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Cultural ecology, stereotype threat, and institutional agents: high school achievements of Black male and female students

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Cultural ecology, stereotype threat, and institutional agents: high school achievements of Black male and female students

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Content Running head: STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 1

CULTURAL ECOLOGY, STEREOTYPE THREAT, AND INSTITUTIONAL AGENTS: HIGH SCHOOL
ACHIEVEMENTS OF BLACK MALE AND FEMALE STUDENTS
by

Sherrita Rose Blackshear

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

December 2013

Copyright 2013 Sherrita Rose Blackshear

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 2

Acknowledgements
I would like to thank my Dissertation Chair Dr. Baca for working with me in my time of
need. Thank you for all of your support throughout this entire process. I would like to thank Dr.
Fischer for never giving up on me. You have continued to encourage me even when I could not
encourage myself. I appreciate all of the emails and text messages that helped me get back on
track. The writing groups have been a tremendous help in getting me through this process. I
would also like to thank all of my classmates and colleagues that have read my drafts, attended
the writing groups, and spoke encouraging words that kept me positive over the years.

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 3

Table of Contents
List of Tables 5
List of Figures 6
Abstract 7
Chapter One: 8
Background of the problem 8
Statement of the problem 11
Purpose of the study 12
Importance of the study 14
Chapter Two: Literature Review 16
Cultural Ecological Theory 17
The Work of Ogbu 18
Distinction between voluntary and involuntary minorities 20
Folk Theory of Success 21
The development of an oppositional stance 23
The Burden of Acting White 23
Critiquing Cultural Ecological Theory 24
Beyond Acting White 28
Stereotype Threat 31
Social Capital Theory 34
Origin and Development of Social Capital Theory 34
Institutional Agents 36
Social Networks 41
Subtractive Schooling 43
Summary 44
Chapter Three: Methodology 45
Sample and Population 46
Instrumentation 47
Methods 48
Data Analysis 49
Chapter Four: Description of the school and participants 50
Taylor High School 50
Participants 53
High School Graduates 53
College-Bound Students 55
Chapter Five: Key Findings for high school graduates 57
Development of an oppositional identity 57
What does it mean to “Act White” 58
Is Getting high grades “Acting White” 60
Counterproductive behavior affecting
academic achievement 61
Concerns about Stereotype Threat 62
Derogatory perceptions of one’s self
and/or one’s academic ability 63
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 4

Perceptions of teachers/Staff expectations 64

Avoiding challenging courses
based on academic ability 65
Development of social networks and
relationships with social agents 66
Involvement in social networks 67
Relationships with institutional agents 68
Cultural Acceptance 72
Summary 73
Chapter Six: Key Findings for College Bound Students 74
Development of an oppositional identity 74
What does it mean to “Act White” 74
Is Getting high grades “Acting White” 76
Counterproductive behavior affecting
academic achievement 76
Concerns about Stereotype Threat 79
Derogatory perceptions of one’s self
and/or one’s academic ability 80
Perceptions of teachers/Staff expectations 81

Avoiding challenging courses
based on academic ability 82
Development of social networks and
relationships with social agents 83
Involvement in social networks 83
Relationships with institutional agents 85
Cultural Acceptance 89
Summary 90
Chapter Seven: High School Graduates vs. College Bound 91
Summary of findings 93
Implications for practice 97
Recommendations for research 99
Conclusion 100

References 101
Appendix A 105
Appendix B 106
Appendix C 107
Appendix D 108

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 5

List of Tables
Table 1: Study participants cumulative GPAs as of Spring 2009 50
Table 2: Ethnic breakdown of Taylor High School Students 51
Table 3: 12
th
Grade graduates completing all courses required
for U.C. and/or C.S.U entrance 52
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 6

List of Figures
Figure 1: Unfolding Matrix for initial data analysis 49

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 7

Abstract

This study applies three theoretical frameworks; Cultural Ecological Theory,
Stereotype Threat, and Social Capital Theory. The purpose of this study was to gain a
deeper understanding about why some Black students achieve while others do not.
Eight Black high school seniors were the participants in this qualitative comparative
study using ethnographic student interviews in order to examine whether: (1) Average
achieving Black high school students develop more of an oppositional identity than
Black students who are high achieving (2) If average achieving Black high school
students have a greater concern about stereotype threats than Black high school
students who are high achieving and (3)Do Black high school students who are high
achieving develop stronger social networks and deeper relationships with institutional
agents than average achieving Black high school students? Findings from this study
indicate that; Black high school students who are average achieving do not develop
more of an oppositional identity compared to Black students who are college bound,
Black high school students who are average achieving do not have a greater concern
about stereotype threat than those Black high school students who are college bound,
and Black high school students who are college bound do develop stronger networks
and deeper relationships with institutional agents than do Black high school students
who are average achieving. This study focused on a small part of the big picture and
found that teachers, counselors, and administrators are institutional agents that play a
crucial role in the academic achievement of all students.
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 8

Chapter One

America’s educational system has been in turmoil for some time. Many students have
struggled to remain long enough to graduate with a high school diploma. The problem worsens
when looking at the percentage of students who are eligible to attend a four-year college or
university. According to the California Educational Opportunity Report conducted by
UCLA/IDEA and UC/ACCORD, only 65% of California students who began high school in
2003 graduated in four years (See Appendix A). Even more disturbing is that only 25% met the
A-G requirements and were eligible to attend a CSU or a UC school. Clearly California students
are struggling. When looking at the data for Black students the numbers become more
frightening. In 2007, 53% of the Black students that begin high school four years prior,
graduated and only 15% of them met the A-G requirements. With numbers like this it is crucial
that we find a way to increase the number of Black students that are eligible to attend a four-year
college or university.

Background of the problem

The 1954 Supreme Court ruling, Brown vs. The Board of Education, was a landmark
case for school integration. Through integration, the educational opportunities between Black
and White students would be equal, thus leading to eliminating the Black/White achievement
gap. Nearly 50 years later, Congress enacted the 2001 Elementary and Secondary Education Act,
more widely known as the No Child Left behind Act, to close this achievement gap with
accountability, flexibility, and choice. Despite the narrowing of the achievement gap in the 1970s
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 9

and 1980s the gap widened in the 1990s (Lee, 2002). Researchers such as Ladson-Billings
(2006) believe we have misplaced the focus on the achievement gap. Disparities between Black
and White students are not the real issue. Causes that play a role in the academic achievement of
Black students may not be as influential in the academic achievement of White students. In fact,
the problem is between individuals of the same racial or ethnic group who are facing similar
challenges. Students living in the same neighborhoods, going to the same schools, facing the
same subtle barriers in school, and dealing with the same post academic hindrances are showing
disparities in achievement.
Fordham and Ogbu (1986) followed 8 Black high school students at a school in
Washington D.C. and found internal factors that hinder the academic performance of both
underachieving and high achieving students. One such internal reason is accusing academically
successful students of “Acting White.” Ogbu (1987) has described how some minorities consider
certain qualities, such as academic achievement, as conforming to the demands of dominant
culture. These individuals behave in direct opposition to anything affiliated with the dominant
culture. Because of this oppositional stance, an internal division among members of the same
group may occur. The high achieving participants were able to develop strategies to overcome
this internal barrier, whereas those underachieving participants did not. Although clearly such
strategies are instrumental in the academic achievement of Black students, some researchers see
the burden of “Acting White” as only one of the reasons for their achievement level.
Some researchers view the impact of negative stereotypes as a major contributor to the
academic achievement of Black students. Spencer, Noll, Stoltzfus, and Harpalani (2001) believe
the burden of “Acting White” only indirectly explains the academic achievement of Black
students because it presents a negative achievement orientation for Black youth by contributing
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 10

to cultural stereotypes. In a study of 562 Black students, they did not find significant data that
suggested the participants had poor academic performance for fear of Acting White. Steele
(1997) has analyzed past literature and studied Black students to show how stereotypes affect
their academic performance. The findings suggest negative stereotyping affects them when they
believe others are applying it to them. The stereotype threat tends to mostly affect students who
are confident and have the potential for high achievement.
Besides the internal barriers Black students face such as “Acting White” and stereotype
threat, there are also external barriers. Mickelson (1990) found that many Black students
recognize the institutionalized barriers that exist within schools and post educational
opportunities. As a result, many develop attitudes that reflect a negative correlation between
education and upward mobility. Some of the barriers include the lack of access to social
networks (Stanton-Salazar, 1997) and nonexistent or ineffective relationships with institutional
agents (Stanton-Salazar, 1997 and Valenzuela, 1997). Stanton-Salazar and Spina (2000) point
out that the more racial segregation experienced by a Black student the greater the need for
effective institutional agents who can foster development of coping strategies and promote their
increased participation in more social networks. The participants in this study are racially
segregated because they only comprise 4% of the schools’ population. It is essential to focus on
individuals who are academically successful and have developed effective strategies to overcome
both internal and external barriers to achievement.

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 11

Statement of the Problem

Some Black students are achieving while others are not. The variability in academic
achievement among Black students is much too complex to assign one cause. The variation
stems from fundamental issues within the ecological structure of the culture as well as those
issues stemming from institutionalized inequality. Fordham and Ogbu’s (1986) theory of the
burden of acting white and Steele’s (1997) theory of stereotype threat are all internal factors that
play a role in the underachievement of Black students. Sociologists such as Stanton-Salazar
(1997) and Valenzuela (1999) focus on the institutionalized inequalities that have created
unequal opportunities for Black and other minority students.
Systemic inequality is the basis for the burden of acting white, stereotype threat, and lack
of access to social capital for Black students. For many years this country has treated Blacks as
second class citizens and has yet to accept them as equal to their White counterparts. As a result,
some Blacks have developed coping skills or an idea of success that is in complete opposition to
dominant culture. This oppositional attitude typically depends on distinctive differences in
minority groups (Ogbu, 1987) and their perception of how they fit into a White dominated
society. Ogbu (1987) explains how minority status and unequal treatment leads to developing an
oppositional attitude and creating a different idea of success. Thus, individuals who maintain an
alternative theory of success and an oppositional attitude toward the dominant culture may
accuse members of their own group of acting white. This dichotomous relationship between
members of the same group is one cause of the variability of achievement among Black students.
Stanton-Salazar (1997) has compiled information from past studies and concluded that
access to social networks and institutional agents is crucial for minority students because of the
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 12

skills needed to successfully navigate the educational system. Minorities such as Blacks, have
difficulties being successful in many institutions such as schools because they require dominant
culture skills to do well. Many Black students do not have these skills and therefore depend on
institutional agents to help them navigate the system and use available social networks.
Valenzuela (1999) affirms that some institutional agents create an environment for Blacks and
other minorities that is counterproductive to their academic success. Subtractive Schooling is
present in many institutions of racial and ethnic minority students. Creating a school
environment where Black students feel as though Institutional Agents view their culture as
inferior will have a negative impact on their academic achievement.
Apparently not all Black students allow internal or external barriers to interfere with their
academic progress. Many have developed strategies that would allow them to navigate
successfully within the confines of the dominant culture. Isolating these strategies used by many
successful Black students should be the focus of the educational arena as opposed to looking for
ways to close the achievement gap between Black and White students.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study is to gain a deeper insight about why some Black students
achieve while others do not. The following three research questions will guide this study of
Black students in a large Southern California urban public high school.
(1) Do Black high school students who are average achieving develop more of an
oppositional identity compared to Black students who are college bound?
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 13

(2)Do average achieving Black high school students have a greater concern about
stereotype threats than those Black high school students who are college bound?
(3)Do Black high school students who are college bound develop stronger social
networks and deeper relationships with institutional agents than do Black high
school students who are average achieving?
To answer my three research questions I will conduct a qualitative comparative study of
ethnographic student interviews. The study’s sampling framework draws on Black students
based on their academic achievement level and willingness to take part in the study. Each
participant will first answer 10 background questions to create a student profile. Secondly, each
participate will have a face to face interview and will respond to 45 structured interview
questions. Finally, Padilla’s (1994) notion of an “unfolding matrix” will guide the compilation
and analysis of the interview responses. The matrix consists minimally of three columns: one
column each for barriers, knowledge and actions. As many rows are added to the matrix as there
are barriers identified by the interviewees (2009). Words at the top of each column are
designated “cover terms.” Any cover term can be “unfolded” or expanded semantically by
providing examples of the various means the cover term encompasses. Through examining
student responses, I will not only align each response to a theoretical framework, but compile
themes that will point to strategies used by academically successful students in order to
overcome internal and external academic barriers. Three theoretical frameworks (cultural
ecological, stereotype threat and social capital theory) represent a strategy of theoretical
shingling (Baca, Reynaldo Personal communication, December 2009) through which each
research question is examined.
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 14

John Ogbu’s (1987) Cultural Ecological Theory and Claude Steele’s (1997) Stereotype
Threat combine to describe an association between minority academic achievement and a
dominant White culture. Fordham and Ogbu (1986) and Ogbu (1987) describe how some
minorities rebel against the confines of dominant ideology and develop an oppositional stance
toward anything related to dominant culture. Black students often refer to “doing well in school”
as “acting White” and therefore frowned on by those who have developed this oppositional
frame of reference. Steele (1997) has shown that minority students will succumb to the pressures
of negative stereotypes and underachieve because they have internalized the negative labels.
Stanton-Salazar’s Social Capital Theory (1997) points to the unequal access to tangible
institutional resources and opportunities as the cause of minority student’s low academic
achievement. He sees the lack of social networks and institutional agents as the main causes of
minority academic underachievement. Valenzuela (1999) has also shown how institutional
agents can undermine a student’s racial background and culture through Subtractive Schooling.
Each of these theoretical frameworks will provide a unique view of why some Black students
achieve while others do not.

Importance of the Study

This study is necessary because it may help point educational researchers in the right
direction when trying to close the academic achievement gap between African American and
their White middle class counterparts. For many years the focus has been on closing the gap
between Black and White students while ignoring Black students who are achieving. It may be
difficult to realize that not all Black students are failing because much of the research focuses on
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 15

their underachievement. By doing this study, I place an emphasis on identifying successful Black
students who have found ways to be academically successful despite the internal conflicts of the
burden of acting white, oppositional identity, and stereotype threats, and less social capital. They
have been able to maintain the status of high achieving while dealing with the external barriers
that limit their access to social networks and institutional agents. The outcomes of this study can
then be used to teach Black students who have not learned how to cope with such barriers to be
able to navigate successfully the confines of a dominant culture in our public schools.
School practitioners would gain much needed insight on the role they play in the
academic achievement of Black students. Many teachers, administrators, and other school staff,
may act as institutional agents and guide Black students on how to navigate successfully their
schooling. The responses to the structured interview questions regarding Social Capital,
Institutional Agents, Social Networks and Subtractive Schooling, will reflect a positive or
negative dynamic for Black students. If student responses spark a concern, school practitioners
may be better informed about how to work with the Black students and challenge exclusionary
policies and practices.
I would like others to learn that everything is not always Black and White. It is necessary
to look at the many shades of gray that occupy the educational spectrum. The strategies that
White students use are not necessarily effective tools for minority students. It is crucial that we
not attempt a “one size fits all” cure for the problems that pervade our educational system. We
must take the time to not only learn from successful White students, but also study those many
minority students who are high achieving.

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 16

Chapter Two: Literature Review

This chapter will examine the existing literature relevant to the variability of academic
achievement of Black students. Three theoretical frameworks will serve as the lenses used to
explore the burden of acting white, oppositional identity, institutional agents, social networks,
and subtractive schooling. An oppositional identity typically develops after a period of
oppression and unequal treatment. The burden of acting white is another symptom of inequality
that becomes internalized by the oppressed group, often leaving them to ostracize their own
people if they have not adopted an oppositional identity. Social networks are connections to
groups, information, and institutions that allow individuals to integrate successfully into the
dominant society. Institutional agents are the people that help students navigate within the
ideological confines of a dominant culture. I will review three theoretical frameworks (Cultural
Ecological Theory, Stereotype Threat, and Social Capital Theory) through a synthesis of several
peer reviewed articles. John Ogbu’s (1987) Cultural Ecological Theory and Claude Steele’s
(1997) Stereotype Threat, describe a direct connection between minority academic achievement
and a dominant White culture in school and society. Stanton-Salazar’s Social Capital Theory
points to the unequal access to tangible institutional resources and opportunities as the reasons
for minority student’s low academic achievement.
This review will start with an exploration of Cultural Ecological Theory. Next, the work
of Ogbu will be highlighted through the following topics: (1) distinction between voluntary and
involuntary minorities; folk theory of success, (2) development of an oppositional stance, and (3)
the burden of acting white. After that, there is a synthesis of several articles that critique Ogbu’s
views, followed by research that goes beyond acting white. Afterward, I will explore Stereotype
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 17

Threat. Next, a report on Social Capital theory will lead into explanations of: (1) the origin and
development of Social Capital Theory, (2) institutional agents, social networks, and (3)
subtractive schooling. This chapter will end with a summary of the areas I will explore in
Chapter 3 and a brief explanation of how I will examine them.

Cultural Ecological Theory

Cultural-Ecological Theory (CET) explains the variability of academic achievement
between members of the same minority group. For many years academic researchers have
attempted to close the achievement gap between cultural minorities and their White counterparts;
however, few have focused on the differences in achievement between members of the same
racial/ethnic group. After years of research in the field of Cultural Ecology, Ogbu (1987) still
asked: Why do some ethnic minorities achieve while others do not? Ogbu found distinct
differences within minority groups that shape how they view and respond to a dominant culture
and ideology.
This section will explore the work of Ogbu by first distinguishing between the three types
of minorities. The next section will discuss the folk theory of success and how minorities view
success within the confines of a dominant White culture. Articles focusing on the development
of an oppositional stance will then show how some minorities have ideological beliefs that are in
direct opposition with that of a dominant culture. The next section will focus on how developing
an oppositional stance leads to the burden of acting white. The last two topics in this section
critique Ogbu’s theory and go beyond acting white as an explanation for the academic
underachievement of some minority students.

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 18

The work of Ogbu.

Ogbu (1987) distinguishes between three types of minority groups: Autonomous,
Immigrant, and Involuntary. Each of these groups must maneuver through the established norms
of a dominant culture; it’s their response to these norms that has great influence on their
academic success. Autonomous minorities are only labeled as such due to sheer numbers; some
examples include the Jewish or Quaker communities. Immigrant and involuntary minorities have
ethnic and cultural differences that not only distinguish them from the dominant culture, but in
some cases, these differences may interfere with their ability to assimilate. Immigrant minorities
have willingly established a home in a foreign land whereas involuntary minorities were
enslaved or conquered by a dominant group. One example of an immigrant population in the
United States would be contemporary African-origin people who have come to the United States
seeking a better life than they could have in their homelands. African Americans on the other
hand, are involuntary minorities because of their history of being slaves. The effects of the
clashing cultural ideologies are most commonly recognized between different minority groups;
however, it can happen between individuals of the same cultural background.
Ogbu (1987) proposes that some minorities face social and psychological pressures from within
their own peer group not to behave by the dominant White culture’s expectations. The idea of
“acting white” stems from a feeling of collective inferiority that dominant White culture has
burdened Blacks with for many centuries. Because of this burden, many Blacks have adopted
their own cultural norms. Often these practices are in direct opposition to those of dominant
White culture. One such idea is that education is the key to upward mobility. Blacks who have
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 19

thus developed an oppositional stance to dominant White culture also expect their peers to adopt
similar beliefs or run the risk of other Blacks accusing them of “acting white”.
In a 1989 study conducted by Fordham and Ogbu, they highlighted 8 Black students in an
attempt to explain the variability of academic achievement between Black students. They found
that several internal factors affect how involuntary minorities view academic achievement. Some
have a strong sense of collective identity which may or may not conflict with dominant culture.
Others may develop an oppositional frame of reference which makes it difficult to view societal
norms as necessary. One such norm is academic achievement. Ogbu (1981& 1987) and Ogbu
and Fordham (1986) have noted how society treats Blacks and how they respond shapes their
academic variability. That the dominant culture does not always accept ethnic and racial
minorities as equals shapes the foundation of Ogbu’s Cultural Ecological Theory. This feeling of
segregation plays a major role in how ethnic minorities view education. Ogbu (1981) proposes
that ethnic and racial minorities do not underachieve because they lack the necessary skills and
competencies needed for academic success. The problem stems from a lack of equality between
the involuntary minority group and the dominant group about education, employment, and the
ability to “make it” in society. Earning an education may not guarantee involuntary minorities’
equal treatment or complete acceptance into the White dominant culture. Involuntary minorities
such as African Americans look at their parents and other individuals in their communities and
realize that being educated does not negate inequality and discriminatory practices.
To circumvent the feeling of unacceptance, some Black’s have adopted a folk theory of
making it that traditionally has not placed much focus on academic achievement. Thus, high
academic achievement became an internal wedge within the Black community. Some Black
students began to discourage their peers from achieving academically while others simply began
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 20

to doubt their own intellectual ability. They saw academic success as emulating White people
and the Black ecological structure generally frowned on that type of behavior. Some Black’s
developed identities that were in direct opposition with White dominant ideology, while others
felt the need to fit into White culture and assimilate to be successful.
Linear assimilation models stress that to be successful academically in the United States people
of color must adopt dominant White ideology and obtain dominant White cultural skills and
competencies. Fordham and Ogbu (1986) contend that some minorities develop an oppositional
identity as a way of protecting themselves and preserving boundaries between them and Whites.
When their peers assimilate into dominant White culture, internal conflict may arise within that
minority group. The “burden of acting white” stems from this internal conflict between the
minorities that embrace assimilation and those who have assumed an oppositional identity.
Oppositional identity is an overall resistance to identifying and assimilating to dominant White
ideology.

Distinction between voluntary and involuntary minorities.

Ogbu (1987) posits that the disparity between minority groups academic achievement,
stems directly from their relationship to the dominant culture. Despite facing the same barriers in
culture, language, and post educational opportunities, some minority groups exhibit high
academic achievement and others do not. To account for the variability Ogbu distinguishes
between three types of minorities and how these groups view themselves within the dominant
cultural paradigm in the United States. Ogbu argues that it is the folk theory of “making it” that
distinguishes voluntary (immigrant) from involuntary minorities and accounts for the differences
in their school performance.
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 21

When Immigrants face discrimination, Ogbu (1987) states that they rationalize the
treatment. Immigrants view themselves as guests in the new country and fully expect such
treatment until they learn to operate within the confines of the dominant culture. They believe
that once they assimilate and learn the language they will be successful. They see discrimination
simply as a barrier to overcome because life in this country is still better than life in their
homeland. Involuntary minorities do not view discrimination as temporary. As Ogbu (1981)
explains in his Cultural Ecological Theory, involuntary minorities face discrimination even if
they have acquired a lot of education. One such involuntary minority group is African
Americans. Many of them have adopted their own folk theory of “making it”, which may be in
opposition to that of the dominant White culture. Some Blacks equate abiding by societal norms
such as, getting an education and following rules as trying to fit into a White culture. Blacks are
unable to rationalize away the discriminatory practices by comparing life in the United States to
life back home. They were born and raised in the United States just as many of the Whites who
treat them unfairly. Some Blacks are content with assimilating and adopting dominant ideologies
while others choose to develop survival strategies to compensate for the lack of equal
opportunity. They equate schooling with learning the White American cultural frame of
reference. They also may interpret actions that raise academic success and social advancement as
“acting white”.

Folk theory of success.

The dominant ideological perspective which focuses on academic achievement and
education shapes the traditional American ideal of how one manages to be a successful member
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 22

of this society. The U.S. dominant culture has established several factors that affected adversely
the academic achievement of minority students. Such factors according to Ogbu (1986) include:
(1) inferior schooling and unequal treatment in schools, (2) job ceilings, and (3) the development
of coping devices that may limit their desire to strive for academic success. Ogbu refers to one
such coping device as a status mobility system.
A status mobility system is the culturally approved strategy for getting ahead within
society. Ogbu (1986; 1987; 2002) uses the term, the folk theory of making it or the folk theory of
success. By denying Blacks the opportunity to receive equal benefits for their education, many
have become discouraged by the dominant cultures way of “making it”. The cumulative effects
of unequal treatment and opportunity have forced Blacks to define their own ideal qualities and
competencies to live and get ahead in society (Ogbu, 1987). Often the qualities and skills
obtained to be successful do not involve academic achievement. The inability of some Blacks to
establish a positive relationship between academic achievement and being successful creates a
division between Blacks that work hard academically and those who do not.
Mehan and others (1994) along with Fordham and Ogbu (1986) described high-achieving
involuntary minority students who developed successful strategies to overcome internal reasons
such as the pressures of preserving their own cultural identity and external obstacles like
structural inequality. Both underachieving and high achieving minority students are aware that
both society and schools have institutionalized barriers that may hinder their goals. Some
students have the ability to look beyond their circumstances and develop strategies to overcome
the barriers; others develop a folk theory that is oppositional towards dominant ideology.

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 23

The development of an oppositional stance

Fordham and Ogbu (1986) attributed the deliberate academic underachievement of many
minorities to two phenomena they call oppositional social identity and oppositional cultural
frame of reference. Some minorities realize that despite their political, social, or psychological
status, society will never allow them to assimilate into the dominant culture. An oppositional
identity with an oppositional frame of reference provides a protective boundary between
minorities and dominant White culture. Activities, events, symbols, and behaviors that are in
direct opposition with a White frame of reference serve as the basis for developing a unique
cultural experience that justifies sabotaging one’s academic achievement (Fordham & Ogbu
1986).

The burden of acting White.

The burden of “Acting White” as a result of developing an oppositional identity and
oppositional frame of reference, is how Ogbu (1987) and Fordham and Ogbu (1986) explained
the academic underachievement of African-American students. The idea of “acting white” is a
concern for both underachieving and high achieving minority students and both have developed
their own way of coping with the burden.
Fordham and Ogbu (1986) focused on how internal factors affect African-American
student achievement. They highlighted eight students from a high school in Washington, DC.
The participants consisted of both high achieving and underachieving African-American male
and female students. The researchers wanted to find how African-American students incorporate
fictive kinship and how this affects their schooling. Fictive kinship is a framework for
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 24

understanding how a sense of collective identity enters the schooling process and shapes
academic achievement. The study focused on the internal causes enhancing or hampering
African-American student’s academic performance. One such internal cause is the “burden of
acting white”.
Although “acting white” affects both high achieving and underachieving students,
underachieving students were much more involved with the idea of fictive kinship. Minority
students often develop close bonds with individuals who have an elective affinity with their
cultural experiences. Fictive kinship is a “family” bond shared between those who are close
socially even though they are not genetically related. Therefore, these students had trouble
putting forth effort to aim for academic goals. The high achieving students however, developed
strategies to cope with the burden of acting white (Fordham & Ogbu 1986). These strategies
included: (1) engaging in activities that would distract attention from their achievement such as
sports, (2) camouflaging their academic efforts by ‘clowning’, and (3) getting protection from
bullies in exchange for help with schoolwork. This study demonstrated even within the same
minority group, despite having the same internal conflicts, some minority students achieve while
others do not (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). Seen in many underachieving minority students and in
the strategies high achievers adopt the idea of the “burden of acting white” has been both
supported and challenged over the years.

Critiquing Cultural Ecological Theory.

Although the idea of “acting white” permeates much of Ogbu’s research, other
researchers offer a different perspective. Bergin and Cooks (2002) interviewed 38 students who
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 25

had all applied to a scholarship incentive program called EXCEL at the end of their 8
th
grade
year. The program admitted 28 of the participants. They used the 10 who the program did not
admit as the comparison group. The purpose of the study was to further investigate the social
pressure to avoid acting white. The study took place in various public and private high schools in
a mid-western city and included African-American, Latino, and mixed-race relatively high-
achieving students. The interviews took place several years after the students applied to the
EXCEL program which gave the students’ time to change their academic attitudes. The
researchers asked the participants two major questions: (1) did students report avoiding academic
achievement to avoid appearing to act white? And (2) Did they perceive they abandoned their
ethnic or racial identity to do well in school? Unlike the students in Fordham and Ogbu’s study
(1986), the participants did not report avoiding academic achievement to get around accusations
of acting white and most reported no loss of ethnic identity. The participants had a mean GPA of
3.3 and even reported competing for grades. It was obvious that academic achievement was an
indicator of acting white, but it was not enough to attract accusation of acting white. The most
frequent indicators that warranted accusations of acting white included dialect, acting stuck up,
style of dress, and hanging around white students. It was clear the participants in this study did
not allow the accusations of “acting white” to deter their academic achievement. Other studies
support the idea that low-income minority students are supportive of high achievement and are
not allowing the burden of “acting white” to hinder their academic goals.
Horvat and Lewis (2003) intensively studied 8 college bound African-American high
school seniors at 2 different California public schools. One school was predominately African-
American and of low socioeconomic status while the other school was a mixture of various racial
and socioeconomic backgrounds. This study examined the variation within African-American
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 26

peer groups. Past research (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986) characterized African-American peer
groups as having negative influences on its members by discouraging academic achievement.
Fordham and Ogbu (1986) found that African-American peer groups oppose adopting
appropriate academic attitudes and behaviors because their peers consider such behaviors and
attitudes as “acting White”. This study found that the “burden of acting White” was not a
dominant force in the participants’ peer groups. These students not only showed strong African-
American cultural foundations, but they upheld high academic achievement. The participants
effectively managed their academic success by their ability to discern and discriminate among
friends. Their peers were emotionally sympathetic which made it easy for the participants to
engage actively in social organizations such as student government and clubs. Unlike the
findings of Fordham and Ogbu (1986), these activities were genuinely interesting to these
students and not engaging them diverted their attention from their academic success.
Obviously not all minority students have an oppositional identity toward the dominant White
culture. Some have succumbed to the pressure of the dominant frame of reference and fully
embraced White ideology. These students do well in school because that is the key to “making
it” according to a dominant frame of reference. Many minorities have developed identities that
allow them to navigate between their own ethnic identity as well as the White dominant culture.
Students that have the ability to manage this dual-identity maintain a strong fictive kinship while
doing well academically. The ideology dimension of one’s racial and ethnic identity has a strong
impact on academic achievement.
Mickelson (1990) examined the whole idea of attitude versus achievement. Looking
beyond simply “acting white” Mickelson (1990) set out to discover why African-American
students earn lower grades, drop out more often, and attain less education than White students
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 27

despite African-American students holding favorable attitudes toward education. This
phenomenon, referred to as the attitude-achievement paradox, does not exist when distinguishing
between abstract and concrete attitudes towards education. Mickelson contends the dominant
culture established abstract attitudes. Therefore this abstract ideology stresses a positive
association between education and upward mobility. Experience is the basis of concrete attitudes.
When working class and minority students examine their lives with regards to education and
upward mobility, they see that they often do not receive the same wages, jobs, and promotions as
middle-class White men. Thus minority and working class people’s concrete attitudes reflect a
negative association between education and upward mobility. There is no paradox when
comparing minority and working class individuals’ concrete attitudes with achievement.
Mickelson (1990) shows how the problem is not simply that African-American students do not
want their African-American peers to see them as “acting white”. Their experiences have shown
them that despite having an education, following the rules, and assimilating to dominant White
ideology, they may still not have the same opportunities. So they do not achieve in school
because they do not feel as though education pays off for them. Some students have not been
able to separate academic achievement from dominant ideology whereas others have been able to
find a balance between the two.
Carter’s (2006) study focused on 68 mixed gender, low-income, African-American and
Latino-American youths ranging in ages from 13-20. The findings highlight the complexity of
the “burden of acting White” and shift the focus away from a simplistic equivalence of this
phenomenon of rejecting. Carter (2006) found that the participants’ ideological dimension of
their racial and ethnic identity shaped how each participant handled “white” cultural, economic,
and political dominance. The three ideological dimensions identified in this study were the
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 28

cultural mainstreamers, cultural straddlers, and the non-compliant believers. Although all
participants held mainstream beliefs about the value of education, Carter found their concrete
beliefs (Mickelson, 1990) aligned with the ideological dimension of racial and ethnic identity
they held. It was also clear that participants did not equate academic excellence with whiteness.
Rather they saw whiteness as having to do with social boundaries among races. Therefore
students whose peers accused them of “Acting White” may be seen at various achievement
levels. The concrete beliefs of cultural mainstreamers and cultural straddlers did not deter them
from achieving in school and desiring upward mobility. All 3 groups agreed on what signifies
“acting white”:(1)language and speech, (2)in-group/out-group distinctions such as dress, music,
interactions and taste, (3) group solidarity symbolized by racial composition of friends and social
networks, and(4)the interracial power dynamics of superiority and subordination. “Acting white”
transcends academic achievement; rather the focus is on how students use symbols and meanings
they attach to different racial, ethnic, and cultural identities as measures of inclusion and
exclusion. The study found that school tracking may contribute to the phenomenon because high
achieving minority students are often in classrooms that are predominately White.

Beyond acting White.

Many studies look beyond the individual and place the responsibility on the schools and
other institutional policies that may contribute to why some students accuse members of their
own racial group of “acting White”. Venzant (2007) used interviews, document analysis, and
classroom observations to study 7 African-American juniors and seniors in a major mid-western
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 29

metropolitan area school. The qualitative study of 4 women and 3 men focused on how tracking
contributes to students equating academic achievement with white culture. Using two theoretical
frameworks, critical policy analysis and critical race theory, Venzant (2007) revealed 3 themes:
(1)students were playing out particular roles within prescribed cultural parameters, (2)tracking
serves to support this stratification, and (3) the implications of these earlier decisions for the
current experiences of these students.
The first theme identified as assimilation/negotiation was evidenced by the lack of
support students received if their identities fell outside mainstream culture. Second, schools
segregated regular and high track students from each other. The high track students felt isolated.
There were few African-American students in the higher track classes. African-American
students had to associate with the White students in the higher level classes. Lastly, many
students felt a sense of personal responsibility for their current academic status. Since the high
school had no “official” policy for tracking students, participants believed that the opportunity to
incorporate themselves into the dominant culture was given to everyone. Although, at the time,
they were unaware of the ramifications, they chose not to perform at a level that would allow
them to be in a higher track in elementary school. The regular track and lower track students
were not curtailing their performance out of fear of acting white. Rather, they were conditioned
to institutional practices since elementary school about their incorporation into the dominant
culture. The regular track students displayed an increased sense of racial identity and solidarity
among each other. Since they started school, the institutional practices of the school have made it
clear that dominant culture was not for them. Just as Carter (2006) and Venzant (2007) proposed,
in many cases minority students are not sabotaging their own academic achievement out of fear
their peers will accuse them of being accused of “acting White”. It might be that the school traps
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 30

some minority students in situations that maintain exclusionary institutional policies and the
achievement gap.
Tyson, Darity, and Castellino (2005) used interviews and existing data from 8 North
Carolina secondary public schools to contribute to the current debate on the burden of acting
white. They focused on the decisions students make about the academic level of the courses they
take as well as distinguishing a burden of acting white from other more generic dilemmas of high
achievement. The researchers propose that black culture may not solely contribute to the burden
of acting white. Rather it may develop in some schools under conditions that contribute to
animosity between high and low achieving students within or between racial and socioeconomic
groups. Students in all racial and ethnic groups face similar dilemmas of high achievement.
Tyson, Darity and Castellino (2005) proposed three types of oppositionality toward high
achievement: (1) general, which is using words like nerd, dork, or braniac, (2) racial put-downs
like oreo or being accused of acting white, and (3) class-based slurs such as snooty, high and
mighty, or better than. Only 2 of the 40 African-American students reported racially based
ridicule. However it did not deter their academic achievement. African-American students who
avoided taking AP courses did so for fear of not doing well academically. White students
avoided such courses and programs for fear that others will accuse them of acting stuck-up.
Dilemmas faced by students who are high academic achievers cross both racial and
socioeconomic lines. Racial insults such as accusations of “acting White” and putdowns that
stem from class issues like snooty are a result of one group feeling superior over another.
Usually students who have strong ideological beliefs about whom they are and hold a positive
association between education and upward mobility will develop similar strategies to overcome
the negative pressure. These strategies include: (1) taking part in such activities as sports and
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 31

student clubs to distract from their academic abilities, (2) “clowning” or purposely misbehaving
in school to distract from their academic abilities, and (3) having dual-identities by keeping
academic life completely separate from nonacademic life.
Despite the efforts of many researchers to find the solution for underachieving low
income minority students the problem persists. Some say it is because for many years researchers
have wasted efforts studying the burden of acting white. Others argue the solution lies in the
institutionalized inequality that exists in society which shapes the cultures and policies of many
schools. It is clear there is a problem and researchers must continue to search for a way to
improve the quality of education for all students.

Stereotype Threat

Besides discriminatory practices and institutionalized inequality, Blacks have dealt with
the effects of negative stereotypes. Though the written laws state that discrimination on the bases
of race, creed, or culture is illegal, there is no law against labeling another individual as inferior.
This labeling better known as stereotyping, has indeed affected the educational achievement of
many Black students.
Claude Steele (2007) studied the notion that negative stereotypes have contributed to the
underachievement of minority students. Steele (1997) analyzed past literature and studied
women and Black students at Stanford University to find out how stereotype threat shapes
intellectual identity and performance. Stereotype threat is best understood as a situational threat
of a negative stereotype. Its cause is not an internal anxiety but rather the mere recognition that a
negative group stereotype could apply to oneself in a given situation. Those affected by
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 32

stereotype threat in academic settings tend to be students who are confident in their academic
ability and maintain a sense of accountability about academic achievement and success. This
study found that Black students performed consistent with the idea that stereotype threat can
dramatically decrease standardized test performance. Students who were given negative
stereotypical information about Blacks before taking the test scored significantly lower than
those students who were not given the stereotypical information. This information is critical
because over time stereotype threat can cause an individual to become less confident in their
academic abilities. Less confidence will lead to lower academic achievement and a
disengagement from schooling.
Spencer, Noll, Stoltzfus, and Harpalani (2001) studied 562 Black youth in the 6
th
-8
th

grades from 4 metropolitan middle schools in a southeastern American city. The purpose of the
study was to revisit the “Acting White” assumption while focusing on identity and school
adjustment. The findings suggest that the “Acting White” assumption does not explain the
underachievement of Black youth. Rather it contributes to the cultural stereotypes that present
negative achievement orientation of Black youth by focusing on those underachievers as opposed
to students who do well. The participants in this study showed a clear value for school and high
academic achievement and expressed disappointment over poor academic performance. The
findings also suggest that those students who expressed having high self-esteem and lower ties to
White dominant ideology scored higher on standardized tests than students with lower self-
esteem and a higher identification with a White dominant culture. Studies that perpetuate
negative cultural stereotypes by focusing on underachieving Black youth fail to realize the
damage they cause. This study has show there are low-income minority students who have a
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 33

proclivity for doing well academically and it might be possible that by focusing on them the
negative stereotypes can began to fade away.
Eliminating negative cultural stereotypes is the beginning of not only improving
academic achievement of minority students but also developing a healthy self-perception. Many
studies have focused on minority perceptions of what it means to “Act White” but few studies
focus on how minority children see themselves. Peterson-Lewis and Bratton (2004) performed a
content analysis of 56 Black high school students’ descriptions of the meaning of “Acting
Black”. They revealed 5 different content dimensions: (1) academic/scholastic, (2)
aesthetic/stylistic, (3) behavioral, (4) dispositional, and (5) impressionistic. The results show that
all but one dimension resulted in negative associations with “Acting Black”. When referring to
the dimension of aesthetics/ stylistic, participants shared positive beliefs pertaining to “Acting
Black” associated with dress, music, walk, and leisure activities. Students did not, however,
associate “Acting Black” directly with academic failure. Many of the qualities described by the
students however would tend to lead to academic failure such as, not going to class, not doing
school work, and acting street-smart instead of school-smart. Participants expressed that students
that perform poorly in school or behave inappropriately have a greater connection with Black
culture than those with higher academic performance and behavior more acceptable to dominant
culture. This belief is consistent with the effects of a prolonged exposure to negative cultural
stereotypes that Black people face.
Eventually, the negative stereotypes become ingrained within an individual’s identity
which causes them to behave in a manner consistent with the stereotype. Despite what an
individual is truly capable of achieving, negative cultural stereotypes are debilitating to one’s
identity, feelings of self-worth, and ability. It is important to understand how culture affects
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 34

achievement, but it is crucial to not allow such explanations to exacerbate negative images.
Minorities face challenges associated with negative cultural stereotypes so it is important to
continue to acknowledge the problem but not feed into it.

Social Capital Theory

An oppositional frame of reference as well as the threat of stereotypes may indeed
contribute to minority student underachievement. However, sabotaging one’s own academic
success for fear of “acting white” remains problematic. Additional research has stepped away
from placing the responsibility of academic underachievement on the individual and turns to
institutional structures that may perpetuate inequality. Institutional structures such as schools
should provide students with the opportunity to obtain social capital in the form of institutional
agents and social networks. In some cases minority students are not provided with these
resources needed to navigate the system.
First, I will focus on the origins of Social Capital theory by examining work by Stanton-
Salazar. A synthesis of articles, articulating how the opportunity to use institutional agents and
social networks are unjustly withheld from minority students will follow. Finally, Valenzuela’s
(1999) notion of subtractive schooling will describe how institutions play a major role in the
origin of unequal educational opportunities for minority students.

Origin and development of Social Capital Theory.

According to Stanton-Salazar (1997) the groundwork of Social Capital Theory (SCT)
originates in Bourdieu’s (year) theory of social reproduction and Coleman’s (1988) ideas on
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 35

rational action. Both Bourdieu and Coleman recognized the value of social relationships and
networks as it relates to individual interest. Bourdieu (1986)) described human social relations as
a form of capital that can be converted into a socially valued resource resulting in opportunities
for mobility. Coleman (1988)) recognized the possibilities of turning social debts into resources
or forms of support that can become a relationship of ongoing exchange. More recently, Stanton-
Salazar and Dornbusch (1995) describe social capital as “social relationships from which an
individual is potentially able to derive institutional support, particularly support that includes the
delivery of knowledge-based resources.” (pg.119)
SCT is a network analytic model that focuses on access to tangible institutional resources
and opportunities. Stanton-Salazar (1997) proposes that for low-income minority youth,
attainment of social capital is problematic because there are intrinsic barriers within mainstream
institutions. These barriers function to hinder the social development of low-income minority
youth and sustain their failure in school. Mainstream instruction and curriculum are based on
White dominant culture and linguistic skills. Many low-income minority students do not posses
the necessary skills to decode this type of curriculum and are therefore not able to obtain the
same knowledge as those already equipped with such skills. Mainstream institutions such as
school do not teach low-income minority students how to be successful in a Eurocentric system.
Hence, forming relationships with institutional agents is crucial for them. Institutional agents are
individuals such as teachers and counselors, who have the capacity and commitment to transmit
directly, or negotiate the transmission of, institutional resources and opportunities (Stanton-
Salazar, 1997). By utilizing SCT as a basis for examining minority school failure it will be
possible to determine the role that institutional agents play in low-income minority students
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 36

academic lives, how these relationships are formed, and the strategies developed by some
students who are able to overcome intrinsic mainstream institutional barriers.

Institutional agents.

Institutional agents are individuals such as teachers and counselors who have the capacity
and commitment to transmit directly, or negotiate to transmit institutional resources and
opportunities (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Due to the institutional barriers that exist within society
and mainstream institutions like schools, minority students need individuals who can guide them
into the direction of such resources. Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch (1995) implemented SCT as
a framework for studying 205 Mexican origin sophomores, juniors, and seniors from 6 high
schools in the San Francisco- San Jose area. All 6 schools were in middle-high income White
majority areas and the lower income students took a bus or walked to the school. The researchers
examined the relationship between the educational and occupational goals and expectations of
Mexican origin high school students; their academic performances; and their reported social ties
with institutional agents. The most compelling findings were those associated with language
which proved to have a more profound and consistent effect on social capital than socioeconomic
reasons. Schools through cultural and language barriers deny low-income Spanish-dominant
students the opportunity to obtain institutional support. Highly bilingual students had an
advantage over both Spanish- dominant students and English-dominant students in accessing
social capital. The idea of bicultural adaptation allows bilingual individuals to acquire sufficient
mainstream cultural capital while simultaneously retaining sufficient trust in the system. These
students thus believe that cultural accommodation will ultimately produce desired returns.
Unfortunately not all students who speak a language other than English are bilingual. This is why
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 37

it is necessary for minority students to have access to institutional agents who can assist in
obtaining the necessary resources for mobility within their cultural boundaries or giving them the
tools needed to become bilingual.
Much research on minority student achievement supports the idea that students who navigate
between both the mainstream dominant culture and their own culture are more successful than
those students who do not use a dual- identity (Mehan et al., 1994, Horvat & Lewis, 2003,
Tyson, Darity, & Castellino, 2005, Carter, 2006 and Fordham & Ogbu, 1986 ). Stanton-Salazar
(1997) compiled information from past research to gain a deeper understanding about the
socialization of racial minority youth. Using Social Capital Framework as the analytical lens, he
examines the role that relationships between youth and institutional agents play in the greater
multicultural context of working class minority youth. He discovers how some of these youth are
able to manage participation in multiple worlds and develop strategies for overcoming obstacles.
Stanton –Salazar (1997) cautions that mainstream institutions have intrinsic problems that
interfere with the social development of working class minority youth and engineer their failure
in school. This is due to the fact that the instruction and curriculum in school are based on the
discourse and funds of knowledge of the middle class dominant “culture of power”.
Working class students may not have the skills needed to decode a middle class cultural
and linguistic system which puts them at a disadvantage within mainstream institutions.
Therefore institutional agents are necessary for working class minority youth. They become
consistent reliable sources for which they can learn the appropriate decoding skills and obtain
other key forms of institutional support. This study found that some working class minority
students were able to overcome the obstacles of obtaining social capital by developing a
bicultural network orientation. A bicultural network orientation refers to a consciousness that
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 38

facilitates crossing cultural borders and overcoming institutional barriers. All these facilitate
entrée into the multiple community and institutional settings where diversified capital can be
generated and converted by way of instrumental action. Although institutional agents are crucial
for minority student achievement, these agents develop the proper relationship with these
students before they can benefit them (Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
Valenzuela (1997) studied students at the predominately Latino inner-city school in
Houston Texas. With a focus on relationships between school personnel and Mexican-American
youth she investigated the pattern of mutual alienation and distrust between students. She
uncovered a pattern of divergent understanding between students and school personnel of what it
means to “care about school.” Because of the divergent perspectives, students left school or
dropped out mentally from both school and classroom engagement. Many formed oppositional
peer-group cultures that reinforced teacher misperceptions. Teachers’ misperceptions that
students did not care led to stereotypic views of students. Teachers further rationalized the
school’s failure by blaming individual students or their culture and community for “bad”
behavior. Valenzuela found that students do care about school. They do not resist education but
rather the school’s Eurocentric and middle class “culture of power.” This ideological framework
consists of: (1) a disparaging view of underachieving students, (2) a narrow definition of how
“good” students should appear and behave, and (3) a culture of pedagogy which demands
students care about school and commit to its ideals and procedures before teachers care about
them. She found that Mexican youth will learn from people who know them, respect them as
individuals, and attend to their needs. To constitute authentic caring, schools must fully
understand students’ cultural world and structural position. This means abandoning color-blind
curriculum and a neutral assimilation process.
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 39

As shown in the previous study institutional agents such as teachers can influence greatly
students’ well-being. If these agents use their power to navigate the students in the direction of
attaining social capital, the students will have a better chance of dealing with the inequalities and
barriers. On the other hand, if agents continue to push the status quo, and not diminish the
minority student’s culture, institutional agents may just perpetuate the problem. Arriaza (2003)
studied a group of 6 students and a group of 6 teachers including the principal from Huerta
Middle School in San Francisco California. The 6
th
-8
th
grade school is in an upper-middle class
neighborhood however, most students are minorities the district busses in from low-income
areas. The study demonstrated the ways conflict between teachers and students mediate building
social capital. By analyzing the data from the two focus groups as well as student referrals and
detentions Arriaza (2003) determined that Huerta Middle School had a culture of discipline that
targeted students of color, specifically, Black students. Teachers played the roles of reproductive
agents of the status quo. Doing so resulted in students’ failure to develop coping skills to
overcome institutional barriers and negotiate stressful cultural borders. This happened because
teachers dealt with conflict in a manner familiar to them as members of the dominant culture.
Many teachers believed they must teach students of color compliant behavior so they could learn
to behave “normally”. The study found that even the teachers of color may have perpetuated the
damage inflicted on students of color by failing to help the students build cultural decoding and
coping skills. These skills would promote a strong cultural and racial identity that would
translate into social capital.
Institutional agents must realize the value in minority student’s cultural background to
navigate successfully students towards mainstream resources. Carter (2003) studied 44 low-
income Black youth from Yonkers, New York to illustrate how the interplay between social
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 40

stratification and cultural production within schools and communities account for persistent
academic variability among various racial and ethnic groups. Carter stresses how students
negotiate their perceptions of educators’ differential values placed on dominant cultural capital
and non-dominant cultural capital. Carter ultimately wants to develop a more complete
understanding of how culture affects the upward mobility of lower status social groups.
Dominant cultural capital plays a crucial role in social, academic, and economic attainment.
However, non-dominant cultural capital, though much less emphasized, plays a critical role in
status positioning within socially marginalized groups. Students in this study strategize on how
to attain both dominant cultural capital and non-dominant cultural capital. Unlike their teachers,
they recognize that valuing non-dominant cultural capital does not devalue dominant cultural
capital. Students reported feeling teachers saw them as deficient based on the teachers’ and
schools’ standards of cultural decorum. Despite these perceptions, students did not believe that
attaining non-dominant cultural capital was incompatible with school success.
The barriers within mainstream institutions make it difficult for minority students to find
success within them on their own. Institutional agents play a key role by guiding minority
students through the decoding process and teaching them proper skills to obtain mainstream
resources. Institutional agents are aware that students’ non-dominant cultural capital is useful for
students to navigate within their social groups and family. Downgrading non-dominant cultural
capital will only make them feel rejected and aid in developing an oppositional identity.
Institutional agents should give students the tools to take advantage of mainstream resources and
maintain the resources that make them who they are.

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 41

Social networks.

When seeking success in many mainstream institutions, who you know is just as
important and sometimes more important than what you know. While it is important for all
students to have equal access to education, giving them equal access to a network of people and
resources is essential. One problem research has found among minority students is a lack of
desire to get help from these networks. Stanton-Salazar and Spina (2000) used network analysis
and critical theory to assess the mainstream literature on resiliency and help-seeking behavior.
They sought to reframe resiliency to make it more relevant for minority socialization. Regarding
minorities, Stanton-Salazar and Spina suggest that resiliency is best understood as a set of
resources, social competencies, and cultural strategies. Resiliency, therefore, permits individuals
to not only survive but recover and even thrive after stressful events. At the same time,
individuals draw from these experiences to enhance subsequent functioning. Thus, low-income
minority youth associate resiliency with a network structure comprised of effective interactions
and supportive relations with socialization agents. The more racial and class segregation
minority youth experience, the greater the need for socialization agents who foster resilient
attributes and effective coping strategies.
For many minority youth mainstream settings may have structural inequalities that make
it difficult to take part in crucial social support. They may experience anxiety, depression, and
apprehension or fear because their actual and perceived access to these social network
opportunities does not coincide. Besides access to support networks, minority youth need the
skills to use them and to decipher the hidden codes of society and institutions. They must be able
to code-switch from one to another according to the situation. And, they must have the
psychological tools to cope with the complexities and “border” conflicts they will face.
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 42

Some students may not have equal access to social networks simply due to language barriers.
Stanton-Salazar, Chavez, and Tai (2001) distributed surveys to 1,187 public high school students
at a large Southern California urban school. Students were both English dominant and Spanish
dominant in the 10
th
-12
th
grades. The researchers explored the help-seeking orientations of high
school students by focusing on the following 6 characteristics: socioeconomic status (SES),
gender, age, English proficiency, grades, and self-esteem. The survey assessed the students’
confidence in support services, interpersonal openness, and their desire for academic support.
Most findings are consistent with past research and support the claim that Latino males, low
achievers, and recent Latino immigrants exhibit help-seeking orientations that hinder supportive
interaction. The findings on high self esteem were mixed resulting in positive and negative
effects when associated with confidence in the support process and a desire for academic
support. English dominant students who reported high self- esteem also reported low confidence
in the support process and a low desire for support. On the other hand, Spanish dominant
students who reported high self-esteem showed a positive correlation between self-esteem and
confidence in the support process. Based on the results of this study, help-seeking behavior
depends on cultural background and an individual’s level of acculturation.
Evidently, a minority student’s cultural background and lack of non-dominant cultural
capital will impede access to support networks. Some students because of an oppositional frame
of reference may not feel comfortable seeking out such networks. Others who do not speak
English well may avoid these networks. When cultural and language minority students connect
with these networks they perform better academically.

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 43

Subtractive schooling.

The notion of “subtractive schooling” shifts the focus from the individual to the attributes
of the school site and challenges the generational achievement decline. Valenzuela (1997 &
1999) conducted a study at an inner-city high school in Houston, Texas. The study demonstrates
two ways by which schools subtract resources from youth, first by dismissing minority students’
definition of education and secondly by applying assimilation policies and practices that
minimize their culture and languages. Schooling becomes subtractive when schools emphasize
teachers’ views while dismissing students’ views.
The students in Valenzuela’s study (1999) tend to view education and schooling as an
authentic relationship that stresses relations of reciprocity between teachers and students.
Teachers have a more aesthetic view about ideas and practices leading to achievement, but these
differences promote institutional barriers that will negatively impact access to social capital for
minority students.
Valenzuela (1999) found teachers devalued students on the way they dress and talk.
Teachers used these cultural practices to label students as caring or not caring about school.
Teachers and administrators devalued students who expressed their individual cultural norms
through dress and speech. This dismissive action resulted in strained relationships with
institutional agents. Students who assimilated to the dominant cultural norms and ideology
developed valuable relationships with institutional agents and were higher achievers than
students who did not assimilate.

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 44

Summary
The variability in academic achievement among Black students is much too complex to
attribute to a single cause. Several of the studies reflected in this chapter have placed much of the
blame for the discrepancy on the individual student. Whether one bases a cause on the ecological
structure of the culture or on the discrimination through negative stereotypes that one individual
places on another, these frameworks focus on the individual. Some researchers have shown that
the “burden of acting White” and oppositional identity play roles in the disparity. Yet, much
current research does not support these being the sole issue. Clearly, not all academically capable
Black students succumb to the pressure of stereotypes, but it is also obvious that facing such
negative labels can lead some Black students to underachieve.
By analyzing the literature through a different lens that shifts our attention to societal
institutions, a different perspective arises. When describing the variability of achievement among
Black students using the lens of social capital theory, it is clear that institutionalized inequalities
have created unequal opportunities for Black students. Through the lack of social networks and
institutional agents, many Black students lack opportunities that advantage their White
counterparts.

Evidently not all Black students allow these barriers to interfere with their academic
progress. Many have developed strategies that would allow them to navigate within the confines
of the dominant culture. The research questions that frame this study are:
1. Do Black high school students who are A-G (2.0 GPA-2.5 GPA) develop more of an
oppositional identity than those Black students who are college bound (3.5GPA and
above)?
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 45

2. Do Black high school students who are A-G (2.0 GPA – 2.5 GPA) have a greater concern
about stereotype threat than those Black high school students who are college bound?
3. Do Black high school students who are college bound develop stronger social networks
and deeper relationships with social agents than do Black high school students who are
A-G (2.0 GPA-0 2.5 GPA)?

Chapter Three: Methodology

This chapter outlines the methodology used to compare Black students with an average
academic achievement level and Black students with an above average level of achievement at a
large comprehensive high school in Anaheim, California. I conducted a qualitative comparative
study using ethnographic student interviews to examine whether: (1) Average achieving Black
high school students develop more of an oppositional identity than Black students who are high
achieving (2) If average achieving Black high school students have a greater concern about
stereotype threats than Black high school students who are high achieving and (3)Do Black high
school students who are high achieving develop stronger social networks and deeper
relationships with institutional agents than are average achieving Black high school students?
The study used qualitative methods as opposed to quantitative methods due to its non
experimental approach to gathering data. Much of the previous research conducted in the
educational arena has employed qualitative methods because it allows for a more holistic picture
of the participants while allowing the participants to remain in their natural setting. Qualitative
research is fundamentally interpretive, which is essential for analyzing interview responses for
themes and drawing conclusions that indicate how the themes are reflective of the theoretical
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 46

frameworks (Creswell, 1998 & Creswell, 2003). The complexity of reasoning in qualitative
research goes beyond simple inductive processes. At times, these processes can be multifaceted,
utilizing both inductive and deductive inquiry strategies. There are many different strategies of
inquiry used by the qualitative researcher.
This study used long ethnographic student interviews framed by three theoretical
perspectives: cultural ecological, stereotype threat, and social capital.
By analyzing participant responses to the ethnographic interview questions, themes emerged.
Exploring these themes allowed me to establish the fundamental connection between the
participant’s response and the theoretical frameworks from which this study was framed
(Appendix B).

Sample and Population

I conducted the study in the Middleton Unified School District (MUSD). MUSD has an
enrollment of over 33,000 students attending 22 schools. Taylor High School (THS) was the
target research site for three reasons: (1) it has the largest Black student population among high
schools in the district, (2) offers the most AP and honors courses out of the similar high schools
in the district, and (3) has a diverse learning environment which is essential for the application of
the theoretical frameworks in this study. The original name of the school district, the school, and
participants has not been mentioned anywhere in the study and will remain anonymous.
The sampling design I used allowed for between and within group comparison of Black
students who are high achieving (college bound, GPA 3.0-3.5) and Black students who are
average achieving (high school completion, GPA 2.0 to 2.5) and by gender. First I identify the
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 47

student population that met these criteria. From that I obtained parental consent from 8 students,
4 high school graduate and 4 college bound.
Taylor High School was the appropriate choice for this study because it represents the
diversity of many schools in California. Much of Ogbu’s research took place in schools with a
large Black student population. The questions that remain unanswered point to a more diverse
student population, and understanding the dynamics of the Black student in such environment
with regards to Cultural Ecological Theory and Social Capital. Taylor High School has a large
enough Black student population to have a random sampling of students of different achievement
levels and different genders. The variety of AP and honors courses also allowed me to ask the
questions that may point to the issue of stereotype threat.

Instrumentation
A structured interview allowed for the comparison of high achieving and average
achieving Black students. First I asked the students 10 profile questions which provided
background information for each participant (See Appendix C). In a face-to-face interview I
asked each student 45 structured interview questions (See Appendix D). Each interview question
is aligned to the three theoretical frameworks used in this study (Appendix B). The first
theoretical framework assessed whether average achieving Black high school students developed
more of an oppositional identity than those Black students who are high achieving. The second
framework determined whether average achieving Black high school students have a greater
concern about stereotype threat than those Black high school students who are high achieving.
The third framework, Social Capital Theory determined if Black high school students who are
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 48

high achieving develop stronger social networks and deeper relationships with institutional
agents than do average achieving Black high school students.
The structured interview questions (Appendix D) are aligned to Ogbu’s Cultural
Ecological Theory (Ogbu, 1987), Claude Steele’s Theory of Stereotype Threat (Steele, 1997),
and Social Capital Theory as described by Ricardo Stanton-Salazar (Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
Questions 1-4 were designed to capture evidence of academic discrepancy due to voluntary and
involuntary minority status. Evidence of the burden of acting white was expressed in student
responses to questions 7, 20, 21, 24-32, 34-39, and 45. Questions 20, 21, 24-28, 30-32, 34-36,
and 45 were designed to provide evidence of students that have or have not developed an
oppositional identity. Questions 7-9, 20-23, 30, 33-35, and 40-44, solicited student views on
Stereotype Threat. Questions 6, 11-13, 16, 18, 20, 33, 40, 41, and 43 determined the degree to
which students utilized institutional agents. The existence or the effectiveness of social networks
used amongst the participants was gauged using questions 5, 10, 14, 15, 17, 19, and 20.
Valenzuela’s (1999) idea of Subtractive Schooling was assessed using student responses to
questions 14-17, 20, 33, 35, 40, 41, and 45. Many of the questions were used to solicit
responses from more than one aspect of a theory, which is typical of qualitative methodology.

Methods
I was responsible for distributing the student profile sheets, conducting the face to face
interviews, and transcribing the data from each. Each interview was transcribed in order to assist
me in maintaining focus on the original research questions as well as allowing me to examine
student responses more closely thus increasing reliability. The interviews took place during the
spring of 2010 throughout the school day. Follow-up interviews were not necessary.
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 49

Face-to-face student interviews were the sole method of data collection. First students
were asked 10 questions from a Student Profile sheet that I used to gather (See Appendix C)
background information. Their responses were compiled into brief biographical overviews of
each participant in order to give the reader a more personal perspective on their experiences and
responses. None of the participants declined to be audio taped. The interviews lasted between 30-
80 minutes and were conducted in a private room in the media center at Taylor High School (See
Appendix D).

Data Analysis

The structured interview questions were framed in such a way that I could determine
whether acting white, oppositional identity, stereotype threat, institutional agents, social
networks, and subtractive schooling played significantly different roles in the academic
advancement of high achieving and average achieving Black students. The transcription
templates that I used were in the form of a matrix. Raymond Padilla’s (1994) Unfolding Matrix,
consist of rows and columns, that allowed me to efficiently and effectively gather my data.
Figure 1 below is a sample of the matrix that I used.

Figure 1 Unfolding Matrix for Initial Data Analysis
Respondent Social Ecological Stereotype Threat Social Capital

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 50

Chapter Four: Description of the School and Participants

Taylor High School

To determine the academic strategies used by college-bound African American high
school students to overcome cultural and institutional barriers, I recruited and assessed African
American seniors attending Taylor High School in Middleton Unified School District. This study
assessed a sample of African American students that met one of two GPA requirements- GPA of
2.0-2.5 (A-G high school graduate) or GPA of 3.0-3.5 (college-bound). Table 1 shows the GPAs
of all participants.

Table 1
Study Participants Cumulative GPAs as of spring 2009
Student Name GPA
Ashley 2.03
Dominique 2.3
John 2.37
Isaiah 2.5
Jay 3.2
Jazmine 3.3
Jalon 3.4
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 51

Summer 3.5
Note: High school graduate GPA 2.0-2.5 College-bound student GPA 3.0-3.5

Middleton Unified School District located in Southern California has a total enrollment of
33,719 students; of that 964 students are African American.
Taylor High School is part of the Middleton Unified School District. THS is a public
school enrolling students in 9
th
-12
th
grade. The school is located in a middle-class neighborhood
with a diverse population. The schools enrollment of 2,281 students reflects the diversity of the
neighborhood. Table 2 shows the ethnic breakdown of THS with 55% of the total population
being Hispanic, 19% Caucasian, 9% Asian, 7% Filipino, 6% African American, and 3% Pacific
Islander.

Table 2
Ethnic Breakdown of Taylor High School Students
Ethnic Group Percentage
Pacific Islander 3%
African American 6%
Filipino 7%
Asian 9%
Caucasian 19%
Hispanic 55%
Note: When referring to Asian students, Participants included Asian, Filipino, and Pacific
Islander.
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 52

THS is a typical high school in middle-class California in terms of enrollment and demographics.
The average class size is 34 and all 99 teachers are fully credentialed. THS’s graduation rate of
97.7% is better than the state of California’s 80.2 % graduation rate. The percentage of students
that pass the California High School Exit Exam at THS in Mathematics is 14% higher than the
state percentage and English Language Arts is 8% higher than the state average.
The number of African American students attending THS is low; the number of African
American seniors at THS that are eligible to attend 4-year colleges and universities is lower.
Table 3 shows the data for the 2007-2008 school year comparing the number of African
American students that met the UC/CSU requirement at the state, district, and school level. Only
2 of the 18 graduating African-American seniors at THS met the A-G requirements to enter a 4
year college or university. The percentage of African-American students in the state of California
was more than double THS’s percentage at 23.3% of the African-American students being
eligible to attend a 4 year college or university.

Table 3
12th Grade Graduates Completing all Courses Required for U.C. and/or C.S.U. Entrance
African American
Graduates
African American
Graduates with
UC/CSU Required Courses
Percentage
Taylor High School 18 2 11.1%
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 53

Middleton Unified 116 28 24.1%
State of California 26,026 6,060 23.3%
Note: Statistics are for the 2007-2008 school year based on the California Departments of
Education Educational Demographics Office as of 7/7/2009

Participants
High school graduates.

Ashley is a female student at THS with a GPA of 2.03. Although her GPA is the lowest
of the participants, she is the most well-rounded. Ashley has many hobbies such as singing,
Tahitian dance, ballet, hip hop, playing the piano, painting, designing clothes, writing poetry and
short stories, editing videos, photography, and cooking. She describes herself as weird,
nonjudgmental and caring. Her teachers and friends would agree that she is very opinionated and
blunt, which may at times come off as rude. Ashley has a mixed racial background- her mother is
African American and her father is Puerto Rican and Haitian. She has struggled with identity and
much of her high school career has been trying to manage her multi racial background. Ashley is
very close to her father who lives across the country. She lives with her mother whom she has a
strained relationship with. Ashley spends most of her time developing her hobbies that are
geared toward her future career and feels that school work is a waste of her time.
Dominique’s 2.3 GPA says average but this young man is anything but that. He has a
very smooth demeanor and came into the interview wearing flashy tinted red sunglasses.
Dominique describes himself as feminine yet he is a star athlete in track and field and football.
His softer qualities stem from his fascination with his looks. His friends would say he is cocky
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 54

and conceited while his teachers see it as amusing. Dominique has a very close relationship with
his mother and a strong supportive church family. He feels very fortunate to have such a support
system in his life and as a result has turned his life around and started focusing on getting good
grades in school.
John has a GPA of 2.37 and comes from a family that is familiar with education. His
father has a graduate school education and John has a cousin that is currently in college. Despite
the familiarity with higher education, John’s older brother did not graduate from high school and
his younger brother is not promoting from 8
th
grade. John recognizes this is a problem and has
made a change in order to improve his grades and be a positive role model for his younger
brother. John is a silent leader. He was very quiet and reserved during the interview but he takes
on a leadership role in his ROTC class. He has had a military background his entire life. His
family lived in Korea for 2 years and he is very active in ROTC at his school. Contradictory to
what I experienced, John describes himself as very energetic. The teachers he had in the previous
three years would describe him differently than his current teachers. John used to be lazy with an
absentee problem. This year John is hardworking and a leader.
Isaiah justifies his 2.5 GPA by saying that he is lazy. He comes from a broken home and
has suffered tremendously from the divorce of his parents. Isaiah lived with his mother in an
upper class California Beach city but felt as though he did not fit in at the school and decided to
move in with his father to attend Taylor High school. Isaiah is of mixed heritage, African
American and Puerto Rican and has a strong connection with Hispanic culture. He describes
himself as weird and random. Isaiah wants to be known as one who follows the rules but who
has his own unique style and doesn’t want to be classified as normal. This was evident when he
came to the interview wearing a sweater traditionally seen in Hispanic countries and 7 very
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 55

colorful beaded bracelets on each wrist. Isaiah’s teachers would say that he has potential but
chooses not to live up to it. His friends also pressure him to bring his grades up but Isaiah is very
adamant about being his own person.

College-bound students.
Jay has a 3.2 GPA and is very determined to not allow his childhood to define his future.
Jay was adopted 4 years ago after spending years moving from foster home to foster home
around southern California. He is not in contact with his biological parents but maintains contact
with two older biological brothers who are both in jail. Jay has always loved music and knew he
wanted to play and record music even before he had ever picked up an instrument. Jay is a
hardworking young man who spends most of his free time focused on his future. His adoptive
parents are very involved in his life which helps him to maintain his focus and work hard. Jay
describes himself as fun, smart and charming. His teachers would say that he is a hard worker,
very determined and always puts his best effort into his work. His friends know him as funny, a
good listener, and talented.
Jazmine’s 3.3 GPA and honor roll status is perplexing to say the least. She describes
herself as lazy and believes that school is a waste of time. She is very opinionated and believes
that she is always right. Her teachers would say that she is talkative and needs to put more effort
into her work. Jazmine has a somewhat supportive relationship with her mother who tries to
motivate her by letting her know that when she underperforms in school she only hurts her own
education. Her mother is currently in college working towards her Bachelor’s degree. Jazmine
struggles with her mixed identity at times, her mother is Honduran and her father is African
American.
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 56

Jalon has a solid GPA of 3.4 and is an overall good student. He has a very calm demeanor
and takes his grades seriously. Even though he plays basketball he is focused more on going to
college than the game. He has a huge support system in his mother. Jalon feels that his mother
pushed him to do well and that is why he has been able to remain focused. He started improving
academically in middle school and believes that it’s all developing good habits and sticking to
them. He was offered scholarships to a couple of community colleges however he turned them
down because his desire is to attend a 4 year university. He even considered becoming good at a
new sport in order to get a scholarship to a university. He says that one of his talents is learning
things very quickly so he feels that he has a good shot at learning to play tennis and earning an
athletic scholarship to a university. Jalon’s teachers would describe him as a nice young man that
works hard and has good time management.
Summer is a remarkable student and had the highest GPA of all of the participants at a
3.5. She has a lot of problems at home that interfere with her academic life. She lives with her
grandmother and her 4 year old sister. Her mother has problems and only comes around
occasionally and the father only calls sporadically. While in school Summer tries to block out her
problems and focus on doing well so that she can be something in life. She wants to be
successful so that she will not end up a statistic and be able to assist both her mother and her
grandmother financially. Her grandmother who didn’t graduate from high school is currently
unemployed and she struggles caring for Summer and her 4 year old sister. Summer describes
herself as open, the type of person that can mold into any type of situation as a result of her life
being unstable. Her teachers realize that she is a very good student despite her playful
personality. Summer admits that she likes to talk a lot in class and she is a joke-ster. Her friends
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 57

say that she is really outgoing because she is always involved in activities and hosting events for
ASB.

Chapter Five: Key Findings for High School Graduates

As pointed out in previous chapters, this study centered on the strategies used by African
American high school seniors enrolled at a California public school. A review of the literature
and theoretical models identified how students were able to overcome both cultural and
institutional barriers that affect their academic achievement. Each participant in this study shared
his/her experiences and their perceptions of school culture and academic and racial identities.
The findings will be presented in both chapters 5 and 6. Chapter 5 will include the results
from the high school graduate students with GPAs 2.0-2.5. Chapter 6 will report the findings
from the college-bound students with GPAs 3.0-3.5. The results for each group will be organized
by research question. Chapter 7 will compare the results of both groups of students.

Development of an Oppositional Identity

The aim of research question 1 was to determine whether students have developed
an oppositional identity that is counterproductive to high academic achievement. As
discussed in chapter 2, some Blacks have developed coping skills or an idea of success that
is in complete opposition to dominant culture. This oppositional attitude typically depends
on distinctive differences in minority groups (Ogbu, 1987) and their perception of how
they fit into a White dominated society. Ogbu (1987) explains how minority status and
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 58

unequal treatment leads to developing an oppositional attitude and creating a different idea
of success. Thus, individuals who maintain an alternative theory of success and an
oppositional attitude toward the dominant culture may accuse members of their own group
of acting white. Several themes have emerged from the research however for the purpose
of this study I will examine:
1. What it means to “Act White”?
2. Do students believe getting high grades is “Acting White”?
3. Is there evidence of counterproductive behavior to high academic achievement?

What does it mean to “Act White”?

Each of the participants has heard the phrase “Acting White” or another similar phrase
“White Washed”. Both terms were used interchangeably amongst the students. When asked to
define the phrase “Acting White” all 4 participants mentioned speech. 3 out of the 4 believe that
“Acting White” is pretending to be something you are not and not taking pride in being African
American. 1 out of the 4 feel that the way a person dresses and the people they hang out with
determine if they are “Acting White”. And 1 of the participants related “Acting White” to the
music a person listens to.
Isaiah has very strong feelings against the phrase “Acting White” because he has often
been referred to as “White Washed”. He said “To me “Acting White”, means nothing. How do
you act white? I guess my friends always say I’m “White Washed” it’s not because the way I
look or the way I act, it’s just because of my speech I guess. Both Isaiah and Ashley had parents
that put them in speech classes because they wanted them to speak what they referred to as
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 59

“Proper English”. As a result both students were often told that they were “Acting White”
because of the way they speak. Ashley explained why her mother put her in speech classes, “I
had speech classes because I had a Brooklyn, Spanish and slang type way of talking, it was just
the accent type, you know what I mean and my mom, she could hardly understand me half the
time so she had me in speech classes. She was like I don’t want you walking in a room not
having anybody being able to understand you, so you’re going to learn how to talk right and
some people say, “oh you’re talking like a White person” and I’m like no I’m talking properly
thank you though.”
Using proper speech and complex vocabulary was also seen as not taking pride in being
African American. When explaining how a classmate “Acts White” Dominique said, “And then
like the way he talk, like all uppity use high vocabulary, try to belittle other African Americans.”
John’s explanation was similar, “Just when you’re trying to act like something you’re not. That’s
how I kind of take it. It’s like you’re trying to act this way, but you’re this. Ashley was able to
put many aspects of what it means to “Act White” into the following quote, “Acting White is
where you don’t take pride, you don’t hang out with Black people, you hang out only with White
people or someone that’s not Black and then you look down on other African Americans and
then you don’t take pride, that’s when I think you’re Acting White because you’re not taking
pride in what you are.” Dominique also mentioned hanging out with a particular group of people
in the following quote, “If you hang out with a group of baseball players and you know you the
only brotha on the team then you Acting White.”
The participants gave mixed responses when referring to style and dress. Isaiah’s said,
“When they say “Acting White”, I wouldn’t say so much as music, it’s probably just the dress,
the cloths that they wear, but then again it’s whatever. I guess if that’s your style then that’s your
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 60

style, I’m not going to say you “Act White” just because of your style.” Ashley agreed and
explained her views after being asked if “Acting White” has anything to do with a person’s style
of dress. “No everybody is their own self. How can I judge somebody and say, “Oh, you’re
Acting White,” you can’t do that, well we could but that would be kind of ignorant if you think
about it, “oh you’re Acting White”, “how am I Acting White?” “Because you’re wearing that
shirt,” “I like this shirt”. John agrees and says that dress is not what determines if a person is
“Acting White”. He does however mention the music a person listens to may be an indicator.
“That’s a big part because people would say if you’re Black you should be listening to rap and
hip-hop but I listen to techno and R&B and stuff like that. Dominique was the only participant
that believed the way a person dresses is related to “Acting White”. Dominique continues to
describe a classmate whom he says “Acts White,” “And like the way he sag he sag too far. I
don’t know if there’s a limit but to me it’s ok to sag but when you sag pass your butt it’s like
dang he’s a Black dude trying to be White.”

Is getting high grades “Acting White”?

All 4 participants believe that getting high grades is not “Acting White”. When asked “do
any of your Black friends believe that getting high grades means “Acting White” Dominique
said, “No not really.” Isaiah response was “No because most of my friends get really good grades
so no. John said “No.” And Ashley replied, “No. They just think I’m successful and they want
that too.”

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 61

Counterproductive behavior affecting academic achievement.
During the interviews I found several behaviors that would be classified as
counterproductive to high academic achievement- taunting or teasing for doing well
academically, sabotaging one’s grades, and avoiding taking academically challenging courses. 1
out of the 4 participants has taunted/teased other students and has personally been taunted/teased
for doing well academically. Only 1 participant discussed situations where they attempted to
sabotage grades. 2 out of the 4 participants reported avoiding academically challenging courses.
When asked about taunting, Dominique admits to not only being taunted for getting good
grades but he has taunted others as well. He said, “Oh yea, they be like you a nerd. I know I do it
sometimes to my friends. Or to my girlfriend like she got a 3.8 and I’ll be like you a nerd you
shouldn’t be over here. But I think we do it just for our entertainment. Now I know when I tell
her that I’m not serious about it. I be like you a nerd because I know she smart and I want her to
be successful in life.” Dominique explained how the taunting made him feel and how it almost
made him sabotage his grades to fit in. “It made me feel unwanted like dang like, like smart,
these people not smart these people getting 2.0s so maybe I should just settle with a 2.0 because
I’ll still play football.”
Dominique also expressed concern about his ability to make friends at the school. He
admitted that he has considered doing less well in school in order to fit in with his friends. When
asked why he replied, “It’s hard to make friends as an African American out here in Orange
County. It’s very limited about Black students going to certain schools and some that do go don’t
stay long because they don’t like it out here. A lot of my friends left and went to other schools;
some went back to LA County because they like it better out there.” Dominique discussed why
he has felt the need to choose between being popular and getting good grades. “In order to be
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 62

popular you have to do what people last year did that made them popular to you, like ditching.
When people start ditching people notice that. They be like oh they don’t get caught they don’t
get in trouble let’s see if we can do it or lets go hang out at the mall.” This illustrates
Dominique’s struggle with high academic achievement amongst his peers.
While none of the participants would avoid a challenging course that they found
interesting, 2 of the participants have avoided taking academically challenging courses. The
reasons for avoiding these courses are quite different. John said “just because if I get into honors
classes I just feel that it’s a waste of time because you’re technically getting the same knowledge
as you would just by taking a regular class, it’s just in that one they just throw more at you. So I
just think it’s a waste of time trying to do better when you can already get an A in this class
instead of a C in this class.” Dominique on the other hand avoided taking AP English because of
his feelings towards writing.

Concerns about Stereotype Threat

The aim of Research Question 2 was to find out if the participants’ academic progress
may be inhibited by derogatory perceptions of one’s self or one’s academic ability. As discussed
in Chapter 2 Claude Steele (2007) studied the notion that negative stereotypes have contributed
to the underachievement of minority students. Minority students will succumb to the pressures of
negative stereotypes and underachieve because they have internalized the negative labels (Steele
1997). Several themes emerged during the interviews but for the sake of this study the following
themes will be discussed:
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 63

1. Do the participants express derogatory perceptions of one’s self and/or one’s academic
ability?
2. Do participants perceive that teachers and other staff members have low expectations
of their academic abilities?
3. Do participants avoid challenging courses based on perception of their own academic
ability?

Derogatory perceptions of one’s self and/or one’s academic ability.

Isaiah is the only participant that expressed derogatory perceptions of his self. On several
occasions Isaiah described him self as lazy and admits he doesn’t try in class. When asked about
his current grades he said, “I know in English I have an F just because overall I do not like
English. My other classes I am passing with C’s. I could do better but I just don’t really try.” I
asked Isaiah to explain why he chooses to not do better and he explained, “Well sometimes, it’s
like Animation, Ceramics, and Theater Design, you only do the work at the school and you can’t
take it home and in my History class I don’t do my homework but I get A’s on the test because I
understand it but I’m just too lazy to do the homework, so I’m like why do the homework when I
can get an A and still pass because the homework is like 20% and the test is like 45%, so getting
an A on the test covers for the homework.” Isaiah was asked to compare himself to the students
in the school that typically do well. “I’m similar because I pay attention. I know what the
teachers are talking about. I’m only different because I don’t do the work. I’m just too lazy to do
the work.” Isaiah shows derogatory perceptions of himself but not of his academic ability.
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 64

Of the participants 2 out of the 4 expressed derogatory perceptions of their academic
ability. Dominique’s reason for avoiding AP English is based on his feelings towards writing.
Dominique shared this, “oh yea I say my sophomore year I really liked English and Government
but its like when I heard English I was like you do a lot of writing, I’m not good at writing so I
said I’m not even going to take that class. Like AP English that’s way out of my league. You
gotta do more writing than you do in regular English and we do a lot of writing now so I avoided
that.” John admits to changing his mind about his course selection. When asked what kinds of
classes he was presently taking his reply was, “Well in the beginning I was just like hey it’s just
a class, I want something easy. And now that I think about it I could have taken other classes that
probably would have been more entertaining and could do more stuff.”

Perceptions of teachers/staff expectations.

When asked about the class their most enjoyable class and the expectations of that
teacher 2 out of the 4 participants believe that their teacher has high expectations for them while
the other 2 simply feel that the teachers’ expectations are for them to pass the class. When
describing the teacher for his theater design class Isaiah said, “Well being in the second year in
the class she expects more out of me but the expectations are pretty much like everybody else.”
John who most enjoys ROTC said, “They have high expectations of me and yes it’s a lot of
pressure but it’s nothing I’m not used to.”
Dominique enjoys Economics class the most. He describes the teachers as outgoing and
likes the fact that she gives them chances. Dominique said, “ Mrs. Clark she’s a real outgoing
teacher, she gives you chances, like if we need to text and she catches us, most teachers take
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 65

your phone away, she just asks you to put it away, so that helps a lot of students that just need to
text throughout the day. She’s very open-mined and listens to what everybody has to say. It’s not
hard because the only things that we do are take notes and take tests every other week so it’s
really easy to pass the class if you just do your work.” When asked specifically about his
teacher’s expectations for him he replied, “The way her class seems to be set up is that way
everybody will pass with a C or better.” Initially when asked about her teachers expectations for
her, Ashley said to, “Pass the class”. When I asked her to expand on that she replied, “Pass the
class and go to college and pursue your career.”

Avoiding challenging courses based on academic ability.

None of the participants are taking courses that would be considered challenging such as
Advanced Placement (AP) or Honors. Three out of the 4 participants are taking courses that are
required for graduation from high school and 1 out of the 4 says that he is taking easy courses.
John admits that his course selection may not have been the best for him at this point. When
asked “why did you decide to take these particular classes” John said “Well in the beginning I
was just like hey it’s just a class, I want something easy and now that I think about it I could
have taken other classes that probably would have been more entertaining and could do more
stuff.” When Ashley was asked the same question, she replied “I need these classes in order to
graduate.”
All of the participants stated that they would not avoid taking a course in which they
would do poorly in even if the course were very interesting. However, when asked “have you
ever avoided taking academically challenging courses, 2 out of the 4 participants said they had
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 66

avoided a challenging course. John stated “If I get into honors classes I just feel that it’s a waste
of time because you’re technically getting the same knowledge as you would just by taking a
regular class, it’s just that in that one they just throw more at you. So I just think it’s a waste of
time just trying to do better when you know you can already get an A in this class instead of a C
in this class.” Of those 2 participants, only 1 would avoid the challenging course based on his
perceptions of his own academic ability. As a response to “would you ever avoid taking
academically challenging classes” Dominique replied “Oh yea I say my sophomore year I really
liked English and Government but its like when I heard English I was like you do a lot of
writing. I’m not good at writing so I said I’m not even going to take that class. Like AP English
that’s way out of my league. You gotta do more writing then you do in regular English and we
do a lot of writing now so I avoided that.”

Development of Social Networks and Relationships with Social Agents

Research question 3 focused on Social Capital with regards to developing Social
Networks and relationships with Social Agents. As discussed in Chapter 2, Stanton-Salazar
(1997) explains that access to social networks and institutional agents is crucial for minority
students because of the skills needed to successfully navigate the educational system. Minorities
such as Blacks, have difficulties being successful in many institutions such as schools because
they require dominant culture skills to do well. Many Black students do not have these skills and
therefore depend on institutional agents to help them navigate the system and use available social
networks. Valenzuela (1999) affirms that through Subtractive Schooling some institutional
agents produce an atmosphere for Blacks and other minorities that is counterproductive to their
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 67

academic success by creating a school environment where Black students feel as though
Institutional Agents view their culture as inferior. The following themes emerged during the
interviews and therefore will be discussed in further detail:
1. Are the participants involved in Social Networks?
2. Have the participants developed relationships with Institutional Agents?
3. Do the participants perceive acceptance of their culture?

Involvement in social networks.

Three out of the 4 students are involved in social networks of some sort. Out of those 3
students, 2 students are involved in sports programs and the other student is active in Reserved
Officers’ training Corps (ROTC). When asked to describe a class that he enjoys John says “I
would have to say ROTC because I get to be a leader. I get to help other people more than I
would be able to help them out here in the real world and then I get to learn new things about
people, I get to have experience of the leadership, developing my leadership, I get to learn about
map reading, Economics, how to write a resume, so I think it’s a lot of fun.” When asked what
most African American students are into Isaiah explained how he like most of the African
American students at the school, are involved in sports more than other clubs. “I’m involved, I
know what ASB’s doing even though I’m not in ASB, I’m involved with the track team, and I’m
involved with the baseball, volleyball, soccer, football, and softball teams.” Ashley seemed to
have a much different opinion with respect to her involvement in social networks. Although she
is a very well rounded person her involvement is based on activities outside of the school
because she feels that “when I try for stuff it would always get knocked down but you would
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 68

never be told why you were knocked down.” As the interview continued I felt a since of irritation
as she described a program for academic assistance is only extended to students who play sports.
“My boyfriend in this one program, I forgot that it was called, Pace or something, but they have
a contract or something with the coaches and stuff and they help you to keep your grades good,
average a C or above.” I then asked her if the program was offered to Black students not in sports
and she said “No. That’s what I got mad about because I was like you guys don’t offer this to
everybody because if you offered this to everybody, everybody would be passing because you
can’t not pass on this program.”

Relationships with institutional agents.

All 4 of the students reported to have talked to their counselors however, 2 out of the 4 do
not seek help from the counselor. Out of the 2 that do seek help, 1 of them had mixed feelings
about the help they received. When asked to describe his counselor, Isaiah said “I don’t really
know because I don’t talk to my counselor that much.” When asked if the counselor helps with
choosing the right classes he responded “I sit down, of course I have to talk to them about my
requirements but I don’t sit down to ask them what’s your outtake on this is.” John mentioned
that “the counselors like to get involved. When you go in, you think you’re in trouble but even
when you are, they treat you, it’s a more of a happy feeling then when you go in and it’s scary or
it’s just like man why do I have to be up here because they’re fun to talk to.” Dominique not only
talks to his counselor but describes a very different relationship than John and Isaiah. “The
counselors, well I know for a fact that I’ll talk to my counselor, she’s really nice. She wants you
to graduate and she’s going to give you those classes and help you to graduate, so they’re really
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 69

nice.” Early in the interview Ashley felt the same way. “They’re fun and they help you a lot too.”
However, as the interview continued she told of an incident where she did not agree with her
counselor’s decision to not allow her to take GATE (Gifted and Talented Education) classes. “I
went from GATE classes, I was in GATE my whole childhood and then when I got to high
school they were like you know I think you should go with these classes, they’re a lot easier and
I was ok well everyone else that was in GATE classes are in honor classes and AP classes and I
believe if I stayed on the path that I was on, I would have done a lot better in high school because
I get easily distracted and when I’m in a class with people that are nerds, you’re doing your own
thing and they don’t do much so I don’t get easily distracted but she didn’t sign me up for that.”
Three out of the 4 students feel that the teachers will help a student as long as they want
the help and seek it out. John discusses his ROTC teacher, “he treats me with respect so I treat
him back with respect. Mostly he tries to stay out of the way of us doing work, because as
leadership we’re supposed to be doing our own work and if we need help we go to him and he’ll
tell us and it’s all fun.” Dominique also mentions the teacher’s personalities when talking about
his experience. “The teachers are nice, most of them, like Mrs. Clark, Mrs. Ricker, they spend
time and help you bit only if you want that help. The teachers, they help you but if you don’t
want help and go get help then they’re not going to give it to you. So you have to be seeking for
it.” Isaiah says that the teachers are “harsh. Strict. The teachers are nice and they are helpful. If
you ask for help they will help you, but a lot of them are nice and caring. Ashley feels that “you
always have to have a connection with them. If you don’t have a connection with then they’re
not going to treat you any different than any other student.”
Three out of the 4 students seemed to have a positive view of the administrators however
none of the 4 students have positive relationships with the administrators. Dominique’s view of
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 70

the administrators changed since he started at THS. “Well to a certain extent. I know in my
junior year when I first started coming here I was a little problem maker. I was in the middle of
every problem so that wasn’t good but this year it’s different. We get along more, less problems,
less violence. They’re cool.” John says “it’s just because every time you go up there you’re most
likely in trouble. I mean there are those occasional students of the month things and stuff like
that.” Isaiah’s description of the administrators somewhat mimics his view of the teacher’s at
THS, “Strict. Caring. They want to make sure you stay on talk and focused in school. Ashley
does not have a positive view of administrators nor does she have a relationship with them.
There is history between the administrators, Ashley, and her mother which inhibits the building
of a positive relationship between student and social agent. She describes an incident between
her mother and an administrator by saying that “every time they get into an argument my mom
wins because she’s smart and he’s really not that intelligent and so he does so much to try and
keep me out of his office. If I have tardies or detentions he supposed to be ‘ok, you didn’t serve
your detentions, see you on Saturday’ and I had five detentions that I didn’t serve and he didn’t
call me up, he erased them because he didn’t want me in his office.”
The question regarding overall school support was posed and 3 out of the 4 participants
said that the school does a good job in supporting them. Ashley was the only participant that said
the school does not do a good job at supporting her. When I asked her why she felt that way she
replied “because when I would try for stuff I would always get knocked down but I would never
be told why I was knocked down.” I then asked her if there was anyone at the school that
supports her as a Black student and she said “No. It’s more if you’re Latino, Polynesian, or
Asian.” Ironically, out of the 3 students that feel as though the school does a good job at
supporting them, Isaiah mentioned race being a reason why he feels supported by the school.
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 71

“Well socially, I grew up with lots of Hispanics so this is like family to me. It’s not big on
Hispanics but it’s the biggest population here. I’m part Puerto Rican so me being part Puerto
Rican kind of fit into that but then I also fit into being with the minority and does it support me
as a person, I guess it does because it gives me all the tools I need to succeed and if you don’t
take that, that’s on you.” Dominique’s response to the same question of support was “I want to
play football next year in college, so their football team, for this year, last year their football
team was good, they go to CIF every year, the coaches are nice, they get onto you if you don’t do
your work or disobey in classes and so would the other students, like the varsity players, so it’s
like a family and the school they try to give you the classes that you want and try to help you get
ready for college if that’s where you plan to go.” John idea of support was more focused on
social aspects as well. He stated, “I would say that the administrators and the teachers support a
lot of the students for whatever. If you have a performance somewhere and you feel like asking a
teacher if they would mind coming to watch, a lot of them would go and watch.”
I asked the participants if there is anyone at the school that supports them as a Black
student and 2 out of the 4 said no. Ashley, as mentioned previously feels that the school only
supports those students who are of Latino, Polynesian, or Asian decent. John’s reason for saying
no was much different from Ashley’s reason. John feels that no one supports him as a Black
student because “they treat everyone the same.” Both Isaiah and Dominique feel that there are
people at the school that support them as a Black student. Isaiah, being that he hangs out with
only Hispanic students he feels that his friends are supportive of him. He said “My friends don’t
treat me as a Black student, they treat me as who I am. They treat me as Isaiah. My friends, they
are outgoing, they are overall nice, they don’t judge just looks.” Dominique is actually the only
participant that describes a staff member as being the person that supports him as a Black
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 72

student. “My coach Clark from track and football, he supports me. He’s always telling me do
this, you’ve got to get your grades up because African Americans, sometimes you’re not going to
be able to make it, you’ve got to have good grades to get into college. I was like yes, you’ve got
a point. Mrs. Karamoto, she tells us about all the Black colleges. There was one earlier this year,
she told us there was a meeting in LA about it and she wanted us to go and apply for those
colleges. So I would say those two.”

Cultural acceptance.

Three out of the 4 students feel that they are accepted as African Americans at THS.
When asked whether people at THS treated Black students fairly John replied “I feel that they
treat everyone fairly. I haven’t seen them go up and be like you get a detention just for standing
there. I mean they’ll do that if they’re literally doing something wrong.” Dominique’s response
to the same question was “I’d say yes, everybody gets treated the same. It just depends on what
that person’s personality is and how he approaches a teacher. How they ask for stuff. Instead of
just asking, I know some students, like my friend Sean; he’ll be like ‘oh when does this all have
to be done’ all loud and obnoxious while we’re in class instead of just asking one on one.”
Isaiah’s initial response to the question was “I know a lot of teachers who don’t like certain
students. My English teacher doesn’t like one of the students in the class because he doesn’t
know when to be quiet and so she gets really mad at him, she gets on him and I guess some of
the administration, they don’t like certain people, I think one of the administration doesn’t like
me just because of not who I am, but just because of the way I dress. It just depends on how you
act.” So after I asked the question, so do you think people at this school treat Black students
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 73

fairly, he replied, “Yes. We don’t segregate. There’s no segregation here. You don’t get put in
the back of the bus just because you’re Black. If you choose to sit back there, that’s your
choice.” Ashley has had a different experience than the previous 3 students. When I asked
Ashley whether Black students get treated fairly she said, “No. Compared to other Black students
or to everyone else?” I said, “Compared to other Black students and compared to everyone else.”
Ashley responded “No, in both aspects.” When comparing Black students to everyone else
Ashley feels that you get treated fairly if you are “Latino, Polynesian, or Asian.” When
comparing Black students to other Black students, I asked “which Black students get treated
fairly?” She responded “ The ones that people think they’ll be successful in life, like the one you
just saw, Jay, he got accepted into NYU and stuff because he plays the piano and sings and so
everybody say Jay can show you this on the piano or Jay you’re really good, or Jay this and Jay
that and then at the same time ok I’ve been designing clothes since I was 7, I’ve known what I
wanted to do since I was 5 and I’ve been planning ever since then and I don’t have connections
and all this stuff and I’m a big business person I want to be CEO of my own fashion label have a
fashion label and all this stuff but you don’t see anybody supporting me.”

Summary
There were 4 significant indicators that emerged from the data. First all 4 students
equated ‘acting white’ with speech and not getting good grades. Secondly, half of the students
had derogatory perceptions of their own academic ability and avoided taking challenging
courses. The third significant indicator that emerged was 3 out of the 4 students were involved
with social networks, had a positive rapport with teachers and counselors but most do not seek
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 74

out help from institutional agents. And lastly, 3 out of 4 students feel that they are culturally
accepted at THS.

Chapter Six: Key Findings for College Bound Students

This chapter is centered on the college-bound students with regards to their abilities or
inabilities to overcome both cultural and institutional barriers that may affect their academic
achievement. Each participant in this study shared his/her experiences and their perceptions of
school culture and academic and racial identities.
The findings detailed in chapter 5 included the results from the high school graduate
students with GPAs 2.0-2.5. Chapter 6 will report the findings from the college-bound students
with GPAs 3.0-3.5. The results for each group are organized in the same manner used in chapter
5. Chapter 7 will compare the results of both groups of students.

Development of an Oppositional Identity
As presented in the previous chapter this section will examine:
1. What it means to “Act White”?
2. Do students believe getting high grades is “Acting White”?
3. Is there evidence of counterproductive behavior to high academic achievement?

What does it mean to “Act White”?
All 4 of the participants have heard the phrase “acting white”. Two of the participants
mention that the term “whitewashed” is synonymous for “acting white.” When asked to define
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 75

“acting white” all 4 participants mentioned speech as an indicator. Three out of the 4 used
additional criteria to define “whitewashed” whereas 1 only mentioned speech. Other measures
for “acting white” included dress, who a person hangs out with, socioeconomic status, music, the
way a person walks, and their behavior in school.
Jazmine used speech as the only criteria to define “whitewashed”, she said “I say when I
go to an interview I have to ‘act white’, I have to turn my White girl on to get a job because if I
talk like this or if I talk how I do with my friends, I probably would not get the job, just because
it’s not proper. I don’t talk proper English all the time.” Jalon was the only student to mention
music as an indicator that a person is “acting white”. He first mentioned “if he’s speaking real
highly, using words, speaking intelligently, it’d be like he’s probably upper class White.” When
asked if anything else would be considered “acting white” he said “listening to country and rock
music”. The only person to equate finances to “acting white” was Summer. She said “acting
white” is when a person acts “all proper and you have money and stuff like that.” She was also
one of the two to mention and define the term “whitewashed.” According to Summer,
“whitewashed” is when a nonwhite person “does what White people do.” Jay’s explanation of
“whitewashed” was similar, “when people say whitewashed I think they mean for a nonwhite
person to take up things that white people do.” He also had a very thorough discussion on what it
means to “act white” “We actually talked about that at my church. I think it’s an ignorant
statement because how do you act white, but I think what they’re referring to is the majority of,
because it happens both ways, the majority of Caucasian people or Caucasian students,
particularly have a specific speech, a specific dress, a specific group of friends that they hang out
with and their vocabulary or the way that they talk is more developed and mature than maybe a
Black student. They don’t have a lot of slang that they use. So when someone says you’re
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 76

“acting white,” I think they’re referring to maybe the way an African American student speaks or
the way he dresses or even the way he walks because he doesn’t have a dip in his step or he
brushes his hair a certain way or he hangs out with other people they consider whitewashed. I
think that’s what they’re referring to.” Jay also touched upon certain school behaviors that
would be considered “acting white”. “Asking questions all the time, why is he asking questions,
only White students do that. It’s just an ignorant way of thinking.”

Is getting high grades “Acting White”?

All 4 participants believe that getting high grades is not “Acting White”. When asked “do
any of your Black friends believe that getting high grades means “Acting White” Jazmine said
“No. That’s just considered being smart.” Summer also said “No”. Jalon answered “no” as well
and added “grades are different. You’re just trying to do well in school.” Jay’s initial response
was “no” as well, and in addition he mentioned “No I don’t think so, at least they don’t show it
anyway.”
Counterproductive behavior affecting academic achievement.

During the interviews there were only a few behaviors that I found to be
counterproductive and would therefore affect academic achievement. Only 1 of the 4 students
has experienced teasing for doing well academically, 1 out of the 4 has sabotaged their grades,
and only 1 out of the 4 reported avoiding taking academically challenging courses. Of the 3
students that have not experienced teasing for doing academically well, 1 student expressed that
her friends will tease her for not doing well academically.
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 77

Jalon, Jazmine, and Jay have never been taunted or teased for doing well academically.
Jay responded “Never. In fact all my friends are supportive.” Summer was the only participant to
have been teased for doing well academically. I asked Summer what did she do, and how did she
feel when it happened” and she replied “I just brushed it aside. I was like whatever. They were
like, “oh well you’ve got to go to class; you can’t go because you have to study,” stuff like that
and I just say whatever.” Summer was concerned that those types of situations were making her
“uncool” amongst her friends. After a while Summer said that “she is just growing up because I
only have two people that I talk to that I consider my friends and I just figured I have to do
what’s best for me and the people that taunt me about it, they’re probably not supporting me
anyways so why keep them around.”
Summer is the only one of the participants that has considered doing less well
academically in order to fit in. When asked why, she said “because I wanted to be cool.” She is
also the only one of the participants that felt the need to choose between getting good grades and
being popular. Her concern was the fact that she didn’t have the same classes as the people she
thought were cool. She explained “because I’m not in any of their classes, I never know what’s
going on because I’m never around them. I’m telling you I’ve got the same classes with the same
people and none of the Black people are in those classes. I was thinking what if I took regular
English, maybe I’d have a class with this person or that person or something and then I just
stopped worrying about it.” Jazmine had a completely different experience from Summer. She
has never considered doing less well in school in order to fit in. When asked why she replied
“because I don’t think that I should dumb down myself just so I could fit in. I shouldn’t say that
friends wouldn’t make me feel bad because I am smart, well yes, friends I don’t really see
making a smart person feel bad because if you’re smart you’re friends would be like “what,
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 78

you’re smart, so can you help me on my homework?” they put me down because I’m dumb but
not because I am smart.” Both Jay and Jalon have also never considered doing less well to fit in
nor have they felt the need to choose between being popular and getting good grades. Jalon says
“if you get along with someone really well, it doesn’t matter about the grades, just social.” Jay
simply said “No. I think it’s foolish.”
When asked about avoiding academically challenging courses Jazmine admitted that she
would avoid taking a class that she knew she would do poorly in even if she were interested. “I
don’t want to get an F. I’ve avoided taking a math class. I’m sure I would have wanted to take it
and gotten credit because it looks better but I didn’t want to take it because I was pretty sure I
wasn’t going to pass it so I didn’t take it because I didn’t want to waste my time being in it and
jeopardize me not graduating.” She was also the only participant that has avoided taking
academically challenging courses. Jazmine explained “because I didn’t want to jeopardize me
not graduating. I kind of figured I would only do good, as you take the next course up they get
harder, if I just barely pass the last course and I know I don’t really know everything from that
past course, then I’m not going to do well in the next one. I don’t want to even take it.” Summer
was quite the opposite in her response. She would not avoid taking a course that she would do
poorly in even if she was interested because, according to her, “if it was interesting then I’d put
more effort into it.” Jalon’s response was very similar to Summer’s when asked about a
challenging course that he was interested in. He said “I’d probably give it a shot. If I really like it
then I’ll really apply myself. Jay’s response to the same questions was “No I think I’d take it just
because it was interesting to me. I mean if I started doing poorly in it, I’d just drop it or get out of
it but I think initially I’d say yes I’d take it. Summer would also not avoid taking academically
challenging courses because she feels they “look good on my college applications.” Jay said that
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 79

“when I take a class and everything, I’m like oh this is going to be a hard class, when I take it
I’m like all right I’m just going to do all my work, if it does start to get hard I’m just going to
study a little bit harder, I never think oh I’m not going to be able to pass or it’s going to be some
great challenge for me because when you start thinking like that then it does become that way.”
Jalon also mentioned that he would not avoid taking academically challenging courses. As a
matter of fact he described a situation where he wanted to take a more challenging course.
“When I was a freshman they put me in Algebra 1A, but I wanted to do a higher course because I
didn’t think I should be in there. A higher course, just Algebra 1 because if you get Algebra 1A
and 1B, that’s two years when I can just take Algebra 1 in one year.”

Concerns about Stereotype Threat

The aim of Research Question 2 was to find out if the participants’ academic progress
may be inhibited by derogatory perceptions of one’s self or one’s academic ability. As presented
in the previous chapter the following themes will be discussed:
1. Do the participants express derogatory perceptions of one’s self and/or one’s academic
ability?
2. Do participants perceive that teachers and other staff members have low expectations
of their academic abilities?
3. Do participants avoid challenging courses based on perception of their own academic
ability?

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 80

Derogatory perceptions of one’s self and/or one’s academic ability.

Jazmine is the only participant that expressed derogatory perceptions of her self and her
academic ability. Although both Jazmine and Summer are receiving at least one F in a class,
throughout the interview Jazmine’s perception of herself is that she is lazy. When asked about
her current grades Jazmine replied “I have an F in English. I did really badly on my research
paper. Other than that I’m doing good. I have B’s and A’s.” Summer, the only other of the four
participants that is receiving an F in one of her classes does not have derogatory perceptions of
herself or her academic ability. I asked her how she was currently doing in her classes and she
responded, “I’m doing good. I got an A in AP Government and so I switch at the semester to
Honors Econ, but I’m getting an A now, but Calculus is so-so, right now I’m getting an F but I’m
going to get a C by the end of the semester, I promise.” Both Jay and Jalon are passing all of
their classes with at least a C and do not have derogatory perceptions of themselves nor their
academic abilities. Jay commented, “I am doing well. I’m passing all my classes. I made the
honor roll last semester, so I am trying to do it again this semester. I don’t seem to be struggling
yet.” Jalon is also passing and says “I think I’m doing fine. The only class I’m having trouble
with is English. I have a C in there right now but the other classes I think I’m doing well.”
All 4 participants mentioned Asian students when asked to describe the type of students
that typically do well in the school, however, Jazmine said this when comparing herself to an
Asian student, “I’m lazy. I give up easy. My mom, she doesn’t whoop me if I do bad, she just
tells me I need to try harder. At a certain point she was just like well this is on you, if you don’t
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 81

graduate that is your fault because you are the one who lagged it.” When asked to compare
herself to the typical Black student at THS she said, “I can say I’m one of the lazier ones. My
friends still do the work. I haven’t really compared myself to someone else because I’m not
really lazy, lazy, but I’m lazy.” Though Jalon also agreed that students that typically do well at
THS are Asians, when asked if his experience was different or similar to the typical Asian
student his response was much different from Jazmine’s. “I’m similar because I apply myself. I
do my work. I do what I have to do. Difference, I don’t know if there’s a difference, I mean of
course race, but that’s it.”

Perceptions of teachers/staff expectations.

When asked about their most enjoyable class and the expectations of that teacher all 4
participants believe that their teacher has high expectations for them however, only 1 of the
participants specifically mentioned the teacher having an expectation of college. Summer’s
favorite class is English “because we have intelligent discussions.” She also mentions that her
teachers’ “number one expectation for us is to go to college because the first ten to fifteen
minutes of class all she’ll talk about is college, it’s an English class and we go over fairy tales
right now because it’s mythology sect of English and we’ll go over out fairy tales or something
but then at the end of the period she’ll have us register for classes at a community college
because she knows that not all of us are going to a four year university so she’ll teach us what we
need to do now to prepare for later and she’ll give us tips and stuff because she had it hard too,
because she transferred and stuff and went to ten years of school and had a bachelors degree.”
Jay’s response to the same question was “I think it’s to learn the material good enough to where
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 82

you can apply it if you had to.” Jalon recognizes his teacher’s expectations as “to do our
homework, to study and to always stay on track, don’t slack off or get off task.” Even though
Jazmine describes herself as lazy, she understands that her teacher’s expectations for her are not
as undemanding as her expectations for herself. She says that her teacher expects her to “get al
my work done. To try, to put all my effort, not just half.”

Avoiding challenging courses based on academic ability.

Three out of the 4 participants are taking courses that are required for entrance into a 4
year college or university. The same student that is not taking courses geared towards 4 year
college or university entrance has avoided taking academically challenging courses. Jazmine has
avoided academically challenging courses and when asked to describe the classes she is taking
she said, “Easy classes. My hardest classes are English, Mythology and Fairy Tales, and
Government, which is not that hard I just need to do the work.” She is the only one of the
participants that describes her classes as easy. All three of the other participants are taking
courses that will get them into a 4 year college or university. Jay was asked the same question
about his classes and he explained, “Well most of it was because I needed them for a four year
university and the other part of it was because of my musical interests.” Jalon is also taking
classes because they are required by a four year college. He explains, “I selected Culinary and
Ceramics because those are my two electives and I needed an ROP and an elective class to
graduate. Government, that’s a requirement. Science Fiction, that’s a requirement too. I could
have picked Mythology but I chose Science Fiction and Algebra 2 because I needed it for
college.” Jay is another participant that had specific reasons for choosing his classes. “Well most
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 83

of it was because I needed them for a four year university and the other part of it was because of
my musical interests. That’s why I took Music Tech and Advanced Choir.” Summer, who is
taking AP and honors courses says that her reason for taking them is because “they look good on
my resume.”

Development of Social Networks and Relationships with Institutional Agents

Research question 3 focused on Social Capital with regards to developing Social
Networks and relationships with Institutional Agents. As presented in the previous chapter the
following themes will be discussed in further detail:
1. Are the participants involved in Social Networks?
2. Have the participants developed relationships with Institutional Agents?
3. Do the participants perceive acceptance of their culture?

Involvement in social networks.

Three out of the 4 participants are involved in social networks at the school. The
involvement includes, ASB, Advanced Choir, and sports. When asked what most African
American students at THS are ‘into’, each participant mentioned sports and partying. Partying
involves both music and dancing. Two out of the 4 participants mentioned just hanging out.
Three out of the 4 participants mentioned that they have some similar interest as most African
American students at the school. Jalon, who is very much involved in sports, says that during his
free time he is doing “either sports of I just do homework or watch TV, just relax.” Jay’s
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response to what are the Black students ‘into’ was “Sports. A majority of them all play sports.
Music. They’re into hanging out outside of school. Working, I know a lot of them have jobs,
which could also be why maybe they’re not doing so well, but I work to so I can’t use that. I
think most of the things most kids like to do, video games, shopping, YouTube, I don’t know.”
Although he agreed that he also like music he had a much more intricate explanation as to why.
“I think music would probably be the most obvious one, listening to music, I think hanging out
with some friends outside school is another obvious one. I don’t really play video games. I think
going to the movies and I do spend a lot of time on You Tube though, but not because I’m just
listening to garbage music, I’m listening for learning purposes, for example last night I was
listening to John Legend, but I wasn’t listening to him just to be listening to him, I was listening
to the chord progression that he uses and how he makes those his own and I do the same thing
with Stevie Wonder.” Summer agreed that most Black students are into “mostly hanging out.
They’re always doing something after school or doing something this weekend or something like
that.” Similar to Jay, Summer understands this behavior however she recognizes that her interest
are different. “We usually stay at home and study. I try not to study my life away because I
actually want to do stuff sometimes but we’re usually more into our school.” I then asked
Summer how are her interactions with the students that hang out on weekends and she said, “I
talk to them. I’m their friend and stuff. If I see them I’m not just going to walk by them and go
straight to my second period class, no, I’m going to say hi to them and say “what are you getting
into and stuff”. I feel like I’m acquaintances with them but I’m not really friends with them. I
think now that I’m a senior I’ve started to weed out the people that I’m going to talk to in ten
years and people that I’m not because I know 99% of the people that I’m acquaintances with are
going to be doing the same thing they’re doing after they graduate, just going to parties and
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 85

barely getting by with school and stuff so I don’t want that negative influence around like that.
I’m cool with them. I don’t have any issues. I have two friends, two people that I call friends.”
Jazmine is the only participant that is not involved in a social network. She says that most Black
students are into “jerking, it’s a dance, football, and parties.” She says she is similar because “I
know how to jerk. I don’t do it as much as some of them here. I don’t really party or go to parties
to jerk. That’s what a lot do; go to a party to jerk. Oh and football, I love football. I wanted to
play but my mom said I’m too weak.”

Relationships with institutional agents.

All 4 participants had positive feedback about their counselor. Jazmine said “Some of them
are really friendly. They make you feel like you can talk to them.” Summer’s personal
experience was similar but she also gave a different scenario. “I love my counselor but I’ve
talked to other counselors too and they like me, but I have my stuff together, I’m on track with
my grades and stuff like that but I’m not sure how they act in regards to other students.” When
speaking of other students, Summer was referring to students’ who were not receiving high
grades. She described a situation with her cousin that was eventually transferred to a
continuation school in the same district after falling behind 25 credits (5 classes). Summer
explained, “I think they should have caught that earlier on, and they do that a lot though. Some
people seem to like fly by. I don’t know. I understand that they have 500 students to look after
and some of them can slip under their wings, but I’ve seen that a lot.” She also pointed out the
fact that not one race of students seems to slip through the crack, it happens across the board. Jay
also had a positive personal experience with his counselor.
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 86

“I love my counselor. I think for the most part, I always hear nice things about the counselors.
Mr. Selter specifically, I think that he’s very proactive in helping actually talking to parents
outside of school. He was always telling me to meet the deadline, turn in your college stuff,
emailing me, emailing my mom, writing letters, sending letters to my house, I think he was very
committed to not only me, but to my sisters too.” Jalon succinctly stated, “The counselors are
good. They’re friendly.”
Only 1 out of the 4 participants had a strictly positive view of the teachers at THS. Jalon
said “I think teachers they stay on track. They want you to do well. They’re really strict on your
work. They give you the assignments, sometimes they give you a lot of assignments, but they
expect you to get them done.” The other 3 participants had mixed views of the teachers that were
based on things like how they talked to their students and their methods of teaching. Summer
starts off her comments with positive view but finishes a bit differently. “The teachers are good.
You can tell what teachers are good from what they teach because they teach in a way that you
can understand it and you’ll get what you need to know later on. There are teachers that I
remember from my freshman year teaching me stuff that I didn’t even think I was listening to,
but I was and so you can tell which teachers are good in their practice and then some teachers,
like there’s very, very few, it’s like one percent of the teachers, they teach in a way where they
weed out what students are motivated and which ones aren’t and then they won’t care about the
ones that aren’t. They won’t even bother to give them progress reports on how they’re doing and
stuff.” On that same note Jay says, “well, because I think that some of the teachers here are, I
don’t want to say careless but they’re not as proactive as I think they should be, they’re just kind
of like here’s the material, get it on your own time and expect that you’re going to perform when
the tests come around. I think some of the teachers are nice. I think some of them try to do their
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 87

job as best as they can but I think there are other teachers who are just kind of here because they
have to be, not necessarily because they enjoy teaching.”
When asked about the administrators 2 out of the 4 participants made reference to
personalities and described them as mean. Jazmine said “some are mean. I think there are three.
Actually they are all kind of mean. I think it just depends on the student, whether it’s a good
student or a bad student, someone who’s not following the rules right. If you just do something
that you’re not supposed to be doing they get on you really harshly but is you were just a good
student walking around, you won’t really run into any problems with them.” Summer described a
similar behavior of the administration by saying “when I see them they’re like nice because I
don’t cause them any trouble, but I remember freshman year I used to hate all of them because
they were so mean but it’s just a front that they put on.” Both Jalon and Jay focused more on
how the administration does their jobs. Jalon said “the administrators follow up on what they’re
supposed to do. They do their job.” Jay agreed with Jalon’s response to a certain extent. He
thinks “that they try to do their job fairly for the most part, but I do think that some things are a
little bit unfair, for example the discipline, I know that some students who get treated badly for
detention, for being tardy. It’s like they take things, I don’t want to say too seriously but I think
they take it overboard sometimes, like for detention, his parents were called, he had to serve an
on campus suspension, I was like wow, it didn’t make sense to me over a detention and the
reason behind it too because he was tardy, it didn’t make sense to me but whatever.”
The question regarding overall school support was posed and each of the participants said
that the school does not do a good job in supporting them. Both Jazmine and Jalon felt that there
was an issue with the classes that are offered at the school. Jazmine said “I think classes now
should really pertain to how life is going to be when you’re older because here I think that this is
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just about passing time. These classes are just to pass time. I think it would be better if they
asked the student, what do you think you want to do? You know how in college you take the
classes that are going to pertain to what you are going to do when you get older; I think they
should just start that now.” Jalon was also expressed a lack of concern for the students’ futures.
He feels that the school could “offer more programs, or have more things, more ideas, tours,
events, or anything. They can ask you how you’re doing, what do you want to do in college, and
ok we’ll help you get that towards your class to build your skills. Basic programs for college like
business programs, any programs that you want to take your degree, psychology programs, all of
those things.” During the interview I learned that Jalon was a serious athlete however, he did not
receive a scholarship to a 4 year university. He has been playing basketball on the varsity team
for 4 years and he was only offered scholarships to community colleges however, he did not
want to accept them because his goal was to attend a 4 year university. As an athlete, Summer is
facing the same issue. She feels as though there are certain individuals at the school that are
supportive of her but she does not believe she gets support from the school in general. When
asked why she replied, “We have no money. I’m the captain in Track and Field, I’ve been track
and field for 4 years on varsity, there’s not even one recruiter that’ll come out to our practices.
We can’t go to invitationals where the recruiters are because we don’t have money. It’s like we
have to do everything for ourselves, kind of. Even trying to get into college they’ll tell us what to
do, they’ll inform us on what to do, by saying “you should do this, you should do that” but I
think in the end if we choose not to it’s like oh well.” This response is somewhat similar to what
Jay feels about school support. He said “I think certain individuals do a good job in supporting
me but I don’t know if I can say that’s the school helping me as a whole, but I will say the people
like my counselor and other teachers that write letters of recommendation, I would say that they
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 89

do a good job of supporting me but I don’t know if I’d say the school. I think the school is too
passive about helping students. The school doesn’t say ok the teachers need to be after school in
a workshop everyday from this time to this time helping the students with this and that. That’s
not the school, they don’t have time for that I guess but those individuals that know these
students need help, those are the ones who say all right even though it’s going to require extra
time outside of my schedule already or maybe I’ve got to go pick up my son from football
practice, I’m still going to commit to this student who’s getting ready to graduate.”
When asked if there is anyone at the school that supports them as a Black student all 4
participants said no there is no one.

Cultural acceptance.

The participants are split on whether or not Black students are culturally accepted at
THS. When I asked are Black students treated fairly? 2 out of the 4 participants said yes. Both
Jazmine and Jalon feel as though African American culture is accepted at THS. Jalon said “yes, I
don’t know any areas that they don’t treat them fairly.” Jazmine replied “Yes I think they do.
Here I don’t really see race being a problem between students or even the workers.” On the other
hand, Summer and Jay both agreed that Black students are not treated fairly whether it’s inside
or outside of the classroom. Jay mentions how he perceives some teachers feel about Black
students. “I’m going to say no and I’m going to push it a little bit, I’m going to say some
teachers, I’m not going to say that they don’t treat those students fairly, but I think their
expectations of those African American students is already low so they feel like why put the time
and effort in. These aren’t even so much the ones who don’t necessarily care about their job but I
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 90

think the teachers with that they think they’re more superior than type attitude. I think those are
the kind of teachers or the teachers who think we owe them something.” Summer explains how
things seem to be unfair outside of the classroom. “They always think we’re up to no good. Like
you can tell at lunch too. The students get along well. We all get along with each other, but
administration they always hang close to where the majority of the Black people hang out. If
we’re all together they’ll tell us to disperse, like what the heck, we don’t have to disperse is
we’re all together.” I asked her if at any point the students have given the administration any
reason to believe that they were going to cause trouble, and she said “No. Sometimes I know the
guys will do that on purpose. There will be a group of Black guys and the only thing they’ll be
doing is making random noises and then the administration will go over there and be like you
guys need to separate and stuff, like they think someone’s getting into a fight or something. They
assume that type of stuff.” Summer also mentioned that the administration does not do the same
thing when another race of students is gathered in a large group.

Summary
There were 5 significant indicators that emerged from the data. First all 4 students
equated ‘acting white’ with speech and doing various things that White people do as opposed to
getting good grades. Secondly, one participant experienced teasing for doing well in school and
that same student sabotaged her grades in order to fit in. Next, only 1 student had derogatory
perceptions of their own academic ability and avoided taking challenging courses. The fourth
significant indicator that emerged all 4 students believed that the school does not do a good job
at supporting them however, certain individuals like counselors, are a great support. And lastly, 2
out of 4 students feel that they are culturally accepted at THS.
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Chapter Seven: High School Graduates vs. College Bound

The purpose of this study was to gain a deeper insight about why some Black students
achieve while others do not. In 2007, 53% of the Black students that begin high school four years
prior, graduated and only 15% of them met the A-G requirements. With numbers like this it is
crucial that we find a way to increase the number of Black students that are eligible to attend a
four-year college or university.
The following three research questions guided this study of Black students in a large
Southern California urban public high school.
(1) Do Black high school students who are average achieving develop more of an
oppositional identity compared to Black students who are college bound?
(2)Do average achieving Black high school students have a greater concern about
stereotype threats than those Black high school students who are college bound?
(3)Do Black high school students who are college bound develop stronger social
networks and deeper relationships with institutional agents than do Black high
school students who are average achieving?
To answer the three research questions I conducted a qualitative comparative study of
ethnographic student interviews. The study’s sampling framework draws on Black students
based on their academic achievement level and willingness to take part in the study. Each
participant answered 10 background questions to create a student profile. Secondly, each
participate took part in a face to face interview in which they responded to 45 structured
interview questions. Finally, Padilla’s (1994) notion of an “unfolding matrix” guided the
compilation and analysis of the interview responses. Through examining student responses, I
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aligned each response to a theoretical framework and compiled themes that pointed to strategies
used by academically successful students in order to overcome internal and external academic
barriers. Three theoretical frameworks (cultural ecological, stereotype threat, and social capital
theory) represented a strategy of theoretical shingling (Baca, Reynaldo Personal communication,
December 2009) through which each research question was examined.
John Ogbu’s (1987) Cultural Ecological Theory and Claude Steele’s (1997) Stereotype
Threat combine to describe an association between minority academic achievement and a
dominant White culture. Fordham and Ogbu (1986) and Ogbu (1987) describe how some
minorities rebel against the confines of dominant ideology and develop an oppositional stance
toward anything related to dominant culture. Black students often refer to “doing well in school”
as “acting White” and therefore frown those who have not developed this oppositional frame of
reference. Steele (1997) has shown that minority students will succumb to the pressures of
negative stereotypes and underachieve because they have internalized the negative labels.
Stanton-Salazar’s Social Capital Theory (1997) points to the unequal access to tangible
institutional resources and opportunities as the cause of minority student’s low academic
achievement. He sees the lack of social networks and institutional agents as the main causes of
minority academic underachievement. Valenzuela (1999) has also shown how institutional
agents can undermine a student’s racial background and culture through Subtractive Schooling.
Each of these theoretical frameworks provided a unique view of why some Black students
achieve while others do not.

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 93

Summary of Findings
In comparing the two groups of participants, high school graduate versus college-bound
Black high school seniors there were three significant findings:
1. Black high school students who are average achieving do not develop more of an
oppositional identity compared to Black students who are college bound.
2. Black high school students who are average achieving do not have a greater concern
about stereotype threat than those Black high school students who are college bound.
3. Black high school students who are college bound do develop stronger networks and
deeper relationships with institutional agents than do Black high school students who
are average achieving.

The first finding reveals that Black high school students who are average achieving do
not develop more of an oppositional identity compared to Black students who are college bound.
While it is true that Black’s have adopted their own cultural norms, some of which are in direct
opposition to dominant White culture the average achieving students in this study have not
developed more of an oppositional identity than the participants who are college bound. Each
participant, whether average achieving or college bound has heard the phrase “Acting White”
and none of them believe that high academic achievement is synonymous with the term. All
participants had a good connection with their ethnic and racial background and felt very strongly
regarding the meaning of “Acting White”. Each participant defined “Acting White” in terms of
speech. More specifically, “Acting White” was defined as, using high vocabulary, speaking
properly, and speaking intelligently. Several students from both groups had been accused of
“Acting White” because of the way that they spoke and their choice of words. These accusations
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however, did not deter any one of them from continuing to speak properly. Half of the
participants admitted that they used proper language in more formal situations such as school and
work. Instead of developing an oppositional stance towards using standard language and getting
good grades, the participants embraced it and were able to use it to their advantage.
This finding was different from the previous research carried out by Fordham and Ogbu
(1986) and Ogbu (1987) which stated that Black students underachieved because they developed
an oppositional frame of reference with regards to anything associated with dominant White
culture- one such associations being academic achievement. The previous research described
how the burden of acting white hindered Black students from high academic achievement for
fear of being ostracized by their own culture. The participants in this study were aware of the
term “Acting White” however, none of them compromised their academic success based on the
idea that they would not be accepted by their peers. As a matter of fact, the results were quite the
opposite. The students in this study were often made to feel bad if their grades were not high.
Each participant admitted that getting low grades was frowned upon by their peers as well as
their families.
The second findings suggests that Black high school students who are average achieving
do not have a greater concern about stereotype threat than those Black high school students who
are college bound. Each participant in this study is aware of the racial and ethnic struggles that
exist inside and outside of the school environment. Several of them have had personal situations
where their race or cultural background has been viewed in a negative way. Fortunately, the
opinions of those few individuals have not tainted the participant’s images of themselves. Two
out the eight participants view themselves as lazy however; laziness is not an indicator that one
has a derogatory view of their academic abilities. Those two students never mentioned that they
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believe that they are incapable of achieving; they just did not want to do the work. Jazmine, the
college bound student that viewed herself as lazy did not have the motivation to push herself.
Isaiah, the high school graduate student that labeled himself as lazy had family issues which
played a significant role in his apathetic demeanor. One thing that was very interesting was the
fact that Summer, one of the college bound students had an ‘F’ in her math class at the time of
the interview. Despite that very low grade she still remained optimistic and knew that she would
pull the grade up by the end of the semester. This truly showed a confidence in her academic
abilities.
Although the study shows no significant difference between the college bound students
and the high school graduates personal feelings about their academic abilities, there may be a
difference in the way that the teachers and counselors view their abilities. Only half of the high
school graduates felt that their teachers had high expectations for them whereas the entire college
bound group perceived high expectations from teachers. When looking at the student’s course
levels, none of the high school graduate students were taking academically challenging courses
yet; all of the college bound students were taking challenging courses that are needed for
acceptance into a 4 year college or university. It could be possible that the students that are not
high achieving are being viewed differently by their teachers and counselors. If that is the case
that could have significant affects on the number of Black students that attend 4 year colleges
and universities.
The current study is inconsistent with the previous research on Stereotype Threat. Steele
(1997) wrote that Black students would often succumb to the pressure of negative stereotypes
and underachieve. Although the group of high school graduate students did not seem to have
negative views of one’s self or their academic ability, it is quite possible that the stereotypes of
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the teachers and the counselors are inhibiting these students from taking challenging courses and
moving on to a 4-year college of university.
The final finding revealed that Black high school students who are college bound do
develop stronger networks and deeper relationships with institutional agents than do Black high
school students who are average achieving. Research shows that relationships with Institutional
Agents make a huge difference in a student’s academic success; the results of this study were
consistent with past literature (cite). All four of the college bound students had positive
relationships with their counselors whereas; only two of the high school graduate students seek
help from their counselor. Three of the high school graduate students believe that the school does
a good job of supporting them. But at the same time they say that teachers will help as long as
you are willing to seek it out. The college bound group described the same teacher however; they
viewed it in a less positive way. The college bound students believe that the school does not do a
good job in supporting them. Reasons mentioned were a lack of programs, limited course
availability, and an inability to obtain scholarships through sports and teachers who were too
passive when it came time to help the students. The difference between the two groups was seen
mainly in the relationships with Social Agents and the perception of overall school support.
When analyzing the results it is not likely that the lack of support from the teachers stems from
racial or ethnic biases because 5 out of the 8 participants feel that they are accepted as a Black
student at THS. It may be possible that the lack of support is based on a student’s academic
reputation. At first glance the behaviors of the teachers may look as if they were racially biased
because all of the participants in the study described how Black students generally do not do as
well academically than other racial groups at THS. Therefore, if the teachers are not insistently
offering assistance to those academically struggling students, and a majority of those
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academically struggling students are Black, it may seem as though the teachers are
discriminating against the Black students. So although the College bound participants had good
relationships with their counselors and for the most part get help from their teachers without
having to expend much effort, they recognize the importance of the relationships with
Institutional agents and the academic consequences resulting from a lack of such support.
Stanton-Salazar (1997) explained that unequal access to tangible institutional resources
and opportunities are the cause of minority low academic achievement. This study is consistent
with Stanton-Salazar’s research, not because non-minority students are unjustly receiving more
access to Social Capital and Institutional agents than their minority counterparts. But within the
same minority group, students are being favored by institutional agents due to their high
academic achievement. Both groups of participants attend the same school, with the same
resources, and the same teachers and counselors. The difference is how the teachers and
counselors are responding to the students. Several of the students mentioned that the teachers are
often very attentive to those that do well academically. Summer, a college bound student
experienced both sides because she is doing extremely well in every class except Calculus. She
mentioned that the only teacher that is a problem is the calculus teacher because she tends to
spend most of her time with the students that understand the subject matter the best. In Summer’s
other classes, she receives a lot of attention from her teacher’s because she is the one doing well
academically.

Implications for Practice
Implications for practice are based on student’s relationships with Institutional Agents
and how those Institutional Agents are perceived by both groups of participants. Each group
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mentioned the fact that in order to get help from teachers’ students must seek out the help on
their own. Both groups also explained that teachers gravitate towards the students that are high
academic achievers as opposed to those students that may struggle academically. Based on the
two previous statements there are two implications for practice:
1. Teachers, Counselors, and Administrators should be trained on how to better support
students who struggle academically.
2. Academically struggling students should have additional services rendered to them at
the onset of the academic struggle.
Teacher, counselors, and administrators are institutional agents that play a crucial role in
the academic achievement of all students. In order to positively impact a student’s life IA’s must
not allow things such as race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, or academic standing to interfere
with their job of supporting students. Due to the institutional barriers that exist within society and
mainstream institutions like schools, minority students need individuals who can guide them into
the direction of such resources. Since most of the low achieving students at THS are minority,
they are indeed lacking the guidance needed to navigate through the institutional barriers. This
sequence of low academic achievement and lack of guidance from Institutional agents
perpetuates the cycle of some Black students achieving while other do not. It is clear that those
students that have lower academic achievement are not developing relationships with
Institutional Agents because Institutional Agents are not welcoming the relationships. Each one
of the high school graduate participants did well academically at their Junior High School;
Ashley was even in the Gifted and Talented Education (GATE) program. Based on this
information I am inclined to believe that training the teachers, counselors, and administrators on
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how to treat all students fairly would help them to learn how to develop relationships with all
students, essentially giving all students’ access to nonbiased Institutional Agents.
Academically struggling students should have additional services rendered to them at the onset
of the academic struggle. Not all students are going to understand the curriculum well enough to
do well, even with the support of an Institutional Agent. It is necessary to provide additional
academic services such as tutoring to help these students. Several of the participants in this study
mentioned that athletes receive special academic help that is not available for all students. This
may not be an issue for the students that have parents who can afford to send them to private
tutors outside of the school but, all of the participants from the high school graduate group were
in situations that did not allow for such support.

Recommendations for Research

The polarized state of Black student academic achievement will not be solved in a single
study therefore I have two recommendations for research in hopes of getting closer to a solution
to the problem. The first thing that I would do in order to further this study would be to include
teacher interviews and classroom observations. Secondly, I would observe each students life
outside of the school environment.
Implementing a teacher interview component would give a different perspective on their
feelings towards students that are not doing well academically. I would develop interview
questions based on the responses given by the students in order to have a complete picture of
why the students feel as though teachers tend to help those who are doing well academically as
opposed to those that are struggling. Another piece of the puzzle would be classroom
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 100

observations. Going into the classroom and seeing what goes on would better clarify the
perspectives of both the teachers and the students.
Although academics are largely based on classroom performance, other factors play
heavily on whether or not a student achieves. Several of the participants in the study had troubled
home environments that may not have been conducive to high academic achievement. Some
were able to use their negative situations as motivation to do well in school while others
succumbed to the stresses of their home environment. I would recommend that a second set of
student interviews take place outside of the school environment and inside the home of each
student. This set of interviews would allow me to gain a deeper understand of what they are
going through outside of school.

Conclusion

The achievement gap between those individuals of the same race/ethnicity, attending the
same school, and dealing with the same external pressures is far more complex than fear of
“Acting White”, “Stereotype Threat”, and lack of “Social Capital”. One must also consider the
social aspects of being a Black teenager, the home environment, and the mental and emotional
stability of the individual. All of these things together will help determine the student’s capacity
to learn, their determination to achieve, and their attitude towards education. This study focused
on a small part of the big picture and found that current research is partially consistent with what
goes on however, the problem still exists. Until there is a fully comprehensive study that takes
into account all of the previously mentioned elements of the student, some Black students will
continue to persevere while others will continue to be left behind.
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 101

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STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 105

Appendix A
Class of 2007 Pathway to College

Group Percent
Graduated
Percent A-G
Eligible
State of California 65 25
Black Students 53 15
White Students 74 31
Source: California Educational Opportunity Report
http://www.edopp.org

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 106

APPENDIX B:
STRUCTURED INTERVIEW QUESTIONS AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
ALIGNMENT

Research Question Theoretical Framework Evidence Interview
Item
1. Do Black high
school students who
are A-G (2.0GPA-
2.5 GPA); develop
more of an
oppositional identity
than those Black
students who are
college bound (3.0-
3.5 GPA)?

Cultural Ecological
Theory (Fordham &
Ogbu, 1986)
Evidence of student
behavior that is
counterproductive to high
academic achievement;
instances when students
have self inflicted
limitations on their
educational opportunities
for fear of a conflict
within their cultural
network.

Voluntary & involuntary
minorities
1-4
The burden of acting
white,
7, 20, 21,
24-32, 34-
39, 45
Oppositional Stance 20, 21, 24-
28, 30-32,
34-36, 45
2. Do Black high
school students who
are A-G have a
greater concern
about stereotype
threat than those
Black high school
students who are
college bound?

Stereotype Threat
(Steele, 1997)
Evidence of derogatory
perceptions of one’s self
and /or one’s academic
ability. Students may
mention that teachers and
other school staff have
low expectations of their
ability. This may cause
students to avoid higher
level classes.
7-9, 20-23,
30, 33-35,
40-44
3. Do Black high
school students who
are college bound
develop stronger
social networks and
deeper relationships
with social agents
than do Black high
school students who
are A-G?

Social Capital Theory
(Stanton-Salazar &
Dornbusch, 1995;
Stanton-Salazar & Spina,
2000; and Stanton-
Salazar, Chavez, & Tai,
2001)
Evidence that students
perceive a lack of support
from teachers, and other
school staff. Students
may also feel as though
there are barriers that
limit their enrollment in
certain
clubs/organizations,
classes, or their access to
counselors and other
support staff. Students
may also feel a devaluing
of their culture.

Institutional Agents 6, 11-13, 16,
18, 20, 33,
40, 41, 43
Social Networks 5, 10, 14,
15, 17, 19,
20
Subtractive Schooling
(Valenzuela, 1999).
14-17, 20,
33, 35, 40,
41, 45

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 107

Appendix C:
Student Profile: BACKGROUND OF THE PARTICIPANT
1. What is your name? Age?
2. Where were you born?
3. Where was your mother born? Where was your father born?
4. Where do you live? How long have you lived there?
5. Who are the members of your family, including siblings?
6. Have other members of your family graduated from high school? College? Graduate
school?
7. What special talents do you have?
8. How would you describe yourself to someone who has never met you before?
9. How do your teachers describe you as a student?
10. How would your friends describe you?

STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 108

APPENDIX D:
STRUCTURED INTERVIEW QUESTIONS:

PERCEPTIONS OF SCHOOL CULTURE

1. How long have you been a student in this high school?
2. Have you been a student at any other high schools prior to your time at Taylor High
School?
3. How did you feel about coming to this high school?
4. Did many of your friends from middle school come to this same high school? Why or Why
not? How about friends from your neighborhood?
5. How would you describe Taylor High School to another student thinking of coming here?
6. How would you describe the people at this school? Students? Teachers? Counselors?
Administrators? Others?
7. What kind of classes are you taking now? Why did you select them?
8. Are there any other Black students in your classes? Why or why not?
9. How are you doing in these classes right now?
10. Describe a class that you enjoy and what is it about that class that makes this the case?
11. What are these teacher’s expectations for you?
12. How does this teacher treat you? How does this teacher treat others like you?
13. Do you trust this teacher?
14. Describe a class that you do not enjoy and what is it about that class that makes that the
case?
15. Do you think this school does a good job in supporting you?
16. Is there anyone in this school who you believe supports you as a Black student? If so,
describe this person.
17. Do other people in this school treat students fairly? Do they treat Black students fairly?
18. Who provides you with the most support? In what ways does he or she support you?
19. Do you think this school does a good job supporting Black students?

ACADEMIC AND RACIAL IDENTITIES

20. What kind of student usually does well in this school? Why is this so?
21. How are you different or similar to the student you just described?
22. How well do most other Black students do in this school?
23. How is this similar or different from your experiences?
24. What are Black students in this school “into”?
25. How are your interests similar or different?
26. How do you interact with Black students here that do not do well academically? Why is
this so?
27. Do you think you act like basically the same person at home and at school? With
friends? Why is this case?
28. In what ways are you different and in what ways are you the same?
29. Why do you think you were selected as a high achieving Black student?
30. How do you feel about being identified as high achieving?
31. What is it like being a Black in this high school?
STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT 109

32. How do you feel about being Black in this high school?
33. Is there anything teacher, administrators, or other do to contribute to you feeling this
way? If so, what?
34. What is something you enjoy about being Black?
35. What is something difficult about being Black?
36. Have you ever been taunted by your Black friends for getting good grades? What
happened and how did you feel?
37. Have you ever considered doing less well in school in order to fit in with your friends?
Why is this so?
38. Do you ever feel you have to choose between being popular with friends and getting
good grades? Why is this so?
39. Have you ever heard the phrase “acting white?” What does it mean to you? (Probe for
language, speech, music, dress, school behavior, cliques, other behaviors) Do your Black
friends believe that getting high grades equals acting White?
40. Do you believe that some people believe you are less intelligent because you are Black?
41. Have you ever been told that people like you don’t do well in school? If so, does this
make you afraid that you will prove them right?
42. Would you ever avoid taking a course in which you would poorly even if the course
were very interesting? Why is this so?
43. Do others feel that you won’t do well on standardized tests like the SATs?
44. Have you avoided taking academically challenging courses? Why is this so? (Probe if
they avoided the course because only Whites and Asians do well in those courses)
45. Have you ever felt that you had to give up something about your ethnic/racial identity in
order to do well in school? (Probe what they gave up or how they compartmentalized or
managed identities. Probe do they assume that every Black student had to give up their
ethnic/racial identity to do well in school)

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study applies three theoretical frameworks

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Asset Metadata

Creator Blackshear, Sherrita Rose (author)

Core Title Cultural ecology, stereotype threat, and institutional agents: high school achievements of Black male and female students

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 10/31/2013

Defense Date 10/08/2013

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag academic achievement,acting white,African-American students,black students,college bound,cultural ecological theory,high achievers,High School,institutional agents,low achievers,OAI-PMH Harvest,Ogbu,social capital theory,Stanton-Salazar,Steele,stereotype threat

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Baca, Reynaldo R. (committee chair), Fischer, Linda A. (committee member), García, Pedro Enrique (committee member)

Creator Email queensrb@yahoo.com,srblackshear@yahoo.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-342262

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