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The tent, camel, and coffee: safeguarding the intangible cultural heritage of the Rum Village Bedouins

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The tent, camel, and coffee: safeguarding the intangible cultural heritage of the Rum Village Bedouins

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Content Jude Zoubi
by
THE TENT, CAMEL, AND COFFEE
SAFEGUARDING THE INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF
THE RUM VILLAGE BEDOUINS
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
(MASTER OF HERITAGE CONSERVATION)
May 2024
Copyright 2024 Jude Zoubi

ii
EPILOGUE
“As I stood there, the brown tents merging into the desert, I thought to myself, if there are
men like these, Jordan will always be all right.”
From Uneasy Lies the Head: The Autobiography of His Majesty King Hussein I of the Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan

iii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This thesis acknowledgement is a tribute to all the people who made my academic
journey worthwhile. First and foremost, my gratitude extends to the esteemed members
of my thesis committee. To Trudi Sandmeier, whose intellectual rigor and unwavering
commitment to academic excellence have profoundly shaped my scholarship—thank you
for your genius. To Cindy Olnick, whose insightful guidance and infectious enthusiasm
for heritage conservation nurtured my academic curiosity. I am grateful for your
mentorship. To Vinayak Bharne, whose wisdom rekindled my passion for heritage
conservation, thank you for steering me towards a path of scholarly discovery.
My appreciation cannot be overstated for the Bedouins of Rum Village—
particularly Hussam Zawaydeh and Hashem Zalabiyeh. Thank you for letting me into
your world and generously sharing your culture, knowledge, and experiences. Without
you, this thesis would not have been possible.
To my parents, your belief in me has kept my spirits and motivation high during
this process. Thank you for your unwavering support. To Hamouta, Rand, and Leen,
thank you for your editing help, late-night feedback sessions, and moral support. To Zaid
Muhtadi, whose assistance in my research ventures went above and beyond, your
altruism has left a permanent mark on my work.
My journey through academia has been woven by many hands. For every word of
advice, every critique, every shared laugh, and every offered shoulder, I am genuinely
thankful. This thesis stands as much as a testament to your contributions as it does to my
efforts.

iv
Table of Contents
EPILOGUE......................................................................................................................... ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................................................iii
LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ v
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS............................................................................................ vi
LIST OF TRANSLATIONS............................................................................................. vii
ABSTRACT.....................................................................................................................viii
INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 1
Chapter 1: Intangible Cultural Heritage of Rum Village.................................................... 3
1.1 Intangible Cultural Heritage Overview................................................................ 3
1.2. Bedouin Heritage in Jordan................................................................................ 12
1.3. Intangible Cultural Heritage of Rum Village..................................................... 29
Chapter 2: Governance and Management of Rum Village............................................... 50
2.1. Stakeholders....................................................................................................... 51
2.2. Development Projects ........................................................................................ 56
Chapter 3: Challenges and Opportunities......................................................................... 61
3.1. Identifying Threats to Rum Village’s Intangible Cultural Heritage .................. 61
3.2. Opportunities for Community Collaboration ..................................................... 69
Chapter 4: Recommendations for Safeguarding............................................................... 71
4.1. Community-Led Approaches to Intangible Heritage Preservation ........................ 72
4.2. Recommendations for Safeguarding Rum Village’s ICH...................................... 75
CONCLUSION................................................................................................................. 87
Summary of Findings.................................................................................................... 87
Future Research............................................................................................................. 88
BIBLIOGRAPHY............................................................................................................. 91

v
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. 1. Wandering Territory of Jordan Major Bedouin Tribes. Map
from Atlas of Jordan. ............................................................................................ 16
Figure 1. 2. Hussam Zawaydeh in the Wadi Rum Desert. Photo by Author.................... 20
Figure 1. 3. Bedouin tent and its divisions. Image from Tovi Fenster,
1999. “Space for Gender: Cultural Roles of the Forbidden and the
Permitted.” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 17
(2): 227–46. https://doi.org/10.1068/d170227...................................................... 21
Figure 1. 4. The Bedouin Tent. Image from Akram Rosheidat, “Tribal
Symbolism Within The Built Form in The Middle East”, (The
University of Arizona,1989) 38-44.
http://hdl.handle.net/10150/555407. ..................................................................... 22
Figure 1. 5. Wadi Rum Landscape. Image by Author. ..................................................... 31
Figure 1. 6. Wadi Rum Rock Mountains. Image by Author............................................. 32
Figure 1. 7. Thamudic Inscriptions. Image by Author...................................................... 33
Figure 1. 8. Villages within the Wadi Rum Protected Area. Map from
UNESCO World Heritage Centre......................................................................... 34
Figure 1. 9. Rum Village Location within WRPA. Maps by Author. .............................. 36
Figure 1. 10. Zarb preparations in Wadi Rum. 2018. Image by Amanda
Ruggeri.................................................................................................................. 43
Figure 1. 11. Bedouin tent structure. Image by Amanda Ruggeri. ................................... 46
Figure 2. 1. Rum Village, viewed from the south. Image taken in 2019 by
Matthew Cruickshank. .......................................................................................... 54
Figure 2. 2.Rum Village, viewed from Rakhabat Canyon. Image taken in
2019 by Matthew Cruickshank. ............................................................................ 54
Figure 2. 3. Rum Village. Images taken in 2021 by Salam Al Zalabya. .......................... 58
Figure 3. 1. Rock vandalism. 2023. Image by Author...................................................... 67

vi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ASEZA
Aqaba Special Economic Zone Authority
FES Friends of the Environment Society
FOAH Friends of Archaeology and Heritage
ICH Intangible Cultural Heritage
MedLiHer Mediterranean Living Heritage
MENA Middle East and North Africa
MOTA Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities
NGO Non-governmental organization
RFC Royal Film Commission
RSCN Royal Society for the Conservation of
Nature
RTCS Rum Tourism Cooperative Society
STDP Second Tourism Development Project
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization
USAID United States Agency for
International Development
WRPA Wadi Rum Protected Area

vii
LIST OF TRANSLATIONS
ARABIC ENGLISH
Al Dayf Guest
Al Kayf Personal enjoyment
Al Sayf Sword
Badiya Desert
Bedu Desert dweller
Beit Al Sha'ar House of Hair
Dabkeh Foot stamping
Dihhyeh Form of singing
Hejin Camel
Hjeni Form of singing
Huda Form of singing
Jameed Dried yogurt
Khubiz Shrak Thin bread
Mansaf The Traditional Jordanian Dish
Muharram Sacred
Qasa'id Poetry
Qaseeda Poem
Qasood Poet
Qassas Desert tracker
Qat’a The cut
Rababa String instrument
Sahra Evening gathering
Sheikh Leader
Umm El Gheith Rainmaking
Wasta Network of contacts
Zarb Traditional Bedouin meal

viii
ABSTRACT
In an era marked by rapid globalization and modernization, Intangible Cultural
Heritage (ICH) faces unprecedented threats, ranging from cultural homogenization to the
erosion of traditional values and practices. This thesis addresses the critical importance of
safeguarding the intangible cultural heritage of the Bedouins of Rum Village, located
within Jordan's Wadi Rum Protected Area. Through an in-depth analysis of the Rum
Village context, the study illustrates the potential threats to Bedouin heritage, including
the erosion of traditional practices and the risk of cultural commodification. It advocates
for empowering the local community through participatory approaches that involve
Bedouins directly in decision-making processes related to heritage conservation and
tourism management. The thesis proposes a collaborative framework that engages
various stakeholders—local communities, government bodies, and NGOs to support
community-led initiatives in protecting and promoting the ICH of Rum Village. By
analyzing specific challenges and opportunities within the context of Rum Village and
beyond, this work contributes to the larger discourse on ICH preservation, advocating for
enhanced mechanisms and collaborative initiatives to protect our shared cultural legacy.

1
INTRODUCTION
The conservation of intangible cultural heritage (ICH) holds paramount
importance in understanding the very fabric of human civilization and its diverse cultural
expressions. This thesis delves into the concept of ICH, focusing on its preservation,
significance, and the challenges it faces in the contemporary world, with a particular
emphasis on the Bedouin culture in Jordan. Intangible cultural heritage, as recognized by
the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO),
encompasses the practices, expressions, knowledge, and skills that communities, groups,
and individuals recognize as part of their cultural heritage. This heritage is not merely a
relic of the past but a living component of societies, instrumental in fostering cultural
diversity, social cohesion, and sustainable development.
Against the backdrop of globalization and modernization, ICH is increasingly
vulnerable, necessitating concerted efforts for its safeguarding. The thesis underscores the
role of local communities and international frameworks, particularly the 2003 UNESCO
Convention for the Safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage, in preserving this
heritage. Through the lens of the Bedouins in Jordan, specifically in Rum Village of the
Wadi Rum Protected Area, this investigation explores how the interplay of local
traditions, globalization, and tourism impacts the conservation and transmission of ICH.
The Bedouin culture in Rum Village, with its rich oral traditions, social practices, and
ecological knowledge, offers a compelling case study on the challenges and opportunities
in preserving ICH amidst rapid socioeconomic changes.
This thesis aims to contribute to the ongoing discourse on ICH conservation by
providing a comprehensive analysis of the factors influencing the safeguarding of

2
Bedouin cultural heritage. It seeks to highlight the importance of community-led
approaches, education, legal frameworks, and sustainable tourism in ensuring the vitality
of ICH for future generations. By examining the specific context of Rum Village within
the Wadi Rum Protected Area, this study not only focuses on the intricacies of
safeguarding Bedouin heritage but also offers broader insights on the conservation of
ICH worldwide. This work endeavors to shed light on the significance of intangible
cultural assets, advocating for enhanced mechanisms and collaborative initiatives to
protect our shared cultural legacy.

3
Chapter 1: Intangible Cultural Heritage of Rum Village
1.1 Intangible Cultural Heritage Overview
1.1.1. Definition and Components
Intangible cultural heritage (ICH) encompasses all non-material aspects of
culture, showcasing the diverse living heritage of humanity and serving as a crucial
promoter of cultural diversity.1 The international community has recently acknowledged
the importance of preserving intangible cultural heritage, resulting in the inception of the
UNESCO Convention on the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2003.2 This
convention aims to preserve humanity's living heritage, fostering creativity, cultural
diversity, and the well-being of groups owning these practices and expressions. ICH
encompasses various aspects such as practices, perceptions, knowledge, skills, artifacts,
and cultural sites, considered integral to cultural heritage by groups and individuals. It's a
heritage continually recreated by communities, adapting to their surroundings and
historical interactions, nurturing a sense of identity. UNESCO defines intangible cultural
heritage (ICH) as:
“The “intangible cultural heritage” means the practices, representations, expressions,
knowledge, skills – as well as the instruments, objects, artifacts, and cultural spaces
associated therewith – that communities, groups, and, in some cases, individuals
recognize as part of their cultural heritage. This intangible cultural heritage, transmitted
from generation to generation, is constantly recreated by communities and groups in
response to their environment, their interaction with nature and their history, and provides
them with a sense of identity and continuity, thus promoting respect for cultural diversity
and human creativity.”
3
1 Federico Lenzerini, “Intangible Cultural Heritage: The Living Culture of Peoples,” European Journal of
International Law 22, no. 1 (February 2011): 101–20, https://doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chr006.
2 Michelle L. Stefano and Peter Davis, The Routledge Companion to Intangible Cultural Heritage (London:
Routledge, 2017), 11. https://doi-org.libproxy1.usc.edu/10.4324/9781315716404.
3
“The 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage 2022 Edition” (UNESCO,
2022), Article 2.1. https://ich.unesco.org/doc/src/2003_Convention_Basic_Texts-_2022_version-EN.pdf

4
The UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage in
2003 outlines five general 'domains' representing the various expressions of intangible
cultural heritage:
• Oral traditions and expressions
The scope of oral traditions and expressions includes a wide array of spoken mediums
like proverbs, narratives, nursery rhymes, myths, songs, prayers, chants, dramatic
performances, and beyond. These forms serve as conduits for transmitting knowledge,
cultural and social values, as well as preserving collective memory within societies.
4
• Performing arts
The performing arts encompass a wide spectrum, spanning vocal and instrumental music,
dance, theater, and more. These forms of expression represent diverse cultural
manifestations, showcasing human ingenuity and creativity.5
• Social practices, rituals, and festive events
Social practices, rituals, and festive events are routine behaviors integral to the cohesion
of communities, shaping their collective identity and shared experiences. These activities,
whether conducted publicly or privately, hold cultural significance as they commemorate
important occasions, such as seasonal transitions, agricultural milestones, or life stages.
They serve as expressions of a community's worldview, reflecting its historical narrative
and cultural memory. Ranging from intimate gatherings to grand celebrations, these
4 UNESCO, “Intangible Cultural Heritage Intangible Cultural Heritage Domains”, page 4,
https://ich.unesco.org/doc/src/01857-EN.pdf.
5 UNESCO, “Intangible Cultural Heritage Intangible Cultural Heritage Domains”, 6.

5
customs are vital for strengthening social connections and nurturing a feeling of
belonging within communities.6
• Knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe
Knowledge and customs regarding the natural world encompass a spectrum of
understanding, expertise, abilities, rituals, and depictions shaped by communities through
their engagement with the environment. These perceptions are articulated through
language, oral heritage, sentiments of connection to specific locations, memories,
spirituality, and overall worldview. They significantly mold societal norms, beliefs, and
customs, playing a foundational role in various social and cultural practices. Moreover,
they are intricately intertwined with the broader environment and the collective context of
the community.
7
• Traditional craftsmanship.
Traditional craftsmanship serves as one of the most tangible manifestations of intangible
cultural heritage. However, the 2003 Convention emphasizes preserving the skills and
know-how of craftsmanship rather than its tangible outputs. efforts should focus on
fostering artisanal continuation and knowledge dissemination within local communities.8
Intangible cultural heritage gains recognition as heritage solely through acknowledgment
by the communities, groups, or individuals involved in its creation and transmission.
Safeguarding initiatives should actively involve these communities to ensure effective
6 UNESCO, “Intangible Cultural Heritage Intangible Cultural Heritage Domains”, 9.
7 UNESCO, “Intangible Cultural Heritage Intangible Cultural Heritage Domains”, 12.
8 UNESCO, “What Is Intangible Cultural Heritage?” Intangible Cultural Heritage, accessed March 7, 2024,
https://ich.unesco.org/en/what-is-intangible-heritage-00003.

6
preservation. "Safeguarding" involves various efforts to sustain intangible cultural
heritage, including recognizing, recording, studying, preserving, promoting, enhancing,
and transmitting it, with a focus on education and revitalization.9
Safeguarding ICH on the international level:
The UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural
Heritage maintains representative lists featuring 678 elements corresponding to 140
countries which cover local practices, representations, expressions, and skills. UNESCO
also provide support for safeguarding efforts including funding programs, projects, and
activities. “The Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity”
seeks to enhance recognition and understanding of important intangible cultural
heritages, and “The List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding”
supports efforts to protect endangered cultural heritages. Moreover, the convention funds
and promotes national, regional, and subregional safeguarding programs and projects,
especially in developing countries.10
Safeguarding ICH on the national level:
The key requirements and measures for countries to safeguard important
intangible cultural heritage within their territories are outlined by the UNESCO
Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. It details how
countries should identify, inventory, promote, and protect important intangible cultural
practices and knowledge with the involvement of communities. They should identify
cultural elements and create inventories with community participation, establish policies
9 UNESCO, 2003 Convention, Article 2.3.
10 UNESCO, 2003 Convention, Article 16.

7
and bodies to promote intangible cultural heritage, and support research, training, and
access to safeguard heritage. In addition, communities should be involved in management
and participation as well as public awareness and education programs.
Communities and groups that can identify and acknowledge elements of their
intangible cultural heritage are empowered to establish methods for passing them down to
future generations.11 The 2003 Convention emphasized the essential involvement of
individuals, groups, and communities in the conservation of their ICH, recognizing their
unique ability to manage it. This includes conducting workshops within these
communities to create inventory lists, and fostering participatory approaches for effective
heritage conservation. Additionally, empowering elder members, who are custodians of
intangible cultural heritage, to act as educators within their communities enhances
heritage preservation efforts.
1.1.2. Significance of Intangible Cultural Heritage
Conserving and disseminating this heritage, given the importance of its cultural
subjectivity and its impact on the prosperity of societies means the possibility of building
capacities for dialogue among different cultures. Intangible cultural heritage and dialogue
are inseparable, and one may realize how close and organic they are.12 In this regard, it is
prudent that we, the children and producers of this heritage, play our part in preserving it
in its various dimensions so that we can pass it on to succeeding generations and achieve
prosperity.
11 Lenzerini, “Intangible Cultural Heritage: The Living Culture of Peoples,” 102.
12 Hani, Hayajneh, The Intangible Cultural Heritage and the Challenges of Globalization. Al-Ra’iy
Newspaper, Issue 14334, (January 2010).

8
The significance of intangible cultural heritage is not in its visual displays, but
rather in the profound knowledge and expertise transmitted across generations through
these cultural expressions. This heritage is passed down across ages, adapts to
environments, and maintains identity and continuity over time. It doesn't isolate practices
as specific to any culture but rather promotes social unity by nurturing individual and
collective identities, fostering responsibility, and enhancing community bonds within
society.13
Globalization has significantly impacted ICH worldwide, potentially causing its
erosion and marginalization, and resulting in a loss of cultural significance, particularly
among younger generations.14 Predictions also suggest that by the twenty-first century's
end, one-third of the world's remaining languages may vanish, highlighting the urgency
of preserving these invaluable aspects of ICH.15 This has prompted a growing awareness
among heritage enthusiasts about the importance of reinforcing the connection between
community heritage and youth identity. This equation has often given strength to those
working in this sector, as it often evokes strong emotional responses, especially
concerning the protection of human rights. The link between identity and heritage, by
virtue of its interpretation from the analytical psychology perspective, is a process of
intergenerational transfer.16 The transmission of ICH elements, such as stories and
13 “UNESCO - What Is Intangible Cultural Heritage?” Intangible Cultural Heritage, accessed March 7,
2024, https://ich.unesco.org/en/what-is-intangible-heritage-00003.
14 Hani, Hayajneh, The Intangible Cultural Heritage and the Challenges of Globalization. Al-Ra’iy
Newspaper, Issue 14334, (January 2010).
15 Natsuko Akagawa and Laurajane Smith, Intangible Heritage: The Practices and Politics of Safeguarding
(Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2018), 169.
16 Hani, Hayajneh, The Intangible Cultural Heritage and the Challenges of Globalization. Al-Ra’iy
Newspaper, Issue 14334, (January 2010).

9
traditional arts, helps to uphold community values across generations, preserving a
genuine historical identity.
Encouraging community involvement in preserving and revitalizing intangible
cultural heritage is crucial, with governments promoting this through diverse strategies.
These include initiating public discussions on heritage's social, educational, and cultural
aspects, and developing specialized programs to raise awareness among people.
Establishing an educational system valuing heritage and fostering transmission is vital,
requiring collaboration among ministries, municipalities, and cultural institutions.
Additionally, creating networks among various schools and cultural institutions aids in
educating children and younger generations about intangible cultural heritage.17
Programs can be developed to disseminate elements of ICH in school
curriculums, such as including handcrafts, traditional and popular singing and
instruments in arts subjects, and possibly developing separate heritage curriculums. The
need may arise to create a position to manage heritage in formal and non-formal
educational institutions, to prepare suitable conditions and use global expertise to create a
professional qualification system for managers of heritage-bearing communities and
specialists and teachers. Media can be requested to disseminate information about best
efforts to educate about intangible cultural heritage as well.
No matter how diverse educational methods are for heritage transmission plans,
all of this must be interpreted within the broad framework of sustainable development. In
17 Michelle L. Stefano, “Practical Considerations for Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage”,
(Routledge EBooks, 2021), 61. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003034216.

10
all cases of safeguarding, factors such as gender, age and their impact on heritage
transmission should be taken into account. It should be noted that including intangible
cultural heritage in educational programs should not preclude positive adoption of
changes in social and natural structures in a changing society. Transmitting heritage in a
spirit of tolerance should also be encouraged in a society that may have diverse social
backgrounds and origins. All of this may lead to increased interest in the profound
meanings embodied in intangible cultural heritage and its relationship to other social
practices.
Intangible heritage, akin to culture at large, undergoes continuous evolution and
enrichment with each succeeding generation. Yet, numerous facets of intangible cultural
heritage face endangerment, threatened by globalization, cultural uniformity, and
insufficient acknowledgment. Without active preservation efforts, there's a risk of
irretrievably losing or stagnating these traditions.18 For instance, during a UNESCO
meeting in Tokyo in 2004, the Greenland Minister of Culture, Education, and Science
criticized globalization, equating it to a modern form of colonization. She emphasized
that while Greenland has numerous distinct names for snow and ice essential for hunters,
many children are only familiar with a few. This scenario reflects a common
phenomenon in today's world, where dominant societies' cultural norms and preferences
become globalized, disadvantaging minority cultures. This trend leads to cultural
domination and uniformity across local, national, and international levels. Ultimately,
18 Hani, Hayajneh, The Intangible Cultural Heritage and the Challenges of Globalization. Al-Ra’iy
Newspaper, Issue 14334, (January 2010).

11
resulting in the establishment of standardized and stereotypical cultural patterns,
undermining the significance of cultural diversity.19
Therefore, safeguarding this heritage involves unique strategies distinct from
those employed for tangible landmarks. Sustaining intangible cultural heritage demands
ongoing practice, learning, and transmission within and across communities. This ensures
its vitality, relevance, and capacity to adapt to evolving cultural landscapes, thereby
securing its legacy for future generations.
Because intangible culture evolves naturally, akin to water's flow, it inevitably
leads to change. The disappearance of a component can challenge the identity of the
heritage holders, especially amidst globalization introducing new cultural elements. New
generations should recognize fading components as part of their heritage without
assimilating emerging cultures. For instance, original Arab music is gradually fading as
Western styles prevail.20 Mu'tasem Adileh critically examines the impact of Western
influence on Arabic music, arguing that there is a transformation in listening habits and
media consumption, especially among the youth, favoring Western music and values,
further distancing Arabic music from its cultural roots.21 Highlighting the importance of
distinguishing between them, preservation efforts must respect this natural evolution,
ensuring the fading elements are understood as part of the cultural heritage.
19 Michelle L. Stefano and Peter Davis, The Routledge Companion to Intangible Cultural Heritage
(London: Routledge, 2017), 103.
20 Hani, Hayajneh, The Intangible Cultural Heritage and the Challenges of Globalization. Al-Ra’iy
Newspaper, Issue 14334, (January 2010).
21 Mu’tasem Adileh, “Arabic Music between the Hammer of Technological Creativity and the Anvil of
Cultural Identity” Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music 42 (1): 145–63, (2011).
https://www.jstor.org/stable/41228646.

12
In this context, prudence is essential in managing this intangible heritage, as it
defies conventional preservation methods and embodies a fusion of intellectual,
emotional, and interactive components. Experts in intangible cultural heritage must
exercise great care, drawing on their profound understanding, while heritage custodians
contribute to a dynamic heritage that reflects the diversity of contexts over time and
space. This underscores the collaborative nature of heritage conservation, driven by
humanity's innate desire to shape identity and heritage, which are intrinsic to human
psychology.22 Therefore, any policy or strategy concerning this heritage should embrace
this collaborative approach, ensuring it addresses the multifaceted aspects of cultural,
social, and environmental resources.
1.2. Bedouin Heritage in Jordan
The tribal Bedouin system in Jordan was established long before the advent of
Islam, or even Christianity.23 The term "Bedouin" originates from the Arabic word
"Bedu" which translates to “desert dweller” and is derived from the word "Badiya"
(desert).24 Bedouins in Jordan are groups of linked families that claimed lineage from a
founding ancestor. They identified their system as segmentary, meaning that the tribe
resembled a pyramid made up of segments or groups, each of which served as both a
governmental and social organization.25 Before the creation of the Emirate of Transjordan
22 Hani, Hayajneh, The Intangible Cultural Heritage and the Challenges of Globalization. Al-Ra’iy
Newspaper, Issue 14334, (January 2010).
23 Jennifer Rowland, “Democracy and the Tribal System in Jordan: Tribalism as a Vehicle for Social
Change,” Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection, 2009, 12.
https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/749
24 Nancy Allison Browning, “I Am Bedu”: The Changing Bedouin in a Changing World (University of
Arkansas, Fayetteville, 2013), 5.
https://scholarworks.uark.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1902&context=etd
25 Hayley Mohan, “Jordanian Tribal Violence: Historical Context and Current Problems.” (Center for
Strategic Studies, University of Jordan, 2010).

13
in 1921, at a time when the tribes were fairly autonomous relative to the power of the
Ottoman Empire, the traditional authority of the Bedouin tribal Sheikh came from other
sources: the prestige of their ancestors and their qualities as leaders and mediators with
other tribes. This structure was appropriate for Jordan at the time because the population
was generally nomadic and lived primarily through agriculture and livestock. With the
establishment of a more powerful national government and the availability of military
service, hospitals, and education, tribes gradually began to embrace more sedentary lives.
The evolution of the new state model, the development of the state bureaucracy,
and the settlement policies have all contributed to the gradual loss of Jordan's nomadic
Bedouin culture, and their traditions are at risk of being lost forever.26 Moreover, Jordan
lacks substantial awareness among its populace regarding their intangible cultural
heritage and its role in shaping national identity.27 It is crucial to recognize that
individuals cannot solely be blamed for their disassociation and inability to identify these
heritage elements, as the mismanagement and overlapping of government roles heavily
impact this understanding. For instance, communities lack decision-making authority and
a sense of ownership, heritage sites are being damaged and cultural traditions are not
being practiced, and Jordan’s educational system teaches heritage only in terms of its
economic value, leading communities to view their heritage solely as a source of income
rather than an integral part of their identity.28 Therefore, to better preserve its intangible
26 Abdel Hakim K, Al Husban “The Socio-Anthropological Value of Oral and Intangible Expressions of
the Bedu in Southern Jordan.” Human Social Sciences Human Social Sciences, Volume 34, No. 2, 2007
https://eservices.ju.edu.jo/HSS/Article/FullText/1909?volume=34&issue=2.
27 Hani Hayajneh, “The Legal Protection of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Hashemite Kingdom of
Jordan,” The Legal Protection of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, 2019, 87–115,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72983-1_6.
28 Hayajneh, “The Legal Protection of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Hashemite Kingdom of
Jordan,” 111.

14
cultural heritage, Jordan should strengthen its efforts to connect these cultural elements
with their respective custodians and communities. The primary focus should be on the
conservation, protection, and eventual transmission of these elements to future
generations.
1.2.1. Historical Overview
Jordan's Hashemite Kingdom was created in 1946 after breaking free from
colonial connections. The British decree of Transjordan was established in April 1921 by
an agreement among the British, the Hashemite family from Saudi Arabia, and the
Bedouin tribes of southern Jordan. These groups fought against the Ottoman Empire and
formed Transjordan.
Before World War 1, the Bedouins of Transjordan had a history of conflict and
raiding, often attacking Muslim pilgrims traveling from Constantinople to Mecca.
Protecting the Hajj caravan route was crucial for the Ottoman occupation leading to
control of the region. Despite attempts to secure the route, the Bedouin's desert prowess
enabled continued raids, prompting the Ottomans to pay them to cease attacks and
safeguard pilgrims. However, In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the relationship
between Ottomans and nomads shifted. The Hwaitat Bedouin, led by Auda Abu Tayi,
allied with British liaison T. E. Lawrence to challenge the Ottoman rule. Supported by
Sherif Hussein ibn Ali of Mecca, they aimed for a unified Arab state, launching a
campaign against the Ottomans. This uprising altered the political landscape, leading to
the end of Ottoman rule.29
29 Laura Strachan, “The Bedouin Know: Using Local Knowledge to Understand the Effects of
Development at the Wadi Rum Protected Area in Southern Jordan”, (McMaster University, October 2012),
63-65 https://macsphere.mcmaster.ca/handle/11375/12362.

15
Emir Abdullah, from the Hashemite family, who subsequently became King
Abdullah I, oversaw Transjordan's 300-400,000 inhabitants, of whom approximately 80%
were nomadic.30 The major tribes existing in the Emirate of Transjordan at the beginning
of its formation were the Bani Sakhr in the north, the Adwan in the Jordan Valley, and
the Huwaytat in the South. Rwala nomads roamed around Wadi Sirhan while The Beni
Khaled, Beni Hassan, and Sirhan were minor tribes who lived on the outskirts of the
capital Amman. During the winter, the tribes traveled from the highlands to the desert
and Wadi Araba in the east, but during the hot summer months, they migrated to the
cooler mountains in the north. In 1929, the British policy of settling the Bedouin gave
tribes no control over the territories they roamed. They only had rights to the summer
settlements, where they were able to farm. The Bani Sakhr were allocated land on the
fringes of Amman and in the Jordan Valley, while other Huwaytat clans obtained
territory in the Sharah Mountains and Wadi Araba.31
30 Mikkel Bille, Being Bedouin Around Petra: Life at a World Heritage Site in the Twenty-First Century,
(Berghahn Books, 2019), 1-26 https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv12pnrqm.
31 Nadine Méouchy, Norig Neveu and Myriam Ababsa, “The Hashemites and the creation of
Transjordan. Atlas of Jordan: History, territories and society” (2013), 212-21.
https://books.openedition.org/ifpo/5010?lang=en.

16
Figure 1. 1. Wandering Territory of Jordan’s Major Bedouin Tribes. Map from Atlas of Jordan.
The tribal system was well-suited for Jordan's historical context, where the
population was predominantly nomadic, relying on agriculture and livestock as their way
of life. Tribes progressively evolved toward a more settled lifestyle when a more
centralized government emerged in the 1930s, along with the introduction of services
such as military, healthcare, and education.32 While Bedouins historically led nomadic
lives, aspects of their nomadic ways began to diminish over the decades. The shift
towards a sedentary lifestyle involved giving up certain nomadic practices such as
migration, tent dwelling, and pastoralism. Modernization, coupled with evolving socio32 Peter Dicampo, “The Effects of Modernization on the Bedouin Populations of Jordan.” (Independent
Study Project (ISP) Collection, 2004)
https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1524&context=isp_collection.

17
political dynamics, influenced Bedouin communities to adapt to a more settled
existence.33
Additionally, economic factors and opportunities in urban areas such as
employment, education, and healthcare contributed to the allure of a sedentary lifestyle.34
A new generation began to reside in towns, obtaining higher education and starting new
professional jobs while yet retaining close ties with their native villages and tribes. This
process contributed to the preservation of Bedouin traditions and values among these city
residents.35
1.2.2. Key Elements of Bedouin Heritage
The Bedouin heritage in Jordan is multifaceted, comprising various cultural
practices and both tangible and intangible elements. The Bedouin heritage in Jordan is
deeply rooted in their clan system, which plays a pivotal role in their social structure and
identity.36 The tribal system organizes Bedouin society into distinct familial groups, each
with its own leadership, customs, and traditions. This system fosters a strong sense of
community and mutual support among clan members, shaping their interactions and
collective identity.37
Honor and Pride
33 Browning, “I Am Bedu”, 33-39.
34 “The Opportunity for Legal Pluralism in Jordan.” The Yale Review of International Studies. January 25,
2021. https://yris.yira.org/winter-issue/4650.
35 Geraldine Chatelard, “Today’s Bedouin in Jordan” (the French Cultural Centre, Amman, July 2008), 2.
https://shs.hal.science/halshs01963959/file/Chatelard_Today_bedouins_Jordan.pdf.
36 Mikkel Bille, “The Samer, the Saint and the Shaman: Ordering Bedouin Heritage in Jordan.” (January
2013) 101–26. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004249226_006 .
37 Browning, “I Am Bedu”, 23-31.

18
Bedouin society typically follows a patriarchal structure characterized by
traditional gender roles where men hold primary authority and decision-making power
within the family and society. The notions of manhood are significant within Bedouin
culture, often tied to ideals of strength, honor, and responsibility.38 The Bedouin concept
of manhood encompasses roles as protectors and providers for their families and
communities, shaping their behaviors and social interactions.39 Marinaki's article tackles
the concept of "Bedouinism" and examines "manhood" as self-identification as perceived
through encounters with the "other." She states that the Zalabieh Bedouins of the Wadi
Rum desert, chosen for their loyalty and integrity, staffed the army and police, thereby
preserving and building state institutions. It also demonstrates, ironically, how their
confidence in doing so gives them the bravery and audacity to challenge the State and its
officials on specific concerns.40 A feeling of honor is a vital masculine characteristic for
Bedouins. To an extent, if a man loses his honor through actions or circumstances that are
perceived as shameful or dishonorable within the community, such as violation of gender
norms, sexual transgressions, and inability to settle disputes, he loses the ability to fully
engage in Bedouin society, regardless of whether he keeps up his pastoral and nomadic
lifestyle. This is why men make tremendous efforts to preserve and raise their honor, as
well as that of their tribe.
38 Nuzha Alhuzail, “The Meaning of Masculinity for Educated Young Bedouins.” British Journal of
Psychology, (April, 2023). https://doi.org/10.1111/bjop.12658.
39 Rula Odeh Alsawalqa, Maissa Nasr Alrawashdeh, and Shahedul Hasan, “Understanding the Man Box:
The Link between Gender Socialization and Domestic Violence in Jordan.” (October 2021)
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2021.e08264.
40 Katerina Marinaki, “Between Desert and State: Power Relations and Balance between Tradition and
Modernity among the Zalabieh Bedouins of Wadi Rum Desert.” Social Sciences 10 (3): 140. (2021)
https://doi.org/10.11648/j.ss.20211003.19.

19
The welcome of guests and its rituals are practices that have resisted lifestyle
changes: a man of honor must be generous to his guests and to the poor, even excessively
so if he can afford it. Another element of honor is military bravery and all the activities
that are linked to firearms, which the Bedouin continue to use for their celebrations even
though it is against the law. Joining the armed forces, and more particularly the Badia or
Desert Police remains a more legal and more respectable way of maintaining the
traditional sense of bravery. Women's behavior is also an important aspect of family and
tribal honor: values, high morals, and respect for the rules of separation between men and
women are required, but this does not indicate a lack of character or invisibility. There
are certain powerful female personalities in Bedouin society who command everyone's
respect because they properly follow the rule of honor.41
Strong connection with the environment
The Bedouin heritage in Jordan is characterized by a strong connection with the
environment, using simple techniques to provide fundamental needs like shelter and
housing. The desert plays an important part in the formation of the distinct Bedouin
identities. Their nomadic existence and intimate understanding of the land instilled a
great appreciation for the environment and a sustainable way of life. This connection with
the environment is reflected in their cultural practices, such as camel herding, ecological
knowledge, and traditional craftsmanship and skills which have been passed down
through generations.42
41 Chatelard, “Today’s Bedouin in Jordan”, 5-7.
42 Na’amneh, Shunnaq, Tastasi, “The Modern Sociocultural Significance of the Jordanian Bedouin Tent.”
149–63.

20
Figure 1. 2. Hussam Zawaydeh in the Wadi Rum Desert. Photo by Author.
Physical culture
The Bedouin community's physical culture, including their traditional
architecture, is a key element of their cultural heritage. The traditional Bedouin tent,
referred to as "Beit Al Sha'ar" translates to "house of hair." This designation directly
alludes to the tent material crafted from goat hair. The tent is extremely adaptable in its
use both as domestic and public space. It is partitioned into distinct male and female
spaces, visually represented by a curtain known as the "Qat’a" meaning "the cut." This
serves as a clear symbol of the pronounced separation between the domains designated
for males and females.43
43 Akram Rosheidat, “Tribal Symbolism Within The Built Form in The Middle East”, (The University of
Arizona 1989) 38-44. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/555407 .

21
Figure 1. 3. Bedouin tent and its divisions. Image from Tovi Fenster, 1999. “Space for Gender: Cultural
Roles of the Forbidden and the Permitted.” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 17 (2): 227–
46. https://doi.org/10.1068/d170227.
The delineation between the two realms and their respective contents serves as a
visual representation of the distinct roles, duties, and conduct within Bedouin society.
While men primarily engage in exhibiting hospitality to guests, socializing, and
participating in military endeavors. The women of the family maintain and erect the tent
themselves or under their guidance. They construct the tent from readily available
materials (goat hair and sheep's wool) and maintain it regularly.44
The tent's symbolic function, in addition to its functional element, is to provide a
real space for guests to enjoy the hospitality and protection of the owner of the home.
The tent no longer signifies the Bedouin's mobility, but rather the preservation of their
values and consequently their identity.
The designated area for women is termed the "Muharram" which translates to
“sacred”. In Bedouin culture, a desert code of honor ensures the sanctity of women. only
the husband is permitted in the "Muharram." Honor holds profound significance, serving
as a sacred criterion for evaluating every man. The "Muharram" space functions as a
44 Chatelard, “Today’s Bedouin in Jordan”, 3.

22
sanctuary, preserving the honor not only of the individual man but also of the tent and,
extending further, of the entire tribe.45
Figure 1. 4. The Bedouin Tent. Image from Akram Rosheidat, “Tribal Symbolism Within The Built Form
in The Middle East”, (The University of Arizona,1989) 38-44. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/555407.
Furthermore, Na'amneh, Shunnaq, and Tastasi's investigation into the spatial
features of the Bedouin tent highlights the cultural significance embedded in the physical
environment, demonstrating the interconnectedness of tangible and intangible aspects of
Bedouin heritage.46
Mansaf: The Traditional Jordanian Dish
The national dish Mansaf symbolizes Jordanian identity and culinary heritage,
widely enjoyed across urban, rural, and Bedouin regions. It fosters solidarity and
collective identity, embodying significant social values within the Jordanian community.
45 Rosheidat, “Tribal Symbolism Within The Built Form in The Middle East”, 38-44.
46 Mahmoud Na’amneh, Mohammed Shunnaq, and Aysegui Tastasi, “The Modern Sociocultural
Significance of the Jordanian Bedouin Tent.” (2008) https://www.jstor.org/stable/43123817.

23
Classified under UNESCO's 2003 Convention as part of cultural practices, it reflects
social rituals and festivities. Historically linked to Bedouin culture predating Hashemite
rule, Mansaf is served at ceremonies ranging from joyous to mournful, marked by
extensive community involvement. Rooted in an agro-pastoral lifestyle, it epitomizes a
traditional culture where meat and yogurt are abundant, and hosts prioritize guest
hospitality.
The traditional preparation of Mansaf involves layering “Khubiz Shrak”, a thin
bread, soaked in a flavorful yogurt broth as the base. Rice covers the bread, followed by
chunks of lamb or goat cooked in yogurt broth atop the rice. On special occasions, the
animal's head is placed in the center. Pine nuts, almonds, and parsley garnish the dish,
and dried yogurt broth “Jameed” is poured over it to keep it warm and moist. Eaten
communally by hand, Mansaf holds significance among Jordanians, symbolizing
security, respect, and honor for hosts, guests, and the meal itself.
The importance of Mansaf in communal ceremonies and its widespread adoption
in Jordan stems from its communal nature, symbolizing solidarity and collective identity.
It has persisted over time as a significant social practice, requiring expertise to prepare.
Its preparation and consumption emphasize inclusivity, bringing people together
regardless of age, ethnicity, or gender, further strengthening the bonds within Jordanian
society. This unifying tradition is observed across urban, rural, and Bedouin areas,
underlining its cultural significance and societal cohesion.47
47 Hayajneh, “The Legal Protection of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Hashemite Kingdom of
Jordan,” 148.

24
Bedouin oral and intangible expressions
Since the Bedouin culture is a pre-literate culture, that lacks a written tradition,
intangible expressions serve as the vessel through which their entire cultural heritage is
historically formed and sustained.48 The Bedouins of Jordan have a rich and enduring
heritage woven through oral traditions and folklore, reflecting the essence of their
nomadic lifestyle and cultural identity. These traditions serve as vital repositories of
historical narratives, social norms, and communal values, contributing significantly to the
preservation of Bedouin cultural heritage. They also represent a very precious legacy for
humanity, having evolved via a complex process of adaptation and connection between
man and nature.
Scholarly research, such as Hood's exploration of Bedouin identity in Jordan,
highlights the importance of performance traditions as integral components of Bedouin
identity. Men's traditional song collection includes various genres performed
accompanied by the “Rababa” (string instrument) or groups of men. Women's traditional
song collection includes wedding songs, circumcision songs, and lullabies, among others.
Bedouin poetry, known as “Qasa'id”, explores themes such as love, praise, honor, and
historical events.49 The “Sahra”, an evening party or gathering, is a main site for the
recreation of Bedouin identity, featuring performances of poetry and music by men.
Several academic studies contribute to a deeper understanding of the intangible cultural
48 Mikkel Bille, “Assembling Heritage: Investigating the UNESCO Proclamation of Bedouin Intangible
Heritage in Jordan.” International Journal of Heritage Studies 18 (2): 107–23 (2012).
https://doi.org/10.1080/13527258.2011.599853.
49 Kathleen Hood and Mohammad Al-Oun, “Changing Performance Traditions and Bedouin Identity in the
North Badiya, Jordan” Nomadic Peoples 18 (2): 78–99. https://www.jstor.org/stable/43123947.

25
heritage of Bedouins in Jordan, emphasizing the need to safeguard these invaluable
cultural treasures for future generations.
1.2.3. Socio-economic Context
Bedouins in Jordan, unlike those who live in other Middle Eastern countries, were
regarded as the foundation of Jordanian identity and have been recognized from the
state's inception.50. During the course of the twentieth century, the Hashemite monarchy
and state institutions put Bedouin authority into a national framework by encouraging the
ancestral values of respect for authority, the individual autonomy of the head of family,
honor, and hospitality. It is in large part thanks to this process that Bedouin identity has
survived and is considered imported to Jordanian Nationalism.51
Jordanian heritage narratives are shaped by Jordan's complex history, which
includes the royal family's roots in Bedouin culture. The Hashemite royal family claims
Bedouin lineage and tribalism is regularly mentioned in their speeches on unity,
solidarity, and tradition. For example, King Abdullah II reacted to the accusation that
tribalism is unsuited for democracy by saying:
“We have a deep-rooted culture and a strong national fabric that makes us
invincible to challenges. We are the inheritors of the Great Arab Revolt; the homeland of
Arab Islamic Hashemite heritage and the country that is rich with its tribes that will
remain the pillar of its strength, steadfastness, stability, and progress” 52
Bedouins who still reside in rural areas, maintain close ties to their ancestral lands
and sustain their nomadic lifestyle.53 Moreover, Bedouin customary laws and social
50 Bille, “Being Bedouin Around Petra”, 10.
51 Chatelard, “Today’s Bedouin in Jordan”, 5.
52 Bille, “Being Bedouin Around Petra”, 11.
53 Mahmoud Na’amneh, Mohammed Shunnaq, and Aysegui Tastasi, “The Modern Sociocultural
Significance of the Jordanian Bedouin Tent.” (2008) 149–63. https://www.jstor.org/stable/43123817.

26
structures, deeply rooted in tribal traditions, continue to shape their governance and
interactions within broader Jordanian society.54 Maintaining the social structure within
Bedouin communities is crucial, emphasizing respect for elders and loyalty to the tribe.
That is why members of parliament and modern figures of authority amongst the
Bedouins, must convince everyone that they will know how to be of service to the whole
community and each family individually.55
The tribe system is still officially utilized in Jordan to "smooth things over" and as
a means of social identification. For much of Jordan's population, tribes are the primary
source of access to essential government aid and services via Wasta, which is similar to a
personal network of contacts. Instead of being condemned as corruption, Wasta acts as a
social and economic lubricant in the frequently tense exchanges among the state and
society. Through such actions, the government reinforces and maintains tribal structures
by depending on tribes to care for themselves.56
1.2.4 Changing Dynamics and Challenges Faced by Bedouin Heritage
The Bedouin heritage in Jordan is experiencing changing dynamics and facing
numerous challenges that arise from the impact of modernization and globalization, the
erosion of traditional practices, and tourism. Donald P. Cole's essay, "Where Have the
Bedouin Gone?" explores the transformation of Bedouin identity from nomadic
54 Ann Furr and Muwafaq Al-Serhan, “Tribal Customary Law in Jordan.” South Carolina Journal of
International Law and Business South Carolina Journal of International Law and Business, Vol. 4: Iss. 2,
Article 3. (2008) https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1055&context=scjilb.
55 Chatelard, “Today’s Bedouin in Jordan”, 5.
56 Kristen Kao, “Do Jordan’s Tribes Challenge or Strengthen the State?” Washington Post, May 28, 2015.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2015/05/28/do-jordans-tribes-challenge-orstrengthen-the-state/.

27
pastoralists to sedentary individuals, highlighting the complexities of socioeconomic,
political, and cultural changes that have significantly altered Bedouin life.57
The Bedouin tribes in Jordan have been affected by the process of modernization.
With the transformation of the country from a mandate to a nation-state, Bedouin tribes
have faced changes in their social and economic systems.58 The introduction of modern
technologies, urbanization, and policies implemented by the government have disrupted
their traditional nomadic lifestyle and brought about significant changes.
Additionally, the traditional knowledge, customs, and practices of the Bedouin
heritage are gradually eroding as younger generations increasingly embrace modern ways
of life and pursue formal education. there is a risk of losing traditional skills such as
herding, weaving, and traditional medicine. This leads to a potential loss of cultural
diversity and identity within the Bedouin community.
Tourism in Jordan also poses a threat to the Bedouin heritage. While it can bring
economic opportunities, it also has the potential to disrupt the traditional Bedouin way of
life and put pressure on their cultural heritage. Increased tourism has led to changes in the
Bedouin lifestyle, as some Bedouin individuals shifted from their traditional occupations,
such as herding, to engaging in tourist-related activities, altering their traditional way of
life. The Bedouin lifestyle has traditionally been self-sufficient, but with the growth of
57 Donald P. Cole, “Where Have the Bedouin Gone?”, (2003) Anthropological Quarterly 76 (2): 235–67.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/3318400.
58 Peter Dicampo, “The Effects of Modernization on the Bedouin Populations of Jordan.” (Independent
Study Project (ISP) Collection, 2004)
https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1524&context=isp_collection.

28
tourism, some Bedouin communities have become increasingly dependent on touristrelated income, which may undermine their self-sufficiency and resilience.59
All these factors have placed the intangible cultural heritage of Bedouins at risk of
being lost. The number of truly nomadic Bedouins left in Jordan decreases each year.
Those who still nomadically reside are mainly found in the southern areas of Jordan
specifically Petra and Wadi Rum. These two places, which are major tourist attractions
and historically significant for Jordan, arguably best represent Bedouin material culture
and traditions today. On 25 November 2005, the Bedouins of Petra and Wadi Rum gained
international recognition as UNESCO proclaimed the “The Cultural Space of the
Bedouins in Petra and Wadi Rum” a Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of
Humanity.60 For my research, I will focus on the situation in Wadi Rum rather than Petra,
even though both are strongly involved in the Jordanian heritage sector.
59 Erika, “Self-Sufficiency and Tourism in the Wadi Rum Desert.” Field Study of the World, February 19,
2018. https://www.fieldstudyoftheworld.com/self-sufficiency-tourism-wadi-rum-desert/
60 “National Assessment of the State of Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage in Jordan.” MEDLIHER
– Mediterranean Living Heritage, 32. Accessed February 13, 2024.

29
1.3. Intangible Cultural Heritage of Rum Village
The intangible cultural heritage of the Bedouins in Wadi Rum holds significant
historical value for Jordan. This is largely due to political and historical factors. Wadi
Rum served as the epicenter of the Great Revolt against the Ottoman Empire in 1918,
which solidified the Hashemites' rule in the region with the support of Bedouin tribes and
the British government.61 It was noted earlier that the Hwaitat tribe, led by Auda Abu
Tayi from Wadi Rum, collaborated with British soldier T.E. Lawrence and Sherif
Hussein to oppose Ottoman rule and establish a unified Arab state. While much attention
has been given to Lawrence's role in the Arab Revolt, today's Wadi Rum Bedouin regard
Auda and their Hwaitat ancestors as the true heroes.62 This connection to national origins
and military achievements contributed to the construction of a collective national
memory, positioning Bedouins as emblematic of Jordanian national identity.
After the Arab revolt ended, British Captain Glubb arrived in Transjordan in
1931. He initiated the Desert Patrol, a specialized division of the Transjordanian army
tasked with maintaining order in the desert. The primary objective was to suppress
longstanding Bedouin tribal conflicts and eliminate their raids entirely. The Hwaitat
tribes from Wadi Rum were the first major group in Transjordan to embrace Glubb's
proposals, eventually forming the core of the Desert Mobile Force. According to elder
males from Wadi Rum clans, Glubb initially focused on recruiting the sons of sheikhs or
tribal leaders. Once convinced of the nobility of this cause, other Bedouin fathers readily
61 Mikkel Bille, “Assembling Heritage: Investigating the UNESCO Proclamation of Bedouin Intangible
Heritage in Jordan.” International Journal of Heritage Studies 18 (2): 107–23 (2012).
https://doi.org/10.1080/13527258.2011.599853.
62 Strachan, “The Bedouin Know: Using Local Knowledge to Understand the Effects of Development at the
Wadi Rum Protected Area in Southern Jordan”, 65.

30
consented to their sons joining Glubb and the sheikh's offspring to defend their ruling
family and nation.
During the Great Arab Revolt and for several decades thereafter, there were no
settlements in or near Wadi Rum. The Bedouin continued to live in their traditional tents,
crafted from the hair of their livestock. In the 1930s, a Desert Police Station was
established near Jabal l Rum, now known as Rum Village. When families journeyed to
Rum Spring, they pitched their tents there. The Wadi Rum clans remained largely
isolated from developments in Transjordan due to their nomadic lifestyle. They had
limited interactions with urban areas and were so deeply entrenched in the desert that
they remained unaware of events like World War II. Initially, the transition of their
homeland from a vast desert to a modern state had little impact on the Bedouin clans.
However, over time, changes experienced elsewhere in Jordan gradually reached Wadi
Rum.63
1.3.1. Wadi Rum Protected Area
The Wadi Rum Protected Area (WRPA) is located in southern Jordan, near the
Saudi border, about 290 kilometers south of Amman and 60 kilometers northeast of
Aqaba. It forms a major part of the Hisma desert and covers an area of 74,200 hectares,
roughly the size of New York City.64 It represents almost one percent of the country,
making it the largest protected area in Jordan and the Levant region.65 Wadi Rum is
known for its distinct cultural and natural heritage. This region has been inhabited for
63 Strachan, “The Bedouin Know: Using Local Knowledge to Understand the Effects of Development at the
Wadi Rum Protected Area in Southern Jordan”, 66.
64 “A Guide to Wadi Rum, Jordan.” National Geographic, 17 Jan. 2016
www.nationalgeographic.com/travel/world-heritage/article/wadi-rum-jordan.
65 “Wadi Rum Proposal for Inclusion in the World Heritage List” document, UNESCO, January 2010.

31
thousands of years and has been shaped by its harsh environment. It has a diverse desert
landscape with narrow canyons, natural arches, towering cliffs, huge landslides, and
caves. The site's petroglyphs, inscriptions, and archaeological remains attest to 12,000
years of human occupation and interaction with nature. 25,000 rock carvings and 20,000
inscriptions trace the evolution of the human idea and the early development of the
alphabet.66 Wadi Rum also ranks as the second most visited site in Jordan and one of
three significant tourist attractions in the southern region.67 It was designated a UNESCO
World Heritage Site in 2011, recognizing the significance of this heritage both nationally
and internationally.
Figure 1. 5. Wadi Rum Landscape. Image by Author.
66 “Wadi Rum Protected Area.” UNESCO World Heritage Center, 2011 whc.unesco.org/en/list/1377/.
67 Laura Strachan, “The Bedouin Know: Using Local Knowledge to Understand the Effects of
Development at the Wadi Rum Protected Area in Southern Jordan”, (McMaster University, October 2012),
114 https://macsphere.mcmaster.ca/handle/11375/12362.

32
Figure 1. 6. Wadi Rum Rock Mountains. Image by Author.

33
Figure 1. 7. Thamudic Inscriptions. Image by Author.
The Wadi Rum Protected Area is home to numerous Bedouin tribes that have
established their villages since the 1960s. The villages within or on the borders of the
area include:
• Shakriyeh Village
• Disi Village
• Tuweiseh Villages
• Mnaishir Village
• Al Taweel Village
• Salhiyyeh Village
• Rashdiyeh Village
• Rum Village

34
Figure 1. 8. Villages within the Wadi Rum Protected Area. Map from UNESCO World Heritage Centre
The inhabitants of the Shakriyeh village belong to the Swelhiyyin tribe who mainly
rely on wage labor as their primary source of income, while only a few still practice
pastoralism by herding goats and camels. The Disi and Tuweiseh villages are inhabited
by members of the Zawayda tribe. The primary economic activity in these villages is
government employment, followed by agricultural jobs. Additionally, tourism has
become a growing source of supplementary income for members of the Rum Tourism
Cooperative Society (RTCS), which is a society managed by villagers who distribute the

35
tourism industry among themselves. The Mnaishir and Taweel villages are occupied by
individuals from the Mazanah, which was formerly a part of the Zawayda tribe. The
majority of the population holds government jobs. There are also three additional
Bedouin tribes living near the boundaries of the Protected Area: the ‘Umran, Dbour, and
Qudhman. These tribes are small and make their living from trading and raising
livestock. They reside mainly in the Rashidiyya and Salhiyyeh villages.68
1.3.2 Rum Village
In 1934 a fort was constructed in Wadi Rum as part of the Badia Desert Police, a
specialized force tasked with overseeing desert borders and comprising solely of tribal
members.69 The region then saw the establishment of a military school in 1960, followed
by a clinic in 1965, which marked the beginning of the small Rum Village.70 In contrast
to typical Jordanian villages and those surrounding the Protected Area, Rum Village is
relatively small, boasting a population of approximately 2000 individuals, a rise from
1499 in 2010 and 1132 in 2004 according to census data at the time.71 Originally nomadic
and tent-dwelling, the inhabitants of Rum Village, belonging to the Zalabiya tribe, trace
their ancestry back to the Aniza tribe, having inhabited the region for over 350 years. The
Zalabiya tribe is subdivided into numerous branches, including the Salmaniyin,
Awaadiyin, Rabaa'in, Hamdaniyin, Muhammadiyyin, Samran, Aidiyyin, Zaidaniyyin,
Aliyyin, Balawinah, Mua'taqah, and Qabaliyyin. Relying on tourism for sustenance, the
68 “Wadi Rum Proposal for Inclusion in the World Heritage List” document, UNESCO, 63-66.
69Geraldine Chatelard, “Tourism and Representations: Of Social Change and Power Relations in Wadi
Ramm” Beyrouth & Amman: institute Francis du Proche-Orient (IFPO) 2005
http://wadiram.userhome.ch/fichiers/Tourism%20and%20representations.doc.
70 “Wadi Rum Proposal for Inclusion in the World Heritage List” document, UNESCO, 63-66.
71 Mufleh Al Adwan, “اإلنسان ومعاناة... المكان سحر: رم “AlRa’i Newspaper, December 15, 2016.

36
villagers engage in activities such as transporting tourists, camping, serving as tour
guides, and some find employment at the military school. A small percentage of villagers
earn a living through sheep and camel husbandry72. Over the past two decades, the village
has seen significant growth both in size and population, attributed to factors including the
establishment and development of the Wadi Rum Protected Area, alongside the notable
surge in tourism since the mid-1980s, leading to a shift in the local economy from
traditional pastoralism to modern tourism. Additional contributing factors encompass the
heightened occurrence of drought periods and government initiatives aimed at settling
Bedouins, offering essential services, and supporting developments such as schools,
paved roads, and basic utilities.
Figure 1. 9. Rum Village Location within WRPA. Maps by Author.
72 Mufleh Al Adwan, “اإلنسان ومعاناة... المكان سحر: رم “AlRa’i Newspaper, December 15, 2016.

37
1.3.3 Intangible Cultural Heritage of Rum Village
Oral Traditions and Folklore
Within the pre-literate Bedouin society, storytelling functions as a crucial
mechanism for imparting the entire system of Bedouin values from one generation to the
next. These stories are integral to the broader collection of Jordanian folklore, focusing
primarily on societal realities deeply rooted in historical context.73 An illustrative
example is Khalf ibn Da'ijaa, a renowned historical figure among the Bedouins of Wadi
Rum. He was a respected Arab warrior who played a significant role in battles and
commanded admiration across the Arabian Peninsula. Within the storytelling tradition of
Wadi Rum, his leadership and valor in guiding his tribe during conflicts are often
recounted, portraying him as a revered figure esteemed within the Bedouin community.
Animal stories also hold a significant place in Bedouin oral tradition. Given the
rich fauna of the Wadi Rum desert, both wild and domesticated animals feature
prominently in Bedouin narratives, particularly in storytelling and poetry. The camel, in
particular, stands out as the quintessential domestic animal accompanying Bedouins,
central to various facets of their lives such as warfare, transportation, and
communication. Bedouins express pride in their camels, evident in the customary practice
of opening Bedouin poems (Qaseeda) with praises for the camel's beauty, strength, and
speed.74
73 Al Husban “The Socio-Anthropological Value of Oral and Intangible Expressions of the Bedu in
Southern Jordan”, 9.
74 Al Husban, 7.

38
In the entire region's history, a distinct and unparalleled bond between the
Bedouins and poetry can be discerned. Bedouin poetry serves as a vital medium for
recounting significant events in Bedouin life, encompassing wars, droughts, tribal
alliances, nature, and celestial phenomena. Essentially, Bedouin poetry functions as the
primary means of documenting the entirety of Bedouin society, offering insights into
their temporal and spatial perspectives, as well as their interdependent relationships with
nature and neighboring communities.75 During nighttime gatherings, Bedouins from
various tribes exchange poems and songs, often discussing homeland ties and
relationships with tribes transcending present Jordanian borders or fixed locations. This is
especially evident in the proximity of the Al-Zalabieh tribe to the Jordanian-Saudi
Arabian border, maintaining familial connections across borders.76
Recounting tales of heroism and enjoying coffee are primary leisure pursuits for
Bedouins, performed nightly. These narratives are accompanied by lengthy verses of
poetry that parallel the events being described, serving purposes akin to classical Arabic
poetry, including themes of love, conflict, and admiration. Bedouin values of generosity,
gallantry, sacrifice, and nobility are highly esteemed and often extolled in their poetry
and storytelling. The Qaseeda, a form of long poem, encompasses various themes such as
tribal and historical events, eulogies, and descriptions of beloved figures. The
performance of Qaseeda may be accompanied by a slow dance and soft hand clapping by
one or more women, with the performer known as the Qasood. It's essential to recognize
75 Al Husban, 9.
76 Olivia Mason, “A Political Geography of Walking in Jordan: Movement and Politics.” Political
Geography (June, 2021), 8. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2021.102392

39
that the Qaseeda represents a collective mode of oral expression within Bedouin
culture.77
The Bedouins of Rum Village regard folk music as a significant avenue for
cultural expression, with Bedouin songs being a distinctive form of Jordanian popular
music. These songs merge oral poetic texts with musical melodies, akin to other popular
songs, and change over time, mirroring the societal and cultural evolution. Characterized
by the flexibility, adaptability of melodies, popularity, and anonymity of their original
composers, Bedouin folk songs reflect the Bedouin lifestyle, thus predominantly
featuring serious themes. These songs primarily focus on social, political, and historical
events, often of a challenging and painful nature, thus joyous or light-hearted themes are
seldom found. Among Bedouins, songs expressing grief and sorrow are typically sung by
women, particularly during times of mourning, such as upon receiving news of the death
of a close relative. This genre of poetry delves into the philosophy surrounding life and
death and typically comprises two thematic segments: the first part encapsulates the
speaker's emotions of sorrow and grief upon receiving news of the death, while the
second part honors the characteristics and legacy of the deceased individual during their
lifetime.78
Additional forms of singing within Bedouin culture encompass syllabic songs,
Huda, Hjeni, and Al Dihhyeh. Syllabic songs are structured around one or more musical
phrases that remain consistent over a fixed duration. Typically performed a cappella by a
77 Al Husban “The Socio-Anthropological Value of Oral and Intangible Expressions of the Bedu in
Southern Jordan”, 9.
78 Al Husban “The Socio-Anthropological Value of Oral and Intangible Expressions of the Bedu in
Southern Jordan”, 10.

40
group, these songs accompany various activities such as walking, dancing, working, or
playing. Huda singing, originating from camel drivers and horsemen, serves to urge
animals to move faster during long journeys or battles and holds significance in wedding
traditions. These songs feature brief verbal and musical phrases. While resembling Huda,
Hjeni singing often comprises extended passages with a simple, tranquil rhythm. Derived
from the Arabic word for camels, "Hejin," Hjeni singing is commonly performed while
riding camels, involving two men with one echoing the words of the other. This style aids
Bedouins during arduous desert journeys. Each song consists of multiple lines, with every
pair of lines featuring a unique rhyme.79
B. Traditional Practices and Rituals
Hospitality is highlighted as a prominent aspect of Jordanian national identity,
exemplifying how heritage politics leverages international acknowledgment of cultural
richness. The connection between hospitality and the Jordanian people received global
recognition in 2004 when UNESCO added it to the 'Harmony List for Cultural Practices'.
In her acceptance speech, Jordanian Princess Basma bin Talal stressed that "Hospitality is
a national asset to be cherished for its immeasurable value. It requires minimal effort yet
yields significant benefits to our lives".80 Additionally, the renowned tradition of
hospitality is inseparable from the presence of coffee. For Bedouins, coffee transcends
79 Al Husban “The Socio-Anthropological Value of Oral and Intangible Expressions of the Bedu in
Southern Jordan”, 10.
80 Bille, “Assembling Heritage: Investigating the UNESCO Proclamation of Bedouin Intangible Heritage in
Jordan.” 112.

41
mere refreshment; its presence in every household signifies the host's perpetual readiness
to welcome guests.81
Coffee holds a central position in the daily life of Bedouins. The act of making
and consuming coffee is reserved for the Sheikh's tent, where both his people and guests
gather. The preparation of coffee is a ceremonial ritual, requiring meticulous adherence to
specific steps to achieve the desired flavor profile. The art of coffee preparation involves
various intricacies, including roasting, brewing, and precise measurements of water, each
of which can significantly impact the quality of the coffee.
In Wadi Rum, Bedouins serve coffee on three distinct occasions: for guests “Al
Dayf”, for personal enjoyment “Al Kayf”, and ceremonial purposes known as “Al Sayf"
(for sword). When welcoming a guest, coffee is the first offering extended to them upon
arrival. The act of accepting and drinking the coffee signals the establishment of normal
and cordial relations between the guest and the host. Subsequently, discussions regarding
the purpose of the visit ensue, whether it involves requests, needs, or problem-solving.
For personal enjoyment, coffee serves as the primary beverage for both men and women,
symbolizing maturity, and is often consumed at regular intervals. The person designated
to serve coffee distributes it to each present, starting from their right. Lastly, coffee is
consumed "for sword" during solemn vows of revenge. In this context, the individual
consuming the coffee pledges to avenge wrongdoing, symbolized by drinking a cup of
81 Ahmed Bani Mustafa, “Untold Bedouin Traditions Still Alive in Wadi Rum”, Jordan Times, (October 2,
2017). https://jordantimes.com/news/local/untold-bedouin-traditions-still-alive-wadi-rum

42
coffee and then breaking the cup. They refrain from drinking coffee until they fulfill their
mission.82
Regarding the culinary traditions of the desert, Wadi Rum is renowned for a
unique cooking method known as "Zarb." This centuries-old technique involves
Bedouins digging a hole in the ground, placing food on hot coals, and covering it for a
duration of two to three hours.83 Additionally, a traditional Bedouin custom is the
"Dabkeh," which translates to 'foot stamping.' It is a dance typically performed by men
during weddings and celebrations, featuring a series of lively rhythmic songs punctuated
by audible foot stamping. There is also a variation of Dabkeh performed by women,
substituting foot stamping with hand clapping.84
82 Al Husban “The Socio-Anthropological Value of Oral and Intangible Expressions of the Bedu in
Southern Jordan”, 8.
83 Ahmed Bani Mustafa, “Untold Bedouin Traditions Still Alive in Wadi Rum”, Jordan Times, (October 2,
2017). https://jordantimes.com/news/local/untold-bedouin-traditions-still-alive-wadi-rum.
84 Al Husban “The Socio-Anthropological Value of Oral and Intangible Expressions of the Bedu in
Southern Jordan”, 10.

43
Figure 1. 10. Zarb preparations in Wadi Rum. 2018. Image by Amanda Ruggeri.
Seasonal festivities and rituals constitute a significant aspect of the intangible
cultural heritage of Wadi Rum. Similar to many indigenous societies, the Bedouin
community perceives nature as an integral component of human existence, one that can
be influenced and even controlled. Believing in their ability to manipulate rainfall, the
Bedouins employ rituals such as “Umm El Gheith” (Rainmaking) as a means to regulate
nature and encourage the skies to provide the necessary water for themselves and their
herds. Consequently, the Bedouins of Wadi Rum traditionally organize annual
ceremonies aimed at inducing rain. These rainmaking ceremonies commence when a
particular clan or segment of a tribe establishes the date and time for the event, inviting
other clans to participate. Women from various tribes and clans gather to plant flags into
the earth, while camels are assembled, and vessels typically used for water transportation
are placed empty on their backs. Subsequently, families bring forth goats or sheep for

44
sacrifice and commence food preparation. Throughout the ceremony, discussions about
rain ensue, accompanied by songs imploring the heavens for precipitation.85
As reported by The Jordan Times, another customary practice observed in Wadi
Rum involves a ritual performed upon the birth of a child. In this ritual, the father hunts
for a scorpion, which he then burns and crushes. The resulting mixture is combined with
olive oil and applied to the infant's body under the belief that it will offer protection from
scorpion stings throughout the child's life. Abu Ryad, a resident of Wadi Rum, attested to
the widespread adoption of this formula among infants in the area, claiming its efficacy
in safeguarding them from scorpion stings. He recounted instances where individuals
stung by scorpions experienced minimal pain, further endorsing the practice. Veterinarian
Suzana Anati suggested that this practice might stimulate the production of antibodies
against scorpion venom, thereby enhancing immunity. Additionally, Bedouins conduct
"surgeries" on she-camels that become infertile. This involves removing the womb and
treating any potential wounds with desert ants. Zeid Jwayan, another Wadi Rum resident,
explained that after extracting the womb, they examine it for cuts and use ants to close
them. This practice is deemed necessary due to the prolonged calf-bearing period, during
which the womb may expand and develop cracks. Veterinarian Anati noted that
contemporary veterinarians perform similar operations using surgical stitches instead of
ants.86
C. Indigenous Knowledge and Skills
85 Al Husban “The Socio-Anthropological Value of Oral and Intangible Expressions of the Bedu in
Southern Jordan”, 12.
86 Mustafa, “Untold Bedouin Traditions Still Alive in Wadi Rum”, Jordan Times, 2017.

45
The indigenous knowledge and skills of Bedouins encompass traditional
craftsmanship, sustainable practices regarding the environment, and various practical
skills. As mentioned earlier, Bedouins refer to their tents as "Beit Al Sha'ar,", as these
tents are crafted from handmade goats' hair and wool.87 Crafting a medium-sized tent
typically takes around two years and is primarily the work of women, who weave it using
a simple loom fashioned by fixing pegs into the ground. These pegs support strings of
mixed hair and wool, forming the warp, with additional strings woven across. The
combination of hair and wool allows the tent material to contract and expand when
exposed to rain, effectively preventing water penetration. Each component of the tent,
from the wooden pillars and poles of varying heights to the ropes and pegs securing it,
serves a specific function. The tent is divided into two to seven chambers, delineating
spaces for guest reception, main gathering areas, and private sleeping quarters. Positioned
on an elevated plane facing eastward, the tent offers a panoramic view of the surrounding
landscape. For Bedouins, the tent embodies numerous abstract values, symbolizing
honor, dignity, and mobility. Unlike permanent stone houses, which bind owners to a
fixed location regardless of circumstances, the tent provides flexibility, enabling
Bedouins to relocate when faced with unfavorable conditions or neighborhood
dynamics.88
87 Chatelard, “Today’s Bedouin in Jordan”, 3.
88 Al Husban “The Socio-Anthropological Value of Oral and Intangible Expressions of the Bedu in
Southern Jordan”, 7.

46
Figure 1. 11. Bedouin tent structure. Image by Amanda Ruggeri.
Desert tracking involves the expertise of specialized individuals known as
“Qassas”, who possess the ability to follow footprints. These trackers fulfill various
functions, including tracing lost animals, locating stolen livestock belonging to tribal
groups or individuals, and recovering lost or stolen items within the Bedouin community.
Numerous distinctive characteristics allow trackers to identify specific individuals based
on their footprints. Variations in walking styles, such as the pressure exerted on toes,
heels, or the sides of feet, create unique indentations in the sand.
Furthermore, Bedouin trackers can differentiate between the footprints of men
and women, even discerning the traces of a pregnant woman, even if she is wearing
footwear. This specialized knowledge is intrinsic to the Bedouin culture of Wadi Rum,
evolving from a nuanced relationship between humans and the unique desert habitat.

47
However, this knowledge is at risk of disappearing, as only a few elderly trackers possess
these skills, and their numbers are diminishing over time.89
Bedouins possess extensive knowledge of the numerous species of plants and
herbs found in the southern region of Jordan. Alongside identification, they have a
profound understanding of the various uses of these plants and herbs, including their
utility as animal fodder and their nutritional value for human consumption. One notable
plant in Wadi Rum is the "Al Ajram" plant, which, when mixed with water, produces a
foam-like substance that Bedouins use for handwashing, often referred to as "The
Bedouin Soap." Additionally, Bedouins can identify plants containing poisonous
substances that may pose harm to themselves or their animals. Their comprehensive
knowledge of flora enables Bedouins to harness nature and develop various medicines
and healing techniques for addressing a wide range of diseases and health issues specific
to their region. This wealth of knowledge stems from a sophisticated interaction between
Bedouins and their natural environment, wherein the plants and herbs thrive.
This intimate understanding of flora signifies a unique cognitive relationship
between Bedouins and the ecology of Wadi Rum. It underscores the Bedouin belief that
nature is an inseparable part of human existence, with both entities intertwined. Indeed,
Bedouins perceive themselves as inherently connected to their surroundings, with nature
being an integral aspect of their identity.90 For instance, Muhammad al-Zalabiya, who
emphasizes the significance of upbringing over ancestry, highlights the deep-rooted
89 Al Husban “The Socio-Anthropological Value of Oral and Intangible Expressions of the Bedu in
Southern Jordan”, 11.
90 Al Husban “The Socio-Anthropological Value of Oral and Intangible Expressions of the Bedu in
Southern Jordan”, 14.

48
connection that Bedouins have with Wadi Rum. Despite their ancestors' migration to the
region when geographical borders were more fluid, Bedouins in Rum Village consider
themselves as the people of Wadi Rum. “We are the people of this region. Even when a
tourist gets lost, the specialized agencies rely on us; for we know the place inch by
inch."91
Rum Village stands out as one of the few areas in Jordan where the indigenous
crafts, traditions, beliefs, and skills have survived for decades or even centuries. Their
traditional folklore, Bedouin ceremonies, and rituals, as well as their traditional
craftsmanship and sustainable practices adapted to the desert environment, have been
passed down from generation to generation, retaining much of their authenticity and
cultural expression. Nevertheless, some elements of this heritage are at risk of
disappearing. In light of the significance of preserving and protecting these intangible
expressions, UNESCO's incorporation of the Bedouin tribes of Wadi Rum, along with
Bedouin tribes around Petra on its list of Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage
of Humanity aimed to motivate the Jordanian government, NGOs, and local communities
to safeguard and promote their cultural heritage. However, a recent UNESCO evaluation
of Jordan's efforts in preserving intangible cultural heritage highlighted several
shortcomings. These include the absence of a centralized official body dedicated to
addressing such issues, significant challenges in integrating cultural heritage concerns
into the national strategic plan, limited financial support, and a lack of coordination
among various stakeholders. Additionally, the deficiency of awareness programs emerges
as a key issue, as many Jordanians lack an understanding of the true importance of their
91 Rasha Salameh, “بالمكان سك ُّتم.. رم وادي أهالي “Www.hafryat.com. (September 1, 2019).

49
intangible cultural heritage and the numerous threats it faces, including those impacting
the rich and deeply rooted living heritage of Wadi Rum.92
My research centers on Rum Village, distinct from neighboring villages, despite
sharing similar intangible cultural heritage. Rum Village's exclusive location within the
protected area makes it particularly impacted by regulations and management plans that
affects its intangible cultural heritage. The Aqaba Special Economic Zone Authority
(ASEZA) governs Rum Village exclusively, while nearby villages operate under different
administrations despite proximity to WRPA. The villages of Salhia and Shakriyyah
operate under the jurisdiction of the Queryira Municipality, while Ad Diseh and nearby
Mazanah and Zawaydeh villages are managed locally. As they are not within the
jurisdiction of the ASEZA, Bedouins in these villages, unlike the Bedouins in Rum
Village have the freedom to access resources and lands, engage in agriculture, and
maintain their customary lifestyles.
92 “National Assessment of the State of Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage in Jordan.” MEDLIHER
– Mediterranean Living Heritage. Accessed February 13, 2024.

50
Chapter 2: Governance and Management of Rum Village
Rum Village started to grow in 1971 as new housing units were constructed,
however, with the increase in tourism in the mid-1980s, there were criticisms from
visitors about the aesthetics of Rum Village as it was facing significant infrastructure
issues.93 Queen Noor, wife of the deceased King Hussein, experienced this personally
during her trip to southern Jordan in 1988. Accounts suggest that during one of her visits
to engage with the Bedouin tribes residing in Wadi Rum, she observed the challenging
conditions faced by the local people.94 Until the early 1990s, there were still problems
with insufficient water and no access to electricity. Although the village had a clinic, it
lacked essential medical equipment and supplies. Most of the streets, including the main
municipal road, were unpaved. The region remained largely impoverished, and the
majority of the population relied on tourism as a source of income. In late 1994,
following a sudden increase in government interest, Rum Village was provided with
additional services such as electricity, telephones, and water. However, the intensified
competition among various stakeholders, specifically the Royal Society for the
Conservation of Nature (RSCN), Aqaba Special Economic Zone Authority (ASEZA),
and the Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities (MOTA), for the future of the area made the
situation more complicated.95
93 “Wadi Rum Proposal for Inclusion in the World Heritage List” document, UNESCO, 63-66.
94 Strachan, “The Bedouin Know: Using Local Knowledge to Understand the Effects of Development at the
Wadi Rum Protected Area in Southern Jordan”, 79.
95 Laurie Brand, “Development in Wadi Rum? State Bureaucracy, External Funders, and Civil Society”,
International Journal of Middle East Studies, 33(4), (2001), 574. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3594787

51
2.1. Stakeholders
Since Rum Village lies within the boundaries of WRPA, it is governed and
managed under ASEZA by laws.96 The ASEZA is a distinct entity in the country,
independent of individual ministries in terms of financial and administrative matters. It
has jurisdiction over the entire Rum preserve and has the authority to use state land and
property in the region as it deems necessary. While ASEZA is granted control over all
land use in the area, MOTA considered any location that drew in tourists to be under its
administrative responsibility. The RSCN on the other hand, commonly recognized as a
non-governmental organization (NGO), has a public-service mission of safeguarding the
wildlife in the kingdom's nature reserves with jurisdiction over environmental matters,
including WRPA.
In late 1995 MOTA announced that no investment in Wadi Rum would be
prohibited as long as it was based on a previous study. However, ASEZA argued that it
had the final say about investment in Wadi Rum since it was under Aqaba district land
regardless of its use. On the other hand, RSCN claimed prior jurisdiction over Wadi Rum
as it was designated as a protected area in 1978. Another organization that had similar
interests in protecting Wadi Rum's monuments was Friends of Archaeology and Heritage
(FOAH). The only organization that seemed to balance environmental concerns with
advocating for the local community of the village was The Friends of the Environment
Society (FES). The local Bedouins on the other hand found themselves caught in the
middle.
96
“Wadi Rum Proposal for Inclusion in the World Heritage List” document, UNESCO, January 2010.

52
By 1996, Wadi Rum experienced major growth in tourism. The Second Tourism
Development Project was created by the World Bank, which included a plan for an
alternative village. The proposal aimed to move Rum Village away from the core of the
Protected Area to prevent the long-term effects of the village's urbanization on the area's
potential land values. According to the World Bank document, the local population was
consulted about the project. However, documents from the locals and NGOs concerned
with the issue contradict this claim. For example, in a letter addressed by Mohammed
Zalabiyyah, one of the notables of Rum Village and president of the Tourism Cooperative
Society (RTCS), expressed his complaint about the lack of consultation and coordination
with the locals regarding plans to move the village to a new location. Zalabiyyah pointed
out that external investors were eager to invest in Wadi Rum, while the locals were left
out of the decision-making process. He insisted that the locals had refused to move to the
proposed site as it was unsuitable and would not allow for future expansion.97 None of
the Bedouin men or women thought that building a new village would help address the
issues arising from an increasing population. Instead, they believed they had the right to
stay in Wadi Rum even if it meant constructing homes on undesignated lands.98
Zalabiyah called for appropriate consultation with the people of Rum Village to
preserve their rights and later met with the late King Hussein bin Talal, who had a
famous saying about Wadi Rum: "Wadi Rum belongs not to man but to humanity." When
97 Brand, “Development in Wadi Rum? State Bureaucracy, External Funders, and Civil Society”, 571-590.
98 Strachan, “The Bedouin Know: Using Local Knowledge to Understand the Effects of Development at the
Wadi Rum Protected Area in Southern Jordan”, 145.

53
he heard the complaints of the people of Rum Village, the king at the time ordered that no
one should interfere with the affairs of the people of Rum at all.99
Nonetheless, in 1998, the ASEZA created a comprehensive plan for the expansion
of the Rum Village that included a defined organizational structure. One proposal was to
establish a "village wall" that would restrict unregulated growth. The Jordanian
government also defined the village boundaries, limiting the area to 404 dunums
(approximately 40 hectares) to minimize the impact of the expansion on the Protected
Area. Construction beyond these boundaries was strictly prohibited.100 The World Bank
document also included plans for “improving” current conditions, yet it did not address
improvements within the village walls and spaces to benefit the Bedouins living. In fact,
ASEZA enforced rigorous regulations and building codes limiting the village's outer and
upward expansion. (Villagers are banned from building multiple stories) They also
prohibited all forms of farming on WRPA lands, effectively preventing Bedouins from
cultivating their ancestral territories. The establishment of WRPA, complete with
conservation principles and a structured management plan, significantly changed the lives
of the local tribes which led them eventually to oppose this shift. A frustrated Zalabiyah
resident noted in 2002 that most Bedouins didn't comprehend the Reserve's regulations
and viewed them as a threat to their traditional land management and governance.101
99 Mufleh Al Adwan, “اإلنسان ومعاناة... المكان سحر: رم “AlRa’i Newspaper, December 15, 2016.
100 “Wadi Rum Proposal for Inclusion in the World Heritage List” document, UNESCO, 64.
101 Strachan, “The Bedouin Know: Using Local Knowledge to Understand the Effects of Development at
the Wadi Rum Protected Area in Southern Jordan”, 109.

54
Figure 2. 1. Rum Village, viewed from the south. Image taken in 2019 by Matthew Cruickshank.
Figure 2. 2.Rum Village, viewed from Rakhabat Canyon. Image taken in 2019 by Matthew Cruickshank.
In her thesis titled "The Bedouin Know," Laura M. Strachan conducted interviews
with the Bedouins of Rum Village, discussing alterations in the desert landscape and their
livelihoods following the declaration of Wadi Rum as a conservation area. Strachan's
fieldwork in 2007 involved a meeting with Judge Salhsalm Al Zalabiah in Wadi Rum,
where he expressed significant discontentment with the regulatory measures enforced.
“Judge: They put into the heads of people these ideas so that they would sign the
paper to protect us. Many things come up that people don’t know about such as the
Visitor Centre. Now we can’t build in the village for our children. We can’t build one

55
room without asking ASEZA’s permission. The village is not ours we were told. It is
forbidden to build.
Laura: When did building become forbidden to the Bedouins of Rum Village?
Judge: Now when we go to responsible people they say “We can’t give you lands inside
the Reserve. We can give you lands outside instead.” This divides families.
Laura: Who are the responsible people?
Judge: Dr. Bilal and the big ASEZA commissioner. They said that this is Rum but we can
give you land outside of the protected area.
Laura: What were you trying to get permission for?
Judge: At the start of Mahmiah, there was a paper that said you can build inside of the
village. Now there is a man who made problems with the building in Rum.”
He clearly expressed his frustration regarding the extent to which they had
relinquished control over what they previously believed to be their own, along with the
unfulfilled commitments. Another resident of Rum village voiced his discontent, stating:
“They made the place after us who have been here 100 years – don’t build
outside, don’t build second floor, don’t go out of the wall, no lights in the streets, ....”102
The villagers of Rum initially believed that the entrance to the WRPA would be
situated south of their village, leaving them outside the protected area and undisturbed.
However, the village was ultimately encompassed within the WRPA boundaries. Despite
assurances from the RSCN that the Bedouin and their land would be safeguarded, and
they could maintain their traditional way of life, ASEZA's stringent regulations
significantly impacted their access to land and their perception of their status within the
village and the WRPA. The Bedouin were not granted ownership of lands they had
occupied for generations unless they had been formally claimed or registered previously.
Additionally, the high fees required for obtaining building permits and plans, based on
urban standards rather than rural contexts like Rum Village, caused further dissatisfaction
102 Interviews by Strachan, “The Bedouin Know: Using Local Knowledge to Understand the Effects of
Development at the Wadi Rum Protected Area in Southern Jordan”, 144.

56
among the villagers. They felt that applying urban regulations to their small village was
unjust. Moreover, large empty lands were seized by the government and remained
inaccessible to villagers leading to a sense that their long-standing occupation of the land
was not being respected by the regulations imposed after the establishment of the
protected area. Mohammad Al Zalabiyah stated:
“They said they would help, but no land and no home. Why take my family’s land
and business and not give us land? Nobody listens to the Bedouins” 103
The limitations imposed by village regulations have significantly affected
Bedouin pastoral customs as well. Families not only require land for housing but also
sizable plots for keeping their livestock nearby. However, existing laws often allocate
plots too small for young men to construct homes and accommodate their animals.
Additionally, increased enforcement of village ordinances raises concerns that village
livestock may vanish over time. All these land disputes and construction limitations pose
fundamental challenges to Bedouin life. In Rum Village, the landscape holds profound
significance; it is not merely a cluster of buildings but a symbol of ancestral ownership. It
is the land where ancestors once tended to their livestock, worshipped, and sought refuge
from the desert heat.
2.2. Development Projects
In the year 2002, the village began an extensive overhaul and enhancement of its
infrastructure and appearance funded by the Second Tourism Development Project
(STDP). The project aimed to rebuild plot walls using suitable materials such as
rendering and painting. Unfinished homes would be rendered and painted as well. The
103 Strachan, “The Bedouin Know: Using Local Knowledge to Understand the Effects of Development at
the Wadi Rum Protected Area in Southern Jordan”, 150.

57
streets would be tidied by removing trash and waste. Landscaping efforts involving
planting trees and desert bushes both on properties and elsewhere were also part of
beautifying the area. Improving utilities like water distribution, sanitation, and solid
waste disposal was another focus of the investment consistent with the recommendations
of the World Bank report numbered 16485-JO from July 11, 1997.
104
Despite upgrades carried out in 2002-2003, the infrastructure in Rum Village
remains substandard. According to observations by Strachan, Bedouins have raised
concerns about persistent issues like unreliable electricity, inadequate street lighting, and
water access problems. The construction of village walls has compounded these issues,
with many perceiving it as a superficial effort to “beautify” the village's appearance for
passing tourists. Behind these walls, the authentic Bedouin village is obscured from view,
with residents feeling excluded from the decision-making process. According to
Strachan, villagers were not consulted about the walls' construction or their potential
impacts, nor were they given the opportunity to provide input on design specifics. While
the Bedouin had previously built their own walls according to their preferences, the
funding for the new walls did not support upgrades to existing structures or address
concerns about the inner side facing Bedouin residences. Officials aimed to utilize
remaining development funds to demonstrate progress to lenders, without adequately
explaining how the walls would benefit the Bedouin communities. One villager stated:
"They are choking the life out of the Bedouin." 105
104
“Second Tourism Development Project”, The World Bank Report No. 16485-JO, (July 11, 1997).
https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/867791468752361147/text/multi0page.txt.
105 Strachan, “The Bedouin Know: Using Local Knowledge to Understand the Effects of Development at
the Wadi Rum Protected Area in Southern Jordan”, 157-159.

58
Another Bedouin, Salem Al Zalabya, who holds various leadership positions in
the community, recently posted pictures on the "Sons of Al Zalabya and Zawayda Tribes
Forum" Facebook page in October 2021, showing the poor conditions of the village.106
Figure 2. 3. Rum Village. Images taken in 2021 by Salam Al Zalabya.
Additionally, he wrote an emotional letter in Arabic criticizing the responsible authorities
for neglecting the village. He wrote the following:
“My letter to whom it may concern,
This is the case of Wadi Rum
You who allege that Wadi Rum is full of activities and events…
…This is the case of the village of Wadi Rum, whose people built the tourist attraction
that everyone praises today
This is the case of Wadi Rum village
106 Salam Al Zalabya, "Sons of Al Zalabya and Zawayda Tribes Forum", Facebook, October 5, 2021.
https://www.facebook.com/groups/954650238388111/permalink/1214132235773242/.

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You who left the name of Wadi Rum…
…This is the village of Wadi Rum, O representatives of the southern desert, O people of
promises
This is the case of the village of Wadi Rum, O Minister of Tourism…
…This is Wadi Rum and no other
Our children and tourists are at risk because of the inaction of those who are
responsible…
…Be merciful with those on Earth and God will be merciful with you”
It's evident that the development of the Wadi Rum Protected Area prioritizes
conservation and tourism projects, often neglecting the concerns of local Bedouin
communities whose historical territories encompass the protected region. The very same
Bedouin tribes in Wadi Rum, honored in 2005 on UNESCO's list of Masterpieces of the
Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity, now find themselves constrained under the
guise of development and UNESCO protection. They were initially recognized for their
rich oral traditions and nomadic skills deeply rooted in the landscape, which they now
lack control over due to UNESCO's ‘tangible’ heritage. The inhabitants of Rum Village
lead lifestyles that deviate from traditional Bedouin culture, no longer predominantly
residing in black tents as they once did. Instead, due to UNESCO's policies on tangible
heritage protection and national settlement initiatives, Rum Village has been confined
within boundaries poorly suited to the Bedouin way of life, leaving limited space for
erecting tents or raising animals. Bedouins have now transitioned to living in concrete
structures and primarily earn their livelihood through participation in the tourism
industry, offering guided tours, and selling souvenirs.
107
107 Bille, “Assembling Heritage: Investigating the UNESCO Proclamation of Bedouin Intangible Heritage
in Jordan.” 107–23.

60
In the transformation of Rum Village's Bedouin way of life, there is a risk of
losing the intangible elements that embody their heritage. Moreover, a significant portion
of their cultural legacy remains poorly documented because the Bedouins are nomadic
and traditionally oral in their communication, lacking written records. Their intangible
cultural heritage has been preserved solely through oral tradition, passed down from one
generation to the next. Elements such as their mythology, music, poetry, code of honor,
and customs have not received sufficient scholarly attention over time, resulting in
limited written documentation of the rich heritage that forms a vital part of their sociocultural identity.
108
108 Abdel Hakim K, Al Husban “The Socio-Anthropological Value of Oral and Intangible Expressions of
the Bedu in Southern Jordan.” Human Social Sciences Human Social Sciences, Volume 34, No. 2, 2007
https://eservices.ju.edu.jo/HSS/Article/FullText/1909?volume=34&issue=2 .

61
Chapter 3: Challenges and Opportunities
3.1. Identifying Threats to Rum Village’s Intangible Cultural Heritage
The establishment of the WRPA has threatened Rum Village’s ICH, including the
erasure of local narratives, loss of land control, and commercialization. Tourism and
conservation development infringe on the lives of the Bedouin people living in Rum
Village and its desert landscape, relegating them to serving the WRPA rather than
protecting it as a cultural site. Initiatives and developments within the WRPA prioritize
goals outlined in agreements between investors and private entities, rather than meeting
the aspirations of local residents or the ecological needs of the area. This neglect results
in a decline in overall quality of life and threatens the preservation of the community's
intangible cultural heritage.
Before the establishment of the WRPA, the Bedouin tribes in Rum Village lived
autonomously, without significant external interference in their customs, land
management, or involvement in local tourism. The introduction of the protected area,
with its focus on conservation and structured management plan represented a significant
shift for the local Bedouins. They perceived that the WRPA did not effectively safeguard
resources and marginalized them from decision-making processes. Many Bedouin
individuals believed that WRPA imposed its authority on them, viewing it as an external
burden rather than a collaborative effort.
3.1.1. Modernization and Globalization Challenges
Efforts to safeguard the intangible cultural heritage of Rum Bedouins are
inadequate despite its significance to Jordanian cultural identity. The “National

62
Assessment of the State of Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage in Jordan”
highlights various risks threatening the ICH of Bedouins in Rum Village. These risks
include:
• The change from nomadic to sedentary living has resulted in alterations or loss of
many of the Bedouin's ICH.
• Bedouin skills, knowledge, and oral practices are quickly vanishing due to key
shifts in the lifestyle of these people.
• Traditional poetry has declined, giving way to more commercialized and
financially driven forms.
• Wedding traditions have also evolved, with shorter festivities and modern
customs replacing traditional practices.
• The younger generation shows less interest in learning traditional songs and
dances, leading to the gradual irrelevance of these oral and intangible expressions
to them. In her study “Changing Performance Traditions and Bedouin Identity in
The North Badiya, Jordan”, Hood states that “modern pop songs and dances seem
more fun and interesting to them.” 109
Moreover, external donor like USAID also often prioritizes their own interests
over those of the Bedouin they claim to support. Reports by Strachan demonstrate the
inadequately brief funding periods that offer insufficient time for local organizations and
staff to enhance their skills and capabilities; the scarcity and unreliability of job
109 Hood and Al-Oun, “Changing Performance Traditions and Bedouin Identity in the North Badiya,
Jordan”, 79-96.

63
opportunities; and the minimal assistance provided on-site to aid in the conservation
efforts of the protected area.110
There are also growing misconceptions and misrepresentations of Bedouin culture
that jeopardize the ICH of Wadi Rum. According to a survey carried out by the
MedLiHer project in Jordan, urbanized Jordanians often hold stereotypes about Bedouins,
viewing them as socially backward despite the diversity and adaptability of Bedouin
culture.111 Similarly, local ethnographies may freeze Bedouin culture in time, failing to
acknowledge its regional and tribal diversity.
Another risk to the ICH of Rum Bedouins is the loss of local narratives and
histories rooted in pastoral nomadism and oral culture due to the emergence of tourismrelated narratives. The increasing local and international interest in Wadi Rum, which is
now listed on both UNESCO’s tangible and intangible heritage lists put decision-makers,
including ASEZA, in a challenging position of ensuring the protection of the sites while
concurrently preserving the ICH and involving the communities that carry this heritage,
without negatively affecting them. Moreover, development and conservation plans
focused on ‘tangible’ heritage and tourism management, frequently neglect the local
interdependence between Bedouin people and the site. This marginalizes local
communities, limiting their access to resources without offering adequate alternative
development possibilities.112
110 Strachan, “The Bedouin Know: Using Local Knowledge to Understand the Effects of Development at
the Wadi Rum Protected Area in Southern Jordan”, 202.
111 “National Assessment of the State of Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage in Jordan.” MEDLIHER
– Mediterranean Living Heritage.
112 “National Assessment of the State of Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage in Jordan.” MEDLIHER
– Mediterranean Living Heritage, 53.

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For instance, the WRPA management plan included a prohibition on agriculture
within its boundaries, effectively preventing Bedouins from farming on their ancestral
lands. This restriction made Bedouins feel constrained in their movements and alienated
from their own territory, perceiving it as an infringement on their traditional lifestyle and
access to resources, rather than genuine environmental conservation. One Bedouin
interviewed by Strachan stated:
“Will God give us lots of rain? Where is rain? Where is the manager? Why can’t
we build? Government is a problem and we are people of the government. Protected land
is not supposed to keep us from the land”113
Moreover, accusations in the past were made by the RSCN against Bedouins for
illicitly gathering green wood, which they refuted. Bedouin cultural and religious values
oppose the cutting of green wood, recognizing its importance as fodder for their
livestock. Surprisingly, Bedouins in Rum Village asserted that illegal hunting and wood
cutting had actually escalated following the establishment of the WRPA. One Bedouin
stated:
“The Reserve should respect the Bedu culture because Bedu have always
collected only dead wood and nothing else. We always avoided the cutting of a green tree
in the past and present. “114
Another Bedouin expressed concerns about the detrimental impact caused by
outsiders visiting Wadi Rum. He observed that young men disrupt the dunes with cars,
engage in excessive rabbit hunting, damage plants, and create noise. This went against
113 Strachan, “The Bedouin Know: Using Local Knowledge to Understand the Effects of Development at
the Wadi Rum Protected Area in Southern Jordan”, 110.
114 Strachan, “The Bedouin Know: Using Local Knowledge to Understand the Effects of Development at
the Wadi Rum Protected Area in Southern Jordan”, 113.

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Bedouin traditions of only taking what was needed. He felt the land no longer belonged
to them.
Similarly, some locals reject the authority of WRPA, doubting its commitment to
their protection. They suspect hidden agendas beyond local resource preservation. The
Bedouin strongly resist WRPA due to its perceived facilitation of external groups
assuming control over governance and tourism, sidelining the Bedouin's influence.
Moreover, many Bedouins doubt the protected area's effectiveness in enhancing plant and
animal life recovery. They believe that regional control shifts have deprioritized
conservation in favor of tourism development.115
3.1.2 Tourism Threats
Tourism in Wadi Rum began to develop in the 1990s when the Jordanian
government recognized the potential of the area as a tourist destination. The government
encouraged the development of infrastructure and services, such as roads,
accommodations, and guided tours, to attract visitors to the region. The tourism industry
in Wadi Rum has since grown, with more than 300,000 tourists visiting the area
annually.
116 The desert scenery of Wadi Rum is the primary interest of visitors, with
secondary interests being Bedouin culture, archaeology, the film Lawrence of Arabia
which was filmed there, “wilderness” and desert adventure. Standard activities for
visitors are 4x4 tours, camel rides, hiking, camping, rock climbing and horse riding. The
115 Strachan, “The Bedouin Know: Using Local Knowledge to Understand the Effects of Development at
the Wadi Rum Protected Area in Southern Jordan”, 97-114.
116 “A Guide to Wadi Rum, Jordan.” National Geographic, 17 Jan. 2016
www.nationalgeographic.com/travel/world-heritage/article/wadi-rum-jordan.

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4x4 tours are the most popular, with an estimated 85% of visitors using them.117 While
tourism has brought economic benefits to the area, it has also posed a number of threats
to Wadi Rum's tangible and intangible heritage including the degradation of rock art and
archaeological sites, tourism infrastructure and the management of illegal camps, and the
commodification of Bedouin culture.
The Wadi Rum Protected Area’s management has made some progress in
documenting rock art. However, there has been little success in protecting rock art and
inscriptions, which are prone to degradation, and vandalism such as graffiti. In 2018, new
damage from bullets was discovered, apparently caused by using rocks as target
practice.118 The degradation of rock art and archaeological sites in Wadi Rum poses a
significant threat to its intangible cultural heritage in several ways including the loss of
historical narratives as rock art and archaeological sites often contain depictions and
remnants of ancient cultural practices, rituals, and beliefs. Their degradation can erode
the connection between present-day communities and their ancestral heritage, leading to a
loss of cultural identity.
117 “Wadi Rum Proposal for Inclusion in the World Heritage List” document, 61, UNESCO, January 2010.
118 Review of Wadi Rum Protected Area 2020 Conservation Outlook Assessment. IUCN World Heritage
Outlook. December 2, 2020. https://worldheritageoutlook.iucn.org/.

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Figure 3. 1. Rock vandalism. 2023. Image by Author.
In 2019, the government recognized the importance of sustainable tourism
management in Wadi Rum but also noted its complex nature. The growing tourist influx
has resulted in a surge of unauthorized camps, with approximately 400 unregistered ones
now active within the protected area.119 Improperly managed tourism infrastructure and
illegal campsites can contribute to environmental degradation, affecting the natural
surroundings and ecosystems that are integral to the cultural heritage of Wadi Rum. In
addition, the proliferation of tourist facilities and services can diminish the authenticity of
the cultural experience in Wadi Rum and disrupt the traditional lifestyle and practices of
the Bedouin community. Moreover, mismanagement of tourism infrastructure and illegal
119 Review of Wadi Rum Protected Area 2020 Conservation Outlook Assessment. IUCN World Heritage
Outlook. December 2, 2020. https://worldheritageoutlook.iucn.org/.

68
campsites can lead to conflicts between local communities and authorities, further
exacerbating tensions and undermining efforts to preserve intangible cultural heritage.
While some believe that tourism can support the economic incentives of
intangible cultural heritage, the increasing demand for "authentic Bedouin culture" from
desert tourism can lead to the commodification of Bedouin traditions and lifestyle,
potentially degrading their intangible cultural heritage. As mentioned in Chapter 1,
Bedouin hospitality is demonstrated through the traditional practice of serving coffee,
which carries symbolic significance. This ritual involves offering three distinct servings:
for guests, personal enjoyment, and for the sword, symbolizing mutual respect or defense
between host and guest. However, the increasing commercialization of hospitality has led
to a shift away from this symbolic pact formed through coffee, replacing it with profitdriven transactions. This transformation has sparked controversy within the local
community, as it contradicts traditional values that prioritize genuine human connections
over monetary exchanges. Mahmoud expressed his disapproval of this trend in an
interview with Arab News, stating, “I’m against making hospitality a business; it makes
me sad. These people exploit the name ‘Bedouin’ to make money.”120
We should not ignore the sense of identity, social status, cultural pride, and
recognition of heritage when attempting to benefit from any element of intangible
cultural heritage for material gain. Bedouins inheriting their traditions from their
ancestors fulfill cultural expectations, contributing actively to society and reinforcing
their heritage's uniqueness regardless of economic motives. Unfortunately, tourism is
120 Tamara Turki, “The Spirit of Bedouin Hospitality Thrives in Jordan’s Tourism Renaissance” Arab
News, (January 9, 2024). https://www.arabnews.com/node/2438701/middle-east.

69
turning those heritage elements into a commodity for consumption in pleasing visitors,
empty of the spirit that sustained it over time. Therefore, any process or step aimed at
benefiting from intangible cultural heritage in the tourism sector must prevent tourism
from separating crafts and inherited culture from their original social context.121
3.2. Opportunities for Community Collaboration
The conservation and documentation of the ICH of Rum Bedouins have the
potential to fulfill various social and cultural goals for both the Bedouin community and
the broader Jordanian populace. The Bedouin culture holds significant value for many
Jordanians, serving as a foundational aspect of their historical and cultural identity.
Recognized as custodians of the original Jordanian identity, the Bedouins' ICH can play a
pivotal role in fortifying and reconstructing a more encompassing national identity for
Jordan. By safeguarding Rum Bedouin's ICH, numerous objectives concerning the social
and cultural welfare of the Bedouin and the entirety of Jordanian society can be attained.
The preservation and documentation of ICH offer the opportunity to create a
comprehensive archive containing extensive data about the Bedouin community. This
archive enables researchers and scholars to conduct in-depth studies on various aspects of
Bedouin socio-economic organization. It would help ensure that the rich details
documenting Bedouin civilization accumulated over millennia are preserved for future
generations. Additionally, by engaging Bedouins in documenting their own culture, such
efforts can combat negative stereotypes perpetuated in the media.
121 Hani Hayajneh, “Intangible Cultural Heritage -Bedouins in Petra and Wadi-Ramm-S. Jordan.pdf.”
Www.academia.edu. (2013)
https://www.academia.edu/27774933/Intangible_Cultural_Heritage_Bedouins_in_Petra_and_Wadi_Ramm
_S_Jordan_pdf.

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Furthermore, the Rum Bedouins will acquire full ownership of their cultural
artifacts and associated rights. This ownership ensures the preservation of their cultural
integrity, granting them intellectual property rights over their heritage and its
applications. Recognizing their heritage and identity as valuable assets presents numerous
avenues for bolstering and perpetuating the well-being of their community.

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Chapter 4: Recommendations for Safeguarding
In general, involvement by residents in their community’s well-being varies
widely, ranging from minimal to extensive engagement, including democratic
participation and community-led decision-making.
122 A cooperative, location-specific
strategy for safeguarding intangible cultural heritage integrates local governments,
community organizations, and residents to collaborate and jointly address intricate
challenges. These frameworks aim to address community needs for welfare by aligning
the community's recognized strengths with enhanced social, economic, and
environmental results. Furthermore, this approach acknowledges the necessity for
innovative methods and procedures aimed at instigating systemic transformations and
striving for enduring achievements based on priorities determined by the community.
The Register of Good Safeguarding Practices is a platform established by
UNESCO to document and share exemplary practices in safeguarding intangible cultural
heritage. It offers an opportunity for States Parties, communities, and various
stakeholders to exchange effective methods for safeguarding intangible cultural heritage.
It enables the sharing of successful experiences and strategies for overcoming challenges
encountered in passing down their living heritage, encompassing its traditions, practices,
and knowledge to future generations.123 These techniques and approaches serve as
valuable lessons and models that can be tailored to different contexts, including those
122 Rosa Gonzalez, “The Spectrum of Community Engagement to Ownership.” M(ovement Strategy
Center, 2019). https://movementstrategy.org/resources/the-spectrum-of-community-engagement-toownership/.
123 UNESCO, “Good Safeguarding Practices - intangible heritage”,
https://ich.unesco.org/en/register#:~:text=The%20Register%20of%20Good%20Safeguarding,knowledge%
20to%20the%20future%20generation.

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prevalent in developing nations. In addition, Stefano's book "Practical Considerations for
Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage" delineates ethical principles essential for
preserving intangible cultural heritage, emphasizing community engagement, respect,
consent, and ongoing assessment. These principles underscore the pivotal role of
communities, groups, and individuals in safeguarding their heritage, while also
advocating for mutual respect and collaboration between states and communities.
Transparent collaboration and consultation with communities, ensuring access to
resources, and assessing the impacts of actions on heritage viability are highlighted. The
dynamic nature of intangible cultural heritage, inclusive of diverse identities, is
emphasized, with a call for cooperative efforts that respect and preserve heritage without
alienating communities from their cultural legacies.124
4.1. Community-Led Approaches to Intangible Heritage Preservation
Various community-led initiatives, like the Kishkinda Trust's project in Hampi,
Karnataka, India, have successfully preserved intangible heritage. Operating within the
UNESCO World Heritage Site of Hampi, the trust restored old village houses, conducted
awareness campaigns, and provided skill-building opportunities for local youths to foster
rural tourism. Their objective was to establish a community-driven arts and crafts village
within the heritage site
The Kishkinda Trust bolstered the capacity of women, enabling them to operate
production units autonomously. More than 200 were trained and 150 are presently
employed. Proceeds from product sales sustain livelihood projects, empowering women
124 Michelle L. Stefano, “Practical Considerations for Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage”,
(Routledge EBooks, 2021). https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003034216.

73
financially. Furthermore, this initiative cultivates a supportive environment for women to
collaborate, share experiences, and foster a familial bond.
Initially, some villagers had no income, but now the average monthly income
ranges from Rs 3,000 to Rs 10,000. Additionally, traditional folk cultural practices have
been revitalized, craftspeople are gaining recognition as creative artists, and culture-based
rural tourism supports livelihoods and preserves traditional culture. Tour guides provide
insights into village life, folklore, and mythology. The trust's interventions have
significantly increased incomes, revived traditional cultural forms, and improved
standards of living for villagers.125 The case study exemplifies how preserving intangible
heritage can have wide-ranging benefits, fostering cultural sustainability, economic
growth, and community empowerment.
On the national level, a project led by UNESCO in the city of Irbid called
‘Intangible heritage and creativity for sustainable cities’ demonstrates another effective
community-based method for safeguarding ICH. Situated in northern Jordan, Irbid boasts
a diverse cultural landscape shaped by various traditions, expressions, and local wisdom.
Historically, the city has attracted immigrants, including Palestinians, rural Jordanians,
economic migrants, and Syrians, fostering a rich cultural milieu. This cultural diversity
has positioned Irbid as a pivotal site for UNESCO's initiative to inventory intangible
cultural heritage.
125 The Kishkinda Trust (Hampi, India), 2017, “Conserving Cultural Landscape at World Heritage Site
Hampi Area of Work”, 3.19.

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In partnership with the Ministry of Culture and the Petra National Trust,
UNESCO has conducted training sessions for eleven young people from Irbid. The
purpose is to educate them on identifying and documenting their intangible cultural
heritage. This endeavor, backed by funding from the Yong Xin Hua Yun Cultural
Industry Investment Group, contributes to a global initiative aimed at capturing living
heritage, such as oral traditions, local wisdom, and traditional crafts, within urban
environments. The documented practices are now archived in the Ministry of Culture's
database, serving as a guide for future efforts to conserve intangible heritage not only in
Irbid but also in other urban regions across Jordan.126 Over a span of two months, the
youth participants employed community-based inventorying techniques to document
various expressions of living heritage in Irbid's urban landscape, detailing aspects such as
traditional embroidery, religious and ceremonial practices associated with Ramadan, and
traditional medicinal practices.
These projects offer several valuable lessons including community empowerment,
sustainable development, and education and awareness, in addition to women's
empowerment and culture revitalization. Involving local communities in cultural
preservation and the management of heritage sites fosters a sense of ownership and
empowers them to take charge of their heritage. Moreover, promoting education,
vocational training, and awareness enhances the community's understanding of
conservation, sustainable practices, and cultural heritage.
126 “UNESCO Supports Safeguarding Urban Living Heritage Practices in Irbid in Jordan.” United Nations.
Accessed March 14, 2024. https://jordan.un.org/en/188021-unesco-supports-safeguarding-urban-livingheritage-practices

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It is also important to provide training in various fields such as crafts, design, and
hospitality to enhance the skills of community members, enabling them to sustain
traditional practices and generate income from intangible cultural heritage. In the case of
the Hampi project for instance, reviving traditional cultural forms and crafts not only
preserved intangible heritage but also added value to the local economy and identity.
These lessons underscore the importance of a holistic approach to intangible heritage
conservation that integrates cultural, social, economic, and environmental considerations,
ultimately contributing to the well-being of both the community and the heritage site.
4.2. Recommendations for Safeguarding Rum Village’s ICH
Drawing from the insights garnered throughout these case studies, this concluding
chapter presents a comprehensive set of recommendations aimed at preserving the ICH of
Rum Village Bedouins. Proposals include enhancing community capacity, exploring the
potential of ecomuseums, integrating ICH into education, supporting NGOs in the field,
modifying existing legislations, raising awareness through media, and researching best
practices for ICH safeguarding in cooperation with the communities. These
recommendations are intended to serve as a strategic blueprint for stakeholders at all
levels in the endeavor to protect and perpetuate the intangible cultural heritage of the
Bedouin community in Rum Village.
4.2.1. Build shared understanding and capacity for safeguarding ICH
Initiate programs that provide guidelines for how to safely handle ICH and
knowledge passed down through generations. The guidelines will focus on principles and
suggestions for carrying out actions aimed at teaching, sharing, promoting, and spreading
expressions of important cultural heritage between people. Potential groups and

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communities that could help with efforts to protect important cultural traditions include
local, regional, and national cultural organizations as well as international networks. The
goal is to ensure that these cultural traditions that are part of the community’s identity can
still be experienced and appreciated now and in the future.
The first step in building capacity in these areas is to build a shared understanding
among all constituents of the importance of the ICH of Rum Village. Involving local
residents from the beginning in setting goals, making decisions, and sharing knowledge
enables authentic and sustainable efforts to conserve and safeguard their ICH. The
success of such campaigns can not only benefit the Rum Village community but also
contribute to the broader conservation of ICH in Jordan and help ensure the transmission
of traditional knowledge to future generations.
This recommendation focuses on grassroots initiatives that aim to raise awareness
among the Rum Village community about the importance of their ICH, encourage active
participation and involvement of community members in conservation efforts, and
establish sustainable practices for the transmission of cultural knowledge to future
generations. To achieve these objectives, it is essential to meaningfully engage key
constituents, such as Rum Village residents, particularly elders and cultural leaders,
including “Sheikhs” from Al Zalabiyah tribe, youth and children (as future guardians of
the cultural heritage), and local authorities (ASEZA) and institutions responsible for
managing ICH in Jordan (including the Ministry of Culture, Ministry of Tourism,
Department of Archeology, and Jordanian universities).

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While grassroots initiatives are by definition driven by the constituents
themselves, effective engagement campaigns typically follow some basic principles and
include standard elements. I recommend the following approach:
Goals:
We need community members to actively participate in ICH preservation activities,
share their traditional knowledge, and engage in educational activities. Specific goals
could include:
1. Get at least 50% of community members to attend one or more activities
2. Conduct oral histories with at least 10 community members to share their
traditional knowledge
3. Develop a network of volunteers to collaborate on various tasks and
responsibilities during cultural festivals and events
Key Messages:
A specific communications campaign might include the following key messages,
tailored to the needs, concerns, and motivations of each specific audience.
1. Authentic Representation: Involving the local community ensures authentic
representation and transmission of intangible cultural heritage, preserving
traditional practices and knowledge.
2. Sustainable Development: Engaging the local community in conservation efforts
fosters sustainable development by empowering them economically and socially,
contributing to the region's long-term prosperity.

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3. Ownership and Pride: Employment of local residents instills a sense of ownership
and pride in preserving their heritage, fostering a stronger commitment to
conservation efforts.
4. Cultural Continuity: Involving the local community increases the chance of
ensuring the continuity of cultural practices and traditions across generations,
preventing their loss.
5. Tourism Enhancement: Empowering local residents in conservation can enhance
the tourism experience, as visitors often seek authentic cultural encounters,
thereby boosting tourism revenue.
Challenges:
Engaging multiple audiences—each with distinct needs, concerns, priorities, and
motivations—can pose significant challenges. Specific examples are listed below, along
with potential strategies and tactics to help build support toward the shared goal of
sustaining Rum Village’s ICH.
Challenge Strategies/Tactics
Lack of interest/awareness Ensure inclusive participation and
demonstrate benefits
Culture/gender sensitivity Collaborate closely with community
elders (Sheikhs) and respected figures to
ensure that conservation efforts respect
Bedouin traditions and values

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Limited resources Seek funding from governmental
organizations and NGOs. Leverage
crowdfunding platforms and inform
partnerships with like-minded businesses
Communication barriers between different
groups/tribes
Use trained facilitators (and if needed,
mediators or conflict resolution
specialists) to ensure clear understanding
and effective communication
Assets
To help meet these challenges, a campaign for Rum Village could leverage existing
assets, including:
1. Support from local cultural organizations and NGOs
2. Traditional knowledge holders and cultural experts within WRPA
3. Existing community networks and social structures
Strategies and Tactics
While local residents would play key roles in deciding which actions to take, examples
could include:
1. Organize interactive workshops to educate community members about the
significance of intangible cultural heritage, including storytelling, traditional
crafts, and music.
2. Host cultural events and festivals showcasing local traditions, rituals, and cuisine.

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3. Engage youth through educational programs and cultural activities to help ensure
the transmission of heritage to future generations.
4. Launch a storytelling campaign where elders and Sheikhs share oral histories and
legends.
5. Create digital archives and multimedia resources documenting local traditions and
practices, making them accessible for educational purposes and promoting wider
recognition.
6. Communicate through a range of channels including social media, national radio,
and local gatherings.
7. Collaborate with local artists, researchers, and cultural organizations (such as
Darat Al Founoun, the Royal Film Commission (RFC), and Shams Al Jabal
Association for Cultural Heritage) to develop projects that celebrate and safeguard
intangible cultural heritage.
Resources
Successful implementation of such a campaign requires a range of resources, including:
1. Funding for workshops, events, and educational materials
2. Time for organizing and conducting activities
3. Skills in community engagement, cultural heritage conservation, and
communication
Responsibilities
This type of engagement campaign requires strong collaboration, with shared
responsibilities among a range of partners, including:

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1. Coordination and implementation: Campaign organizers
2. Facilitation of workshops and events: Cultural experts and educators
3. Communication and outreach: Marketing and media team
As in any collaborative effort, engagement campaigns inevitably face challenges ranging
from interpersonal dynamics to unforeseen obstacles. Clear goals and constant internal
communication can foster a relatively smooth process and effective resolution of issues
that arise.
Tracking
Specific measurement tools can help make the most of limited resources by assessing
whether the engagement campaign is working and what might need refining along the
way. Examples include:
1. Surveys and feedback forms to determine community involvement and awareness
2. Monitoring social media engagement and attendance at events
3. Regular evaluation and meetings to assess progress and adapt strategies
accordingly
4.2.2. Explore the Potential of Ecomuseums
Ecomuseums, a distinct concept, disrupt traditional museum norms by prioritizing
community involvement in preserving intangible cultural heritage. Unlike conventional
museums, ecomuseums adopt decentralized and community-led strategies. They operate
within expansive territorial networks, prioritizing engagement with local communities to
safeguard and honor intangible cultural heritage.

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“Museum = building + collections (+ experts) + public
Ecomuseum = territory + heritage (+ memory) + population”
127
The concept of ecomuseology encompasses several key principles that guide its
implementation and functioning. These principles, as Stefano states, highlight the
community-driven nature of ecomuseums. Ecomuseums are typically initiated and
managed by local communities, emphasizing democratic decision-making processes and
encouraging active participation from community members in all activities. Moreover,
they promote shared stewardship, involving input from various stakeholders such as
academic advisors, local businesses, authorities, and government structures. Ecomuseums
focus on the safeguarding and management of heritage resources, prioritizing processes
over products for consumption. They often rely on voluntary efforts from local
stakeholders and encompass a defined geographical area with shared characteristics.
Additionally, ecomuseums consider both spatial and temporal aspects, aiming for
continuity and change over time. They advocate for the preservation and conservation of
heritage resources in their original context and give equal attention to tangible and
intangible heritage. Furthermore, ecomuseums promote sustainable development,
facilitate ongoing documentation of past and present life, encourage interdisciplinary
research approaches, and serve as a bridge between heritage and responsible tourism,
offering benefits to local communities in terms of pride, regeneration, and economic
opportunities.
The Batana Ecomuseum in Rovinj, Croatia, exemplifies a successful communitydriven approach to conserving heritage, emphasizing local engagement in protecting and
127 Stefano, “Practical Considerations for Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage”, 117.

83
honoring intangible cultural heritage. Centered on preserving the Batana fishing culture,
the ecomuseum documents various cultural aspects, adhering to fundamental
ecomuseological principles. Community members actively engage in organizing
workshops, educational programs, regattas, and traditional events, contributing
significantly to the ecomuseum's direction. Initiated and guided by the local community,
the ecomuseum has approximately 250 members participating in decision-making
processes. They are also involved in preserving living traditions and documenting oral
histories, languages, music, and culinary traditions. The Batana Ecomuseum received
international recognition in 2016 as a notable accomplishment, aligning with UNESCOICH guidelines emphasizing community leadership in ICH safeguarding.128
The ecomuseum model can effectively be applied in Rum Village, aiding in
safeguarding local heritage through active community involvement. Such projects
promote community integration and cooperation, strengthening social bonds and
fostering a sense of belonging. By documenting and preserving traditional practices and
knowledge, the ecomuseum model fosters the transmission of cultural heritage to future
generations, ensuring the continuity of Bedouin traditions. Furthermore, the active
involvement of the Bedouin community in decision-making processes and activities
related to an ecomuseum would promote empowerment and self-determination.
4.2.3. Integrate ICH into Formal and Informal Education
Both formal and non-formal forms of learning can significantly help to strengthen
and increase understanding of important cultural heritage and how it spreads both within
128 Stefano, “Practical Considerations for Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage”, 104-7.

84
and beyond the groups.129 Cooperative efforts in Rum Village can involve all sides
working in the field of ICH in developing, creating, and applying educational initiatives
to safeguard ICH.
Recommendations:
Collaborate with academic institutions and cultural organizations to strengthen the
efforts of recording and preserving intangible cultural heritage in Wadi Rum. This can
include partnerships with universities or research institutions to conduct in-depth research
on specific aspects of Wadi Rum's intangible cultural heritage and collaborate with them
on projects such as publications, exhibitions, and educational programs.
Collaborate with local schools and educational institutions to integrate the
preservation of intangible cultural heritage into the curriculum, providing students with
opportunities to learn about their cultural heritage and actively participate in recording
and preserving it.
4.2.4. Enhancing NGOs' Role in The Field of ICH
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) offer valuable insights and perspectives
and can work together with the local people of Rum Village as they aim to protect ICH in
close cooperation. NGOs can help plan and implement educational programs about
cultural traditions for young people, as well as provide recommendations to UNESCO
and ASEZA on how to encourage and strengthen cultural preservation policies and longterm plans.
129 Hani Hayajneh, and Giorgia Cesaro, “The UNESCO Contribution to Safeguarding and Preserving
Jordan’s Cultural Heritage”, Jordan Journal for History and Archaeology (2022) 16 (3): 367–86.
https://doi.org/10.54134/jjha.v16i3.665.

85
4.2.5. Modifying Existing Legislation
Modifying the existing legislation could effectively address ICH issues in a
harmonious way that respects the rights of the Bedouin community, allowing them
freedom over expressions of their ICH. Meanwhile, government bodies could ensure the
community is not misled into providing authorization without consultation or not
involved in decisions at all. This balance allows the preservation of ICH with
participation from those it belongs to.
4.2.6. Enhancing Media and Communication Channels
Media serves a crucial function in spreading and presenting ICH. Using online
platforms and social media enables the development of effective communication
strategies, leveraging the vast resources available on the internet for dissemination.
However, precautions are necessary to prevent overexposure, which could distort the
original social purpose of ICH. As discussed earlier, the current and potential
commodification of ICH for tourism or profit, requires careful management to maintain
its integrity.
4.2.7. Supporting Research on Best Practices for Safeguarding ICH
Currently, there's a noticeable decline in research emphasis on ICH at the national
level. This poses challenges in determining effective strategies to tackle the numerous
issues related to the diminishing stature of a significant portion of Jordan's intangible
cultural heritage.130 There's a need for further research to devise solutions that can reverse
130 Hani Hayajneh, and Giorgia Cesaro, “The UNESCO Contribution to Safeguarding and Preserving
Jordan’s Cultural Heritage”, Jordan Journal for History and Archaeology (2022) 16 (3): 367–86.
https://doi.org/10.54134/jjha.v16i3.665.

86
the decreasing importance of this substantial segment of Jordan's intangible cultural
heritage and ensure its conservation for future generations.
4.2.8. Investing ICH in The Tourism Sector
The economic benefits derived from tourism have positively impacted the local
Bedouin community in Rum Village. However, the rising desire for "authentic Bedouin
culture" in desert tourism, as highlighted in Chapter 3, has resulted in the
commercialization of Bedouin customs and way of life. Hence, there is a pressing need
for additional research to formulate sustainable tourism strategies that preserve cultural
identity. It is essential to ensure that any use of intangible cultural heritage for economic
purposes respects the people, honors their intrinsic sense of identity, and avoids the
detachment of crafts and traditional culture from their original social context.

87
CONCLUSION
Summary of Findings
The journey through this thesis has been an exploration of the Rum Village
Bedouins' intangible cultural heritage (ICH), its significance, preservation, and the
myriad of challenges it faces in the contemporary world. This investigation, grounded in
the context of the Wadi Rum Protected Area (WRPA), provides a comprehensive
examination of how globalization, modernization, tourism, and protected area
management policies influence the conservation and transmission of ICH. Through the
diverse voices of the local community and scholars, and taking into consideration
UNESCO's frameworks, this study sheds light on both the vulnerabilities and the
enduring vibrancy of Bedouin culture in Rum Village.
The intangible heritage of Rum Bedouins is facing threats from various fronts,
including globalization that diminishes traditional practices, modernization altering
lifestyles, and the paradox of tourism commodification. The installation of the WRPA,
while aimed at conservation, has inadvertently marginalized the local Bedouin
community, restricting their access to natural resources and disrupting their traditional
nomadic lifestyle. Therefore, a call to action is necessary for stakeholders at all levels—
local communities, national governments, international bodies, and non-governmental
organizations—to reevaluate and reinforce their commitment to safeguarding intangible
cultural heritage. This call emphasizes the importance of:
1. Enhanced collaboration that prioritizes the voices and leadership of local
communities in heritage conservation efforts.

88
2. A paradigm shift toward sustainable tourism models that respect and nurture the
intangible heritage of indigenous populations rather than commodify them.
3. The adoption of community-defined metrics for success in conservation efforts,
allowing for a more inclusive and participatory approach to heritage management.
4. Increased funding and support for grassroots initiatives and educational programs
aimed at documenting, conserving, and transmitting intangible cultural heritage to
future generations.
5. A global mobilization around the principles set forth by UNESCO, advocating for
policies and practices that are inclusive and responsive to the evolving dynamics
of cultural heritage preservation.
Future Research
By delving into the case of Rum Village, this study opens avenues for future
research on the intersection of cultural sustainability, community participation, and
heritage conservation. This thesis not only aims to deepen our understanding of Bedouin
culture and the challenges it faces but also seeks to identify innovative solutions for the
conservation and revitalization of ICH in similar contexts worldwide. Future research
endeavors could consider the following directions:
1. Comparative Studies: Investigating the conservation of ICH in other Bedouin
communities across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region,
comparing strategies, outcomes, and community engagement models. Such
studies could enrich the global knowledge base on safeguarding ICH, offering
insights into diverse cultures and the efficacy of different conservation
approaches.

89
2. Impact of Tourism: A detailed analysis of the socio-economic impacts of tourism
on ICH, focusing on both negative consequences and potential benefits. Future
studies could explore sustainable tourism models that empower local
communities, enhance cultural understanding, and contribute to the economic
sustainability of indigenous populations.
3. Legal and Policy Frameworks: Analyzing the effectiveness of existing legal and
policy frameworks in protecting ICH at national and international levels. Future
research could propose modifications or new frameworks that better address the
needs of indigenous communities, ensuring their active involvement in decisionmaking processes.
4. Ecomuseums and Community-Led Museums: Expanding on the thesis's
exploration of ecomuseums, further research could delve into case studies of
successful community-led museums around the world. Investigating their
organization, challenges, and contributions to heritage conservation could provide
actionable insights for similar initiatives in Jordan and beyond.
5. Climate Change and Environmental Management: Given the Bedouins' deep
connection with their natural environment, future research could examine the
impacts of climate change on their traditional ways of life and ICH. This includes
the exploration of traditional ecological knowledge as a resource for sustainable
environmental management.
By addressing these areas, future research holds the potential to contribute significantly
to the ongoing efforts to conserve intangible cultural heritages, ensuring their resilience
and relevance for future generations. In doing so, we not only honor our ancestors and

90
their legacies but also offer future generations a link to their past and a foundation upon
which to build new expressions of cultural identity. The conservation of ICH is,
ultimately, an act of hope—a testament to our belief in the enduring value of cultural
diversity and the shared humanity that binds us all.

91
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Abstract (if available)

Abstract In an era marked by rapid globalization and modernization, Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) faces unprecedented threats, ranging from cultural homogenization to the erosion of traditional values and practices. This thesis addresses the critical importance of safeguarding the intangible cultural heritage of the Bedouins of Rum Village, located within Jordan's Wadi Rum Protected Area. Through an in-depth analysis of the Rum Village context, the study illustrates the potential threats to Bedouin heritage, including the erosion of traditional practices and the risk of cultural commodification. It advocates for empowering the local community through participatory approaches that involve Bedouins directly in decision-making processes related to heritage conservation and tourism management. The thesis proposes a collaborative framework that engages various stakeholders—local communities, government bodies, and NGOs to support community-led initiatives in protecting and promoting the ICH of Rum Village. By analyzing specific challenges and opportunities within the context of Rum Village and beyond, this work contributes to the larger discourse on ICH preservation, advocating for enhanced mechanisms and collaborative initiatives to protect our shared cultural legacy.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Zoubi, Jude (author)

Core Title The tent, camel, and coffee: safeguarding the intangible cultural heritage of the Rum Village Bedouins

School School of Architecture

Degree Master of Heritage Conservation

Degree Program Heritage Conservation

Degree Conferral Date 2024-05

Publication Date 04/03/2024

Defense Date 04/02/2024

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Bedouins,intangible cultural heritage,OAI-PMH Harvest,Rum village,Wadi Rum

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Language English

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Advisor Sandmeier, Trudi (committee chair), Bharne, Vinayak (committee member), Olnick, Cindy (committee member)

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