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How can I help you? college students' perceptions of financial aid advisors
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Running head: COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
HOW CAN I HELP YOU?
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
by
Roya N. Aminzadeh
______________________________________________________________________________
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF EDUCATION
(EDUCATIONAL COUNSELING)
May 2015
Copyright 2015 Roya N. Aminzadeh
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
2
Dedication
I would like to dedicate this Thesis to my beautiful parents, Perry and Sholeh.
I owe everything I have to you both.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
3
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to my Thesis chair, Dr. Kristan Venegas. Thank
you for your guidance, support, and immense knowledge. Thank you to the rest of my committee
members, Dr. Tatiana Melguizo, and Dr. Paul Dieken for your positivity and insightful
comments.
I would like to acknowledge my best friend, Anoushah Rasta. Thank you for showing me that
anything is possible with determination, and teaching me about appropriate comma usage.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
4
Table of Contents
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... 2
Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... 3
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. 6
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... 7
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 8
Who Funds Higher Education? ................................................................................................... 8
Federal and State Funding ...................................................................................................... 8
How Students and Families Fund Higher Education .................................................................. 9
An Overview of the U.S. Financial Aid System ....................................................................... 10
Purpose of Financial Aid ...................................................................................................... 11
FAFSA .................................................................................................................................. 12
Statement of the Problem .......................................................................................................... 13
Purpose of the Study ................................................................................................................. 13
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................................... 15
College Finances and Its Impact on College Students .............................................................. 15
Demographic Factors ............................................................................................................ 15
Perspectives on Financial Aid ................................................................................................... 17
Students ................................................................................................................................. 17
Financial Aid Administrators and College Counselors ........................................................ 19
Parents ................................................................................................................................... 21
Sociocultural Theory ................................................................................................................. 22
Summary ................................................................................................................................... 24
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY ..................................................................................... 25
Site Selection ............................................................................................................................ 25
Sample and Population ............................................................................................................. 26
Sampling Technique ............................................................................................................. 26
Criteria for Selection ............................................................................................................. 26
Selection Process .................................................................................................................. 27
Data Analysis ............................................................................................................................ 29
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS AND ANALYSIS ....................................................................... 30
Review of Data Collection Methods ......................................................................................... 30
Description of the Participants .................................................................................................. 31
Table 1 .................................................................................................................................. 32
Bourdieu’s Social and Cultural Capital Theory ........................................................................ 33
Forms of Communication ......................................................................................................... 38
Financial Aid Representatives’ Lack of Differentiation Between Students ............................. 40
Tension Between Students and Counselors/Advisors Regarding a Ppush for More Information
................................................................................................................................................... 43
Reflections on the Results ......................................................................................................... 46
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND FUTURE RESEARCH ..... 48
Summary of Findings ................................................................................................................ 50
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
5
Limitations ................................................................................................................................ 52
Recommendations ..................................................................................................................... 53
Table 2 .................................................................................................................................. 55
Table 3 .................................................................................................................................. 56
Future Research ........................................................................................................................ 57
Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 59
References: ................................................................................................................................ 62
Appendix A: Recruitment Flyer................................................................................................ 65
Appendix B: Informed Consent ................................................................................................ 66
Appendix C: Semi-Structured Focus Group Interview Protocol .............................................. 69
Appendix D: Sociocultural Theory and Interview Questions ................................................... 71
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
6
List of Tables
Table 1: Description of Participants ............................................................................................. 32
Table 2: Most Important and Frequently Utilized Competencies ................................................. 55
Table 3: Grouping of Competencies ............................................................................................. 56
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
7
Abstract
This research explores students’ perceptions of their interactions with advisors in the financial
aid office at a large, public, four-year institution in California. Twelve individual interviews were
held with students from this institution. Drawing upon Henry Bourdieu’s forms of capital as a
theoretical framework, discussions with students revolved around how financial aid
counselors/advisors can serve as a form of social or cultural capital. Although few themes
emerged from Bourdieu’s forms of capital, students shared similar sentiments regarding (a)
methods of communication (b) financial aid representatives’ lack of differentiation between
students, and (c) tensions between students and representatives regarding a push for more
information. The findings of this study might encourage financial aid offices nationwide to
assess their organizations’ delivery of services to ensure that they are meeting the ongoing needs
of their students.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
8
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
The U.S. financial aid system serves millions of students every year. According to the
U.S. Department of Education, 85% of first-time, full-time undergraduate students receive some
form of financial aid, which includes grants, scholarships, and loans. Although complex and
often difficult to comprehend, financial aid is a crucial tool for student access to higher
education. Policymakers tend to focus on the economics of higher education, while paying less
attention to the psychosocial factors when evaluating students’ attendance and persistence
through college (Dowd, 2006). As college students pursue their education, financial aid offices
and advisors can serve as vital resources. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to explore
students’ perceptions of their interactions with their financial aid office and advisors at a four-
year, public institution in California. The following section will provide a brief overview of the
funding of higher education in the United States.
Who Funds Higher Education?
Federal and State Funding
Despite a greater demand for a college degree in the past several decades, the weak
recovery from the Great Recession of 2008, has constrained federal budgets and negatively
affected state funding of higher education in the United States. State funding has steadily
decreased in all but two states, North Dakota and Wyoming, with Mortenson (2012) predicting
that state level funding will reach 0% by 2059. State grant aid has declined since 2008 (Johnson,
Leachman, Oliff & Palacios, 2013). In response to the steep cuts, colleges and universities drove
up tuition. Jamrinsko and Kolett (2012) revealed that the nation has seen an overall rise in tuition
by 1120%, whereas Baum and Payea (2013) noted a 260% increase at public four-year
institutions in the past 30 years.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
9
In 2009, the negative repercussions of higher tuition costs on low and middle-income
students prompted the federal government to expand financial aid and tax credits to assist
families with paying for college. From 2010-2014, the number of Federal Pell Grant recipients
rose from 30% to 43%, adding four million recipients to the group (Sallie Mae, 2014). However,
as more students became eligible, Pell Grant expenditures decreased by 32.3 billion since 2011 –
lessening the purchasing power of the Pell Grant (Baum & Payea, 2013). In other words,
although more families use Pell Grants to finance higher education, the amount they receive is
less than in years’ past. Ultimately, the government’s assistance has helped offset costs for some
students in low-tuition states, but the majority of individuals have borne increased costs.
How Students and Families Fund Higher Education
Besides the aforementioned enrollment decisions, students and families cope with rising
college tuition by implementing cost-cutting measures, which includes reducing overall
spending, living closer to home or with a roommate, and enrolling in more courses per term to
graduate earlier. (Fidelity, 2013; Sallie Mae, 2014). Despite these tactics, students continue to
graduate with student loan debt. According to Baum & Payea (2013), 60% of public and private
non-profit, four-year college graduates from 2011-12 borrowed an average of $26,500 to pay for
their education. Educational loans are essential for low and middle-income students who might
otherwise not attend college or drop out due to financial reasons (Jackson & Reynolds, 2013;
Goldrick-Rab, Harris, & Trostel, 2009; Gladieux, 2004). However the consequences of student
loan debt can be beyond graduation, negatively impacting individuals and the overall economy.
Multiple studies reveal that those who incur loan debt are more likely to delay major life
decisions such as getting married, buying a home, or starting a family, as well pursuing graduate
school or accepting jobs in lower-paying fields (e.g. public service) (Boatman, Evans, & Soliz,
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
10
2014; Field, 2009; Millett 2003; Dwyer, McCloud, Hodson, 2012). Furthermore, debt can lead to
a reduction in lifetime wealth. Hiltonsmith (2013) predicted that households with $53,000 in
education debt will experience a wealth loss of virtually $208,000 compared to households with
no debt. Still, Brookings Institute researchers, Beth Akers and Mathew Chingos (2014), reveal
that since lifetime incomes for college graduates have risen alongside college costs and
borrowing in the past two decades, there has not been a significant impact on households with
student debt.
Despite Akers and Chingos’ claims, the idea of accumulating debt to finance higher
education might deter prospective students from applying to and enrolling in college (Luna De
La Rosa 2006). Theories in behavioral economics point to risk aversion as a factor which
discourages prospective students during the college decision-making process, explaining that
students may choose not to borrow due to the unpredictability of the job market or fear of
accumulating too much debt without the ability to pay it off (Boatman, Evans, & Soliz, 2014).
Hence, financially-strapped students might presume college to be unaffordable. Financial aid can
serve as a resource to remedy the financial concerns of prospective college students, but like
many other government programs, its complexities serve as another barrier to college access for
students with low-income backgrounds.
An Overview of the U.S. Financial Aid System
The year 1965 was a critical period for low-income students pursuing higher education.
During that year, Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Higher Education Act, which would “help poor
and disadvantaged young people gain access to a college education, by providing funding to
struggling colleges that served disadvantaged populations [such as traditional black colleges],
and by making federal grants and guaranteed loans available to low-income students” (“Higher
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
11
education act,” 2009, para. 1). However, The Higher Education Act was not the first bill
designed to assist low-income students. From the 1930’s to 60’s, the government provided aid to
students with the most financial need, WWII veterans, and students studying in the STEM fields
as a way to increase global competitiveness (“Higher education act,” 2009). Yet, the unique
feature of Johnson’s new bill was its accessibility for financially-struggling colleges,
universities, and underrepresented students nationwide.
By 1972, the government continued its commitment to low-income students and added
the Pell Grant and State Student Incentive Grants, which provided aid directly to colleges and
students, and encouraged states to develop their own financial aid programs, respectively
(“Higher education act,” 2009). Four years later, the government introduced “guaranteed student
loans,” which were accessible to all students regardless of their financial background. The
guaranteed student loans were later repealed in 1981 because the government once again
required students to show financial need in order to receive a guaranteed student loan (“Higher
education act,” 2009). Currently, the Pell Grant and Unsubsidized/Subsidized Stafford Loan are
the primary sources of aid for undergraduate students (Dynarski & Scott-Clayton, 2006).
Purpose of Financial Aid
The U.S. government’s purpose for financial aid was to create a system where college is
accessible to all (“Higher education act,” 2009). President Johnson purportedly understood that
higher education gives Americans a significant advantage in an increasingly global economy.
Indeed, college graduates reportedly make an average of $17,500 more than individuals with
only a high school diploma. Furthermore, financial aid is a critical tool for enrolling, retaining,
and graduating students (Soria,Weiner, & Lu, 2014; Luna De La Rosa, 2006; Jackson &
Reynolds, 2013; Mckinney & Roberts, 2012). Federal and state governments seem to have
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
12
attempted to maintain President Johnson’s vision through its continuous, but dwindling, support
for aid programs, yet the sheer number of low and middle-income students enrolling in
universities nationwide complicate the Higher Education Act’s original purpose.
FAFSA
To simplify the financial aid process, the federal government created the Free
Application for Federal Student Aid in 1992. The government uses formulas to determine how
much aid students are eligible for and the amount of expected family contribution (EFC)
(Dynarski & Scott-Clayton, 2013). Despite the federal government’s intentions, students and
families often found the form to be complicated. Specifically, first generation and low-income
students, for whom financial aid was originally intended, had difficulty navigating the lengthy,
detailed form (Dynarski & Scott-Clayton, 2006, Goldrick-Rab et al., 2009). Bettinger, Long,
Oreopoulos, & Sanbonmatsu (2012) explained that the FAFSA “includes more than 100 detailed
questions on topics ranging from earnings, savings, the receipt of government benefits, parental
education attainment, driver’s license number, previous drug convictions, and intended college
plans” (p. 1206). Dynarski & Scott-Clayton (2006) compared it to filing taxes, concluding that
tax filing was simpler than completing the FAFSA.
The FAFSA’s extensive components and intimidating threat of fines and prison time for
inaccurate information, has led students to forgo the financial aid application process and enroll
in college without receiving aid or, perhaps even worse, not enrolling at all (Luna De La Rosa,
2006; Mckinney & Roberts, 2012; Bettinger et. al, 2012). Recently, the federal government
attempted to simplify the FAFSA. Dynarski & Scott-Clayton (2013) note how the major changes
include allowing applicants to skip irrelevant questions and to upload previously reported tax
data.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
13
Ultimately, the goal of the financial aid system was to serve students in great financial
need. Nevertheless, some students continue to struggle financially as they are admitted to and
enroll in college(s).
Statement of the Problem
Colleges and universities must adapt to the changing economic needs of their students,
specifically those from economically or socially disadvantaged backgrounds. Financial aid is a
central component of higher education, thus financial aid advisors can be instrumental in
fostering college students’ academic, social, and professional experiences. While research has
alluded to this idea, through the eyes of students and college counselors, the literature primarily
focuses on high school and community college settings. Students are increasingly graduating
with debt or regrets regarding financial decisions in college (Fidelity, 2012). Yet, little is known
about financial aid and its impacts on currently enrolled college students at four-year institutions.
More importantly, few studies explore students’ perceptions of their financial aid office and
advisors. One might wonder how college students’ interactions with financial aid advisors play a
role in their experiences at their university.
Purpose of the Study
As such, the purpose of this study is to explore student perceptions of their financial aid
advisor(s) at a large, public, four-year research institution in California. Using a sociocultural
lens, the study will draw upon the relation between students’ sociocultural backgrounds and their
views of financial aid, as well as their interactions with an advisor or counselor. This leads to the
research question: What are current college students’ perceptions of their interactions with their
financial aid office and/or advisor(s) as a resource for financing their undergraduate studies?
To gain a rich understanding of students’ perceptions, the study will be conducted using a
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
14
sociocultural lens and will draw upon the work of Pierre Bourdieu. Bourdieu (1986) explained
that three forms of capital exist. The first form is economic capital, such as financial assets or
cash. The second is cultural capital (i.e. non-financial assets), and relates to how an individual
dresses, their education level or speaking style. The third form of capital is social capital, which
is the human networks and connections of an individual, or the group(s) he or she belongs to.
While financial aid and economics naturally intertwine, students’ understanding of money and
finances can stem from a cultural or social perspective.
In regards to financing college, a first-generation college student might lack knowledge
of the various aspects of higher education or be unaware of opportunities to finance his or her
education, while a student whose parents or sibling(s) graduated from college may potentially
have help in navigating college finances. These sociocultural perspectives are crucial in shaping
a student’s understandings and perspectives on college, which is precisely the reason for this
study.
This paper will explore students’ perceptions of their financial aid office using a
qualitative approach. First, research pertaining to students’, counselors’, and parents’ perceptions
of financial aid will be reviewed. In addition, an overview of the study’s theoretical framework
will be provided. Next, a review of the methodology used in this study will be described in
detail. Lastly, data results, a thorough data analysis and implications for future research and
practice will be shared.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
15
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
The complexities of financing college can negatively shape the financial attitudes of high
school and current college students. As previously discussed in Chapter One, low-income and
first-generation students are most affected by the nuances of the financial aid system. Guidance
counselors, financial aid advisors, peers, and, for some, parents are valuable resources for not
only relaying financial aid information to students, but influencing high school students’
decisions in college choice and financing options (McDonough & Calderone, 2006, Tierney &
Venegas, 2006, Luna De La Rosa, 2006).
In spite of this, counselors’ interactions with high school students are influenced by the
counselors’ socioeconomic background and perceptions of their students’ financial and academic
abilities (McDonough & Calderone, 2006). Although most research on counselors’ perceptions
of their students’ understanding of financial aid has been at the high school and community
college level, these studies suggest that financial aid advisors should have an adequate
understanding of their students’ social and cultural backgrounds, which can guide their practice.
The following review attempts to consolidate literature pertaining to both students’, counselors’,
and parents’ perceptions of financial aid, as well as studies that have used a sociocultural
framework to explain how counselors’ and students’ backgrounds can play a role in the advice
they give and receive, respectively.
College Finances and Its Impact on College Students
Demographic Factors
Research pertaining to college graduates’ financial decisions point to several attitude and
behavioral differences based on race, age, socioeconomic status and gender (Higher one, 2014;
Soria, Weiner, & Lu, 2014; Houle, 2013; Jackson & Reynolds; 2013). In their qualitative study,
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
16
McDonough & Calderone (2006) explain that Latino/a students are typically more risk averse
than African American, Asian, and Caucasian students. Furthermore, Jackson & Reynolds’
(2013) longitudinal study on student loans and racial differences revealed that African American
students are more likely to incur higher levels of debt than Latino/a, Asian, or Caucasian
students, which was confirmed again in Houle’s (2013) study on parents’ socioeconomic
resources and young adult student loan debt.
Higher One’s 2014 report, “Money Matters on Campus,” examined college students'
perceptions of early financial attitudes and preparation. The report’s findings revealed that
Caucasian students displayed the healthiest financial attitudes when compared to African
American, Hispanic, or Asian students, most likely due to their higher socioeconomic status. The
study defined healthy financial behavior as being “more financially cautious, less compulsive,
less accepting of debt as necessary, more utilitarian, less indulgent, and less focused on
possessions” (p. 20). Additionally, age and gender was an indicator of financial attitudes in
college students, with students displaying “healthier” attitudes as they persisted through school.
Furthermore, the report explained that males were more knowledgeable than females about their
finances, but males displayed unhealthy spending behaviors, were less cautious, and were more
likely to be accepting of debt. This implies that students first transitioning to college might make
poor financial decisions, which could be an issue as they return the next year or prepare to
graduate and must repay their loans. The aforementioned studies suggest that financial attitudes
can differ based on race, gender, and socioeconomic status. This implies that students from
various backgrounds might differ in how they perceive money and their finances. Additionally,
students’ views on money can play a part in how they receive financial aid and use it.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
17
Perspectives on Financial Aid
Students
Most research on student experiences and perceptions regarding financial aid has focused
on high school students. Generally, high school students rely on educational administrators, such
as teachers, coaches, counselors, college representatives, family, or peers as sources of
information on financial aid (Luna De La Rosa, 2006; Tierney & Venegas, 2006; McDonough &
Calderone, 2006). Luna De La Rosa (2006) utilized data from the 2004 College Access and
Financial Aid survey, which examined experiences of 3,600 11
th
and 12
th
graders in seven low-
income schools in California. The author found that students overwhelmingly reported receiving
information from counselors, teachers, or coaches suggesting that administrators can be a
valuable resource. Additionally, survey findings seemed to indicate that certain students found
the information to be useful, with 33.9% juniors finding financial aid information to be mostly
helpful to very helpful and 41.9% for seniors. Luna De La Rosa’s interpretation is that students
interested in attending a 4-year institution found the information they received to be helpful
because they applied that knowledge when applying for federal financial aid and scholarships.
However, students who did not have a 4-year plan or planned to attend a community college
would not apply for federal financial aid. An alarming finding was that some low-income
students believed that college and financial aid information was not for them. However, students
who knew of a knowledgeable source sought out ways to receive the most information. For
instance, Tierney and Venegas (2006) revealed that some high school students strategically
decided to volunteer in their counseling office to easily access a guidance counselor who was
knowledgeable about the financial aid process. Otherwise, students explained that they did not
feel they would receive adequate financial aid information about college.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
18
In another study related to financial aid information and high school students, Venegas
(2006) explored Internet use among students in low-income urban schools. The results showed
that despite a plethora of financial aid information online, students struggled with navigating
complex forms and documents. While they understood the concept of the FAFSA, they lacked
knowledge about the overall financial aid process. Therefore, for high school students, advisors
are perceived as necessary guides, who can remove financial and educational barriers for low-
income and racial and ethnic-minority students.
The struggles that low-income students have in understanding financial aid do not end in
high school -- their collegiate peers face similar concerns. One study sought working college
students’ perspectives on financial aid at three commuter institutions in a Midwestern
metropolitan area. Pellicciotti, Player-Sanders, Fischer, Torres, and Ziskin (2014) conducted 22
focus groups and arrived at three themes: The principles, regulations, and processes surrounding
the concept of financial aid are difficult to understand, financial aid often failed to provide
enough financial support for students to attend school throughout the duration of their studies,
students associated financial aid to their economic condition and, “norms and values surrounding
money, work, debt, and schooling” (p. 437-446). Students expressed feelings of anxiety and
uncertainty regarding the financial aid system, noting that there was more flexibility in their
work schedules than aid packages, leading some participants to work longer hours to finance
their education-related bills. Furthermore, the study claimed that participants understood that
there was money available to them in forms of grants and scholarships, but were unsure how to
access the resources, placing the blame on the financial aid office’s lack of useful information. A
noteworthy finding of the study was that the more affluent and middle-income students found
financial aid to be a relatively simple, straightforward, and positive process, whereas, lower-
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
19
income students expressed the most frustrations with their counselors and the overall system.
This suggests that counselors’ perceptions of students’ socioeconomic status might influence
their advising style in a college setting. This argument begs further research, given the diversity
of enrolled students in post-secondary institutions. If advisors are essential to the success of their
students, specifically those who have to overcome the most barriers, it is important for them to
understand their students’ sociocultural and economic backgrounds.
Financial Aid Administrators and College Counselors
In a widely cited study, McDonough & Calderone (2006) “explored the ways in which
sociocultural understandings of money contribute to the implicit disconnect between low-income
families and [high school] counselors on financial aid” through a grounded theory approach and
the use of focus groups and interviews (p.1705). The researchers found great variation across
schools in regards to quality and quantity of information shared to students and parents. Some
high schools provided information in the form of handouts, while others frequently gave
presentations and even invited alumni to discuss financing higher education. Secondly, many
counselors shared a “not my job” mentality in that they would help students and their families
based solely on their job duties and requirements. Lastly, counselors, who came from middle to
upper-income backgrounds, seemed to push their low-income students towards the community
college as the only other affordable path towards college. The findings hinted at a deeper bias in
counselors such that “school personnel’s expectations are largely influenced by their beliefs
about race, ethnicity, and social class…[which, in turn affects] how they interact with, support,
and advise students and their families” (p.1712). The authors concluded that counselors appeared
to possess different perceptions about money, financial aid, and affordability than parents and
students’ from low-income backgrounds.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
20
In addition to the perceptions of high school counselors, studies have focused on
community college counselors’ perceptions of financial aid (McKinney & Roberts, 2012;
McKinney, Roberts, & Shefman, 2013). McKinney & Roberts (2012) used a social capital
framework and developed an original survey instrument, which sought counselors’
demographics, accessibility, and perceptions regarding students’ understanding of financial aid.
The study targeted 593 community college financial aid counselors, advisors, and specialists in
California, Texas, and Florida. The demographic makeup of the study was that 54% of the
counselors were white, 22% Latino, and 15% African American. The counselors perceived the
main reason students do not file for the FAFSA to be attributed to students’ correct assumptions
that parents earn too much money, financial aid paperwork is too complicated, miss deadlines, or
the high school does a poor job of preparing them. Issues with the FAFSA were a reoccurring
theme in both studies. While community college counselors noted that students needed help
filling out the FAFSA, they expressed frustrations with their high work volume and student-
counselor contact ratio. Their responses suggest a desire to help students, but lack of resources
and time hinder them from doing so.
In a later study, which utilized the same data, McKinney, Roberts, & Shefman (2013)
found that approximately 92% of community college financial aid counselors “Agreed” or
“Strongly Agreed” that the level of loan debt among community college students is a problem.
According to the researchers, one counselor’s comment further expressed this concern and said,
“student loan debt has increased very rapidly and is worrisome. Financial aid advising is
consequently done individually, in workshops, in class, and every time possible, however,
students still request to borrow the maximum allowed when taking loans” (p.7). This study
provides insight into community college counselors’ perceptions of their students’ understanding
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
21
of financial aid, which points to the value counselors can add to their students’ experiences.
However, in addition to counselors, parents can have influence over students’ receipt and
understanding of financial aid.
Parents
Houle’s (2013) study examined the relationship between parents’ socioeconomic status
and young adult student loan debt and found that young adults from middle-income backgrounds
were more likely to incur higher levels of debt compared to students from low and high-income
backgrounds due to the relatively lower financial aid awards they qualify for. Moreover, while
the author found “few differences in the amount of debt among debtors, young adults from high-
income and educated families were much less likely to take on very high debt burdens compared
to their low-SES counterparts” (p. 66). Hence, how parents make meaning of money and their
backgrounds can influence students’ perceptions and behaviors towards financial aid.
Parents’ understanding of financial aid can vary by race as well. McDonough &
Calderone (2006) explain that some Latino/a and African American parents (who are more likely
to be from low-income backgrounds and have not graduated from college) perceive the language
in financial aid information to be confusing (e.g. distinguishing between grants vs. loans), or are
resistant to loans because they think it is the parents’ responsibility to pay for college, or are risk
averse to loans. The majority of Latino/a families and their youth, specifically first generation
students, are unfamiliar with costs of higher education and the financial aid system (Pachon &
Zarate, 2006). Regardless of influence type, an individual’s perceptions of college, money, and
financial aid can depend heavily on his or her social and cultural upbringing.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
22
Sociocultural Theory
Studies on financial aid and its impacts on college students have been complex due to
methodological approaches that produce mixed results (Dowd, 2006; Goldrick-Rab et al., 2009).
In a thorough review of literature pertaining to college student debt, Dowd (2006) argues that
students’ decision-making, self-motivation, and self-understanding play important roles in
education. Furthermore, the author highlights the idea of the intersubjectivity of college and
financial aid counseling, explaining that students’, “financial circumstances, academic
experiences, perception of one’s likelihood to complete a program, work and family demands,
self-concept, and social support from significant others in one’s community,” are interrelated and
that counselors who understand this notion are instrumental to student success (p. 242). Dowd
concluded that future research on financial aid and college students should include concepts from
economics, sociology, and psychology, as a way to form a deeper understanding of students’
decisions and behaviors.
In studies related to sociocultural approaches to education, most authors draw upon
Bourdieu’s (1986) work on the forms of capital. Bourdieu describes three forms of capital:
economic, social, and cultural. While economic capital is any financial asset (e.g. investments,
buildings, machinery), cultural capital is non-financial and promotes social mobility. Cultural
capital can stem from parents’ social status or education level and includes an individual’s style
of dress or speech. For example, a saleswoman might impress clients by dressing sharp and
displaying proper table manners during a business lunch. Her possession of cultural knowledge
might contribute to her ability in selling the product, which could lead to a salary bonus or a
raise. The last form of capital is social capital and it is the group to which an individual belongs.
Bourdieu describes social capital as a:
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
23
“network of relationships…consciously or unconsciously aimed at establishing or
reproducing social relationships that are directly usable in the short or long term, i.e., at
transforming contingent relations, such as those of neighborhood, the workplace, or even
kinship, into relationships that are at once necessary and elective, implying durable
obligations subjectively felt (feelings of gratitude, respect, friendship, etc.) or
institutionally guaranteed (rights)” (para 22).
All three interconnect in such a way that individuals with economic capital might acquire
cultural or social capital. To illustrate, if wealthy parents send their child to a prestigious private
school from kindergarten to 12
th
grade, the child will probably learn how to dress well and speak
eloquently. Their child might grows up and attend an Ivy League university, where she will build
a vast social network of other wealthy, intelligent, and well-connected individuals, which will
help her obtain a well-paying job upon graduating. This explanation shows that possessing social
and cultural capital are just as essential as economic capital, thus relating back to Dowd’s focus
on the intersubjectivity of financial aid.
In his earlier discussion of economic and social forms in society, Bourdieu (1984)
discussed the idea of “habitus,” which McDonough & Calderone (2006) defined as “a common
set of subjective, internalized, class-based perceptions that shape an individual’s expectations,
attitudes, and aspirations” (p. 1704). Economic, cultural, and social capital lead individuals to
have distinguished worldviews. For example, a Lawyer in a big, urban city might possess
different values and goals compared to a farmer in a rural, Midwestern town simply because of
their experiences and networks.
Furthermore, McDonough & Calderone (2006) studied how sociocultural influences
contribute to a potential disconnect between financial aid counselors at high schools and low-
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
24
income high school students and their families. As previously mentioned, they revealed that
counselors’ socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds can influence how they advise high school
students. The authors noted a difference in how counselors’ advised their students from low-
income backgrounds in the private and public setting. Private school counselors were more likely
than public school counselors to have high aspirations for their lower-income students because
they believed that families who successfully navigated the financial aid process for high school
were likely to do it again for college. In other words, although the counselors understood that
students possessed low economic capital, they were willing to advise and explore options with
their students, thus being a form of social capital.
Summary
Overall, the literature points to the crucial role counselors play in advising both students
and their families on concepts relating to financial aid. However, advice given can be distorted
by the counselor’s personal values, perceptions, and understandings of money. African American
and Latino/a students are at the highest risk for not utilizing financial aid at the high school,
community college, and four-year college level. This might pertain to the fact that institutional
environments are not as culturally aware of their students’ perceptions and understandings of
information that is presented to them. In fact, no study has focused specifically on how college
students perceive their financial aid office. Researchers have applied a sociocultural framework
to students and financial aid, primarily in a high school setting. The dearth of a similar approach
to college students warranted the framework for this study. As the aforementioned literature
suggests, navigating the financial aid system is complex, especially for low-income students and
those from under served racial backgrounds. Students unintentionally build social capital as they
progress through school, and financial aid officers can be a form of capital.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
25
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
As previously mentioned, the purpose of this study is to understand how students
perceive their interactions with their financial aid advisor(s) and/or representative(s) of the
financial aid office. The research question, therefore, seeks to explore current college students’
perceptions from their interactions with their financial aid office and/or advisor(s) as a resource
for financing their undergraduate studies. Since the research question relies on students’
perceptions and experiences, a qualitative approach will be used for the study. Qualitative
methods of research can provide deeper insight into a phenomenon or issue and rely on the
meaning participants make of the problem at hand (Creswell, 2013).
Site Selection
The study will take place at a large, public, four-year research institution in California.
Public institutions often attract students from a wide range of socioeconomic backgrounds
because of the relatively low tuition compared to private institutions.
The financial aid office on this particular campus is centralized -- serving nearly 25,000
students, undergraduate and graduate-level, at one location. The benefits of a centralized office
are that students from all backgrounds interact in the same location; the negative aspects could
be the high work volume for advisors and staff members. The office communicates with students
in-person, and via email and telephone.
The organizational structure of the office includes staff members in multiple units, but 14
counseling/advising staff members, which include eight financial aid counselors, two financial
aid outreach staff, and four front counter financial aid advisors, all of whom are full-time.
Additionally, peer advisors (student workers) work in the office and interact with students. This
particular office is set-up to where financial aid advisors and peer advisors, who are trained to
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
26
answer general financial aid related questions, sit in open booths (aka the front counter) in the
main financial aid lobby, and financial aid counselors sit in the back of the office (access to this
back office is restricted unless a staff member lets the student in). Additionally, every student
checks-into an iPad system, and swipes/enters his or her student ID, then selects his or her reason
for the visit. Once students check-in they can sit in a chair, which faces a television screen.
Depending on the student’s reason for visit, a financial aid counselor or a front counter advisor
(including a student-worker) will call on the student to assist with his or her question.
Financial aid counselors and/or advisors may differ in personality or advising style, but
students are essentially exposed to the same resources and information. In this particular
financial aid office, undergraduate students are assigned to a financial aid counselor based on
their last name (e.g. A-C see counselor #1). Students are not required to meet with a counselor,
but can schedule an appointment if they have a question or concern. Most students ask the front-
counter staff general questions, and if the advisor cannot answer the question, he/she will ask a
financial aid counselor. If the financial aid counselor determines that the issue is too complicated
to answer at the front-counter, the student is then informed that he or she needs to make an
appointment with the counselor.
Sample and Population
Sampling Technique
This study utilized a non-proportional, snowball sampling method to draw upon students
who have visited the financial aid office and interacted with a counselor.
Criteria for Selection
In order for students to meet the criteria, they must have had (a) at least one in-person/phone,
and/or two email, interaction(s) with a financial aid representative, (b) be a current
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
27
undergraduate student, (c) be in junior or senior-level standing (including transfer students). For
selection purposes, an interaction would warrant any exchange of information between a
representative of the financial aid office and the student. If the student’s interaction was in-
person or by telephone, that single interaction was sufficient for selection. If the communication
was via email, students must have used the form of communication at least twice. The
justification for limiting the study to juniors and seniors is that by a student’s third or fourth year
of college, they are likely to have more experiences in managing finances, possibly accumulated
more debt, faced career-making decisions, and thought about life after graduation. Therefore,
students may have realistic thoughts about their past, present, and future finances. Lastly, the
justification for limiting in-person or telephone interactions differently than email was due to the
nature of the interaction. Students can get more information in person or on the phone, and might
be able to read or hear non-verbal cues (i.e. expression or tone of voice), whereas this might not
be the case via email.
Selection Process
A flyer was used to recruit students (see Appendix A). Flyers were placed on tables, displayed on
the lobby television screen in the financial aid office, and a link to the flyer was posted on the
financial aid office’s website. Additionally, the flyer was sent out to senior management of
organizations on campus (e.g. Community Programs Office, Admissions, etc.) to distribute to
their colleagues and students. Students expressed their interest in the study to the researcher via
email and were emailed back with an explanation that instead of focus groups they would
participate in an individual interview (due to a low response rate), and were emailed a set of days
and times to choose from for their individual interviews. Once students indicated their
availability, they were sent a confirmation along with an Informed Consent document (See
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
28
Appendix B), which outlined their rights as participants and details of the study, as well as an
attachment of the flyer to forward on to peers. Students were offered a ten dollar Coffee Bean
gift card as compensation.
Instrumentation and data collection
The researcher is the primary instrument in a qualitative study. Creswell (2013) explains
that qualitative researchers collect the data and gather information and are responsible for
“examining documents, observing behavior, or interviewing participants” (p. 185). Additionally,
the researcher is constantly focused on the meaning participants attribute to the issue and attempt
to leave their personal bias’/opinions out of their research. As the researcher, my personal
opinions must be kept neutral. I have no affiliation with the financial aid office, and am
conducting the study for educational purposes. Establishing trust in the interviews is essential to
gathering authentic information from students. As the researcher, I attempted to provide a
thorough explanation of the study, and to create a safe space for students by holding the
interviews in a private room.
To gather students’ in-depth thoughts, twelve interviews were held. As will be discussed
in the description of the participants section in Chapter Four, eleven interviewees were female
and one was male. Therefore, due to the majority of the participants being female, the data used
in this study only draws upon the interviews with the female students. The interviews were
recorded, with the consent of participants, using a tape recorder. If a participant did not consent
to being recorded, then they would have been informed that they could not participate in the
study, however all students who expressed interest were willing to participate. At the beginning
of the interview, participants were asked to fill out a paper survey with demographic questions
(see question #1 in Appendix C). The conversation was later transcribed into Word document.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
29
Lastly, the researcher used a semi-structured interview format drawing on two of Bourdieu’s
forms of capital (social and cultural) in hopes of acknowledging the following themes: how
students make meaning of their money, and its affects on their experiences in school, how
students utilize online and in-person information, types of financial aid students receive,
experiences with the financial aid office, overall interactions with financial aid advisors (see
appendix C for protocol).
Data Analysis
Data analysis is important in interpreting and making sense of the conversations between
participants and their answers to the questions. As previously mentioned, the conversation was
audio recorded and transcribed. The researcher hand-coded and identified themes in the data.
Although the term “validity” differs between qualitative and quantitative research, qualitative
researchers can check for validity “from the standpoint of the researcher, participant, or the
readers of an account” (Creswell, 2013, p. 201). Member checking was used, which involved
showing major findings and themes that emerged from the study to other researchers. Chapter
Four will reveal the findings and analysis of the data, and a discussion of the results will be
discussed in Chapter Five.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
30
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS AND ANALYSIS
The purpose of this study was to gather undergraduate students’ perceptions of the
representatives in their financial aid office. While little research exists regarding how students
perceive their financial aid advisor(s), literature does address the idea that financial aid advisors,
counselors, and/or representatives can play an important role in a student’s overall experience at
his or her institution (McDonough & Calderone, (2006); Venegas, 2006). Pellicciotti et. al
(2014) studied working students’ perceptions of financial aid at three commuter institutions, but
no study has explored college students’ opinions of their financial aid office at a four-year
institution, and/or how they interpret their interactions with financial aid advisors. Therefore, this
study will contribute to the academic literature about student financial aid, as well as highlight
how financial aid professionals can be a crucial resource for college students. This chapter
provides an overview of data collection methods, description of the participants, and draws upon
Bourdieu’s theory of the three forms of capital, which elicit themes that emerged during the
study.
Review of Data Collection Methods
A qualitative approach was implemented to gather an in-depth understanding of how
undergraduate students perceive their interactions with their financial aid office. A semi-
structured protocol was used, and included eleven open-ended questions (Appendix C). The
protocol was designed using Bourdieu’s theory of social and cultural Capital as a guide to
connect questions to students’ responses (See Appendix D).
This study utilized a non-proportional, snowball sampling method, drawing upon students
who have visited the financial aid office and interacted with a financial aid counselor and/or
advisor. Students had to meet the following criteria: (a) have had at least one in-person/phone, or
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
31
two email, interaction(s) with a financial aid representative, (b) be a current undergraduate
student, (c) be in junior or senior-level standing (including transfer students). For the purposes of
the study, an interaction was defined as any exchange of information between a representative of
the financial aid office (i.e. counselor, student-worker, or any other staff member) and the
student. The interviews were conducted in person, were recorded, and then transcribed in
preparation for data analysis.
Description of the Participants
The participants’ demographics include their class-status (junior or senior), major, previous
institution (i.e. high school or other post-secondary institution), race/ethnicity, estimated number
of interactions with the financial aid office, and estimated family income. Twelve students were
interviewed, eleven of which were female and one was male. Due to the disproportionately large
number of females, the male’s interview was not included in the data results and analysis. The
eleven female undergraduate students’ demographic information is included in Table One (see
page 33).
Each participant had at least three in-person, telephone, and/or email interactions with the
financial aid office. The participants were enrolled in an array of different majors; with five
being in a behavioral science field (i.e. Anthropology, Psychology, Linguistics & Psychology),
four in a Science, Engineering, or Health-related field, and two in a Language or Humanities
major. Ninety percent of participants appeared to be “traditional-aged” college students (18-22).
The racial demographics of the participants were such that two were of Asian descent, two were
bi-racial, two were African-American, two were Hispanic/Latina, one was south Asian, and one
identified as Caucasian.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
32
The participants included first-time freshmen and transfer students, who made up 73% and
27% of the selected sample, respectively. All participants attended a high school and/or
community college in California. Using Section 402B(g)(2) of the Higher Education Act, which
defines "low income" at 150% of the poverty line (roughly $28,700/year), 45% of the
participants identified as low-income (“Higher Education Act of 1965,” 2014).
Table 1
Overview of Research Participants
Pseudonym Gender Class-
Level
Entered
as
freshman
or
transfer?
Major Race/Ethnicity Estimated #
of
Interactions
with the
FAO
Estimated
Family
Income
Amy Female Senior Freshman Russian
Language &
Literature
Latino 10+ $120,000
Sarah Female Junior Freshman Psychology;
Minor in
English
Filipino &
European
Caucasian
15 $70,000
Hannah Female Junior Freshman Linguistics &
Psychology
African-
American
20 $35,000
Kati Female Junior Freshman Civil
Engineering
Chinese 3 $180,000
Brennan Female Senior Transfer Asian
Humanities
Vietnamese 6 $0-20,000
Connie Female Senior Freshman Biology Pakistani-
American
7 $40,000-
50,000
Jessica Female Junior Transfer Anthropology Caucasian 15+ $0
Roxanne Female Senior Transfer Anthropology Hispanic 3 N/A
[identified
as low-
income]
Jennifer Female Junior Freshman Anthropology Nigerian-
American
8 $80,000
Karen Female Senior Freshman Human
Biology &
Society
Vietnamese 6 <$30,000
Sadie Female Senior Freshman Nursing Caucasian &
Taiwanese
3 $30,0000
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
33
Bourdieu’s Social and Cultural Capital Theory
Henry Bourdieu described three forms of capital in his work: economic, social, and
cultural. The most commonly known form of capital is economic capital, which relates to any
financial asset, such as investments or cash. However, Bourdieu describes social and cultural
capital, both non-financial assets, as having the ability to contribute to an individual’s overall
wealth. Cultural capital relates to an individual’s knowledge of how to dress, speak, or behave,
and often stems from parents’ social status or education level. Social capital is the intentional or
unintentional network or connections that an individual has at his or her disposal. Students’
perceptions and interactions can be attributed to their upbringing, or groups they have been
involved with throughout their lifetime. Therefore, sociocultural influences align well when
attempting to understand students’ beliefs/perceptions regarding their financial aid office. This
study argues that financial aid officers can serve as a form of social capital and might be an
essential resource for students with lower social or cultural capital when compared to some of
their fellow students.
Throughout the interview, it became clear that there was a divide in how participants
approached the financial aid office: some students knew all the questions they wanted to ask,
while other students did not know how to ask the question, but wanted a thorough answer.
Regardless of the students’ intention when visiting the financial aid office, they all seemed to
view the counselor/advisor(s) as possessing social capital; students saw them as people who
could help them get to their individual goal(s). The students who aggressively sought out
information or had frequent conversations regarding financial aid, appeared to have more
confidence when entering the financial aid office. Those same participants left with what
appeared to be a more satisfied feeling. For example, Amy, a first-generation student studying
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
34
Russian Language and Literature views herself as financially responsible and independent, and
does her research when it comes to her finances. When asked about what the financial aid office
can do to better assist her, she explained:
“I think they do exactly what they need to do. I think they do just enough to help every
student by sending those reminders, by saying…financial aid is having an info night, you
can come and attend.”
A Nursing student, Sadie, who had several peers working in the financial aid office, considered
herself to be an “expert” on financial aid. Sadie said that the financial aid representatives gave
her the “the right amount [of caring and understanding]…what was appropriate. Not cold, too
little, or excessive where they were hovering or motherly, [but] to the appropriate amount.”
Brennan, a transfer student majoring in Asian Humanities, and who worked at her previous
institution’s (a two-year community college) financial aid office, shared similar sentiments with
Amy and Sadie about her interactions. Brennan said, “overall [the financial aid representatives]
are very friendly, they are very informative, and if they don’t know the answer, they will ask
[someone] higher than them.”
Some students had specific financial aid counselors whom they trusted, while other
students sought guidance from any representative. Hannah, a Linguistics and Psychology major,
has a significant amount of experience with the financial aid office, having visited more than 20
times during her time as an undergraduate. Hannah was awarded a prestigious scholarship, which
grants potential leaders from a minority background up to $24,000 dollars for the entirety of their
four-year education at a college or university. As a part of Hannah's scholarship, she is assigned
to a specific scholarships advisor from the financial aid office, whom Hannah describes as a
“support figure,” saying:
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
35
“She specifically helps me with [my scholarship], but when I tell her my financial aid
problems, then she’ll look it up, and say…let me help you, and direct me from there,
which I know many students don’t have as a resource. I’ve been very lucky, especially
with my OCD [obsessive compulsive disorder] of financial aid to where…I’ll go to the
office first … and she’ll direct me, because she’s been here forever, and she knows all of
the people. I was struggling [financially] last year, so I went to her. I wasn’t really
complaining, but I needed to vent, and I wasn’t asking for help, but she offered to help.
And she told me…let’s try to see if maybe there’s something you can apply for, and
that’s how she helped me out. She was a really big resource and it worked out.”
Kati, a civil engineering major, who admitted that her parents managed most of her finances,
shared a different experience than Hannah when she visited the financial aid office. Kati’s
parents pay for her tuition and are in a higher income bracket, but when she asked a financial aid
advisor about the FAFSA (a document she had never filled out before) she said she felt
discouraged. Since then, she has had little knowledge about issues related to financial aid. She
described her interaction as:
“More like question and answer. I didn’t really feel any type of personal connection. I
didn’t feel like they actually really cared if I got financial aid or not…I asked and they
gave me figures. I asked about FAFSA -- that was the only thing I knew about. I don’t
even know if there is other information. I wish that, say a student reached out, they would
have answered the question plus more, they would have given them more information
because a lot of times I feel like they ask about the only thing they know about because
they don’t know about the other stuff, and maybe they don’t ask what other resources are
there because they thought that was the only thing.”
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
36
Whereas Hannah relied on her counselor as a resource and acknowledged her counselors’
professional connections to others, Kati’s feelings of discouragement led to a missed opportunity
for a financial aid representative to be a form of social capital for her. This experience is
important to note because while Kati might appear to be wealthier, or not as much “in need” as
other students, she expressed interest in understanding and learning more about her finances.
However, after she did not have an informative experience, she did not show as much interest in
visiting again. As seen in Amy, Sadie, and Hannah, acquiring social capital can be significant for
college students in shaping their experiences during college.
While social capital draws upon the network(s) or group(s) a person is a part of, cultural
capital, relates to the upbringing of an individual. Cultural capital was less of a topic of
discussion for students, who rarely seemed to think about their cultural, racial, or ethnic
background as a factor in how they interacted with the financial aid officer. For example,
students were given several opportunities to bring up issues of race or gender when asked
questions about how they felt the financial aid officer perceived them, or what in particular made
them feel connected to a counselor/advisor they enjoyed interacting with. When Hannah was
asked what made her feel comfortable with her scholarship advisor, she explained that she
viewed the advisor as an individual who had a long-history of experiences with students at the
university, rather than addressing that the counselor shared a similar racial, socio-economic, or
cultural background. For instance, Amy, the Russian Language and Literature major, mentioned
that a financial aid counselor who spoke Spanish to her parents was crucial in her decision to
attend the institution, but related the counselor’s competence and ability to help to the
counselor’s experience working in the financial aid office. Additionally, when asked how the
counselor interacted with her parents (since she was the first in her family to attend college), she
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
37
said, “I think she had a lot of experience with parents who were hesitant about sending their kids
to college because they wouldn’t be able to afford it,” and later explained her experience
speaking with that advisor:
“I mean it literally was like the heavens parted, and a light shining down, and the music
playing because she was like ‘come on in, I’ll be able to explain more about financial aid,
and what it is,’ and she sat us down, and…the rest is history really. But, if it hadn’t been
for her, I probably wouldn’t be here because she was able to convince my dad, and that
was probably the rock to move.”
The student attributed the counselor’s ability to convince her father into letting her attend the
institution to the counselor’s experience with working with parents, rather than reflecting on how
or whether the counselor’s personal experiences with college or financial aid, or racial or ethnic
background was a factor in her ability to relate with the student and her family. The student
participants seemed to have had few reflections and discussions about how their cultural
upbringing or racial background influence their interactions with advisors.
Students viewed representatives of their financial aid office as a form of social capital,
but not as cultural capital. That is, students appeared to understand financial aid
counselors/advisors can serve as a resource and/or guide for their finance related questions.
Students did not seem to connect how their interactions with a financial aid representative(s)
could potentially relate back to the their upbringing or cultural background.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
38
Regardless of social or cultural capital students held, the interviews led to three themes
regarding their perceptions of their financial aid office, which were related to the (a) forms of
communication (b) financial aid representatives’ lack of differentiation between students, and (c)
tensions between students and representatives regarding a push for more information. These
three themes will be explored further in the headings to follow.
Forms of Communication
Every study participant said that they preferred in-person interactions over any method of
communication when it came to discussing their financial aid. All eleven students felt that they
could walk in, and get their questions answered, or problems solved quicker or more efficiently
than any other communication method. Additionally, four students commented on the financial
aid office’s renovation, which includes a couch, television, and a check-in system, which appears
to have streamlined the process. For example, Hannah said, “I have come by many times – I love
the new setup – I mean it happened last year, it’s not that new, but it was depressing before. But
the couches, the TV, and the logging in on the iPads - that was nice.” Another student, Connie,
who is a Biology major, shared the same sentiments, and claimed “I remember before you had to
wait out the door [of the financial aid office], and…they’re so much more efficient now – they
have the computer log-in, the whole deal – they really stepped it up. I really like how they’re
handling it.” While they were not necessarily asked about the environment of the financial aid
office, it appears that students see the renovation as a positive aspect of the financial aid office,
and their in-person interactions.
Four students mentioned using email as a method of communication, and five students
discussed the financial aid office’s website and Internet search bases (i.e. Google) as useful tools
in receiving information. While one student noted that they had difficulty navigating the
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
39
Financial Aid Office’s website, others appeared to find it helpful. Hannah explained that she
found several facts and figures sheets on the school’s Financial Aid Website that she uses to
budget, and seemed excited when she discussed her budgeting practices:
“Okay, so I’m this huge nerd when it comes to this... I get the budget and figures
worksheet that [the institution] has [on its website]. Then, I compare the two, and I say
okay, this is what tuition and fees…but I break it down, and I split it into quarters, and I
go okay this is how much I am going to have for this quarter, so when tuition and fees is
paid, this is how much I’ll have for rent, or for food.
Overall nine students shared a generally positive opinion about visiting in-person, but eight
expressed a negative attitude towards communicating with the financial aid office over the
phone. Students complained about long wait times and some explained that they waited for a
while just to be told to come into the office, one mentioning that she was hung up on. Sadie,
explained that she waited for a long time, and then the phone hung up automatically. When
asked, students replied that the wait time for the phone was an average of 5-20 minutes
depending on the time of the year. Connie confessed that she entirely stopped using the phone
option. Even Sadie, who has friends who work in the financial aid office, shared a similar
experience to Connie, and discontinued attempts at contacting the office via telephone saying,
“I’ve called in, but the calling in doesn’t seem to be as effective [as going in-person]. They just
send you around in circles, and eventually you just get a voicemail.” Another student, Karen, a
Human Biology and Society Major, who is on a prestigious academic scholarship from the
university, suggested that the financial aid office hire more people for answering phones due to
her perception of long wait-times in the past. She claimed that she used to:
“Call because I [didn’t] want to walk all the way to [the financial aid office]. But being
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
40
put on hold is a long time…especially over the summer it’ll hang up on you if you’ve
been on hold for a long enough time, and then you have to call again. Now I know the
shortcuts to press to get through, but it’s not through the line that I’m supposed to go
through. So, I’ll go through the loans line, but I don’t take out loans, and they’ll be like
let me redirect you, but if I go through the general office line, it’ll hang up after it’s been
on hold for 10-15 minutes or so.”
Students had strong, negative feelings toward calling the financial aid office with their questions
or concerns. While 5-20 minutes might not appear to be a long time to wait, the students
perceived it as less efficient than going into the office in-person, despite some students
mentioning that their in-person wait time ranged from 5-20 minutes as well. All eleven students
preferred to visit the office in-person, and seven shared sentiments about how they believe the
representative perceived them.
Financial Aid Representatives’ Lack of Differentiation Between Students
To get more detailed answers regarding interviewee’s experiences with the financial aid
office, a new question was introduced in the fifth interview. Therefore, a total of seven students
answered the question: How do you feel the financial aid representative perceived you during
your interaction with him or her? All seven students felt that the advisor/counselor they spoke
with viewed all students the same. Four of the seven students viewed it as a positive aspect of the
financial aid office, while the rest viewed it as a negative attribute. Brennan explained, “I think
they are very caring, but…because I have experiences [in working in a financial aid office]. They
meet students with the same situation every day… I don’t think they have any discrimination. I
think that’s one of the positive things, they treat every student the same.” Karen expressed that
the front counter staff views students the same, but that they are there to help all students, “I
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41
think they would see me the way they would see any other student, not looking down or
anything, just as if it was someone that they were helping out.”
However, students who disliked feeling that they were viewed the same, attributed it to a
lack of the representative’s caring. To elaborate, Sarah, a Psychology major, understood that the
front counter staff has a high volume, but still felt like her interactions with front-counter staff
were “generic,” saying:
“I feel like they’re not as one-one with you, and sometimes it’s very generic, but for what
they have to deal with all day…it’s acceptable. I think the financial aid advisors have
more of an opportunity to sit down with you, and make sure you know that they care, but
the front desk people, it’s like not so much because they have to deal with everyone who
is sitting out there all of the time.”
Furthermore, Hannah distinguished the level of care with her scholarships advisor, with whom
she has established a relationship versus the financial aid front counter advisor(s), and said that
the front-counter usually has a “not caring attitude,” and little interest in the student’s story. She
described some representatives as:
“People who look like they don’t want to be here at all, not that that’s a personality trait,
but they look miserable in their day. I don’t know if something is going on in their life,
like we all have problems, but whatever it is, they just look really unhappy to be sitting at
the counter, which makes me hope that somebody else gets in front of me…So, I think a
lot of the times, like, myself, and other students, like we feel this need that the office is
going to help us if we have this elaborate story that we have to come up with, and then
we have to go in there, and get it in before they can stop us…so, not like anyone’s ever
said…stop talking, but you can feel that welcoming of whether I’m ready, or receptive to
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42
listen to your story, like, even if it’s a smile, I think that makes a difference. But,
somebody who is looking at you, and they take your [student ID card], and enter in your
information, and say yeah, I see this, this, and this, and there’s nothing wrong with it.
Obviously, if I’m there I feel like there’s something wrong with it.”
Jennifer, an Anthropology major, attributed the front-counter’s non-differential treatment as a
form of not caring, which made her thankful that she did not have significant or pressing issues,
and said:
“I think they perceive me as I’m just another student they have to help, but… they don’t
seem excited, they’re like ok, can I get your [student ID] card, how can I help you, you
tell them, they look on the computer, maybe walk around, and ask some questions, and
then tell me, and that’s really it. I don’t feel like they seem genuinely interested in
understanding what the problem is or listening and seeing what they could possibly do to
help you. But that’s kind of how they act with everybody, it’s the same kind of
face…that’s kind of one thing where I’m lucky that I didn’t have any more problems with
them, because if I were to go in with a really big issue, like I don’t have money to pay for
my classes right now, I just feel like I would be really annoyed only because they’re not
…[trying to]…understand the circumstances of not having enough money for that time
period or quarter, and not being able to pay for your books or your actual tuition or
anything.”
In addition, three students felt “rushed” when speaking with a financial aid representative. This
relates back to the lack of differentiation. Certain students felt that no matter what the topic was,
the individual speaking with them just wanted to give the answer so they could move on to the
next student, as was stated in these comments. Karen explained that by saying:
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
43
“I think [the financial aid office] have been generally positive, they do try to answer your
questions, but I also think it’s been a bit brisk because they do have a lot of students to go
through. So a lot of the times you might not know what your question is, and they’ll tell
you to come back when you have a better idea.”
Hannah felt the “rushing” mentality, and said, “they’re very rushed, so everything is about next,
next, next as opposed to let me take the time to talk to you about why you need this money,
or…what is going on that you have to do this.”
Some students appreciated that they could speak to any front-counter staff, and be treated
the same as any other student. However, other students were aware of the non-differential
treatment, but attributed it to a lack of caring for their issue or story.
Tension Between Students and Counselors/Advisors Regarding a Push for More
Information
Eight participants, whether they knew what questions to ask, or had limited knowledge
regarding the financial aid process in general, noted that they felt they needed to “push,” or be
“aggressive” with the advisors to get more information than a just question and answer.
However, there was a divide between this feeling with students who interacted with the front-
counter staff, and students who interacted with a financial aid counselor. Ten students’
interactions were primarily with the front-counter staff, which include full-time advisors and
peer advisors, who as previously mentioned, are trained to answer general financial aid related
questions, and can assist most students who visit the office. When a front-counter advisor could
not answer a question, participants explained that they would ask them to make an appointment
with a financial aid counselor, or they would go to the back of the office (not open to the public),
and ask the counselor themselves. Four students felt that front-counter advisors were not as
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
44
knowledgeable as the counselors, which could explain why student participants felt as though
there was more information out there they were privy to. Overall, the student participants seemed
to acknowledge that the advisor was doing their job by answering questions, but wished it did
not stop there.
Hannah, who appears to have extensive knowledge about financial aid, discussed an
interaction with the front-counter staff:
“The person I got [one] time didn’t care when I walked in, and I could just tell. [They
said] ‘I’m sorry there’s nothing that I can do.’ I’m like, okay, is there somebody I can talk
to that can do something else, or is there somebody that might care? Like give me other
options. Even if that can’t be done specifically, she was very much ‘I’m sorry, there’s
nothing we can do.’ Like, okay, you’re done, here’s your [student ID] card. But, if your
[the financial aid representative] job is to advise me on financial aid, shouldn’t you be
helping me find other options? And that was really frustrating at the time…there has been
a time where the person just did not care, and I left, and I came back the next day hoping
to get another advisor… and they’ve… [given] me a list of…different scholarships that
are offered, or, places to go – the resource center, and all of that – like, there’s something
else there, it can’t be the end of the road when you sit there in the Financial Aid Office,
and they go, we’re done. And maybe for some people it is, but yeah…where else do you
go if you don’t know about it?”
Jennifer shared similar feelings to Hannah, and claimed:
“I feel like you have to be more aggressive, or intense in the way you ask questions
because maybe you want to get more answers, or different answers, than if you go into
ask a question… they answered my questions, and I did get my situations resolved, so I
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45
mean they were helpful. You just always like customer service – people to be nice just in
general. That’s just me. Even if they do answer the questions I just feel like even if they
had more enthusiasm or seem like they care, it would make less of tensions between
students, and people at the front-counter, because most of the times when a student has an
issue, [that can’t be handled at the] front-counter, and have to be referred to different
people. They answered my questions, so I guess everything is fine. I’m just happy I don’t
have to come in here, because I don’t have to wait in line, or try to probe more
answers…”
Jessica, an Anthropology major, who was homeless for several years of her adult life prior to
transferring to the institution, had overall positive experiences with the financial aid office.
Jessica said she was constantly thinking of ways to get more financial aid. She would analyze her
financial aid letter to see if she had any questions about other resources for receiving more aid.
When asked about what she has learned from her visits in the financial aid office, she explained:
“I think the only reason I found out these loopholes is because I sit there and think about
it…I just pick it apart…not so much research. It’s usually just me thinking, and I go to
financial aid, and go here’s the deal, and I get really lucky. I ask the [financial aid
representatives] where there are ways to get all this money, and I push at them, you
know… and I go in there and tell them…I’m like there are ways that we can get it, so
how are we going to get it for me?...they know these tricks, but they aren’t open with
them in the beginning, so they come out if you push them or talk in a charming way, so
they had to do something, and they were really nice.”
Another Anthropology major, and transfer student, Roxanne, explained that after having
an experience where she felt the front-counter advisor did not know the answer to her question,
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46
she has lowered expectations when visiting the financial aid office. “I don’t have high
expectations, I hope that they answer at least some of my questions, but I don’t expect them to
answer questions completely.” She now primarily relies on her boyfriend, who she claimed was
able to answer the question that the staff member was unable to answer.
Reflections on the Results
Overall, it appears that students who have more social capital are likely to be satisfied
with their interactions with the financial aid office. “Satisfied” however, does not mean that
students have no interpretations of their encounters or suggestions on how the financial aid office
can improve their interactions or communication. The majority of students, regardless of
socioeconomic background, financial aid knowledge, etc. did not view using the phone to discuss
their financial aid questions and concerns as an efficient option. Students felt that they were
waiting too long on the phone, which made them visit the financial aid office in-person instead.
Many students who had been at the institution since freshman year commented on their
satisfaction with the newer set-up in the financial aid office. From the interviews, it appeared that
students experienced long wait times on some occasions when they visited the financial aid
office, but they still reported an efficient experience because the office set-up.
Furthermore, students did not discuss issues related to race, ethnicity, or gender. This
might be the case because few students seemed to have deep, meaningful relationships with their
financial aid counselor/advisor(s). Most students viewed financial aid staff as a resource for
answers, as it related strictly to their financial aid. Students generally felt that the front counter
advisors (whom most of the interactions are with) view each student in the same manner. While
some students expressed this in a positive tone, others shed a negative light regarding this issue.
These findings may beg the question; if front counter staff were more personable and mindful
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
47
about how they interacted with each student, would students then feel more comfortable
discussing deeper issues with the office that might involve them and their finances? At this
particular institution, it appears that the front counter advisors are essentially the “gate-keepers”
to the overall financial aid experience. This notion leads to another question: If financial aid
advisors spoke to students on a more personal level, then might students better be able to connect
with the financial aid office on a deeper level? While it appears that the role of the front counter
advisor is available to answer general questions from students and the financial aid counselor is
present for discussions that are more complicated, then students seem to spend the majority of
their “sessions” with the front counter staff, that those individuals are crucial in shaping the way
students view their financial aid resources, and other resources pertaining to finances that are
available to them on campus.
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CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND FUTURE RESEARCH
This study aimed to explore the answer to the research question: What are current college
students’ perceptions of their interactions with their financial aid office and/or advisors as a
resource for financing their undergraduate studies? While academic literature on the topic of
financial aid is ubiquitous, few studies have sought out the experiences of college students when
discussing financial aid related topics with a representative of a financial aid office. The findings
from this study can provide financial aid practitioners deeper insight into college students’
experiences in receiving financial aid and paying for college.
Financial aid is often associated with economics, yet Dowd (2006) argues that issues
related to financial aid have psychological and sociological implications for students, as well.
The author further suggests that financial aid counselors who are aware of the intersubjectivities
of financial aid (i.e. financial circumstances, academic experiences, self-concept, and amount of
social support from family, peers, or members in the community) can be instrumental to a
student's overall academic and financial success in college. Research has shown how
sociocultural factors play a significant role in not only students’ lives, but in educational
professionals’ lives as well. McDonough and Calderone (2006) found that advisors in the high
school setting often draw upon their social or cultural backgrounds when advising students,
which can create a disconnect between the student and the advisor.
While McDonough and Calderone’s conclusions were related to high school students and
their advisors, this study took an extended look at the topic to explore the relationships between
college students and their advisors. Therefore, this study was conducted through the use of
qualitative methods and drew upon Bourdieu’s theory of social and cultural capital through
interviews with undergraduate students at a large, public four-year institution. The data was
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49
captured through a semi-structured interview protocol that contained eleven open-ended
questions. The participants included eleven female and one male undergraduate student(s) from
an array of majors. The criteria used to select the participants was (a) have had at least one in-
person/phone or two email interaction(s) with a financial aid representative, (b) be a current
undergraduate student, (c) be in junior or senior-level standing (including transfer students). The
interviews were conducted in person recorded, transcribed, and then coded to find relevant
themes.
Three themes emerged from the data after discussing how students perceive their
financial aid office, which were (a) forms of communication (b) the financial aid representatives’
lack of differentiation between students, and (c) tensions between students and
counselors/advisors regarding a push for more information. The findings differed from
Pellicciotti et. al’s (2014) study, which drew upon working college students’ perceptions of
financial aid at three commuter institutions in a Midwestern metropolitan area. Although there
were differences in the institutions (the site of the study at-hand took place at a world-renowned
research institution in California), a finding of Pellicciotti et al.’s study was that the more
affluent and middle-income students found financial aid to be a relatively simple,
straightforward, and positive process, whereas, lower-income students expressed the most
frustrations with their counselors and the overall system. This was not the case from the students
who were interviewed in this study. It appeared that students with lower-incomes had more
experiences with handling and budgeting their money, thus having more knowledge about what
to ask and how to research information pertaining to financial aid. The higher income students
were more likely to express a frustration with not knowing which questions to ask, or not
receiving what they perceived to be the answers they wanted to hear, as was shown with Kati,
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Sarah, and Jennifer, all of whom were from middle to higher income backgrounds. This divide
between lower and upper income students will be discussed as a potential topic for future
research.
Summary of Findings
The findings from this study contribute to the literature on students’ perceptions of their
financial aid office. This summary provides a brief analysis of the findings, as well as
limitations of the study. Although the literature suggests that sociocultural factors can play a
large role in students’ experiences with their advisor, this did not seem to be the case with the
eleven female students who were interviewed. In fact, only one out of the eleven students
brought up their race, ethnicity, gender, or socioeconomic status when discussing their
experiences with a financial aid advisor, or representative of the university. The one student who
discussed her background only did so out of gratitude that an advisor could speak Spanish to her
parents. Otherwise, students would primarily discuss their socioeconomic status when asked
questions about their experiences with money as a college student, or as it related to their
upbringing, but there appeared to be little reflection from students about how the aforementioned
factors might have played a part in their interactions with an advisor or representative from the
financial aid office.
Eight of the eleven students explained that calling was not helpful because of the long
wait times or inability to reach their intended contact (i.e. goes to voicemail, or the phone hangs
up on them). Four students mentioned that they have emailed the office in the past, but all four
expressed that they preferred going in-person as opposed to email. In fact, all eleven of the
students described in-person interactions as the optimal way to communicate with this particular
financial aid office. Although the average waiting times were similar on phone and in-person
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51
(about 5-20 minutes), students perceived the waiting time for the phone to be longer, to the point
where several stopped calling all together, and went straight to the financial aid office with most
questions or concerns.
When discussing the questions and answers students received from their financial aid
office, eight of eleven students did not believe that these interactions led to their success at the
university (success was defined as academic or financial). Three students, Amy, Hannah, and
Jessica who claimed that they perceived their interactions to contribute to their success at the
university, were students who appeared to have the most experience and knowledge regarding
money and financial aid. For example, Jessica had been homeless prior to transferring and
frequently thought about her financial aid situation. Amy, who claimed she was financially
responsible and independent, believed that her interaction with an advisor who spoke Spanish to
her parents on her school’s “preview day” was the main reason she was able to attend the
university. Hannah, who formed a close relationship with her scholarship advisor, felt that she
could speak to the advisor about any of her financial or non-financial related concerns.
Therefore, it seems as though the interactions with a financial aid representative are most
appreciated when the student has specific experiences with money and a genuine interest in their
finances.
The students who did not feel that their interactions led to their success at the university
explained that they would be able to get the information elsewhere if they needed it (i.e. financial
aid website, or internet search engine). However, out of all eleven female participants, eight
students shared the opinion that they would have liked to see the representatives go “above and
beyond” their job duty. That is, they wished to receive more from the financial aid representative
they interacted with whether it was in terms of information, enthusiasm, or assistance. This
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52
sentiment arose from either the participant’s lack of knowledge about what questions to ask
and/or their feeling that there might have been more to the answer to their question than what the
representative either did not know or was not divulging.
By the fifth interview, a new question was introduced asking participants how they felt
that their financial aid officers perceived them. The reason for introducing this question was to
get more detailed answers regarding participants’ overall interactions with the financial aid
office. Therefore, only seven out of the eleven students were asked this question. Out of those
seven interviewees, each one relayed that she felt that she was viewed and treated the same as
any other student. Four of seven seemed to share positive sentiments about being perceived the
same, while three of the seven attributed receiving the same treatment as carelessness or feelings
of neutrality on the financial aid representative’s part.
Limitations
This study sought to gather perceptions of a wide-range of students in terms of gender,
socieconomic background, major etc. However, a significant limitation of the study is the
missing voice of the male participant. Twelve students self-selected to participate, but eleven of
the participants were female. One male student participated and was interviewed, but his data
was not used in the analysis in order to stray away from using him as the “spokesperson” for
males. Results may have differed if more male students participated in the interviews.
Additionally, utilizing a survey could have strengthened the findings of the study. A
survey asking students about their experiences with the financial aid office would have offered
more insight into students’ perceptions. Due to the research site’s privacy concerns, students
could only be recruited via flyers and snowball sampling. A survey was not used due to time and
outreach constraints, but if it were utilized, then a follow-up email could have been sent to
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
53
students to inquire about whether they would be willing to participate in an interview for a
deeper discussion of their responses. Better forms of outreach such as utilizing social media (i.e.
Facebook or Twitter) could have gathered more participants.
Due to the challenge of attracting students to participate in focus groups, the data
collection method shifted to individual interviews. The results of the interview revealed that not
many students have reflected on their sociocultural background when discussing interactions
with their financial aid advisors. Focus groups could have been useful because if one student had
brought up an experience as it related to their race, ethnicity, gender, religion, etc., then that
might have led other students to reflect upon their experiences, and might have steered the
conversations towards more in-depth conversations (Creswell, 2013). Interviewing is difficult
because the participant relies on his or her self-knowledge versus focus groups where an idea
might spark other ideas through interactions with other participants.
Lastly, observations of students’ interactions with financial aid advisors could have
potentially added value to the results of the study. While gathering students’ thoughts from a
survey or interview can offer crucial information about their interactions with the financial aid
office, seeing these interactions in reality could provide insight into the day-to-day situations
advisors face. Observing students interactions with the financial aid office could have essentially
showed two sides of the story.
Recommendations
This study can inform individuals who work in financial aid offices at colleges or
universities to reflect on their discussions with students, and to consider using evaluation and
assessment methods to ensure they are meeting the needs of their students. For example, the
phone is often an efficient method for discussing general financial aid questions because students
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
54
can call from essentially anywhere (e.g. breaks in between classes, on way home from school,
after studying in the library), and do not need to physically be in the office. However, as
revealed in this study, students in this particular financial aid office believed the wait time on the
phone was too long, and therefore, did not consider the phone as a reliable method of
communication. Consequently, more students visited in-person regardless of the type of question
(e.g. quick and easy or complicated). Financial aid staff members experiencing high foot traffic
might feel overwhelmed, focusing more on reaching each student in a timely manner. Exploring
multiple modes of communication that help, not hinder, a student’s likelihood to use that method
is suggested. In this case, the financial aid office might benefit from investing in a phone
technology system where students can enter their student ID number and any other pertinent
information on the phone pad. This way, financial aid staff can have background information on
the student prior to answering the phone. Another recommendation would be for managers to
critically examine the number of staff utilizing phones and possibly asking staff to keep a log of
the nature of the questions students ask on the telephone. By doing so, managers and staff can
better prepare for answering longer questions, thus working to reduce the wait time for students
who call the office.
Another way this study can inform practice is by exploring who students primarily
interact with when they visit the financial aid office. In this particular office, students interact
with financial aid advisors and peer advisors at the front-counter. Most students appeared to
desire more from their interactions, warranting conversations with staff members about holistic
advising, which is a developmental approach to advising, and focuses on the student as a whole
(i.e. all the complexities of a person) (“Advising students,” n.d.). The interviews with students
revealed the unique backgrounds, upbringings, and situations students have faced prior to
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
55
coming to their institution, as well as challenges they continue to face. Staff, regardless of
whether they are financial aid counselors, front counter advisors, or work-study students, might
best serve students if they understand the intersubjectivies of financial aid. Financial aid is not
just about money. There are sociological and psychological factors that can contribute to a
student’s knowledge and how they receive or interpret information. Therefore, training of front-
counter staff members should focus on both content and customer service skills.
Woolf and Martinez (2013) developed a financial aid competency model for financial aid
officers nationwide. The authors identified four factors that related to financial aid
counseling/advising, which were external to the office, data analysis measures, project
management, and interpersonal skills (Table 2).
Table 2
Grouping of Competencies
Note. Adapted from “A Financial Aid Competency Model for Professional Development,” Woolf, N., & Martinez,
M., 2013, Journal of Student Financial Aid, 43(2), p. 95.
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56
Several factors from their analysis can be used when assessing a financial aid office
staff’s competency levels. In the study, financial aid officers in the Western United States
identified the top five most important and frequently utilized competencies reported by were the
“ability to provide a high level of customer service,”
“ability to follow rules and
policies,”
“work effectively as a team,” “interpersonal skills,”
“work effectively as an
individual: self-directed” (p. 92). Financial aid offices could refer to Woolf and Martinez’s
competency model when evaluating all staff members. Additionally, elements of the financial aid
competency model could be used when hiring and training staff members. Refer to Table 3 for a
chart of the most important and most frequently utilized competencies.
Table 3
Most Important and Frequently Utilized Competencies
Note. Adapted from “A Financial Aid Competency Model for Professional Development,” Woolf, N., & Martinez,
M., 2013, Journal of Student Financial Aid, 43(2), p. 95.
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57
While training staff members on content (e.g. rules and policies) are usually the focus for
offices, trainings should incorporate teaching empathy, active listening, and conflict resolution.
These topics can be taught through scenarios, ongoing supervisor observation and feedback,
team building, and any professional development opportunities such as sending staff to
conferences, workshops, or classes.
These recommendations might seem excessive for financial aid offices that are
overwhelmed with a high volume of students, but investing in training can benefit the office and
students in the long run. Although college campuses experience high turnovers with work-study
students, the skills students acquire during trainings can empower them to invest in and take
ownership of their positions. Additionally, students can use their work experience in college and
apply it to life after college, whether they pursue new jobs or graduate studies.
Future Research
This study drew upon Bourdieu’s theory of social and cultural capital. Cultural capital,
specifically, can relate to an individual’s upbringing, parents’ education/income level, or cultural
background. Students who reported lower income levels in the study appeared to possess a
significant knowledge of their finances compared to those with upper income levels, thus leaving
less room for upper income students to know the types of questions to ask, and how to gather
resources for financial aid. While there was one upper income student, Amy, who claimed to be
independent in managing her financial aid, this was not necessarily the case for the other
students. For example, Kati explained understanding relatively little about her own or her
parents’ finances. She did not appear concerned about her lack of awareness, but did explain she
managed her money poorly. When she asked her parents about their income levels, she said that
they refused to tell her, but she knew they were well off. Then, she reported a dissatisfied feeling
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
58
after leaving the financial aid office because she did not know what questions to ask about
financial aid. This narrative leaves room for a future study, which could examine a potential
phenomenon of the disempowerment of wealthier college students. The findings might reveal
that low-income students possess more cultural capital in certain aspects, such as managing
money or having independence/agency, than upper-income students, who are often guided by
parents in financial matters.
Another aspect that should be explored further is gender and its role in students’
perceptions of their financial aid office. Due to the participants being majority female, the data
used in this study only drew upon the interviews of the female participants. This study did not
intend to focus on gender, however, women and their perception of financial aid are important to
note. Francis (2014) examined factors that related to female graduate students and student loan
debt. The findings of the study revealed that women rely on support from others in their financial
decision-making, are not concerned with the details of their loan obligations, and do not consider
future earning potential when deciding whether to incur debt.
There is limited research on women and financial decision-making in higher education.
Some female undergraduate students mentioned pursuing graduate studies in the near future, and
one was figuring out ways to finance her law school. Francis’ findings are a useful resource
when working with female undergraduate students. Future research might explore how
undergraduate female students’ interactions with counselors influence their financial decision-
making and/or career choices while enrolled in college. Another suggestion for future research as
it relates to gender is to compare female and male perceptions of interactions with their financial
aid office. Possessing greater knowledge on how gender influences students’ perceptions on
financial aid could be helpful to financial aid counselors and practitioners in the future.
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Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to explore how undergraduate students perceived their
interactions with the financial aid office, using qualitative methods. Three themes emerged
through data analysis regarding a) forms of communication (b) the financial aid representatives’
lack of differentiation between students, and (c) tensions between students and
representatives/advisors regarding a push for more information.
The theoretical framework of the study drew upon Bourdieu’s theory on economic,
social, and cultural capital. Although participants discussed their upbringing and how it related
to their finances in college, little to no students reflected on their socioeconomic status, race,
gender, religion, or other cultural factors when discussing their interactions with representatives
from the financial aid office. In fact, the majority of participants expressed feeling that the
individual they interacted with viewed them the same as other students. While this was a positive
experience for some, and negative for others, it warrants further exploration into how financial
aid offices can better customize the experience for their students.
Bourdieu’s Theory of Social Capital relates to the idea that social and economic capital
are positively correlated – the more individuals in one’s social network, the more likely that
individual will be able to make connections that will lead to making more money, or
investments. In this sense, there was no overwhelming evidence that students were much more
successful in understanding their financial aid or finances as a college student if they had visited
the financial aid office more times than others. The students who appeared to have more
knowledge about financial aid and interacted frequently with the office, were students who
expressed that they had an inherent interest to know more about the process, or were motivated
to seek out information on their own. It was the result of asking questions and thinking deeply
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
60
about their finances that they could discover ways to ensure that they were on the right track with
paying for school. Therefore, it was not necessarily who the student knew, but their thought
process in asking questions.
The financial aid office is a crucial resource for students who depend on financial aid.
Whether aid is in the form of grants, scholarships, work-study, or loans, students rely on
information that financial aid representatives explicitly tell them about or make available to them
through emails or other online methods. Students can greatly benefit from learning about
resources available to them to help them finance their education. Financial aid officers who are
aware of the crucial role they play on campus and understand the intersubjectivities of financial
aid, can better serve students in a holistic fashion, as they will draw upon the psychological,
sociological, and economic factors that impact many students they meet. While the results of this
study did not reveal in-depth information about the social and cultural factors that relate to how
students perceive their financial aid office, it did bring up crucial points about how financial aid
offices are choosing to communicate with their students.
Financial aid officers often express feeling overwhelmed with their workload as seen in
McKinney & Roberts (2012) and McKinney, Roberts, & Shefman (2013). Discussions of how to
use technology to effectively manage this workload might be of interest to financial aid offices at
large, public institutions. In this particular study, students still opted for in-person interactions
because they felt it was more efficient than calling or emailing. Additionally, having multiple
forms of information that are efficient and readily available to students might be helpful to those
who expressed that they did not know what questions to ask or felt like there was more to the
answer.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
61
Overall, students seemed to have satisfactory interactions with their financial aid office.
While they were able to get their questions answered, they expressed desire in interacting with
more caring, information, or an above and beyond approach from the individuals they interacted
with. Employees can usually be trained about information and procedure, and knowing where
resources are, but training about caring or going above a beyond what is expected is not
necessarily found in a training manual. Financial aid offices can be more selective in how they
train to instill a culture of caring, and holistic advising.
Financial aid is a topic of concern for students nationwide. The financial aid system is a
complex process, which is often apparent in financial aid advisors’ workloads and students’
issues in paying for their tuition and other college expenses. Representatives of the financial aid
office can be key players in helping clear up complexities for the students who seek their help.
Whether it is in the form of a caring attitude, providing more resources for the student, or even
walking them through a form, these interactions are what help students as they are pursuing their
college degree.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
62
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COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
65
Appendix A: Recruitment Flyer
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
66
Appendix B: Informed Consent
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education,
1150 S Olive St, Los Angeles, CA 90015
INFORMATION SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH
HOW CAN I HELP YOU?
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Roya Aminzadeh under the
supervision of Kristan Venegas, Ph.D. at the University of Southern California, because you are
aged 18 or older, and a junior or senior level student who has had at least one interaction with the
financial aid office. Your participation is voluntary. You should read the information below, and
ask questions about anything you do not understand, before deciding whether to participate.
Please take as much time as you need to read the consent form. You may also decide to discuss
participation with your family or friends. You can keep this form for your records.
The purpose of this study is to explore students’ perceptions of their interactions with their
financial aid office and advisors at a four-year, public institution in California.
STUDY PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, you will be asked to participate in an individual
interview where you will be asked a series of questions as they relate to your experiences with
the Financial Aid Office.
At the beginning of the interview, you will be given a questionnaire asking you to indicate
demographic information (race/ethnicity, gender, major, etc.). You will be identified by number,
therefore your real name will not be used in the study.
The interview will be audio recorded; if you do not want to be audio-recorded, you cannot
participate in this study.
The interview will be held at [institution’s name withheld to maintain confidentiality] and will
last for approximately 1 to 1½ hours.
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no anticipated risks to your participation; you may feel uncomfortable disclosing
financial information that you would otherwise not have shared. You do not have to answer any
question(s) you don’t want to.
Although I am employed by [institution’s name withheld to maintain confidentiality], this
research is not related to my employment at [institution’s name withheld to maintain
confidentiality], and is being conducted in order to obtain a master’s thesis at USC.
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
67
POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
You may not directly benefit from your participation in this study; it is hoped that this study will
help make the financial aid process easier for students to navigate as they pursue their education.
Additionally, financial aid offices might benefit from the results of this study because
representatives can understand how students perceive them and what support students need to
feel comfortable and at ease regarding their college finances.
CONFIDENTIALITY
We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. However, if we
are required to do so by law, we will disclose confidential information about you. The members
of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection
Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
The data will be coded with a false name (pseudonym); identifiable data will be stored separately
from any identifiable information. All data will be maintained on a password protected
computer; the audio-tapes will be transcribed and then destroyed and identifiers will be
destroyed upon completion of the research study. The remaining data will be maintained by the
researcher for future use. If you do not want your data used in future research studies, you should
not participate in this study.
When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will receive a $10 gift card from Coffee Bean; the gift card will be issued at the end of your
participation. You do not have to answer all of the questions to receive the gift card.
PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent at any time and
discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or
remedies because of your participation in this research study.
ALTERNATIVES TO PARTICIPATION
Your alternative is to not participate in this study; your relationship with [institution’s name
withheld to maintain confidentiality] or USC will not be affected, whether or not you participate
in this study.
INVESTIGATOR’S CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Roya
Aminzadeh at [email withheld to maintain confidentiality] or [phone number withheld to
maintain confidentiality].
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
68
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant or the
research in general and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to someone
independent of the research team, please contact the University Park Institutional Review Board
(UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or
upirb@usc.edu
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
69
Appendix C: Semi-Structured Focus Group Interview Protocol
INTRODUCTION
Hello, welcome and thank you for coming today.
Purpose of the Discussion
Hear about your overall experiences at the institution and with your financial aid office
General overview of Thesis topic
Introduction of Facilitators
Primary Facilitator—Asks the questions, takes notes, records, asks follow-up question,
and keep conversation on track.
Confirm permission to record the session.
Privacy and Confidentiality
Only facilitator will have access to recording and transcripts.
Will use fake names (if names are necessary).
Throughout research and report summary, I will never share information that would
reveal your identity.
Ground rules
Everyone should participate.
All ideas are equally valid.
There are no right or wrong answers—I am interested in your experiences
Everyone‘s views should be heard and respected.
Please remember that what’s said inside this room today must stay here. It is
important that you respect the privacy of other participants.
Any Questions?
Instructions
Not everyone will necessarily have something to say about every topic we discuss, that’s
okay. Feel free to respond to each other, so that if someone says something that you agree
with, disagree with, or that triggers a new idea feel free to jump in.
Let‘s begin by having each of you briefly introduce yourself by telling us where you are
from (location) and the high school you attended or institution you transferred from.
Questions:
1. Demographic questions: (to be filled out on a piece of paper)
a. Class level
b. Major
c. High School/Previous institution
d. Number/Types of Interactions with financial aid office
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
70
e. Race(s)/Ethnicity(ies)?
f. Estimated family income
2. Please describe your overall experiences with money as a young adult and how it has
impacted you as a college student.
3. Who finances your education?
4. How would you say that your upbringing has impacted your financial decisions while
enrolled in college?
5. What financial aid resources (student loans, grants, scholarship, work-study) do you
utilize and how are you making decisions about paying for college?
6. How do you acquire information about financial aid (internet, in-person, or peers)?
a. Possible follow-up: Do you find that helpful? To what degree, if any?
7. What do you think of the way your institution informs you about financial aid?
8. What opportunities have you had to speak with a financial aid advisor at this institution?
a. What have your discussions been about?
b. How were your experiences with that/those advisor(s)?
c. To what extent do you feel the financial aid officer, or front counter staff
member(s) you interacted with showed a sense of caring and/or understanding?
d. Were those conversations essential to your success at the institution? Why or why
not?
9. How do you think the individual you interacted with in the financial aid office perceived
you? [*Question added during 5
th
interview]
10. What thoughts do you have on how the financial aid office can better assist you with your
questions or concerns?
11. Anything else you would like share?
CONCLUSION
Thanks again for coming today.
Remember that your identity will remain confidential
Questions/Concerns; email me
COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL AID ADVISORS
71
Appendix D: Sociocultural Theory and Interview Questions
Bourdieu’s
Theory of
Social and
Cultural
Capital
Social Capital Cultural Capital
1. Please describe
your overall
experiences with
money as a young
adult and how it
has impacted you
as a college
student.
2. Who supports
you (if anyone) in
financing your
education?
3. How would you
say that your
upbringing has
impacted your
financial decisions
while enrolled in
college?
5. How do you
acquire
information about
financial aid
(internet, in-
person, or peers)? -
- Possible follow-
up: Do you find
that helpful? To
what degree, if
any?
7. What do you
think of the way
your institution
informs you about
financial aid?
8. What
opportunities have
you had to speak
with a financial aid
advisor at this
institution?
4. What financial
aid resources
(student loans,
grants, scholarship,
work-study) do you
utilize (economic
capital) and how are
you making
decisions about
paying for college?
(cultural capital)
9. How do you think
the individual you
interacted with in
the financial aid
office perceived
you?
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
This research explores students’ perceptions of their interactions with advisors in the financial aid office at a large, public, four-year institution in California. Twelve individual interviews were held with students from this institution. Drawing upon Henry Bourdieu’s forms of capital as a theoretical framework, discussions with students revolved around how financial aid counselors/advisors can serve as a form of social or cultural capital. Although few themes emerged from Bourdieu’s forms of capital, students shared similar sentiments regarding (a) methods of communication (b) financial aid representatives’ lack of differentiation between students, and (c) tensions between students and representatives regarding a push for more information. The findings of this study might encourage financial aid offices nationwide to assess their organizations’ delivery of services to ensure that they are meeting the ongoing needs of their students.
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Aminzadeh, Roya. N.
(author)
Core Title
How can I help you? college students' perceptions of financial aid advisors
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Master of Education
Degree Program
Education (Counseling Psychology)
Publication Date
04/17/2015
Defense Date
03/11/2015
Publisher
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Tag
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