you emotionally?
Have these barriers
impacted your sense of
self efficacy, belonging,
or inclusion?
RQ1, RQ2 Racial bias,
equity,
systems.
109
Interview questions Potential probes
RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
Describe your journey and
experiences as a Black
executive in the television or
feature film industry.
Do you believe that your
journey is more
challenging than your
non-Black counterpart?
RQ1, RQ2 Racial inequality,
systematic
racism,
diversity,
equity, and
inclusion.
How have the barriers you’ve
faced personally affected your
motivation, job satisfaction,
or overall well-being within
the industry?
Have these barriers
influenced your
motivation to advance
within the industry?
Have these barriers
limited your access to
certain opportunities,
projects? Have these
barriers affected your
enthusiasm, drive, or
passion for your work?
RQ1, RQ2 Structural
barriers, selfefficacy,
motivation.
In your opinion, what are the
primary barriers that prevent
Black executives from
advancing into decisionmaking positions in television
and feature films?
Provide specific examples
of policies or practices
that create barriers.
How do these policies or
practices
disproportionately
affect Black executives
compared to their nonBlack counterparts?
RQ2, Systematic
racism, equity,
and inclusion.
Conclusion of the Interview
Thank you so much for taking part in this interview. I genuinely value your time today.
Your information will aid our research. I wish you the best of luck on your path. Do you have
any additional questions, comments, or concerns that I can answer before we say goodbye?
Again, please contact me if you have anything further. Thanks so much again! Take care.
110
Appendix B: University of Southern California Information Sheet
My name is David Swift, and I am a student at the University of Southern California. I
also hold a role as chief strategy officer at CrowdMgmt.
I am conducting a research study on the lack of Black decision-makers in television and
feature films. The name of this research study is “The Significance of Investigating the Absence
of Black Decision-Makers in Television and Feature Films.” I am seeking your participation in
this study.
Your participation is completely voluntary, and I will address your questions or concerns
at any point before or during the study.
You may be eligible to participate in this study if you meet the following criteria:
1. Identifies as Black or African American.
2. Currently holds a role in television/film, such as writer, producer, director,
showrunner, or executive.
3. Has at least 5 years of industry experience in film/TV.
4. You are over 18 years old.
If you decide to participate in this study, you will be asked to do the following activities:
1. Participate in a 1:1 online interview over Zoom for 45–60 minutes.
2. Review your interview transcript via email for 10–15 minutes.
I will publish the results in a presentation. Participants will not be identified in the results.
I will take reasonable measures to protect the security of all your personal information. All data
will be de-identified prior to any publication or presentations. I may share your data, deidentified, with other researchers in the future.
111
If you have any questions about this study, please contact me: davidswi@usc.edu. If you
have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the University of
Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email irb@usc.edu.
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
This qualitative study explores the lack of Black decision-makers in television and feature films. The theoretical framework is Black critical race theory (BlackCrit), which recognizes endemic societal oppression transferring into Hollywood’s racial hierarchies that fundamentally marginalize Black creatives from influential roles while upholding anti-Black constructs. BlackCrit helps articulate the specificity of Black experiences of structural and cultural racism excluded from broader critical race interrogations. The study reveals that despite stated commitments to diversity, White gatekeepers maintain dominance over funding, staffing, and content options. Interviews spotlight an urgent need to dismantle obstacles for Black television and film creatives through reforms centered on those historically marginalized. The study uncovers the pain and frustration that Black professionals go through when their experiences, talents, and opinions are constantly erased through dismissive aggressions in White-dominant institutional spaces. While trauma accrues individually, the solutions require organizational responsibility. No single intervention suffices without ideological shifts from those controlling insider access and content financing to champion more multiplicity over preserving homogeneous creative influences. The participants’ narratives spotlight how anti-Blackness becomes embedded into everyday media practices that methodically obstruct Black advancement. The study lays out a plan for structural changes that would greatly increase the number of Black voices in television and feature films. These changes would be made possible through purposeful mentoring, accountability metrics, and power sharing and would help Black creatives overcome the limitations and career barriers they faced compared to their less qualified White counterparts.
Linked assets
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
Conceptually similar
PDF
Identifying diversity solutions for the cybersecurity workforce shortage: a phenomenological qualitative study
PDF
Managing competing stakeholder demands: global leaders’ decision-making amid social backlash
PDF
Beyond commitments: a qualitative examination of the persistent disparities faced by Black women in executive leadership roles post the 2020 crisis and beyond
PDF
Exploring the barriers that contribute to the underrepresentation of Black women in C-suite roles in corporate America
PDF
Driving organizational transformation: empowering middle managers to prioritize diversity, equity, and inclusion within the healthcare sector
PDF
LGBTQ+ representation in young children’s television: a qualitative research study
PDF
Anti-bias training in community colleges: an exploratory study
PDF
Racial and gender gaps in executive management: a retrospective examination of the problem cause and strategies to address disparities
PDF
The attributes of effective equity-focused elementary school principals
PDF
Belonging in America: Black Muslim refugee women’s’ trials and triumphs in the workplace
PDF
The pursuit of anti-racism in university theater
PDF
A lens looking at hair discourse and experiences of Black women through intersectionality and Black feminist thought
PDF
Beyond the board room: how personal experiences and environments shape community college trustee learning
PDF
Structures for change: involving faculty in equity-based decision-making in independent schools
PDF
Black leaders: the unicorns of the biopharmaceutical industry
PDF
Standards of professionalism as a racial construct
PDF
Out of the darkness into the marvelous light: anti-Black racism awareness in teacher education
PDF
Gender role beliefs of male senior leaders in retail and the impact on women’s advancement
PDF
Pathway programs for HBCU students in television & film…
PDF
Promoting DEI to increase business performance: an evaluation of hiring practices
Asset Metadata
Creator
Swift, David Kareem
(author)
Core Title
The significance of investigating the absence of Black decision-makers in television and feature films
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)
Degree Conferral Date
2024-05
Publication Date
04/03/2024
Defense Date
03/01/2024
Publisher
Los Angeles, California
(original),
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
bias,decision-maker,Entertainment,film equity,gatekeeping power,media leadership,microaggression,OAI-PMH Harvest,racism,talent pipeline,television inclusion
Format
theses
(aat)
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Tobey, Patricia (
committee chair
)
Creator Email
davidswi@usc.edu,swiftydba@gmail.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113865219
Unique identifier
UC113865219
Identifier
etd-SwiftDavid-12750.pdf (filename)
Legacy Identifier
etd-SwiftDavid-12750
Document Type
Dissertation
Format
theses (aat)
Rights
Swift, David Kareem
Internet Media Type
application/pdf
Type
texts
Source
20240403-usctheses-batch-1134
(batch),
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright.
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA
Repository Email
cisadmin@lib.usc.edu
Tags
bias
decision-maker
film equity
gatekeeping power
media leadership
microaggression
racism
talent pipeline
television inclusion