University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Latinas in the superintendency: the challenges experienced before and after obtaining the superintendency and strategies used for success

(USC Thesis Other)

Latinas in the superintendency: the challenges experienced before and after obtaining the superintendency and strategies used for success

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 1
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY: THE CHALLENGES EXPERIENCED BEFORE
AND AFTER OBTAINING THE SUPERINTENDENCYAND STRATEGIES USED FOR
SUCCESS

by

Xochitl Martinez

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2015

Copyright 2015 Xochitl Martinez
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 2

Dedication
This dissertation is dedicated to my parents, my brothers and my fiancé, whose love and support
has made this possible.

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 3

Acknowledgements
The completion of the doctoral program and this dissertation has not been an easy one but there
were a number of people who helped pave the way and encouraged me through out the process.
First, I would like to thank my dissertation chair, Dr. Pedro Garcia. Thank you for allowing me
to be part of your group and guiding me through this process. Thank you to my committee
members, Dr. Rudy Castruita and Dr. Michael Escalante for their continued support and
guidance throughout the process.

A special thank you to my family and friends, who believed in me and encouraged me to follow
my dreams. Thank you to my parents, Francisco and Herminia, for always supporting me and
providing the foundation that led me to this moment in life (Gracias a mis padres, Francisco y
Herminia, por siempre apoyarme y proporcionar la fundación que me condujo a este momento de
mi vida). Thank you to my brothers, Francisco and Irving for believing in me and supporting
every decision I made. Thank you to Olga, Dylan, Jose, and Regina for believing, supporting
and encouraging me every step of the way. I have gained so much from you and built wonderful
friendships.

Finally, I also want to thank the twenty-five superintendents who took the time to respond to the
survey. A special thank you to the four Superintendents who took the time to meet with me and
share their personal experiences with me. Thanks to them this dissertation was completed.

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 4

Table of Contents

Dedication 2

Acknowledgements 3

List of Tables 6

List of Figures 7

Abstract 8

Chapter One: Introduction 9

Statement of the Problem 14

Purpose of the Study 15

Research Questions 15

Importance of the Study 17

Assumptions, Limitations, Delimitations 18

Definition of Terms 18

Organization of the Study 20

Chapter Two: Literature Review 21

Stereotypes of Latina Superintendents 21

Gender Stereotypes 22

Ethnic Stereotypes 23

School Board Perceptions 24

Access to the Superintendency 26

Motivational Factors 29

Strategies for Success 31

Theories 33

Feminist Theory 34

Social Capital Theory 34

Feminist Economics and Organizational Theory 35

Conclusion 35

Chapter Three: Methodology 38

Restatement of Problem, Purpose, and Research Questions 38

Research Design 38

Sample and Population 40

Instrumentation and Protocols 41

Data Collection 43

Data Analysis 44

Ethical Considerations 45

Chapter Four: Introduction 47

Participants and Methodology 48

Participants’ Demographics 49

Survey Participants 49

Interviewed Participants 53

Findings 54

Research Question 1: What are the challenges Latinas face when ascending to the
superintendency? 55

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 5
Research Question 2: What are the challenges Latina superintendents face once in the
position? 61

Research Question 3: What are the strategies Latina superintendents make use of to
successfully lead school districts? 69

Triangulation: Points of Convergence and Divergence 76

Points of Convergence 77

Points of Divergence 78

Summary and Discussion of Findings 78

Ascending to the Superintendency 78

Once in the Position 79

Succeeding 80

Chapter Five: Summary, Conclusions, Implications 81

Key Findings 82

Ascending 82

Once in the Position 83

Strategies 83

Implications 84

Conclusion 86

References 87

Appendix A Recruitment Email Cover Letter 91

Appendix B Information Sheet 92

Appendix C Survey Instrument 94

Appendix D Interview Protocol 100

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 6

List of Tables
Table 1: 2011-2012 California’s Ethnic Distribution 10

Table 2: Research Sample 44

Table 3: Degree Held 51

Table 4: Participants’ Background 51

Table 5: Ethnic Composition 53

Table 6: Interviewed Participants’ Demographics 54

Table 7: Challenges to the Superintendency 55

Table 8: Factors 71

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 7

List of Figures
Figure 1: California’s 2000-2050 Demographic Projections 9

Figure 3: Survey Respondents’ Ages of First Superintendency 50

Figure 4: District Enrollment 52

Figure 5: Importance of Strategies 70

Figure 6: Strategies Development 70

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 8

Abstract
The purpose of this study was to gain insight about the challenges Latina superintendents
contend with, specifically Latina superintendents in California. This study encompassed three
components. First, it sought to identify the challenges Latina superintendents encountered
during their ascension to the position. Second, it aimed to identify the challenges Latinas face
once they obtained the position. Third, this study sought to identify the strategies Latinas
utilized to help them navigate these challenges and succeed in the position. This study
implemented a mixed-methods approach in which twenty-five Latina superintendents completed
a survey, four of these surveyed superintendents also participated in a semi-structured interview.
The study’s findings indicate that when ascending, Latinas lack the networks, are seen as too
emotional and enter a field that continues to be male-dominated. Once in the position, they must
contend with the politics, race and gender differences, learning the position and demonstrating
their potential. Finally, creating relationships, establishing a good rapport with the school board,
maintaining networks and mentors, and personal wherewithal have been strategies used by
Latinas to succeed in the position.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 9

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
The Hispanic student enrollment in elementary and secondary school has been steadily
increasing since the 1980s (Garcia & Pastor, 2014) and it is projected to increase through fall of
2021 (National Center of Education Statistics, 2013). In 1990, the Hispanic population was 22.4
million; by 2000, the population had increased to 35.3 million. It is now predicted to continue
increasing in the upcoming years. Figure 1 below details the demographic projections for
California over the next thirty-five years. According to the National Center of Education
Statistics, there are 956 school districts in California, and the student population at these districts
are such that of 51.4% of students are Hispanic, 26.6% are White, 6.7 are Black, 11.1% are
Asian, 0.6% are Pacific Islander, and 0.7% are American Indian/Alaskan Native.

Figure 1. California’s 2000-2050 Demographic Projections
As presented by Garcia and Pastor (2014) in Figure 1, the Hispanic population in 2010
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 10
was 38.7% and is expected to increase to 43% by 2020, 46.8% by 2030, 50.4% by 2040 and
53.6% by 2050. These population trends indicate that, by 2050, Hispanics will make up more
than half of California’s population, and the growth of the nation’s minority population will have
considerable implications on public schools today (Bjork & Keedy, 2001). Although the number
of Hispanic students increased, the number of Latino/a educators, specifically Latina
superintendents, is not representative of these population trends. The number of Latina
superintendents is clearly lower than that of males, and this gap brings about concerns regarding
the educational system. While the percentage of Latino/a students attending California schools
continues to increase (Magdaleno, 2006), Latinas are scarcely represented in the
superintendency.
Table 1
2011-2012 California’s Ethnic Distribution
Ethnicity Number of Students
Percentage

African American not Hispanic 406,089 6.53%
American Indian or Alaska Native 42,539 0.68%
Asian 535,829 8.61%
Filipino 157,640 2.53%
Hispanic or Latino 3,236,942 52.03%
Pacific Islander 34,944 0.56%
White not Hispanic 1,626,507 26.15%
Two or More Races Not Hispanic 130,947 2.10%
None Reported 49,556 0.80%
Total 6,220,993 100.00%
(Source: California Department of Education)
The data in Table 1 illustrates the ethnic composition of schools in California during the
2011-2012 academic term. According to the California Department of Education, 52.03% of
students attending California public schools during that term were Hispanic or Latino.
While the proportion of Hispanic students surpassed 50% of the student population, there
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 11
is an apparent lack of Hispanic educators, of Latina superintendents, leading school districts in
California. Despite the fact that women make up 74.4% of the educational workforce, they
continue to be underrepresented at the superintendency level (Skrla, Reyes, & Scheurich, 2000).
Specifically, the number of Hispanic women who obtain senior-level administrative positions,
such as the superintendency, is disproportionate to the number of Hispanic women employed in
the educational system (Quilantan & Menchaca Ochoa, 2004). In 2005, out of 15,000
superintendents nationwide, only 2,000 were women. Of these women, 91.6% were Caucasian,
5.1% were Black, 1.3% were Hispanic, 0.7% were Native American, and 0.7% were categorized
as other (Alston, 2005). These statistics show a clear disparity between the number of female
educators in the classroom and those in the superintendency.
While the number of females is greater in educational administration programs, the
number of females in administrative positions continues to fall behind that of males. As Brunner
(2000) mentioned, there are questions that one is left with regarding why there are so few women
in the superintendency and whether gender inequality plays into the low number of women in the
position. There are also questions regarding whether women in the position experience this
gender inequality, as it is evident that males continue to dominate in high power positions in the
educational system. The superintendency in U.S. public schools continues to be what Skrla et al.
(2000) call the most gendered-stratified position in the country, with men more likely to move to
those positions directly from the classroom while women have to follow a path that does not
guarantee them an opportunity to obtain the position. In a field dominated by men, women and
people of color lack the networks White men have (Ortiz, 2001), which becomes a problem
when minorities try to move up in the educational system. The lack of these networks makes the
path to the superintendency even harder since women and minorities lack the support and
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 12
guidance from those who are familiar with position and the structural and systemic barriers that
prevent the advancement of candidates who are not White males (Sharp, Malone, Walter, &
Supley, 2004) resulting in gender stratification.
The relationships or networks that are established can become a critical part of a Latina’s
path to the superintendency. In order to move up the ladder in leadership positions, many times,
it is essential that relationships be developed with people who can provide the guidance and
support needed to be able to move up the administrative ranks. These mentors play a critical role
in removing organizational barriers, but Latinas lack these relationships to guide, support,
encourage, and facilitate their careers (Méndez-Morse, 2004). It is clear that having support
from mentors becomes a critical part of upward mobility. Due to the low number of Latina
superintendents in general, newcomers looking for support and mentors to help guide them find
these are unavailable.
Furthermore, while women have achieved and obtained a great deal of respect as
compared to the early 1900s, women continue to endure obstacles due to their race, ethnicity and
gender. As discussed by Mahitivanichcha and Rorrer (2006), there are expectations that permeate
the systemic structure of the educational system, expectations that include the dominant time
structure around which employees are expected to work and organize themselves. The labor
market demands a market structure requiring employees to be free of family responsibilities and
to be openly available in order to successfully work and complete the requirements of the
superintendency. As a result of these labor market expectations and structures, women are
particularly affected, since they are unable to meet these demands. The structure and
expectations that surround the superintendency exclude many women with the qualifications and
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 13
expertise to obtain and succeed in this position but who, due to their personal and family
responsibilities, are unable to meet the stringent requirements of the position.
To add to the unfair treatment of Latinas in the superintendency, the group of people who
oversee these systems make it even harder for women to succeed, since their, and society’s,
expectation is for men to occupy these positions (Mahitivanichcha & Rorrer, 2006). Moreover,
since the educational administration is rooted on an androcentric culture because most
administrators are White males, the probability that protégés will also be White males is likely
(Méndez-Morse, 2004). Due to the low number of Latina superintendents, aspiring Latinas do
not have a wide range of opportunities to find networks or mentorship opportunities. Latinas
have limited access to people who can help them, and this means that they must work even
harder than their counterparts.
As the final decision makers on superintendent appointments, school boards are the key
to changing the culture of the educational administration. School boards’ decisions based on
gender and ethnicity builds on to the unfair treatment of women and minorities and the
conception that they are unfit to perform in high level positions. Women should not have to
change their behavior to meet masculine expectations (Mahitivanichcha and Rorrer, 2006), but,
rather, should be given the support needed to excel in their jobs. Social norms have built on the
belief that it is not natural for women to hold superintendent positions; rather, they should
continue to be part of what society believes are acceptable positions for women (Brunner, 2000)
such as classroom teachers and district administrators. Even though Latina women in the
superintendency face many challenges, there are those who utilized these challenges to work
even harder and excel in their positions. Latinas learned to use the challenges in a positive form.
Finding themselves in environments where there are power differentials between men and
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 14
women, Latinas have utilized the power that was initially intended as a means of oppression to
be transformed into a positive medium for change (Alston, 2005). The challenges that Latina
superintendents encountered during their career path and once in the position serve as
motivational factors to achieve and surpass expectations.
Statement of the Problem
Superintendents play a critical role in the improvement and success of the educational
system and of student achievement. The knowledge, skills, and qualities a superintendent must
posses to successfully lead a school district are critical. Generally, superintendents must possess
knowledge in areas such as finance, facilities, board relations and building community
partnerships (Ortiz, 2001). However, a woman’s probability of becoming a school administrator
generally remains below that of a man’s (Tallerico, 2000), since there is a belief that women do
not possess all the qualities necessary to succeed. Gender stratification in the superintendency
reflects patterns of control and differential distribution of resources that have persisted
throughout history. That is, men attain and retain the more desirable and influential positions in
the educational system (Tallerico & Burstyn, 1996). As a result, Latina superintendents face not
one, but two forms of oppression that can affect their career development: race and gender
(Alston, 2005). Race and gender can be determining factors when it comes to the appointment of
superintendents.
Despite an increase in the ranks of women who attain educational and professional
experience, the numbers show that this is not enough to obtain high level positions since the
leading culture of educational administration is androcentric, meaning it is informed by white
male norms (Méndez-Morse, 2004). Women who do obtain the superintendency face a number
of barriers, difficult circumstances, and complex interactions (Alston, 2005) they must navigate
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 15
in order to prove themselves as educational leaders. Regardless of Latinas’ career aspirations,
qualifications, and work experience, these qualities do not assure them equity with men when it
comes to career development in administrative positions due to the gender-stereotyped
contextual, structural, and social forces (Tallerico, 2000). Evident is the gap between the number
of male and female superintendents in office, and, specifically, there are too few Latina
superintendents in an educational system where Hispanics make up the majority of enrolled
students. To help understand the reasons for this disparity, this study aimed to answer three
major questions regarding the challenges Latinas faced both while ascending to and while
serving in the position and the strategies used by these women to excel in their position.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study encompassed three components. First, it sought to identify the
challenges Latinas encountered during their career progression to the superintendency. Second,
aimed to identify the challenges Latinas face once they obtain the position. Third, this study
sought to identify the strategies Latinas utilized to help them navigate these challenges and
succeed in the position. The gender gap between the number of women serving in
superintendent positions and that of men gives rise to concerns regarding equity. The following
research questions frame this study in an effort to understand why this gender gap continues to
exist and to gain knowledge regarding the strategies Latinas who obtained the position developed
and employed to become successful superintendents.
Research Questions
1. What are the challenges Latinas face when ascending to the superintendency?
2. What are the challenges Latina superintendents face once in the position?
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 16
3. What are the strategies Latina superintendents make use of to successfully lead school
districts?
To understand the challenges Latina superintendents face, results obtained from this
study were viewed through feminist theory, feminist economics and organizational theory as
well as through social capital theory. Feminist economics and organizational theory refer to the
continual advantage of males in organizations in that the labor market’s demands and structures
generally favor White males, and, as a result, women’s decisions and choices in public school
administration are limited (Mahitivanichcha & Rorrer, 2006). Although women are interested
and qualified to serve as superintendents, the barriers they encounter tend to limit their choices
and decisions to pursue the superintendency.
Knowing there are a number of obstacles that Latinas must overcome if they aspire to the
superintendency, many women are discouraged from seeking one of the highest and most
political positions in education. To help understand the challenges of Latina superintendents, it
is important to understand what women have to deal with and overcome when society gives men
the advantage and opportunity to excel in leadership positions. The unfair treatment of women
in leadership positions resulted in many of them becoming discouraged and opting to not apply
for such positions even though they possess the qualities, expertise and background necessary to
lead school districts.
Social capital theory refers to the relations between people; these relations create social
structures within communities that work as resources to both individuals and groups (Ortiz,
2001). Since the superintendency is a male-dominated position, social capital can be a
determining factor towards the advancement of a person’s career. First, social capital can
establish a superintendent’s tenure, and, second, social capital or social structures between the
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 17
community and the superintendent hold one another responsible for the delivery of a successful
educational system (Ortiz, 2001). Social capital plays a significant role in a superintendent’s
career; therefore, a Latina’s social capital, or lack thereof, become a critical part in her success in
obtaining and retaining the superintendency. The challenges these women face are far greater
than that of other administrators, and their social capital is an essential part of their careers.
Feminist theory refers to the differentiation between men and women. This
differentiation can affect women’s potentialities since it serves the interest of the power, that is,
of men (Glazer, 1991). Social norms portrayed women as incapable of achieving the same
things that men do simply because of their gender. This differentiation not only categorized
women as inferior, but it also created barriers that must be removed in order to provide all
candidates an equal and fair opportunity to acquire the position.
Importance of the Study
This study is significant as it adds to the current literature on female superintendents,
specifically to the career experiences of Latina superintendents. This research is beneficial to
both aspiring and current Latina superintendents as it provides them with useful strategies to
navigate the position. The research can also be used to create opportunities for mentorship
programs that are currently lacking for Latinas. Furthermore, the lack of women at the
superintendency level means that women’s influence on policy changes, decisions, and practice
in the field is limited (Mahitivanichcha & Rorrer, 2006). This research contributes to current
literature to show the need for change in the educational system. It is important both to
understand the challenges that women face in order to provide adequate support and to change
societal expectations and norms if there is to be an increase of Latinas in leadership positions
such as in the superintendency.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 18
Assumptions, Limitations, Delimitations
The following assumptions were made in the study: (1) the number of Latina
superintendents who participated in the study is representative of Latina superintendents in
California, (2) the success of a superintendent is measured by a minimum of one year in the
position, and (3) the strategies developed and used supports the effectiveness of Latina
superintendents.
This study was delimited to Latina superintendents. Specifically, it focused on
respondents located in Southern California and not throughout California due to the financial
implications of traveling. This study did not focus on all superintendents due to their large
number in the nation and the researcher’s focus and interest lay in the challenges Latina
superintendents face in a male-dominated field.
This study encountered a number of limitations throughout the process. Literature
focused solely on the challenges Latinas encounter when ascending to the position and once in
the position is lacking. Most of the research found regarding the challenges was based on
women in general; there was limited information that focused on Latinas. The lack of literature
on this group prevents a full understanding of the reasons the gap between the number of male
and that of females continues to persist in the educational system. Furthermore, this study aimed
to interview at least five Latina superintendents, but only four of the thirteen who initially agreed
to be interviewed responded to the request. The findings are limited due to the small sample size
selected for the study.
Definition of Terms
• Androcentric: Informed by white, male norms.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 19
• Gender Stratification: Unequal distribution of power and wealth between men and
women.
• Feminist Theory: To liberal feminism, the problem is that law and custom creates gender
inequality that divides men and women into two arbitrary and irrational gender roles that
restrict their potentialities. To radical feminism, gender is a systematic division of social
power that serves the interest of men (Glazer, 1991)
• Feminist Economics and Organizational Theory: The idea that males have far more
advantages in organizations than do females; conditions and structures benefits males.
• Purposeful sample: The purposeful selection of information-rich cases to study, cases
from which one can learn a great deal about the essential issues of the study (Merriam,
2009).
• Social Capital Theory: The support available to individuals or groups (McCallum &
O’Connell, 2009).
• Social Justice: Refers to challenging the politics, economic and social structures that
privilege some and disadvantage others. (Normore & Jean-Marie, 2007).
• Transformational Leadership Theory: Leaders’ work and ability to increase the
motivation, commitment, and dedication of group members (Goddard, Neumerski,
Goddard, Salloum, Berebitsky, 2010).
• Overt silencing: not being heard by those whom they are talking to or being disregarded.
• Silenced by the term “power”: Women do not feel comfortable talking about power; it
has negative connotations for some (Brunner, 1997).
• Listening/silence: Listening is part of women’s communication skills but, sometimes, is
perceived as “silent” when; in fact, they are listening (Brunner, 1997).
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 20
• Ways of communicating to be heard: Finding different ways to be heard in order to not
sound harsh, use a softer style (Brunner, 1997).
• “Old boys network”: Network of males in positions of power.
• Qualitative Research: The attempt to understand the meaning people construct, how
people make sense of their world and the experiences they have (Merriam, 2009).
• Sponsored mobility: Where senior administrators sponsor junior administrators
throughout their careers.
• Cross-sectional: data collected at one point in time (Creswell, 2009).
Organization of the Study
This study is divided into five chapters. Chapter one of this study begins with a brief
history of the challenges and barriers women who served as superintendents endured.
Additionally, chapter one includes the three research questions this study sought to answer
through surveys and interviews. Chapter two focuses on the literature regarding the challenges
Latina Superintendents face and the theories utilized to inform this study: Social Capital Theory,
Feminist Economics and Organizational Theory. Chapter three details the methodology used in
this study and details the sample selected, the instruments used, and the process for collecting
and analyzing the data. Chapter four presents the results. It includes survey and interview
participants’ demographics, data collected regarding the challenges faced both when ascending
to the superintendency and once in the position as well as the strategies utilized by participants.
Finally, chapter 5 discusses the implications and the need for future research on the challenges
Latinas faced in search of the superintendency.

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 21

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
The challenges Latina superintendents encounter result from various societal issues
persistent in the educational system. First, stereotypes regarding the two subgroups of which
Latina superintendents are a part, gender and ethnic groups, make their educational careers
challenging. Second, the school boards’ perceptions of women’s knowledge and skills play a
critical part in their appointment to the superintendency. Third, as educational leaders, Latina
superintendents must face and overcome a number of difficulties when it comes to access to the
superintendency, appointment, succession, and career mobility. Fourth, the motivational factors
that drive Latinas to serve as superintendents helped pave the way to their success. Finally, the
strategies used by Latina superintendents are imperative in order to successfully lead school
districts when these positions have been male-dominated, and these women are expected to
fulfill gender and ethnic roles. The above-mentioned points contribute to the gender gap in
educational administration; while men get ahead and obtain leaderships positions, women remain
in classrooms and are not given an equal opportunity to attain those positions. When they do, the
expectations are even higher than they are of men.
Stereotypes of Latina Superintendents
The standard for leadership in American society is masculine (Tallerico, Poole, &
Burstyn, 1994), and, as a result, women struggle to attain positions of power. In addition,
societal role expectations of what a superintendent should look like reinforce discriminative
attitudes that have long passed (Tallerico, 1996). These gender expectations and stereotypes
regarding who should hold positions of power are key when it comes to the superintendency, as
discriminating attitudes, stereotypes, and gender biases in the educational system limit women’s
progress in and access to educational administration positions (Bjork, 2000). Furthermore,
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 22
stereotypical images of a leader not only work against women, but also create additional
obstacles to trust, acceptance, and credibility (Tallerico & Burstyn, 1996). As Quilantan et al.
(2004) mentioned, women, in general, encounter many challenges in their careers, and Hispanic
women face the added challenge of overcoming common stereotypical sex-role expectations.
Due to societal expectations of the superintendency, Hispanic women face a double barrier to
obtaining this position. Not only are there stereotypes that come with being female, but there are
also stereotypes and cultural expectations that come with being Latina.
Gender Stereotypes
The belief that the superintendency is a position of power that must be filled by men
resulted in career barriers for women who aspire to the position or who currently serve as
superintendents. The idea that women are incapable of fulfilling the requirements of the position
comes from stereotypical ideas within the educational system and community. The assumptions
and expectations regarding the role of women, the belief that a woman’s place is in the home
underlies community members’ reactions to the hiring of a woman as superintendent (Chase &
Bell, 1990). Women are constrained by the structure of their family, and their placeboundedness
is the result of structural conditions that limited their mobility (Chase & Bell, 1990). While
marriage and family enhance a male’s credentials, these attributes hinder a woman’s career
(Sharp, 2004). The external obstacles that women encounter hinder their opportunity to serve as
superintendents due to gender discrimination, family responsibilities, a lack of mobility, and a
lack of sponsorship or mentors (Kowalski & Stouder, 1999). In addition, there exists a cultural
stereotype that women are less capable of working with money or in business, a requirement of
the job, than are men (Brunner, 1997).
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 23
Social norms regarding who holds positions of power worked against women who aspire
to the superintendency. In addition, there are behavioral characteristics needed to thrive as
superintendents: aggressiveness, assertiveness, and competiveness. However, while these
characteristics are seen in a positive light in men, they are seen as off-putting in women (Sharp et
al., 2004). The idea that certain qualities are better seen in men than in women makes serving as
superintendents much harder for women, as they must constantly prove themselves and try to
outperform the normal expectations of the position (Tillman & Cochran, 2000). Female
superintendents must not only work to prove that they can manage school districts, but they must
also find ways to carry themselves in order to be heard: ways in which they remain feminine and
yet manage to be heard in a male dominated field (Brunner, 1997). The “isolation associated
with minority status, sex-typed expectations, and gender bias disadvantage women
superintendents and exacerbate the stress in this role” (Tallerico & Burstyn, 1996, pg. 652),
which can result in many women’s short tenure.
Ethnic Stereotypes
While there are gender stereotypes regarding female superintendents, Hispanic women
confront yet another barrier due to their ethnicity, and their minority standing in a male
dominated position contributes to further performance pressures (Tallerico & Burstyn). The
cultural expectations of the Hispanic community, in particular the cultural expectation of what a
Hispanic woman should be or do, greatly affect their career paths. The major expectation and
stereotype regarding a Latina depicts her as dominated by a man and her primary responsibilities
as fulfilling societal expectations of being a wife and a mother. As such, social expectations of
Latinas and the added challenges of trying to excel in a male-dominated field discourage many
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 24
of them. These stereotypes not only limited them but also prescribed (Mendez-Morse, 2000)
them to non-leadership roles.
Cultural norms for Latinas become social norms that influence their career choices as
well as their opportunities for advancement within the educational system. Tradition and culture
dictate certain behaviors that Hispanic women must display, not only in their personal lives but
also in their professional lives. They are expected remain docile and passive, (Quilantan, 2004)
characteristics that do not go hand in hand with leadership positions such as the superintendency.
Society’s beliefs regarding what a leader looks like and the characteristics that person must
possess clearly disadvantages Latinas, as their ethnicity is seen as a mismatch. Hispanic women
do not fit the typical leader or the expectations of the organization, and this makes it difficult to
break the prejudice barrier that is infused in the educational system (Quilantan & Menchaca
Ochoa, 2004).
School Board Perceptions
School boards hold the most important responsibility in the educational system: to set the
direction and goals that will provide students with a high quality education. To do so, these
boards must find and hire the most qualified person to serve as superintendent and hold him/her
accountable for the achievement and success of every student. However, there is an apparent
discrepancy between who is selected to serve as superintendent and the number of qualified
female candidates who are and apply. Even though women are qualified for the position and
move forward in the superintendent searches, they face far more scrutiny than do male
candidates. Search consultants and school boards have a propensity to exhibit prejudicial gender
stereotyping, which is evident in their concerns about whether women are tough enough to carry
out the responsibilities of a superintendent (Tillman & Cochran, 2000). Furthermore, board
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 25
members’ perceptions, that women lack the ability to act as strong managers and are unqualified
to handle finance and budgeting (Bjork & Keedy, 2001) matters hinders their opportunity to
acquire such a significant role. As a result of these perceptions, Latinas are not given a fair and
equal opportunity to prove that they are as capable as anyone else.
Given that the superintendency has been a male-dominated executive position, school
boards tend to select candidates who fit the same type of background and professional
experiences as their predecessors (Ortiz, 2000) leaving well qualified women out. Women have
had to go beyond the requirements and show higher qualifications, including academic degrees
and experience, in order to be competitive for superintendency (Kowaltski & Stouder, 1999). As
a result of the perceptions about women and the perception that superintendents of color are
unqualified to manage budgeting and finances, there is a belief that boards do not actively recruit
persons of color (Bjork & Keedy, 2001). The low number of women superintendents gives the
impression that there is a major problem with discriminatory hiring practices (Bjork & Keedy,
2001) that affect people of color. Specifically, there is an idea that school boards are unwilling
to hire women as superintendents (Sharp, 2004 et al). Women are caught in a system that works
against them due to inequitable treatment between men and women seeking the position and to
the discouragement they receive from search committees. They are dissuaded by search
committees and, at times, accused of not being tough enough by administrators, teachers or
board members (Tallerico & Burstyn, 1996).
As public officials, elected or appointment, school board members are entrusted with
governing a community’s public school. They are key when it comes to the success of school
districts, as they must ensure that school districts are responsive to the values, beliefs, and
priorities of the communities they serve. Therefore, their personnel appointments are crucial.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 26
Their selection and appointment of the superintendent is critical since it determines the success
of the district. While there are beliefs about who the ideal candidate, board members must
understand the developments and demographic changes the educational system undergoes. For
this reason, school board members must obtain adequate training in educational matters in order
to understand the importance of ethnically diversifying the position (Quilantan & Menchaca
Ochoa, 2004). Allowing social and cultural expectations to dictate the direction and decisions of
board members works against the best interest of the children and community they serve.
Although school board members have the duty and responsibility to govern their
community’s school district, the politics within the board and within the district cannot be
disregarded. While the superintendent is responsible for the day-to-day operations of the district
and held accountable for its achievement or failures, the superintendency is thought to be a
position in politics rather than in education (Tallerico & Burstyn, 1996). Since the thought is
that women fail to understand politics within districts, they are seen as unfit to lead schools and
those who do attain the superintendency feel derailed from their core educational interests and
expertise because of the predominance of political tasks (Tallerico & Burstyn, 1996) they must
deal with. Politics intertwined with social and cultural stereotypes influence the appointment of
women into the superintendency, and even though they possess the qualifications needed to lead
districts, their careers hit a standstill due to norms embedded in society.
Access to the Superintendency
Access to the top leadership position in school administration is different for every
person. Women, in particular, face a much harder time when it comes to moving up the ranks
into the superintendency. Latinas’ career mobility, succession, and appointment are affected by
a number of barriers; in particular, the glass ceiling persists in society, and the lower
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 27
expectations face throughout the years result in these educational leaders’ finding it hard to not
only ascend but to sustain positions in subsequent levels of administration (Magdaleno, 2006).
Women have to continuously prove themselves when they become part of an organization where
career advancement is the exception and where assumptions and stereotypes regarding their
abilities exist. They have to perform at a much higher level in order to prove that they belong in
high level positions (Tallerico et al., 1994) and have the skills necessary to be successful
Whereas men find it easier to move from principal to superintendent, Latinas tend to get caught
in positions where they have small possibilities of moving up the ranks.
While men tend to follow a career track that leads them from principal to the
superintendency, women follow a different career track: one that deviates them from attaining
the position or slows them down in their endeavor. A woman’s career track in the
superintendency takes them from the school site to the central office, where their focus is on
curriculum and instruction, which precludes them from experience in finance, administration and
community relationships required of those considering the superintendency (Bjork & Keedy,
2001). Although women gain a great deal of experience in curriculum and instruction, areas that
are critical in increasing student achievement, they lack knowledge of the political nature of the
position. Their lack of knowledge in those areas limits and disadvantages them. The fact that
women and people of color gravitate towards central office positions and plateau in those
positions before actually becoming superintendents (Bjork & Keedy, 2001) does not allow them
to gain knowledge and skills necessary to be competitive with their males counterparts when
applying for such positions.
Furthermore, having the skills necessary to apply for the position does not guarantee
Latinas a fair and equal opportunity to obtain the position. Their advancement in the field is
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 28
sometimes dependent on board members’ perceptions which depict Latinas as lacking the ability
to be strong managers (Bjork & Keedy, 2001) in a field where there is pressure from a number of
groups: including board members, community members, and unions. Although the appointment
of a Hispanic woman to the superintendency can serve as a symbol for the board and community,
her presence may also challenge social norms, the existing structure, community relations and
the relationship between the school district and its community (Ortiz, 2000). To prevent these
challenges from arising, board members perpetuate the status quo, letting well-qualified women
go.
The relationships and networks Latinas have play a critical role in acquiring the
superintendency due to the difficulties they encounter along the way. While board members
control the appointment of the superintendent, former superintendents who are part of search
committees also play a critical role in the decision-making (Ortiz, 2000). For this reason, the
people who are part of a Latina’s network have considerable influence on their career succession,
as a White male sponsor can guarantee school board members that she is the best candidate
(Ortiz, 2000). However, because there is a propensity for women to have a less-developed
network and mentoring system, this disadvantages their in-district mobility opportunities (Sharp
et al., 2004). Whereas men have the advantage of sponsored mobility, wherein senior
administrators sponsor junior administrators throughout their careers, Latinas lack that
opportunity, and this excludes them because most senior administrators are White men who tend
to sponsor those like them (Ortiz, 2000).
A Latina’s career mobility, succession, and attainment of the superintendency are
dependent on a number of circumstances including career opportunities, career track, sponsor
mobility, and board member and search committees’ perceptions. The selections of such leaders
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 29
are sometimes made based on various organizational contingencies, and the appointment of a
Latina to the superintendency is made based on the fact that the Hispanic population is
increasing in school districts (Ortiz, 2000). Nevertheless, it is important to note that selecting a
Latina is based on the need to be representative of the population and not because board
members believe they have the knowledge and skills needed to succeed in such role. Hispanic
women continue to face challenges directly from the social norms that have yet to see men and
women as equals.
Motivational Factors
The challenges and barriers that come with being or aspiring to the superintendency are
many; these are even greater for Latinas. However, while these barriers make it difficult for
them to attain the superintendency, it does not make it impossible. Latinas see themselves as
social justice leaders who work towards changing the undemocratic culture and structure of
organizations and society as a whole, trying to improve the lives and outcomes of those who
have been subjugated (Normore & Jean-Marie, 2007). Stereotypes limit and sometimes
prescribe what women can do, but their motivational vigor helps them to continue working
towards their goals. Mendez-Morse (2000) mentioned that Mexican American women used, as
part of their motivation to become superintendents, the importance of improving the educational
system for minority students and representing their ethnicity and gender in a good way. For
Latinas it is not only important to prove that they are capable of leading school districts, but also
to serve as a positive role model for the minority students they serve.
A female superintendent’s commitment to education, students, making a difference,
making change, and providing direction (Wesson, 1994) is a motivational factor that helps them
endure the difficulties they encounter during their careers. They take pleasure in helping others,
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 30
working with people, achieving their career goals, and having an opportunity for growth,
(Wesson & Grady, 1994) even if that opportunity comes with obstacles. These women believe
in the importance of providing students with a role model who looks like them: someone who
works to make a difference for as many children as possible (De Santa Ana, 2008). The personal
fulfillment that comes with the achievements obtained from serving the community and helping
students succeed is greater than the discouragement women come across (Wesson & Grady,
1994). As superintendents, Latinas have an opportunity to reshape the lives of children; they can
help create a sense of community where there is none and transform institutions of learning
through their courage and leadership (Houston, 2001). Though the obstacles are extensive, the
thought of changing the trajectory of children’s lives, organizational behaviors, and expanding
the possibilities of the communities they serve encourages them to continue their journey
(Houston, 2001).
The fact that women demonstrate certain characteristics that men do not adds to their
competence to serve. Characteristics such as expressing emotions, being compassionate and
patient, helping and caring for others, being good listeners, judging outcomes based on their
impact on relationships and leading complex settings in continuous change are all positive
attributes that contribute to their leadership skills (Normore & Jean-Marie, 2007). Moreover, as
Normore and Jean-Marie (2007) concluded, inspiration and motivation, in transformational
leadership theory, is what drives women to adopt this leadership style as their own. These
superintendents understand the moral and ethical responsibility they have to create schools that
promote social justice (Normore & Jean-Marie, 2007) and the importance of making a difference
in the lives of students, as these children are the future and deserve a high quality education (De
Santa Ana, 2008).
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 31
Although the superintendency for Latinas comes with various challenges and barriers, it
is an exhilarating and challenging opportunity for them to grow and make a difference (Houston,
2001) in the lives of children. Because the priority of female superintendents is serving students
and families, their “leadership style lies in the development of a new leadership paradigm that
considers educational leaders as change agents with a scope of influence larger than the school
premises” (Normore & Jean-Marie, 2007, pg. 185). As agents of change, they must see past
social norms in the educational system and make decisions based on what is right and what is in
the best interest of students, so they value influence more than having power (Normore & Jean-
Marie).
Strategies for Success
Superintendents have a significant responsibility to provide the students, families, and
communities they serve with a high-quality education that will assist students in becoming well-
rounded citizens. To do so, Latina superintendents must possess qualities that facilitate their
success in spite of the challenges they face. As educational leaders, Latina superintendents must
set direction, develop people, and develop the school organization as a whole. They must
promote school cultures and environments that focus on teaching and learning, and they must
inspire and communicate a clear vision as well as model and support others (Scribner, Crow,
Lopez, & Murtadha, 2011). To accomplish this, they must employ strategies that help them
balance the obligations that come with being a superintendent and a Hispanic woman.
Brunner (1997) offered seven strategies that successful female superintendents employed
to balance the expectations that come from being a superintendent and a female in a male
dominated field:
1. Learn to balance two sets of expectations, role related and gender related.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 32
2. Keep agendas simple in order to focus on their primary purpose: the care of children,
meticulous attention to their academic achievement.
3. Develop the ability to remain “feminine” in the ways they communicate and at the same
time be heard in a masculinized culture.
a. Silenced by the term “power”
b. Over silencing
c. Listening/silence
d. Ways of communicating to be heard
4. Disregard the belief that they must act like a man because they are in male dominated
role, it doesn’t work.
5. Remove or let go of anything that blocks success.
6. Remain fearless, courageous, risk-takers, “can do” people. At the same time, have a plan
for retreat when faced with the impossible.
7. Share power and credit.
Although the superintendency has been a male-dominated position this does not mean that
women have to disregard their qualities to try to fit in and be part of the good ol’ boys network.
Women see, value, know, and often view the world differently from men (Brunner, 1997), and
that gives them an opportunity to achieve their goals through a path different from that of men.
Their distinct leadership style serves as a positive attribute to a system where the status quo is
White male.
Moreover, female superintendents must understand that the added barriers they face due
to their gender will, inevitably, continue to exist, but they must work towards educational
excellence. Though women must try to prove that they are capable of heading school districts,
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 33
they must have the ability to do what Derrington and Sharratt (2009) describe as resolve,
balance, negotiate, and decide. Having resolve means, according to the authors, that women
must recognize they often have to fight harder, wait longer, and survive more scrutiny to become
superintendent. They must learn to balance their personal and professional lives without
disregarding one for the other. They must understand that everything is negotiable, and they
should not be afraid to ask for things. Finally, they must decide what the priority is, as women
try to do a double day and to take on the same work patterns as males and still perform their
traditional gender roles (Derrington & Sharratt, 2009). Derrington and Sharratt stated that
women should not imitate their male counterparts, but should rather exercise the leadership
qualities they possess and take it one day at a time.
The support systems women have help them succeed in a male-dominated field. As
Litmanovitz (2011) concluded, there are factors that come into play for women who serve as
superintendents, such as mentors, support at home, role models, and personal wherewithal. First,
having a mentor, especially a female, serves to encourage them and push them to pursue higher
leadership positions. Second, having support at home from significant others can make their
career easier. Third, role models serve as an indication for these women that achieving high
levels of power, though challenging, is not impossible. Fourth, their personal wherewithal, such
as persistence, education, talent, and time facilitates the path to the superintendency. As
superintendents, Latina women contend with a number of barriers and challenges due to social
perceptions of them as less capable than men.
Theories
Throughout this study, the theoretical lenses utilized to analyze data relating to the
challenges and barriers of Latinas when it comes to the superintendency were feminist theory,
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 34
social capital theory, feminist economics and organizational theory. Each theory provided a
different perspective as to why women encounter far more difficulty in leadership positions.
While men have an easier time moving up to the superintendency, women have challenges that
persist and make it difficult for them to escape societal norms that depict them as less capable of
achieving than are men.
Feminist Theory
Feminist theory was used to examine the gender relations within positions of power in the
educational system. While women have made great strides in the workforce, a disparity
continues between the number of female teachers in the classroom and the number of females in
leadership roles, specifically the superintendency. As concluded by Glazer (1991), the gender
division of labor in administration continues to appoint women to traditional job classifications
and impede them access to leadership positions. Feminist theory serves to examine how these
gender relations are established and experienced and how we think or do not think about them
(Grogran, 2000). Drawing upon gender to illustrate what women are capable of doing played
into the inequity between men and women and emphasized an androcentric culture bias (Glazer,
1991). Inequality due to gender reinforced the barriers to principalships and superintendencies
for women. As a result of the gender bias, lack of mentors, traditional hiring practices,
inadequate advertising of job opportunities, perpetuation of role stereotypes, few opportunities to
gain practical experience, and limited job availability (Glazer, 1991), Latinas continue be
underrepresented at the highest levels.
Social Capital Theory
Social Capital Theory is explained in the simplest form in the famous saying “it’s not
what you know, it’s who you know” (Woolcock & Narayan, 2000, pg. 225). It is the relations
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 35
among persons that act as resources to both individuals and groups to achieve their interests.
Social Capital includes the network of family, friends, and associates that make up an important
asset that can be used for personal gain (Woolcock & Narayan, 2000). As previously
established, Hispanic women face a difficult time when it comes to attaining the superintendency
due to the social norms and stereotypes, which is the reason social capital is critical for their
careers. As Woolcock and Narayan (2000) concluded, in order to move ahead with any
endeavor, an active commitment to networking is necessary. However, if Hispanic women do
not experience the same benefits as men in terms of networking and mentors, their social capital
has no positive effect in their career advancement. To achieve personal gain, twenty-first
century leaders need to assess their personal networks and develop and maintain them in order to
draw on them for future career endeavors (McCallum & O’Connell, 2009), as networks, norms
and trust (Farr, 2004) are imperative.
Feminist Economics and Organizational Theory
Feminist economics and organizational theory are based on the idea that males have far
more advantages in organizations than females do and that the organizational conditions and
structures tend to benefit males at a greater level. MacDonald (1995) points out that “the
economy analyzed is the visible, male-dominated, public, cash economy, rather than the full
range of human economic endeavor” (pg. 160). Not only do males experience a higher success
rate in organizational hierarchy, but they also tend to have higher salaries than do women.
Conclusion
The gender gap between women and men who serve in the superintendency is
demonstrated by the low number of Latinas in the position. While the number of females tends
to be higher in classrooms and educational programs, the number of female administrators and
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 36
superintendents continues to be lower than that of men. To understand the current gap, it is
important to understand the challenges and barriers within the educational system that influence
this imbalance. Hispanic women are twice a minority, excluded not only as females, but also in
terms of their ethnicity and embedded cultural values. Hispanic women in the superintendency
are three times a minority since they come across the challenges of navigating a very political
position, yet are isolated from the organization (Quilantan & Menchaca Ochoa). Latinas have to
deal with both gender and ethnic stereotypes. As females they must deal with the cultural norms
that depict women as not capable of achieving the same goals as men. As Hispanic women, they
must undergo the scrutiny that comes from a culture where the expectation is to be dependent
and dominated by a man.
In addition, the perceptions of school board members regarding Hispanic women make it
even more difficult for them to obtain a fair and equitable opportunity to acquire the position.
The stereotypes that follow these women decreased their opportunities to obtain the position
since board members perceive them as lacking the skills and knowledge necessary to lead school
districts, specifically to successfully deal with finances, politics and community relations.
Furthermore, the career succession of Latinas tends to take a different path, one that prevents
them from gaining the necessary expertise in areas critical to the superintendency. Women have
a propensity to move from the classroom to the district office and remain in those positions. As
complex as these challenges and barriers are, Latinas continue to work towards equal access and
fair treatment in the educational system. The thought of helping families and giving back to the
community helps them in their fight towards equity in the superintendency. By exploring the
challenges and barriers Latinas endure during their path to the superintendency, aspiring
Hispanic women can learn from their experiences and find ways to continue the fight towards
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 37
equity and increase the current number of Latinas serving as superintendents in a time when
Hispanics have become a majority minority.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 38

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
This chapter begins with a restatement of the problem, purpose, and research questions
mentioned in chapter one. A summary of the methodology used follows along with a discussion
of the setting and participants, data collection, data analysis, and ethical considerations. The
chapter concludes with a summary of this chapter and a preview of chapters four and five.
Restatement of Problem, Purpose, and Research Questions
While the educational system is primarily composed of women, there is a clear gender
gap in the number of men and that of women who serve in the superintendency, as, clearly,
women have made few advances in an administration world dominated by males (Glazer, 1991).
Despite the large number of women in the educational field, their numbers continue to fall
behind at the superintendency level. The purpose of this study was to identify the challenges
Latinas contend with during their ascension to the superintendency and once in the position.
Furthermore, the study touched on how these women navigated through the system and,
specifically, the strategies they used to succeed in their position in an androcentric system. To
better understand these topics, this study aimed to address the following research questions:
1. What are the challenges Latinas faced when ascending to the superintendency?
2. What are the challenges Latina superintendents face once in the position?
3. What are the strategies Latina superintendents make use of to successfully lead school
districts?
Research Design
The design of this study was based on Creswell’s (2009) mixed-methods format. This
type of design brings together quantitative and qualitative formats to help answer the research
questions. A mixed-methods study requires the following steps: (1) identify the problem, (2)
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 39
review past literature on the problem, (3) specify the purpose of the study, (4) collect quantitative
and qualitative data, (5) analyze and interpret the data, (6) and report and evaluate the research
found. Chapter one and chapter two discussed the problem, reviewed past literature on the topic
and specified the purpose of the study. This chapter provides an overview of data collection,
analysis, interpretation, reporting and evaluation. To answer the research questions, a mixed-
methods approach was used to collect data through the social constructivism paradigm. As
Creswell (2009) stated, social constructivists “hold assumptions that individuals seek
understanding of the world in which they live and work and rely as much as possible on the
participants’ point of view” (p. 8). The collection of data through surveys and personal
interviews provided insight into lives and challenges Latina superintendents endured in order to
understand the lack of Latinas at the superintendency level.
Since the purpose of this research was to understand challenges before and after
obtaining the superintendency as well as the strategies used to thrive, both surveys and
interviews were conducted. The quantitative portion of this study included a thirty-two-question
online survey created using Survey Monkey (Appendix C) and emailed to current and retired
Latina superintendents throughout California. The last question on the survey asked respondents
if they would be willing to participate in a follow-up interview.
The qualitative portion of the study was collected from four interviews. Since the
purpose of the study was to collect information based on participants’ experiences, a qualitative
approach yielded data based on personal experiences, on how individuals construct their worlds
and on the meaning they attribute to their experiences (Merriam, 2009). In addition, a qualitative
approach allowed for open-ended questions that allowed participants to share a wide range of
information and details for later analysis and possible inclusion in the findings. Open-ended
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 40
questions also gave the researcher an opportunity to probe when needed in order to obtain
additional data pertinent to the study.
Triangulating the findings collected through the mixed-methods approach was an
important phase in checking for reliability of findings among the literature, survey data, and
interview data. Triangulation serves to determine convergence, divergence, or both (Creswell,
2009). Furthermore, it provides diverse ways of looking at the same problem while adding to its
validity (Patton, 2000).
Sample and Population
The unit of analysis in this study was Latina superintendents in California. To obtain the
information required to answer the research questions, a purposeful sample was utilized.
Maxwell (2013) described purposeful sampling as a strategy where certain settings, persons, or
activities are selected intentionally to provide information pertinent to the questions and goals
that cannot be obtained from other sources. Since the research questions were specific to the
experiences of Latinas in the superintendency, current or retired, there were no regional
preferences taken into consideration when compiling the list of participants. All current and
retired Latina superintendents in California were asked to participate due to their low numbers.
The sample for this study was obtained through various sources, including the California
Department of Education website, the Los Angeles County Office of Education’s school
directory, school district websites, and the USC Rossier School of Education’s professors
directory. A list was compiled of those who fit the requirement for the study: Latina, current or
retired superintendent who had been in the position for at least one year. It is important to note
that, although the initial list included forty-one names, the number decreased to thirty-five
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 41
because six women indicated via email that they were not Latinas but had married Hispanic men
and taken their last name. The six women were excluded from the study.
The next sample consisted of interviewees through what Merriam (2009) described as a
purposeful selection of information-rich cases in order to learn the most about the essential issues
of the study. Although purposeful sampling limited the diversity of the findings, the data
collected from the selected candidates provided a great depth of understanding on the topic of
this study. Due to the low number of potential participants within the state, it was determined
that the best way to obtain participants for the interviews was to include a question on the survey
asking about their willingness to participate in a follow-up interview. Of the thirty-five
participants who responded to the survey, thirteen agreed to a follow-up interview, ten did not,
and two skipped that question. However, once the superintendents were contacted to schedule
the follow-up interviews, only four agreed to meet.
Instrumentation and Protocols
For the purpose of this study, two types of instruments were utilized to inform the
research questions: surveys and interviews. Quantitative data was collected through a
questionnaire, was cross-sectional, and was collected at one point in time. A survey design
provides a numeric description of trends, opinions, or attitudes regarding a particular topic by
studying a specific population sample. The results from that sample population allow the
researcher to generalize claims about a particular population (Creswell, 2009). A five-part
survey was created based on information gathered from the literature in association with the
research questions, and it allowed for quick return of data. Most questions were close-ended,
intended for a yes or no response, and answers were measured on categorical scales. Along with
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 42
the Survey Monkey link, participants also received a survey recruitment letter (Appendix A) and
an information sheet (Appendix B) providing an overview of the study.
The qualitative data collection consisted of semi-structured interviews with open-ended
questions (Appendix D). Semi-structured interviews provided flexibility, as the protocol
included both structured and less-structured questions. A list of flexible questions was used as a
guide, and no predetermined wording or order (Merriam, 2009) was used. Open-ended questions
allowed participants to share as much information as possible to help answer the research
questions in what Merriam (2009) called a conversation with a purpose. Participants were asked
to partake in a thirty-minute, one-on-one interview with the researcher. This gave participants
privacy and allowed both interviewer and interviewee to remain focused. The interview protocol
was composed of nine open-ended questions, and each one included question probes to ensure
rich information was captured.
Conducting interviews was more than asking questions; it was a process. There were a
number of events that helped obtain the rich information needed for the study. The researcher
informed participants about the study and answered questions regarding to the topic. To obtain
respondents’ trust and attention, it was important to inform them about the study, explain the
purpose, what they were being asked to do, and what the results were going to be used for
(Maxwell, 2013). Making sure respondents understood why the study was being conducted, and,
especially, informing them what was going to be done with the data was a critical part of their
consent to not only participate but also to allow the interview to be recorded. Due to the delicate
nature of the study, which dealt with race and gender, this step was critical. Being cognizant of
these things was important in order to build rapport and trust (Maxwell, 2013) which allowed
participants to feel comfortable enough to share their personal challenges.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 43
As the researcher, it was important to keep in mind the privacy concerns of respondents.
Building relationships with participants allowed for ethical gathering of the information needed
to answer the research questions (Maxwell, 2013). It was important to keep in mind that, while
this study was a research project, it was, to a degree, an invasion into respondents’ private lives
(Maxwell, 2013). Since respondents could withdraw from the study at any point, it was
important to maintain a good relationship with them and address every concern to avoid any
difficulties during the process.
Data Collection
Initial contact with survey participants was via an email containing an invitation to
participate and an information sheet detailing the purpose of the study. That email provided a
link to the survey and explained that it would take approximately fifteen minutes to complete. In
order to obtain the desired number of responses, twenty, follow-up emails were sent to those who
were invited to participate but had not responded. The follow-up was successful, as surveys
began coming in after the follow-up emails. The methods of data collection were what Maxwell
(2013) describes as complimentarily and expansion in that various methods were used to obtain a
range of information regarding the problem being addressed; therefore, interviews were
conducted as well.
Initial contact with respondents who indicated their willingness to participate in a follow-
up interview occurred through an email restating the purpose of the study and thanking them for
their willingness to participate in the interview. Of the thirteen who initially agreed to
participate, only four responded and scheduled an interview date and time. Three of interviews
were conducted in person and one over the phone, since the interviewee was located in Northern
California. The meetings were scheduled in respondents’ offices to help with privacy issues and
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 44
prevent inconvenience for them. With the permission of the participants, all four interviews
were recorded. This allowed the researcher to focus on the participants rather than on note
taking. The recordings were later transcribed by the researcher into a Microsoft Word document
in order to analyze and code the data.
Data Analysis
Analyzing data is the process of making sense of all the information collected by
consolidating, reducing, and interpreting what participants shared as well as what the researchers
had seen and read (Merriam, 2009). Once the collection of data was completed, separate reports
were written for each in order to help with the process of analyzing. Each interview was
transcribed in separate documents to help compare individual responses. Survey results were
printed as individual responses and as a group summary. The findings from the surveys,
interviews, and literature were then compared across data source for triangulation to determine
the points of convergent and divergence.
The response rate for the online surveys was 71%, but only 31% of respondents who
initially agreed to a follow-up interview actually responded. Table 2 lists the break down of the
sample population by category.
Table 2
Research Sample
Sample Number
Invited to
Participate

Number of
Responses

Response Rate
Nonrespondents

Surveys 35 25 71% 10
Interviews 13 4 31% 9

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 45
Thirty-five superintendents received the invitation to participate on the online survey, and
twenty-five responded. The survey response rate was higher than expected since the number of
those invited was limited. The response rate for the follow-up interviews was lower than
expected, as only four respondents agreed to an interview.
Once the data from the interviews and surveys were coded and analyzed, the process of
triangulation among the two and the literature was done. As Patton (2002) mentioned,
triangulation contributes to the validation and verification of the analysis. There are four types
of triangulation: (1) methods triangulation, (2) triangulation of sources, (3) analyst triangulation,
and (4) theory/perspective triangulation. This study utilized triangulation of sources, which
compares and cross checks the consistency of information obtained at different times and
through different means. Figure 2 illustrates how triangulation was utilized in this study.

Figure 2. Triangulation of Sources
The goal of triangulation is not to obtain a consistent picture of the research, but, rather, to study
and understand when and why there are differences (Patton, 2002).
Ethical Considerations
In order to understand and maintain the ethical responsibility that came with this type of
study, the researcher completed the CITI training offered by the University of Southern
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 46
California’s Institutional Review Board. Participation in this study was voluntary, and there was
no identifiable information obtained. Participants’ names, district names or other identifiable
information was not linked to their responses, and the data collected was stored in a password-
protected computer for one year after the study completion. Only the researcher, committee
chairperson, and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection Program
(HSPP) had access to the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies to protect the
rights and welfare of research subjects.

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 47

CHAPTER FOUR: INTRODUCTION
There is an imbalance between the number of females and that of males in the
superintendency. Females are disproportionately uncommon in those positions, which reinforce
the glass ceiling that permeates the education profession (Dobie & Hummel, 2006). Women
make up 70% of all teachers, and, though this group is where most school administrators are
drawn from, the superintendency continues to be led by men. Women prevail in numbers, but
men continue to dominate in power positions in the educational system (Craig & Hardy, 1996),
and this trend led to various questions and concerns regarding equity. As Craig and Hardy
(1996) mentioned, there is no research to support the idea that either men or women make better
superintendents; however, women must be prepared to challenge the existing norms and
stereotypes to successfully attain, maintain, and lead school districts.
In the past decade, there has been a steady increase in the number of females in
administrative positions; however, patterns of representation indicate that little progress has been
made at the more senior district level positions (Bjork, 2000). For example, in 2012, 23% of
superintendents were females, and that proportion increases annually by only 0.7%, which means
it will take nearly 80 years for females to be proportionately represented in public education
(Wallace, 2014). This study aimed to address this slight growth by investigating the barriers that
keep the number of Latinas stagnant. Due to the high number of males in the superintendency, it
is not surprising that the position has a masculine figure attached to it (Craig & Hardy, 1996), but
it is important to comprehend the underlying causes that keep women from the position.
The purpose of this mixed-methods study was to gain insight in regards to the
discrepancy between the numbers of Latina superintendents in California and that of their
counterparts. Interviews were conducted to obtain personal insights regarding career path.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 48
Online surveys were conducted to help obtain numerical data regarding their personal
experiences on the topic. Both methods worked to inform the following the research questions:
1. What are the challenges Latinas face when ascending to the superintendency?
2. What are the challenges Latina superintendents face once in the position?
3. What are the strategies Latina superintendents make use of to successfully lead school
districts?
This chapter begins with a brief overview of the methodology followed by participants’
demographics. The chapter then presents an analysis of the data by research question. Finally, it
provides triangulation of data to present the points of divergence and convergence among the
three sources of data.
Participants and Methodology
The purpose of this mixed-methods study was to gain knowledge pertaining to Latinas’
challenges in terms of the superintendency and the strategies they use to be successful. First, a
survey provides a numeric description of trends, attitudes, or opinions of a certain population
(Creswell, 2009). The survey link was emailed to both current and retired California
superintendents whose names were found in the California Department of Education website,
school districts’ websites, and the Rossier School of Education website. Along with the survey
link, potential participants received an introduction letter (Appendix A) and information sheet
(Appendix B) that provided an overview of the study. The survey included questions regarding
personal characteristics, professional characteristics, district demographics, challenges, strategies
for success and a follow up section asking respondents if they would be willing to participate in a
follow-up interview (Appendix D). In total, 41 emails were sent; however, six of the recipients
did not participate in the survey because they were not Latinas. Therefore, only 35 recipients
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 49
met the criteria to complete the survey. Of those, 25 responded and thirteen agreed to a follow-
up interview. However, out of the thirteen, four were available for an interview.
Qualitative research is interpretative research where the researcher is involved in a
continued and rigorous experience with the participants (Creswell, 2009). The qualitative
section of this study included four interviews with superintendents in Southern and Northern
California. Three of the interviews were conducted in person and one was conducted over the
phone. There were a total of nine open-ended questions in the interview protocol; each one
included probes in case they were needed (Appendix D). All interviews were recorded with the
participants’ consent and later transcribed and coded. The nine questions addressed in the
interviews pertained to the participant’s background, challenges faced during her career path,
challenges faced once in the superintendency, strategies she used for success and four additional
questions that were relevant to the study. To protect the identity of the four interviewees, they
are herein referred to as Superintendent 1, Superintendent 2, Superintendent 3, and
Superintendent 4, and the districts they are affiliated with are also kept confidential.
Participants’ Demographics
Survey Participants
Selected participants had to meet two specific requirements: they had to be Latinas and
they had to have held the position for a minimum of one year. The participants included sitting
and retired Latina superintendents in California to create a good sample size and help obtain a
reasonable number of responses. Nonetheless, it is important to note that, while both retired and
current superintendents responded to the survey, interviewees were all current superintendents.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 50
Of survey respondents, 12% were between the ages of 41 and 45, 20% between 46 and
50, 12% between 51 and 55, 32% between 56 and 60 and 24% were 61 or older. Figure 3
presents the respondents’ ages at the times they reached the superintendency.

Figure 3. Survey Respondents’ Ages of First Superintendency
As demonstrated by Figure 3, 8% of survey participants became superintendents between the
ages of 36 and 40, 36% between 41 and 45, 16% between 46 and 50, 16% between 51 and 55,
16% between 56 and 60 and 8% at 61 or older. As demonstrated by the participants’ responses,
the highest percentage, 36%, obtained their first superintendency between the ages of 41 and 45.
Furthermore, 56% of the respondents obtained their first superintendency within the district they
were employed in, while 44% went outside their districts in search of the position. Of these,
92% took between 1 and 3 years to acquire the position, 4% took 7 to 9 years and 4% took 14
years or more. It is important report that 92% of respondents applied to between one and three
districts before obtaining the superintendency, and 8% applied to four, five, or six. Finally, of
0%
8%
36%
16%
16%
16%
8%
Age of First Superintendency
35 years or younger
36-40 years
41-45 years
46-50 years
51-55 years
56-60 years
61 years or older
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 51
the participants surveyed, 96% have held one to two superintendencies while 4% have held three
to four.
To gain further knowledge of the participants, additional information was collected
through the survey. Table 3 illustrates the participants postsecondary degrees, and Table 4
illustrates their professional backgrounds.
Table 3
Degree Held
f % f % f % f % f %
Degree Held BA/BS Master’s Ed.D. Ph.D. Other
0 0 9 36 13 52 2 8 1 4
n=25
Table 3 indicates that the majority, 52% of participants who completed the online survey
hold an educational doctorate, 36% hold a master degree, 8% hold a doctor of philosophy, and
4% are currently in a program working towards a doctoral degree. Although the level of
education varies between participants, all have successfully shown their leadership capacity,
which has led them to the superintendency.
Table 4
Participants’ Background
f % f % f % f %
Background Elementary Secondary Business Other
17 68 5 20 0 0 3 12
n=25
Table 4 indicates the background of each survey participant. The majority of
respondents, 68%, have a background in elementary education, 20% in secondary education, and
12% in other fields. Two of the three respondents who selected “other” had backgrounds in
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 52
elementary and secondary education, and the third came from school counseling, K-12 support
systems, and human resources.
As shown by the data in Tables 3 and 4, participants come from different backgrounds,
have different experiences and have different academic degrees, but they were not confined by
their lack of experience in other areas. In addition to personal characteristics, the survey also
collected their districts’ demographics. The information within Figure 4 shows the number of
students served by the districts that employ or employed the survey participants and illustrates
that most survey respondents are or were employed in small districts.

Figure 4. District Enrollment
Survey data showed that 44% of superintendents work in districts that serve between
2,501 and 15,000 students, 24% in those that serve between 15,001 and 50,000 students, 8% in
districts of 100,001 or more students, and 24% in districts that serve fewer than 2,500 students.
Of these districts, 64% are K-12 districts, 32% are K-8 and 4% are 9-12. Additionally, it is
important to note that 52% of the districts are located in urban areas, 32% in rural areas and 16%
in suburbs. The fact that most respondents work in districts of 2,501 to 15,000 students concurs
24%
44%
24%
0%
8%
District Enrollment
Less than 2500
2,501-15,000
15,001-50,000
50,001-100,000
100,001 or more
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 53
with Craig and Hardy (1996) in that female superintendents come from rural or small towns that
allowed them overcome stereotypes.
The ethnic composition of the districts where survey respondents serve or served varied.
As demonstrated by Table 5 below, most serve or served in districts composed primarily of
Hispanic students. Four participants elected “other,” and three of them said their district was
composed of 50% Asian students, while the fourth person said her district was composed of 60%
Asian students, 35% Hispanic students and 5% students categorized as “other.”
Table 5
Ethnic Composition
f %
Majority White 3 12
Majority Hispanic 17 68
Majority African American 0 0
50% African American 0 0
50% White 1 4
50% Hispanic 4 16
Other 4
n=25
Interviewed Participants
The purpose of collecting data through interviews was to obtain rich information to
answer the research questions. A purposeful sample was used to select interviewees in order to
gain the most information on the topic (Merriam 2009) and to introduce personal values into the
study in order to validate the accuracy of previous research (Creswell, 2009). The data in Table
6 presents the basic demographics of the interviewees. As demonstrated by this data, all four
superintendents work in predominantly Hispanic communities and districts with fewer than
15,000 students. As mentioned by Bjork (2000), superintendents of minority backgrounds tend
to work in areas where there are high minority populations.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 54
Table 6
Interviewed Participants’ Demographics
Name
Age
Range

Background

Degree
Held

District
Composition

Type of
District

District
Enrollmen
t

Ethnic
Composition

Superintendent
1
41-45

Elementary
Ed.

Ed.D.
K-8
Urban

2,501-
15,000

Majority
Hispanic

Superintendent
2
56-60

Secondary
Ed.

Ed.D.
K-12
Rural

Less than
2,500

Majority
Hispanic

Superintendent
3
51-55

Elementary
Ed.

Ed.D. In
Progress

K-8
Urban

2,501-
15,000

Majority
Hispanic

Superintendent
4
41-45

School
Counseling

Masters
K-12
Urban

2,501-
15,000

Majority
Hispanic

Findings
Two of the research questions pertained to challenges Latinas encounter during their
career path to the superintendency and challenges once they are in the position. Table 7 below
shows survey data collected regarding these two questions. Data revealed that the majority,
64%, of the respondents did not face challenges that prevented them from obtaining the
superintendency, while 36% did. Furthermore, 56% did not believe their race was a challenge
before or once in the position while 44% did. On the other hand, the majority, 68%, of
respondents believed that their gender did play a part in the challenges they faced during their
career progression and once in the position as compared to 32% who said it did not. This data
demonstrates that, for these women, gender was a much more significant challenge than was
race.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 55

Table 7
Challenges to the Superintendency

Faced challenges that
prevented the attainment
of the superintendency.

Race was as a challenge
before and once in the
superintendency?
Gender was a challenge
before and once in the
superintendency?

Yes 36% 44% 68%
No 64% 56% 32%

Research Question 1: What are the challenges Latinas face when ascending to the
superintendency?
Previous research indicated a pattern of discrimination against females regardless of their
credentials, as women are not selected for leadership positions due to employers’ negative
attitudes towards them, gender stereotyping, and the lack of female administrators who can serve
as mentors (Tillman & Cochran, 2000). Latina superintendents are believed to encounter far
more difficulties when compared to their male counterparts. However, data from this study
indicates that, while there are still challenges, these have decreased. As mentioned earlier, only
36% of the respondents said they faced challenges when it came to obtaining the
superintendency. One of these was Superintendent 2, who reaffirmed what the research
discussed in terms of the superintendency being a male dominated position:
This position is still male dominated and even among our Latinos, the networking
between them is clear, they are still part of the good old boys network. (Personal
communication, October 31, 2014).
Superintendent 3 expressed the same feelings when asked if she believed the challenges Latinas
and White females face differed,
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 56
I think in some ways it’s similar, a Latina and White female. I think they have equal
challenges in terms of that whole male preference. (Personal communication, October 1,
2014).
Both Superintendent 2 and 3 felt that, although they hold the position, it is still one that is highly
dominated by men, who clearly possess an advantage. Not only are they preferred in such
positions, but they also maintain a circle of networks that adds to their advantage.
Superintendent 2 added,
We [Latinas] don’t have the networks that other groups have and I would say that male
Latinos have more than we [Latinas] do. Males just have a tendency to be better at
networking, connecting and supporting each other. (Personal communication, October
31, 2014).
Superintendent 3 also felt the same way in terms of the lack of networks that Latinas have when
compared to their male counterparts:
You don’t want to say it’s about who you know, but often it is. I think Latinas don’t have
as many connections. (Personal communication, October 1, 2014).
The lack of connections and networking can be a determining factor for Latinas when it comes to
attainting these positions, as whom they know can help and guide them through the process.
This lack of role models and connections contributes to the stereotyped conception that men are
better administrators. This, in turn, restricts women’s options and the limited the view of
headhunters (Craig & Hardy, 1996).
Additionally, as mentioned earlier in the research, women are sometimes thought to be
too emotional, which portrays them as weak for the position. Survey data showed that 68% of
respondents believed their gender played a role during their ascension to the superintendency.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 57
Superintendent 1 shared her concern about being a female and her inability to freely express
herself due to the negative connotation it would have on her persona in a male dominated field.
I think people are critical of women in general. I’ve been very careful about not being
overly emotional, I just am. I know where I can share and where I can’t share it. I have
my safe zones within the district where I can be myself, woman, Latina, person, whatever
behavior it is that I’m doing that I can just be me. As a woman when you’re emotional it
is seen as a weakness, a frivolous behavior that comes over you versus a man, it’s a
move. (Personal communication, August 21, 2014).
Superintendent 1 recognized the difference that exists between a female being emotional versus a
male and quickly learned that finding safe zones where she could express herself freely was
critical in order to prevent being portrayed as weak.
Whereas Superintendents 1, 2, and 3 discussed the challenges they faced when ascending
to the superintendency as being a male-dominated field, a lack of networks, and being too
emotional, Superintendent 4 mentioned a different type of challenge: coming into the position
from a counselor position, rather than a teacher or principal position, and learning how to
become a leader.
I’ve faced normal challenges that anybody learning how to grow, learning how to lead,
faces. I think that most people when they go from a task person, a teacher or a counselor
to a leader they have to learn how to lead and that’s so difficult and then leading leaders
is even more challenging. By doing that, you really learn how to lead yourself, so that’s
really exciting. I think it’s the maturity factor and the wisdom factor. Learning how not
to be so quick, I’m very quick at decisions. I’m pretty strong, so I’ve learned to ask a lot
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 58
more questions. Maybe the only thing that would be a challenge is that I wasn’t a
teacher, I was a counselor (Personal communication, September 5, 2014).
Entering the superintendency without having been a teacher or a principal creates additional
challenges. Not only is the incumbent learning how to lead others, lead leaders, lead experts in
the field but, at the same time, she is trying to learn the curriculum aspect. Learning and
understanding the instructional portion of the position is critical when in leading a district of
thousands of students who depend on your knowledge and who need to be prepared with 21
st

century skills to be able to succeed themselves.
Although all four superintendents mentioned at least one challenge in ascending to the
superintendency, it is important to note a common response in describing their career
progression. They mentioned they were either pushed or motivated to apply for the position.
Superintendent 1 described her experience with her former superintendent:
The superintendent pulls me aside and says “have you considered an administrative
position? I want you to come in this week and talk about it.” So, I came into the district
to see him, and he says, “I see these qualities in you.” It’s stuff I hadn’t considered for
myself, and, so, I feel like it’s so important that we mentor people, we let them know
what we see, and we develop the capacity and develop the potential that we see because,
if I hadn’t been given that opportunity, I would have never developed my leadership
capacity. I did not aspire to be a superintendent; I did not aspire to be a principal. I
aspired to be in the classroom, and I feel very fortunate to have been given opportunities
and, more than anything, one of the things I talk a lot about to people is the importance in
the value of believing in people that don’t yet see their full potential. (Personal
communication, August 21, 2014).
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 59

Superintendent 3 had a similar experience:
I started getting pushed into everything, I got pushed into administration. The
superintendent retired and the board asked if I wanted to be the interim superintendent
while they hired someone. I loved it and a month later they asked me if I wanted to do
the job. It is probably not unusual for superintendents of around my time period, female-
Latinas especially, that they kind of went through the back door. I think people see the
potential in you and guide you towards that. (Personal communication, October 1, 2014).
While Superintendent 4 lacked the instructional expertise needed for the superintendency she
was also promoted to the position: “I didn’t set out to be a superintendent, I have just been
tapped on or promoted” (Personal communication, September 5, 2014).
Finally, Superintendent 2, unlike the other three, utilized her previous principal, who, at
that time, was part of a search firm as a network to help and guide her towards the position. She
told the story of how an encounter with her previous principal led her to where she is today:
He [previous principal] asked when I was becoming a superintendent, and I told him I
was preparing to apply for a position. So, Kenny looks at the person next to him and
introduces me, he says “Louis you need to find Erica a superintendency.” Louis asked
what I had done and what was I interested in. He said he was going to be back in
December for another conference, to send him my resume and we would meet if I’d like.
I followed up with Louis. I wasn’t sure if this was going to go anywhere and, sure
enough, Louis sent my resume back, gave me some pointers and said we could meet.
(Personal communication, October 31, 2014).
Although Superintendent 2 obtained help through her networks, it was important that she
understood the importance of the position:
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 60
He basically interviewed before he gave out my name. He had some more questions to
make sure that there was nothing embarrassing in my background. Before I knew it, I got
a call from one of the people from Louis’s company, and he said he got my name from
Louis. He asked for my resume and said he had a few openings that he thought I would
be a match for. He said he wanted me to take a look at districts B and C. He called me
on a Thursday; the only problem was that C’s application process closed on Monday.
(Personal communication, October 31, 2014).
The network that she created and maintained helped her through the application process although
she did not possess the necessary documents at that particular time:
I told him I didn’t have letters of recommendation ready. He said all I needed to do was
complete the application and my resume and send the rest of the paperwork later. He
asked me to look online and learn about the districts and see if I was really interested in
either one. I was not interested in B but decided to apply to C. They called me back and
gave me an interview in early March. It happened very fast. (Personal communication,
October 31, 2014).
The connection she made with her former principal was critical in her obtaining the position.
Not only was he supportive of her and believed she was capable of leading a district, but he also
pushed for her with his friend’s search firm:
The interview was on a Friday, and I was thinking I was going to fly back on the same
day, but they said, if I were selected, they would call me back the next day for a second
interview. Sure enough, I interviewed and, later that day, they called me back for a
second interview. They said they needed to discuss it, asked me to stay put and that they
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 61
would call me to discuss the contract if selected. They interviewed two of us, and I got
the call. (Personal communication, October 31, 2014).
Overall, survey data indicates that the majority, 64%, of respondents did not face
challenges when ascending to the superintendency or once in the position. Interviewees’
responses agree with this, since all four participants were either pushed or promoted into the
position, however, they did recognize the difficulties that permeate. They recognized that the
position continues to be male-dominated, women are unable to freely express themselves, and
they continue to lack in networks. These women’s paths to the superintendency were unplanned
and serendipitous (Craig & Hardy, 1996), and they confronted the difficulties that remain in the
educational system. These women confirm the importance of board members’ or search
committees’ perceptions, and, because of them, they were able to move into a position that has
long been dominated by men. Survey data support this, as 80% of survey respondents believed
that board member or search committee’s perceptions affected their appointment.
Research Question 2: What are the challenges Latina superintendents face once in the
position?
The role of the superintendent is to lead a school district towards success. To do so, they
must be prepared to deal with various issues. Regardless of their preparation, credentials, and
self-efficacy, their obstacles intensify once appointed. As Ortiz (2000) mentioned, the
appointment of a Hispanic woman to the superintendency creates tension for both the
organization and the individual, since their appointment is accompanied by skepticism in regard
to their abilities due to perceptions regarding gender and ethnicity. As women leaders, they
struggle between assimilation and exclusion, and “they must contend with multiple
manifestations of being outsiders within, or being the other in a predominantly male profession
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 62
and androcentric culture” (Tallerico & Burstyn, 1996, pg. 653). Since so few superintendents are
women, their actions are especially visible and promptly scrutinized (Craig & Hardy 1996).
Each of the interviewees shared the biggest challenge, they faced once in the position, each
challenge was different but helped shaped who they are now: leaders in the field.
Once in the position, the challenges become even greater; they are internal as well as
external, as Superintendents 4 and 1 described. Becoming great leaders is critical for these
women, but learning how to lead a district without fully having the necessary knowledge was
challenge for Superintendent 4:
There’s so much you don’t know. Leadership is about surprises. That’s what we do; we
manage things after they happen. We learn how to lead and lead at a much higher level
because you’re really doing it from a much higher view. I learn that you’ll know less
truth than ever because most of the things are kept from you and that was a little hard.
(Personal communication, September 5, 2014).
Nothing can prepare you completely to lead a school district, learning how to handle surprises
was a better tactic for Superintendent 4. On the other hand, Superintendent 1 explained that her
toughest challenge was more than learning how to deal with the various components of the
position; there were internal challenges:
It’s been about learning. My challenges were very internal. The demons in my head, so
to speak, about making sure that I could be a leader and, at the same that time, I was
learning. That I just didn’t have my nose buried in a binder, book, or a workshop. That I
could really lead the district as things were happening, and that’s when I heard that voice,
where my leading became part of modeling my learning. (Personal communication,
August 21, 2014).
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 63
Although it takes an enormous amount of time and work to learn the position and learn how to
become a great leader, balancing both is imperative. Superintendent 1 demonstrated that,
although she was inexperienced, she was not afraid to learn along with her colleagues and work
collaboratively to make her district move forward. The position is about learning how to deal
with internal and external challenges.
On the other hand, Superintendent 2 faced a different challenge when she began her
superintendency in a well off district. Her story demonstrates her leadership ability and her
perseverance to move her district towards a positive change regardless of the obstacles she
encountered.
I am very happy here, it has been a wonderful experience. Not always the smoothest
experience, my first year was really tough. It was a major change, to bring not only a
female but also a Latina. I was replacing someone who had been in the district for 25
years, 16 years as a superintendent and 9 years as the high school principal. This is a
very wealthy, very affluent area but of course they [Latinos] are the ones working the
land, providing the services for the hotels. (Personal communication, October 31, 2014).
The challenge that Superintendent 2 discussed in terms of race and gender is very real for Latinas
entering positions of power that are dominated by White men, especially when it comes to
wealthy areas where change is not expected. She expressed:
It was a major change for the town, since it was ran by those who had the means and
resources. It was one of the toughest years in my career because the board knew the
district and the community was ready for a change. There was a principal that had been
with the superintendent for 18 years. He was the principal of an elementary school, and
then they moved him to high school because the elementary went into corrective action.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 64
Change of leadership, but the man was very involved and continues to be involved with
the community. He is the area governor, so very entrenched in the community, so I can
see why my predecessor didn’t want to touch him, but, yet, everyone knew that the work
was not being done and a change needed to be made. (Personal communication, October
31, 2014).
Entering a district where people are accustomed to certain things is not easy. Changing the
culture of the district and the community became a major challenge for Superintendent 2 but her
decisions were critical to the success of the district.
So, as the new superintendent, I recommended the demotion of both the principal and
vice principal. I was basically throwing logs into the fire. I hadn’t been here long
enough, but I did have a group of people who I was working with, and they got to know
me and wanted change. It was time to see what we could do because we have resources
in this district. (Personal communication, October 31, 2014).
Superintendent 2 made a difficult decision when entering a new district. However, her ability to
deal with the situation and the backlash this brought proved her ability to serve as
superintendent.
He had friendships in this community. They will protect their own no matter what. They
showed up at a board meeting, and it was the most horrible experience that anyone can go
through. Basically, personal attacks, and these were professionals, educated people
saying I didn’t know anything about the town, needed to go back to where I came from.
Real nasty. (Personal communication, October 31, 2014).
Regardless of the challenges that a decision created, Superintendent 2 did what she believed was
right for students:
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 65
I stood my ground, held my head high and my board supported me. They drilled me, too.
I had to justify it, and, at one point, I told them it was based on performance, nothing
personal. I was here to educate and do what was right for the kids. I told the board that, if
that wasn’t what they wanted, then I was not the one for that district. It was hard the first
few years because, having gone through that, people had not yet forgotten or forgiven.
Now, they are silent because they have seen the work and the growth that we have
achieved. They have no argument. It’s not an easy position to be in. Even though you
are not an elected official, you are caught up in the politics. (Personal communication,
October 31, 2014).
Superintendent 2’s biggest challenge was entering a district where gender, ethnicity and class
exercised authority above everything else. Diversity was new to the community. Specifically,
having women in leadership roles was new to them. When prompted regarding whether she
believed this was due to the wealthy area in which she served, she said,
I think it’s part of it. I didn’t see it in Southern California as much just because I think
they’ve had more experiences interacting with diversity than this area. Also, in this area,
because of the class differences that exist. They’re not used to seeing us in positions of
authority. They’re used to seeing us cleaning hotel rooms, picking the grapes. I think
they really struggle seeing us in positions of power. (Personal communication, October
31, 2014).
Struggling to deal with class differences is yet another challenge that superintendents must learn
to deal with and navigate while keeping in mind the political ramifications that can bring to their
career.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 66
Although the superintendency is not a political position, its high-ranking importance and
level of power make it one. Education should not be about politics, but it is, those who enter the
field with genuine interest in being an educator will also function more as a politician (Craig &
Hardy, 1996). The politics that surround one of the most important positions in education is
clear, as demonstrated by Superintendents 3 and 4. Politics can define a superintendent’s career,
as Superintendent 3 explained,
You have to understand how political this job is. All it takes is one election, and, then,
you’re out. So, you spend a lot of time working and supporting your board to be
successful. There are people that can come in with different agendas, yet it is your job to
teach them, help them become good board members. There’s a lot to be said about the
local control and influence that’s so important and that’s just the way that schools run in
the state, but it’s also very positive. They know the community; they’re a part of it, so
it’s up to you as the superintendent to make them successful. It’s a pretty daunting task
and a challenging one. (Personal communication, October 1, 2014).
The job of a superintendent becomes more challenging when situations arise due to personal
and/or political agendas. This puts an enormous amount of pressure on superintendents, since
politics are a major factor cited by women leaving the superintendency (Craig & Hardy, 1996).
Superintendent 4 discussed the political pressure that comes with the job and the duty as the
superintendent to manage it and not let it influence school sites: “This job is to keep politics
away from the schools, it’s a political job and I don’t think I realized it. I didn’t realize how
much political pressure comes on the superintendents” (Personal communication, September 5,
2014).
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 67
Regardless of the political pressures that comes with the position, the interviewees
proved capable of dealing with the various stakeholders and different agendas that will inevitably
arise during their tenure. Indisputably, it is important that superintendents learn to manage within
the politics of the organization (Craig & Hardy, 1996) to be successful.
As females in a male-dominated field, Superintendents 2, 3, and 4 had to go beyond their
male counterparts to prove themselves. As superintendent 2 explained, “There were people who
doubted me, thought I couldn’t do it. I had to prove myself to them because my style was
different than my predecessor” (Personal communication, October 31, 2014). Nonetheless,
Superintendent 2 fought to achieve her goals. She did not give up despite the challenges and
understood and learned to handle the differences between her and other counterparts due to her
gender and ethnicity. She stated, “It’s best not to be a victim, not to make yourself a victim. I
definitely had to prove myself, I think on any position that we hold because it’s relatively new
that Latinas hold these positions” (Personal communication, October 31, 2014).
The lack of Latinas in these positions causes their skills and knowledge to be questioned
at times. For Superintendents 3 and 4, keeping in mind that they are seen in a different light
because of their gender and ethnicity was not surprising, and, in turn, they had to learn to lead
around that. As Brunner (1997) discussed, women superintendents have a difficult time being
heard because of gender bias, and they struggle between being heard in a masculine culture but
at the same time they try to communicate in a feminine way in order to meet gender-related
expectations. Superintendent 3 spoke of proving herself because she is a Latina, “It’s always a
challenge in terms of being Latina. There are certain things, undercurrents, you always have to
make sure people understand what you’re talking about and your credentials, put your credentials
out there” (Personal communication, October 1, 2014).
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 68
Superintendent 4 had a similar sentiment:
As a female there’s always going to be a difference when it comes to gender because for
the most part when women say things that can be said by males the same way they are
not going to be taken the same. (Personal communication, September 5, 2014).
The differentiation made between men and women in the position makes it difficult for females
to succeed. As Superintendent 3 mentioned, “there’s the perception of how school boards see
you, that’s very different from men” (Personal communication, October 1, 2014). Gender bias is
undoubtedly seen in these positions of power and board members play a critical part in the
appointment of Latinas into the position. Latinas are automatically seen as different due to
gender and ethnicity.
Finally, while interviewees mentioned networks when ascending to the superintendency,
Superintendent 3 talked about the importance of social capital once in the position:
It’s been quite a challenging time because I came right when the economy turned really
bad. In all my other positions, I’ve had the benefit of people getting to know me, what
I’m about, people understanding, so you build that social capital. So, when things go
badly, you have that to fall on, and that didn’t happen here, so that has been a real
challenge. (Personal communication, October 1, 2014).
The networks that Latinas build during their career is significant once they obtain the position.
Those networks build into their social capital and provide support when needed. Without these,
the challenges become harder to navigate. She said, “It’s very different promoting from within
the district then coming across into a new district as the superintendent to lead an organization
you don’t know” (personal communication, October 1, 2014).
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 69
Overall, data collected through interviews complemented the data collected through
surveys. Survey data showed that 44% of respondents believed their ethnicity generated
challenges that others did not encounter. Furthermore, 68% of survey respondents indicated that
gender did have an effect in the challenges once they were in office. Superintendents 2, 3, and 4
had to continuously prove they were qualified for the position and that they belonged.
Research Question 3: What are the strategies Latina superintendents make use of to
successfully lead school districts?
In a field where women are outsiders, there is a need for them to develop strategies,
develop a network of mentors that must cross gender boundaries, since no one understands a
superintendent like another superintendent does (Craig & Hardy, 1996). Societal norms place
women at a disadvantage, but the respondents established strategies that allowed them to succeed
regardless of challenges. While the absence of role models and mentors can be interpreted to
mean a lack of opportunities (Matranga, 1990), these women persevered and attained a position
many are unable to. To understand what helped these women succeed in an androcentric
educational system, questions regarding their strategies for success were included in both the
interview and survey.
Strategies were critical to the superintendents surveyed. When asked if there were
specific strategies they followed, 92% of survey participants said there were and only 8% said
there were not. While these women had specific strategies, each felt differently about how
important it was to follow those strategies once in the position. Figure 5 below shows that the
majority of survey participants, 80%, believed it was very important for them to follow the
strategies in order to be successful. On the other hand, 8% said it was important, 4% said it was
somewhat important, and 8% said it was not important.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 70

Figure 5. Importance of Strategies
To understand how these women were successful, it was not only important to know how
valuable strategies were in their success, but it was also important to understand how they were
developed. Figure 6 below illustrates their responses.

Figure 6. Strategies Development
80%
8%
4%
8%
Importance of Strategies
Very important
Important
Somewhat
important
Not important
44.0%
12.0%
44.0%
Development of Strategies
By myself, through
experience
Colleagues
Mentors
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 71

Of the survey respondents, 44% said they developed their strategies by themselves utilizing their
previous experience. Another 44% said they made use of mentors to develop their strategies
while 12% utilized colleagues. Three of the respondents also selected “other.” One also made
use of retired superintendents who worked with boards on governance issues. The second said
she used all of the above, and the third utilized books, particularly those focused on becoming a
superintendent. When asked if they considered their race when developing their strategies, their
answers varied: 32% of participants indicated they did while 68% said they did not. On the other
hand, when asked if they considered their gender when developing their strategies, 48% of the
participants indicated they did while 52% said they did not.
Survey participants were also asked about the factors or people who affected their
superintendency. As demonstrated by Table 8 below, data shows that 44% used personal
wherewithal to succeed once in the position. Their own motivation and strength helped them
obtain the leadership capacity required for their position. Mentors were used by 36% of
participants, and 20% said they had support at home. There were four participants who selected
“other,” and three of them indicated all of the factors were important and one indicated support
systems at work were important.
Table 8
Factors
f %
Mentors 9 36
Role Models 0 0
Support at home 5 20
Personal wherewithal 11 44
Other 4
n=25
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 72
In addition to the information collected through the surveys, the four interviewees shared
additional strategies or factors they believed to be important once they were in the position. It is
well known that one of the most recurring challenges to a superintendent’s effective leadership is
often the relationship between superintendents and school boards (Grogran, 2000). For women,
this is even more intense, since they are not thought of being as equally capable as men, they are
not perceived as being strong managers nor are they seen as being capable of managing district
finances (Sharp, 2004). Although women superintendents are seen in a different light compared
to their male counterparts it is not impossible for them to acquire and maintain the position, but
to do so, they must display certain characteristics, professional competence, personal strengths,
and ability to overcome organizational stressors (Quilantan 2004). Interview data revealed four
strategies participants made use of to succeed in their position: (1) board support, (2)
relationships, (3) networks and mentors, and (4) personal wherewithal. The relationships created
within and outside the district can be a determining factor in a superintendent’s career. As
Normore and Jean-Marie (2007) mentioned, in school leadership, women value close
relationships with all stakeholders: students, staff, colleagues, parents and community members,
these relationships develop constantly.
Search firms and board members primarily drive the appointment of Latinas to the
superintendency. The relationship between the two is critical in order for the superintendent to
be successful. All superintendents cited their boards as an essential component to their success.
The stability of the board was important to Superintendent 1:
I have a very stable board, very vested in the community, and, so, they’re very good
about the role that they play. They don’t micromanage, they listen to everybody, they
take meetings all the time, and they share with me concerns that they hear or things that I
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 73
should be aware of. They really just focus on policy. (Personal communication, August
21, 2014)
The school board’s primary responsibilities are to set the vision and goals of the school, adopt
policies, hire and evaluate the superintendent, adopt and oversee the annual budget, and manage
collective bargaining. Superintendent 1’s board was clearly within their boundaries and gave her
the support and power to manage the district. Superintendent 2 also mentioned the importance of
the board’s trust in order to effectively run the district. She said, “Keeping a good relationship,
build and keep the confidence of the board so that they let you run the district” (personal
communication, October 31, 2014). The support that boards render to superintendents can define
their career. Even though boards are not involved in day-to-day operations, it is important to
keep members informed of major events or decisions in order to prevent loss of trust.
Maintaining an open line of communication with the board is essential, but it is also
important for superintendents to keep in mind that each member is different as Superintendent 2
did:
The superintendent and board relations are critical. It is critical that you understand what
you need to do because each one of them is unique, they have different interests and you
need to know how to communicate with them and how to value their opinion and you
always keep them informed. (Personal communication, October 31, 2014)
Superintendent 1 agreed with this sentiment when she expressed, “One of the strategies in
terms of dealing with the board is there are no surprises” (Personal communication, August 21,
2014). Knowing what each board member expects and learning how to communicate with them
is imperative for the superintendent to gain the trust needed. Furthermore, Superintendent 2
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 74
went on to say, “They should never hear anything that is going on in the district from anyone in
the community” (Personal communication, October 31, 2014).
Keeping the board informed regarding important issues will not only help build the
relationship, but will also create a relationship based on trust and support. Superintendent 4
described the importance of communication:
They are a forgiving board, they don’t expect me to be perfect so that’s great. They also
expect that I communicate anything they need to know, things that are going to show up
in the media. But they don’t expect to know everything. It’s a fine line also, fine line of
what to communicate. Communication. Communicate and plan. (Personal
communication, September 5, 2014)
By building a good relationship with the board, superintendents have been able to advocate for
themselves as Superintendent 3 did:
When I became a superintendent, I signed up and explained to the board why it was
important for me to attend 2 or 3 different programs, superintendent academy, new
superintendent training for 2 years, different things. You have to advocate for yourself
and make sure they understand that this is an important part. (Personal communication,
October 1, 2014).
Equally important to building board relationships is also building relationships with other
stakeholders. Effective superintendents possess the following strengths: working with people,
communications skills, and being able to identify a vision (Wesson, 1994). Building coalitions
within the district and the community requires good communication skills and working well with
people. Superintendent 1 was able to move her district forward because of the support and
relationships she had within her district:
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 75
It’s about relationships. I rely on people. I don’t micromanage. I am even very careful
about the way I delegate; my delegations are not about orders. They’re really about
necessity. It’s about bringing problems forward to my cabinet and saying this is the
direction I’d like to head into, these are the things I feel we can accomplish this year,
these are my goals, this is my vision. Strategize goals; then, come up with a to-do list of
how we can get there. So, that’s really important to me. People’s leadership capacity is
respected. The other piece about relationships, it’s important that people feel cared for,
people feel valued. I make it a point to recognize people for the work that they do.
(Personal communication, August 21, 2014)
Furthermore, Superintendent 3 talked about the importance of building relationships with
parents:
It’s about building relationships and partnerships, reaching out. Partnerships with
parents, I meet with parents all the time and being in a predominately Latino community
and being able to speak the language and understand the community and culture makes a
huge difference (Personal communication, October 1, 2014).
By creating and building relationships, the social capital of the superintendents increases. As
Woolcock and Narayan (2000) mentioned, social capital or social relations provide opportunities
for growth. When these social networks include mentors their challenges become easier to
navigate. When female superintendents lack mentors they can feel adrift (Craig & Hardy, 1996)
and the interviewees discussed the importance of mentors in their career. Superintendent 1
stated, “Opportunities and experiences, finding mentors, finding people who can help you
navigate through systems, that’s very important” (Personal communication, August 21, 2014).
Superintendent 4 felt the same way. She mentioned,
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 76
I have coaches, excellent coaches. I’ve kept my prior superintendent as a coach and then
our county office of education is very supportive, they provided me a coach and he is
excellent (personal communication, September 5, 2014).
Superintendent 3 also discussed the importance of building coalitions and having mentors. She
said, “Build coalitions, build partnerships, network, get to know people. You don’t want to say
it’s about whom you know, but often it is. I have had mentors, it’s very valuable” (Personal
communication, October 1, 2014).
The value of finding mentors is obviously important, as demonstrated by Superintendent
1, 3, and 4, but the personal wherewithal that participants demonstrate has allowed them to be
successful in a male dominated field. As Superintendent 2 mentioned,
As a superintendent you have to be courageous and willing to take the risk and it’s not
about you, it’s about the students. I must say that I have persevered; the board that hired
me is no longer with me. I have only two that were in the interview panel. They have
been a wonderful team to work with, I have gained their trust and confidence and they
have allowed me to run the district. (Personal communication, October 31, 2014).
Triangulation: Points of Convergence and Divergence
The process of triangulation requires the researcher to compare data from the different
sources utilized in the study in order to identify points of convergence and divergence (Maxwell,
2013). It is important and enlightening to understand inconsistencies in findings across different
types of data (Patton, 2000) to obtain a more rich understanding of the problem. With regard to
the challenges Latinas faced during their career path to the superintendency and once in the
position, much of the findings from the surveys and interviews converged with the literature
except in one area: the interviewees’ discussion about being pushed or appointment into the
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 77
position. In regards to the strategies, data from interviews and surveys converged with the
literature. In the following sections, the points of convergence and divergence are explored more
thoroughly.
Points of Convergence
Data obtained through surveys and interviews support much of the literature on the
challenges Latina superintendents contend with during their path and once in the
superintendency. Unsurprisingly, the difficulties that Latinas encountered during their path to
the superintendency consisted of entering a male-dominated arena where Latinas continue to lack
the networks their male counterparts have. Women made great strides in leadership positions,
but that gap between males and females in the top leadership position continues to prevail.
Women were cited to be strong in the area of curriculum but this has not changed the male-
dominant culture of the position. Networks were also cited in the literature as one of the
challenges women encountered, and participants concurred.
Furthermore, their inability to freely express themselves was cited as one of the major
challenges in their career paths. Concealing their emotions in an effort to prevent being
portrayed as vulnerable was the standard in order to fit into an environment where gender, more
so than ethnicity, still remains a factor in upward mobility. Citing the importance of having the
necessary networks, these women clearly understand the difference these networks can have in
their career. Challenging the status quo, becoming part of a system where politics and gender
influence the career path of women is a hurdle these women have coped with and learned to
navigate. To continuously work to prove that they belong is a daily struggle.
Creating the social networks and building relationships that facilitate the paths of these
women are strategies that were cited in the literature and in the data collected. Building
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 78
relationships and creating an effective link with boards and communities lead to positive
outcomes.
Points of Divergence
Data gathered from interviews and surveys diverged from the literature on two major
areas. Literature indicated that women continue to cope with constant barriers in their path;
however, interview and survey participants differed. Latinas do not endure as many challenges
when it comes to their race. These are lower than those they face due to their gender.
Demonstrating their abilities gives Latinas the capacity to acquire the position in spite of their
race. Most importantly, all survey participants were fortunate to have advocates. The
relationships they build through hard work and dedication helped clear their path of challenges
others continue to face.
Summary and Discussion of Findings
This chapter presented an analysis of research findings collected from an online survey
emailed to thirty-five Latina superintendents in California and three in person and one phone
interview. The information gathered and the analysis presented aimed to provide insight to the
following three research questions:
1. What are the challenges Latinas face when ascending to the superintendency?
2. What are the challenges Latina superintendents face once in the position?
3. What are the strategies Latina superintendents make use of to successfully lead school
districts?
Ascending to the Superintendency
Findings obtained from the surveys revealed that, the majority, 64% of survey
respondents indicated they did not face challenges during their career path that prevented them
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 79
from obtaining the superintendency. Interview data supported this claim, since all four
superintendents were encouraged to apply for the position. As described by Superintendent 2, “In
my years in education I feel that I have been fortunate because people pushed me, helped me”
(personal communication, October 31, 2014). Even though interviewees were pushed or
promoted into the position, they did note the challenges that remain in the system. The position
continues to be dominated by White males and networks continue to be lacking for Latinas.
Although survey data indicated that only 36% of participants encountered challenges
when ascending to the superintendency, this percentage increased when asked if they believed
their gender had anything to do with the challenges they faced. While a majority, 56%, of
participants did not believe their ethnicity had anything to do with the challenges, 68% believed
their gender did. This was also found to be true based on the information gathered from
interviews. Superintendent 2 talked about the racial differentiation that is sometimes made
between superintendents. She said, “As a minority you always have to make sure you go above
and beyond because you will not be easily forgiven while others may be” (Personal
communication, October 31, 2014).
Once in the Position
As previously mentioned, the majority of survey participants believed challenges were
due to their gender more than to their ethnicity. As Craig and Hardy (1996) mentioned, the
standard for leadership in society is White masculine, and, while this is changing, there continues
to be a struggle for women. Only 36% of survey respondents indicated they faced challenges
once in the superintendency. Each interviewee cited different challenges during the first year as
superintendent: learning how to lead, dealing with stakeholders when race and gender
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 80
differentials are prevalent, learning how to manage the politics that surround the position and
gaining the strength needed to succeed regardless of the challenges.
Succeeding
Despite the challenges, Latina superintendents have shown their willingness and capacity
to endure and overcome the racial and gender unevenness that persist in the educational system.
Interview data showed that Latina superintendents cited board support, relationships, networks
and mentors, and personal wherewithal as critical to their success. The respondents indicated
that building a relationship and gaining the trust of board members can define a superintendent’s
career; if these are positively achieved, superintendents will have an easier time accomplishing
the mission and vision of their districts. They also mentioned that finding mentors and creating
networks provide additional support that can be tapped into when needed.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 81

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS
White males hold the majority of school superintendencies while women tend to hold the
majority of teacher positions. Social norms channeled women and men into different areas of
work (Tallerico, 1996). As a result of these social norms, Latinas fell behind in leadership
positions, and they lack in numbers at the superintendency level. Furthermore, as Craig and
Hardy (1996) mentioned, most gatekeepers at the top-level positions are men, and many still
cannot fully accept women as leaders. Although some obstacles are diminishing, the journey to
top leadership positions continues to be difficult for women, and research has been conducted
regarding the barriers women encounter when attaining superintendency positions. However,
there is limited research on the challenges of Latinas’ ascent to the superintendency and tenure in
the position. The purpose of this study was to understand the challenges Latina superintendents
in California contend with during their career path, the challenges of the position and the
strategies they made used of to be successful. To accomplish this, the following research
questions were utilized:
1. What are the challenges Latinas face when ascending to the superintendency?
2. What are the challenges Latina superintendents face once in the position?
3. What are the strategies Latina superintendents make use of to successfully lead school
districts?
A mixed-methods approach was used to gather the data needed to inform the research
questions. Quantitative data was collected from an online questionnaire created on
SurveyMonkey.com and emailed to thirty-five Latina current and retired superintendents in
California. Qualitative data was collected from four interviews conducted using nine open-
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 82
ended questions. Data collected from the surveys and interviews was triangulated with the
literature to find divergent and convergent themes.
Key Findings
In the section below, key findings from the data presented in chapter four are discussed in
order by research question. The discussion also includes the correlation between the findings
and the literature discussed in chapter two.
Ascending
For the most part, literature regarding the challenges of Latinas’ ascending to the
superintendency correlate with the findings collected through surveys and interviews. As
presented by the literature and findings, the superintendency continues to be a male-dominated
field, and the standard for leadership is White masculine. While interviewees benefited from
mentors and sponsors to obtain the position, the lack of networks continues to be a topic of
concern for Latinas, including the interviewees. Latinas do not have nearly as many networks as
men do. Latinas being promoted or pushed to apply for the superintendency was not a topic of
discussion in the literature; however, the importance of networks, sponsors, and mentors was a
critical part in both the literature and interviewees’ experiences.
Gender, however, remains a challenge. Interviewees recognized that, while they were
fortunate to have the support from former principals, superintendents, or search firms, the gender
gap continues to exist, and the position continues to be male lead. According to the literature,
the gender gap is further extended due to the perceptions board members and search firms have
of women. Possessing the expertise on curriculum and instruction has not been enough for
women based on literature found. Data collected counteract this belief, since this was a non-
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 83
issue for the women. On the contrary, interviewees possessed different experiences and had
different backgrounds; their financial or political experience was not an issue.
Once in the Position
Obtaining the superintendency does not eliminate challenges once in the position. On the
contrary, the literature and the research findings indicate that Latinas continue to encounter
difficulties when it comes to their gender. Although these are diminishing, they continue to
permeate in certain areas, making it difficult for Latinas to succeed. According to the literature
and interviewees’ accounts, the need for them to continuously prove themselves still resonates in
the educational system. They are seen in a different light, deal with social perceptions and
suppress qualities and emotions to prove they belonged. Demonstrating the qualities that lead
them to pursue a career in education, compassion, caring, patience, listening, were no longer
acceptable.
The political nature that the position has taken reinforces the challenges Latinas endure
even once they hold the position. Being able to deal with the politics that surround the position
is a requirement not only for the superintendent to be successful, but also for the schools to be
successful. The data collected, as well as the literature, referenced the political nature of the job.
The need to build good relationships with boards and communities was crucial for the women, as
these coalitions helped create an effective work environment. As one of the respondents
mentioned, they are not as easily forgiven as others may be. The differentiation Latinas
experience extends the gender disparity of the position. Regardless of the interviewees’ success
in attaining the position, gender continues to be a barrier that is not easily disregarded.
Strategies
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 84
Strategies are effective methods Latinas employ to manage the gender differentiation and
the political nature of the superintendency. Survey data indicated personal wherewithal was the
most important tactic Latina superintendents used. Their commitment, dedication, and passion
drove them to success. Similarly, the literature indicated that personal wherewithal was an
important factor in Latinas’ success rates. Furthermore, the literature indicated that mentors
played an important role. In the same way, data collected through surveys and interviews
revealed that mentors were essential in reaching the position or as guides once they earned the
position.
Women in general are thought to have a far smaller network than do men, but
interviewees’ accounts indicated the contrary. Their use of the networks they had or the
sponsors that encouraged them was the driving force, along with their personal wherewithal, that
led them to the superintendency. Respondents knew of the importance of building networks,
and, by gaining board and community support, they built the trust needed to run an effective
district.
Implications
The findings presented in this study have specific implications for current and aspiring
Latina superintendents. Latinas aspiring to the superintendency might be more intentional about
the mentoring opportunities available to them through supervisors, universities, or other
superintendents. Their awareness of the gender discrepancy in the position can lead to additional
efforts to create change, to become part of that effort and work to move the educational
institutions towards a new direction. Their awareness of institutional issues will help them
augment the importance of creating and maintaining networks that will benefit them before and
once in the position.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 85
Latina superintendents, on the other hand, might create opportunities for Latinas coming
up the ranks. Their personal experiences and challenges, along with the findings presented in
this study, will encourage them to help others navigate the process and guide them through the
challenges of race and gender. A willingness to become more accessible to others can help
reduce the current gap in terms of networks. Finally, by understanding the challenges that
Latinas undergo, educational institutions can become more aware of the differentiation between
men and women and provide support and professional development that can alleviate the gap.
Recommendations for Future Research
There is a lack of research that focuses on Latina superintendents in California. In a state
where the majority of student population is Hispanic, there is a critical need to research the
reasons the number of Latinas in the superintendency is lower than that of men. The literature
utilized in this study indicated that, while the majority of teachers are female, the number of
females in leadership positions continue be lower than that of males. Furthermore, of the
females in the superintendency, Latinas are very few. To help expand on the research, the
following recommendations are made for future study:
• Expand the current study to include additional Latina superintendents outside of
California
• Further explore the networks of Latinas
• Explore the organizational gaps that direct women and men into different paths
• Explore the reasons the number of Latinas in the superintendency falls behind that of
other women
• Explore reasons Latinas select to work in smaller districts versus larger districts.
• Explore the relationships between Latinas superintendents and school boards.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 86
Conclusion
The standard for the superintendency is White masculine. In an era where women and
men are seen as equals, we continue to see a gender discrepancy in the attainment of this
position. Latinas made great strides in the educational system, as they compose the majority of
teachers and begin to make their mark in top leadership positions. The superintendency has
become an attainable aspiration for Latinas, but not without challenges.
The appointment of Latinas to a position influenced by politics and guided by social
norms is difficult to achieve. However, regardless of the challenges, Latinas have shown that
their personal wherewithal is key both when ascending to the position and while in the position.
The fact that women are entering the superintendency can create a positive change; it can help
redefine the image of the position by bringing leadership styles different from those of their male
counterparts (Craig and Hardy, 2006). Latinas can be seen as transformational leaders, as they
seek to motivate their employees to work towards the best interest the students they serve. They
tend to encourage and share power (Craig & Hardy, 1996). These characteristics are what set
these women apart and, regardless of the challenges, their persistence and dedication will
transform the districts they serve. The refocus that education is undergoing created a need for
transformational leaders who can direct districts towards positive student outcomes. Latinas are
these transformational leaders needed to create change in an educational system guided by social
norms and political influences.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 87

References
Alston J.A., (2005). Tempered radicals and servant leaders: Black females persevering in the
superintendency. 41(4), 675-688.
Bjork, L.G. (2000). Introduction: women in the superintendency—advances in research and
theory. Educational Administration Quarterly. 36(1), 5-17
Bjork, L.G., & Keedy, J.L. (2001). Changing social context of education in the United States:
social justice and the superintendency. Journal of In-Service. 27(3), pg. 405-428)
Brunner, C.C., (1997) Women superintendents: strategies for success. Journal of Educational
Administration. 36(2), 160-182
Brunner, C.C. (2000). Unsettled moments in settled discourse: Women superintendents’
experiences of inequality. Educational Administration Quarterly. 36(1), 76-116
Chase, S.E., Bell, C.S. (1990). Ideology, discourse, and gender: how gatekeepers talk about
women school superintendents. Social Problems. 37(2), 163-177
Creswell, J.W. (2009). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods
approaches. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Derrington, M.L., Sharratt, G. (2009). Female superintendents: breaking barriers and challenging
life styles. The Delta Kappa Gamma Bulletin. 8-12
De Santa Ana, T.M. (2008). Opening up the superintendency. Leadership. 38(1), 24-27

Dobie, D.F., Hummel, B. (2006). Successful women superintendents in a gender biased
profession. Equity & Excellence in Education. 34(2), 22-28
Farr, J. (2004). Social capital: a conceptual history. Political Theory. 32(1), 6-33
Garcia and Pastor (2014). Presentation on Demographics California 2050
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 88
Glazer, J. S. (1991). Feminism and professionalism in teaching and educational administration.
Educational Administration Quarterly. 27(3), 321-342
Goddard, Y.L., Neumerski, C.M., Goddard, R.D., Salloum, S., Berebitsky, D. (2010). A
multilevel exploratory study of the relationship between teachers’ perceptions of
principals’ instructional supper and group norms for instruction in elementary schools.
The Elementary School Journal, 111(2), 336-357.
Grogran, M. (2000) Laying the groundwork for a reconception of the superintendency from
feminist postmodern perspectives. Educational Administration Quarterly, 36(1), 117-
142.
Houston, P. (2001) Superintendents for the 21
st
century: It’s not just a job, it’s a calling. The Phi
Delta Kappan, 82(6), 428-433.
Kowalski, T. J., and Stouder, J. G. (1999) Female experiences related to becoming a
superintendent. Contemporary Education. 70(4), 32-40
Litmanovitz, M. (2011). Beyond the classroom: women in education leadership. Harvard
Kennedy School Review, 11, 25-28
Los Angeles County Office of Education. Public Schools Directory
http://schooldirectory.lacoe.edu
Magdaleno, K. (2006) Mentoring Latino school leaders. Leadership. 36(1) 12-14
Mahitivanichcha, K., and Rorrer, A.K. (2006) Women’s choices within market constraints: re-
visioning access to and participation in the superintendency. Educational Administration
Quarterly. 42(4), 483-517
Maxwell, J. A. (2013). Qualitative research design: An interactive approach (3
rd
ed.). Los
Angeles: Sage Publications.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 89
McCallum, S., O’Connell, D. (2008). Social capital and leadership development: building
stronger leadership through enhanced relational skills. Leadership & Organization
Development Journal. 30(2), 152-166
McDonald, M. (1995) Feminist economics: from theory to research. The Canadian Journal of
Economics. 28(1), 159-176
Mendez-Morse, S. (2000) Claiming forgotten leadership. Urban Education. 35(5), 584-596
Mendez-Morse, S. (2004). Constructing mentors: Latina educational leaders’ role models and
mentors. Educational Administration Quarterly. 40( 4), 561-590
Merriam, S. B. (2009). Qualitative research: A guide to design and implementation. San
Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
National Center of Education Statistics (2013)
Normore, A.H., Jean-Marie, G. (2007) Female secondary school leaders: at the helm of social
justice, democratic schooling and equity. Leadership & Organization Development
Journal. 29(2), 182-205
Ortiz, F.I. (2001) Using social capital in interpreting the careers of three Latina superintendents.
Educational Administration Quarterly. 37(1), 58-85
Ortiz, F.I. (2000) Who controls succession in the superintendency?: A minority perspective.
Urban Education. 35(5), 557-566
Paredes Scribner S.M., Crow, G.M., Lopez, G.R., & Murtadha, K. (2011) Successful principals:
A contested notion for superintendents and principals. 21, 390-421
Patton, M.Q. (2000) Qualitative research and evaluation methods. Sage Publications.
Quilantan, M.C., Menchaca Ochoa, V. (2004). The superintendency becomes a reality for
Hispanic Women. Kappa Delta Pi. 40(3), 124-127.

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 90
Sharp, W., Malone, B., Walter, J., Supley, M.L. (2004) A three study of female
superintendents. Educational Research Quarterly. 27(3), 22-37
Skrla, L., Reyes, P., Scheurich, J.J. (2000) Sexism, silence, and solutions: Women
Superintendents speak up and speak out. Educational Administration Quarterly. 36 (1),
44-75
Tallerico, M. (2000) Gaining access to the superintendency: Headhunting, gender, and color.
Educational Administration Quarterly. 36(1), 18-43
Tallerico, M., Poole, W., and Burstyn, J.N. (1994) Exits from urban superintendencies: the
intersection of politics, race, and gender. Urban Education. 28(4), 439-454
Tallerico, M., Burstyn, J.N. (1996). Retaining women in the superintendency: The location
matters. Educational Administration Quarterly. 32, 642-664
Tillman, B.A., Cochran, L. L. (2000) Desegregating urban school administration: a pursuit of
equity for black women superintendents. Education and Urban Society. 33(1), 44-59
Wesson, L.H., & Grady, M.L. (1994) An analysis of women urban superintendents: A national
study. Urban Education. 28(4), 412-424
Woolcock, M., & Narayan, D. (2000) Social capital: implications for development theory,
research, and policy. The World Bank Research Observer. 15(2), 225-249

http://www.cde.ca.gov/ds/sd/cb/ceffingertipfacts.asp
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 91

Appendix A
Recruitment Email Cover Letter

Survey Recruitment Letter

April 12, 2014

Dear [Name],

My name is Xochitl Martinez, a doctoral student in the Rossier School of Education at the
University of Southern California. I am conducting a research study as part of my dissertation
process under the direction of Dr. Pedro Garcia. My study focuses on the challenges Latinas
face during their career progression to the superintendency and once in the position.
Furthermore, I am exploring the strategies Latinas use to excel in the position and lead school
districts.

You have been identified as someone who is a Latina superintendent in California, who may be
eligible to participate. Participation would require a one time 15-minute survey.
Participation in this study is entirely voluntary. Your identity will remain confidential at all
times. Your relationship with USC will not be affected whether or not you participate in this
study.

If you have questions, please feel free to contact me via email or phone: Xochitl Martinez
xmartine@usc.edu or (323) 571-7017.

Thank you for your consideration,
Xochitl Martinez
University of Southern California

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 92

Appendix B
Information Sheet
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Waite Phillips Hall
3470 Trousdale Parkway,

Los Angeles, CA 90089

INFORMATION/FACTS SHEET FOR EXEMPT NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

“Latinas in the Superintendency: The Challenges Experienced Before and After
Obtaining the Superintendency”

You are invited to participate in a research study. Research studies include only people who
voluntarily choose to take part. This document explains information about this study. You should
ask questions about anything that is unclear to you.

Participation in the study is voluntary; your relationship with USC or HPU will not be affected,
whether or not you participate in this study.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of this study is to identify the challenges Latinas face during their career
progression to the superintendency and once in the position. Additionally, this study will explore
the strategies these women utilize to help them navigate through these challenges to successfully
lead school districts.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you agree to take part in this study you will be asked to participate in a 15 minute online
survey and a 30 minute audio taped interview. You do not have to answer any question(s) that
you do not feel comfortable with. Finally, if you do not want to be recorded during the interview
you have that option; you can still participate.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
No payment or compensation will be given for participation in this study.

ALTERNATIVES TO PARTICIPATION
Your alternative is to not participate in this study.

CONFIDENTIALITY
There will be no identifiable information obtained in connection with this study. Your name,
address or other identifiable information will not be linked to your responses.

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 93
The data collected will be stored in a password-protected computer database behind a secure
firewall for three years after the study is completed, and will then be destroyed.

The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects
Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research
studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
Principal Investigator, Xochitl Martinez via email at xmartine@usc.edu or phone (323) 571-7017
or the Faculty Advisor, Dr. Pedro Garcia via email at pegarcia@usc.edu or phone at (213) 740-
1208.

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
University Park Institutional Review Board (UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los
Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 94

Appendix C
Survey Instrument

Latina Superintendents: Challenges and Strategies
Survey Instrument

Personal Characteristics

1. Please select the age group that best describes you:
35 years or younger
36-40 years
41-45 years
46-50 years
51-55 years
56-60 years
61 years or older

2. Marital status
Single (never married)
Single (divorced/separated)
Single (widowed)
Married
Other

3. At what age did you become superintendent?
35 years or younger
36-40 years
41-45 years
46-50 years
51-55 years
56-60 years
61 years or older

Professional characteristics

4. What is the highest degree you hold?
BA or BS
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 95
Master’s Degree
Ed.D.
Ph.D.
In progress, working towards a doctorate

5. Is your background primarily in
Elementary education
Secondary education
Business
Other (please specify):

6. Was your first superintendency
Within the district you were employed
Outside the district were you were employed

7. How many districts did you apply to before obtaining the superintedency?
1-3
4-6
7-9
10-13
14 or more

8. How many years did it take you to obtain your first superintendency?
1-3
4-6
7-9
10-13
14 or more

9. How many school superintendencies have you held, including your current district?
1-2
3-4
5-6
7-8
9 or more

10. How many years have you served or did you serve as superintendent?
1-3
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 96
4-6
7-9
10-13
14 or more

District Demographics

11. How many students does your current district serve?
Less than 2500
2,501-15,000
15,001-50,000
50,001-100,000
100,001 or more

12. District Configuration
K-6
K-8
K-12
7-12
9-12

13. Type of district you work for or last worked for?
Rural
Urban
Suburban

14. Ethnic composition of current or last district worked for?
Majority White
Majority Hispanic
Majority African American
50% African American
50 % White
50 % Hispanic
Other: Please Explain

Challenges

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 97
15. Did you face challenges that prevented you from obtaining the position?
Yes
No

16. Do you think your race had anything to do with the challenges you faced before and once
in the superintendency ?
Yes
No

17. Do you think your gender had anything to do with the challenges you faced before and
once in the superintendency?
Yes
No

18. Did you have support systems?
Yes
No

19. Did you receive any training to prepare you for the position?
Yes
No

20. Did social expectations make it difficult to attain the superintendency?
Yes
No

21. Did cultural expectations make it difficult to attain the superintendency?
Yes
No

22. Did school board members or search committee’s perceptions affect your appointment?
Yes
No

23. Do you think your ethnicity affected your appointment?
Yes
No
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 98

24. Do you think your gender affected your appointment?
Yes
No

Strategies for Success

25. Did you have specific strategies that you followed to be successful?
Yes
No

If yes, please list them:

26. How important was it to follow those strategies?
Very important
Important
Somewhat important
Not important

27. How did you come up with these strategies?
By myself, through experience
Colleagues
Mentors
Other (please explain):

28. Did you consider your race when developing those strategies?
Yes
No

29. Did you consider your gender when developing those strategies?
Yes
No

30. Was it difficult to balance your personal and professional life?
Yes
No
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 99

31. What factors came in to play when serving as superintendents?
Mentors
Role models
Support at home
Personal wherewithal
Other (please explain):

Follow Up
32. Would you be willing to be contacted for a follow-up interview related to this topic?
Yes
No

Thank you for your interest in being contacted for a follow-up interview. Please provide
your information below:

Name:
District:
City:
Email Address:
Phone number:

LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 100

Appendix D
Interview Protocol
Latina Superintendents: Challenges and Strategies
Interview Protocol

Date: Interviewee:
Time: District:
Location:

Background
1. Please describe your career progression that led you to the superintendency.
Probes: What positions did you hold? For how long?

2. Describe your first year as superintendent.
Probe: Was it what you expected? Why or why not?

Challenges before the superintendency
3. What challenges did you face during your career path towards becoming a
superintendent?
Probes: How did your ethnicity affect your career path towards the
superintendency? How did your gender affect your career path towards the
superintendency? Did your colleagues also face these same challenges when they
were working towards the superintendency? (male or White female
superintendents)? Please describe. How did you feel about these challenges?
What motivated to continue aspiring towards the superintendency?

Challenges once in the superintendency
4. What challenges did you faced once you obtained the superintendency?
Probes: How did your ethnicity affect your superintendency? How did your
gender affect your superintendency? Did your colleagues face the same
challenges while in the superintendency? (male or White females). Please explain.
How did you feel about these challenges? What were the motivational factors that
facilitated your time in the superintendency?

Strategies
5. Describe the strategies you used to thrive in your position and successfully lead
school districts.
LATINAS IN THE SUPERINTENDENCY 101
Probe: Which were the most crucial? Describe the support you received
throughout your career (from home and work). Was this support critical to your
success?

Additional Questions
6. Describe the expectations the board, colleagues, and school employees had of you?
Probe: Do you believe these were different or harsher because of your ethnicity
and gender?

7. What were the motivational factors behind your aspiration to serve as
superintendent?

8. How do you think the career of a Latina superintendent differs from that of a male
or white female superintendent?
Probe: Do you think you have to continuously prove yourself? If so, how does this
make you feel?

9. What advice would you give to other Latinas aspiring to the superintendency?

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The purpose of this study was to gain insight about the challenges Latina superintendents contend with, specifically Latina superintendents in California. This study encompassed three components. First, it sought to identify the challenges Latina superintendents encountered during their ascension to the position. Second, it aimed to identify the challenges Latinas face once they obtained the position. Third, this study sought to identify the strategies Latinas utilized to help them navigate these challenges and succeed in the position. This study implemented a mixed-methods approach in which twenty-five Latina superintendents completed a survey, four of these surveyed superintendents also participated in a semi-structured interview. The study’s findings indicate that when ascending, Latinas lack the networks, are seen as too emotional and enter a field that continues to be male-dominated. Once in the position, they must contend with the politics, race and gender differences, learning the position and demonstrating their potential. Finally, creating relationships, establishing a good rapport with the school board, maintaining networks and mentors, and personal wherewithal have been strategies used by Latinas to succeed in the position.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Successful communication strategies used by urban school district superintendents to build consensus in raising student achievement

PDF

Strategies used by superintendents in developing leadership teams

PDF

Effective strategies superintendents utilize in building political coalitions to increase student achievement

PDF

An examination of traditional versus non-traditional superintendents and the strategies they employ to improve student achievement

PDF

Strategies used by superintendents in developing leadership teams

PDF

Female superintendents in California and the role that mentoring and networking have played in their sucess

PDF

The impact of networks and mentorships to champion women as superintendents in southern California

PDF

Successful strategies and skills utilized by high school principals as perceived by San Diego County superintendents

PDF

A study of California public school district superintendents and their implementation of 21st century skills

PDF

Leadership strategies employed by K–12 urban superintendents to improve the academic achievement of English language learners

PDF

The sustainability of superintendent-led reforms to improve student achievement

PDF

Strategies for relationship and trust building by successful superintendents: a case study

PDF

Model leadership: discovering successful principals' skills, strategies and approaches for student success

PDF

Strategies California superintendents use to implement 21st century skills programs

PDF

Should it say or should it go: how successful superintendents build, shift, and transform district culture in an age of increasing accountability

PDF

21st century superintendents: the dynamics related to the decision-making process for the selection of high school principals

PDF

Case study: underrepresentation of women in high school principalships and challenges they face in the workplace

PDF

Leadership strategies employed by K-12 urban superintendents to improve the academic achievement of English language learners

PDF

The critical aspects of oversight that suburban superintendents, as instructional leaders, must employ to improve instruction

PDF

Strategies employed by successful urban superintendents responding to demands for student achievement reform

Asset Metadata

Creator Martinez, Xochitl M. (author)

Core Title Latinas in the superintendency: the challenges experienced before and after obtaining the superintendency and strategies used for success

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 04/20/2015

Defense Date 03/23/2015

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag challenges,Females,Latinas,male-dominated,OAI-PMH Harvest,strategies,Success,superintendency,superintendent

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor García, Pedro Enrique (committee chair), Castruita, Rudy Max (committee member), Escalante, Michael F. (committee member)

Creator Email xmartine@usc.edu,xmartinez85@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-553419

Unique identifier UC11297464

Identifier etd-MartinezXo-3342.pdf (filename),usctheses-c3-553419 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-MartinezXo-3342.pdf

Dmrecord 553419

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Martinez, Xochitl M.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA