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The participation of the Negro in the community life of Los Angeles

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The participation of the Negro in the community life of Los Angeles

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Content Q T f B s : E ^ A J 3 ] ? ] : o i : : E y L ! P ] [ C ) B r oir o i E E B isiB C ü to
IE
S T E C B ( 3 C ) B D 3 R J I T ] [ ] T 3 r ] & ] [ ] ? % % C R T ] j C > S J l B T C K E l I Z S i S
A Tliesis
Presented to the Department of Sociology
University of Southern California
In Partial Fulfillment
of the
Requirements for the
Degree of Master of Arts
By
J. Mo Farline Ervin
1931
UMI Number: EP65522
All rights reserved
INFORMATION TO ALL USERS
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a note will indicate the deletion.
PuMlBNng
UMI EP65522
Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author.
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ProQuest LLC.
789 East Eisenhower Parkway
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106 - 1346
2 I 3 4 - K
This thesis, having been approved by the
special Faculty Committee, is accepted by the
Council on Graduate Study and Research
of the University of Southern C alifornia,
in partial fu lfillm e n t of the requirements
fo r the degree of Master. Qf Arta ....
Secretary
Dean
Date June 6. 1S31
Committee;
C.M# Case» Chairman
G,B. Mangold
0,W.E. Cook
CONTENTS
bhapter Eage
I. Reoollections of Some Pioneer Negroes I .
Personal Attitudes .... .... 2
Life Histories ............................... 3
II. Population, Structure and Growth of the City... 8
Age Distribution....... 12
The Foreign Born Population................. 12
The Negro Population................... ... 13
Increase in Negro Population............. 16
Present Size of Negro Population........ 17
Negro Population By Areas............ 19
More Recent Fluctuations............. 21
Population Sources By States........... 24
III. Industrial Participation. ........ 23
Public’ Opinion.................'...... 26
Entertainers. 27
Industries and Negro Participation.......... 30
Distribution of Negro Workers.......... 31
Distribution of Work Units.............. 33
Plants Not Employing N e g r o e s . 43
Future Prospects for Negro Workers....... 31
General Observations.................... 33
General Observations, Labor Unions 39
Some Personal Attitudes............ 61
Conclusions ................. 63
I I
Chapter PQ-ge
IT# Conmieroial Participation. ..... .66
T. Home-Life participation, ..... ^0
Chart Showing Location of White Homes 75
Graph Showing 'Social Distance Decline 76
List of Invitations by White Neighbors 77
VI. Prostitution Participation............ 80
White Prostitutes.#...... 81.
Number of Girls Operating........ 83
Fees Paid, .......... 94
Negro Prostitutes ....... 86
Special Type s # . . . . ........... 87
The Alley Workers ...... 88
The Home-Raiders........ 89
Down Town Sucker Hunters 92
Automobile Riders ..... 92
Fees Paid, and-Number of Girls
Operating......... - 92
Conclusions.,.............. 95
White prostitutes ..... 95
Interviews .......... 95
Negro Prostitutes ........... . .. 105
Interviews ..... 105
Til# Summary 110
Ill
3 É Y -W 0 R D
We Gontinually oscillate between an inclination
to complain without sufficient cause and to be too
easily satisfied# We have, an extreme susoeptibility
of mind, an inordinate craving,’ an ambition in our
thoughts, our desires, and in the movements of our
imagination; yet when we come to practical life, when
trouble, when sacrifices, when efforts are required
for the attainment of our object, we eink into lassitude
and inactivity* Let us not be invaded by either of
these vices. Let us estimate fairly what our abilities,
our knowledge, our power enable us to do lawfully, and
let us aim at nothing that we cannot lawfully, justly
and prudently— with a proper respect for the principles
upon which our social system, our civilisation:,: is
based— attain,” — Guizot.
ur
INTRODUCTION
This study is initiated to determine what is the par
ticipation of the Negro in the community life of Los Angeles.
The writer has not attempted to cover the entire participa
tion of the Negro, hut only those fields in which the great
est attempt is made hy, the Negro or "by the white participant
to either project into the Negro community or into the big
white community life. The fields suggested in the table of
contents are those in which the writer noted the greatest
amount of participation.-
The educational and religious participation has been
deliberately omitted because too much research would have been
necessitated to have covered the field, and as the time for
this thesis did not permit, it was avoided.
The reliability of the material is dependent upon the
accuracy in interviewing, and upon the authority of the .
Census for 1920, together with the Charles S, Johnson Survey
of 1927.
Due to the largeness of this problem, a considerable
amount of material has had to be used in general form with
out much emphasis upon detail and concrete analysis. How
ever, the writer has attempted to clarify the situation e-
nough to point out the general tendencies involved.
There has been no attempt to inject any bitterness
into this study. It has been desire of the writer to set-
fQrth the situation just as it presented itself, without
passion whatever.
GHAPTEH I
HEOOLIEOTÎONS
"One hundred and fifty years ago eleven families,
one of which was headed by a Negro, another by an Indian,
and more by men of a mixed racial strain in which the
proud blood of the Spanish stood out, together with some
White families, journeyed to California to found the settle,
ment which today is the fifth largest city in the United
States *.
"It is fitting that the 150th Anniversary of the
founding of Los Angeles be celebrated in the spirit and
fashion of those early settlers. No prejudices, no narrow
ness, no selfishness, no biasness, no intolerance entered
their minds. These pioneers blazed the way without thought
1
of race, color, or creed."
No living, soul in our great city should be without
a real picture of this "epic scene" in their minds; they
can never hope to realize the "spirit of the first city
fathers" without seeing these "pilgrims" stretch their
tents in such sublime understanding.
The attitude which those early fathers established
persisted in this community until the advent of the 20th
^ California News, Editorial page, April 16, 1931.
century; The place which each individual took in the
general life of the community depended upon his faith and
loyalty in its institutions # We have but to glance at the
earlier pages of the history of this clime to note the
big, outstanding principles which grew in the hearts of
those "old western fathers," the builders of this mighty
empire behind the "Rockies
Who can read the works of Bret Harte and forget the
spirit of those early days? Such lines as "The absolute
freedom of Illimitable space, t he exhilaration of the
sparkling sunlight and the excitement of the opposing winds,
which was strong enough to oblige the exertion of a strong
physical strength to overcome it, - - - - and from the
blessed mountain tops could be recognized the calm, peace,
and honesty of the clime, so nobly expressed in the pa-
1
tient gravity of the people," ' - - - - ought not soon be
forgotten. Yes, the tops of the high Sierras looked down
on the heart of those brave, fearless people who were not
afraid to be "square*,* Did not "The Luck of Roaring Gamp,"
or "Snow in the Sierras" tell a story so strange to the
heart of our present "spirit" as to be absolutely unrecog
nizable? They saw those Fathers, sleep, and with them
sleeps the pride, the fairness., the bravery, the faith, and
toleration of the early days of this comrmmity, this com
munity which grew and thrived upon the "blood" of her
"brave sons of.all hues,"
1 Francis Bret Harte, The Bulls of the Blessed Trinity,
The Ridpath Library of Universal Literature, Toi, III, p, 292,
Here follows the story of one of the bravest sons
our dear Oalifomia ever knew. He is a black son of Los
Angeles, one who came through some of the latter "days of
the grand period of the golden West," He came here from
Nevada, that part of Nevada which housed the great "Gom-
stock Mines,"-' He came here following the trail of the
noblest souls Los Angeles has ever known -— We shall let
him remind us of their strength and bravery in building
this community so long since fallen from grace,
"Things were different when I came along, I really
do not understand what has come over the people , , . We
just did not tolerate all of this foolishness now indulged
in by this new leader which has come to California, May
be that we had a better thinking group of people to work
with. The men and women who ruled in those days always
considered that my group was just as much a part in their
community life as any other group, -All we wanted was just
what any other group of people expected from the city
opportunities, and we did not fail to get our share. Things
were in fine shape when the people of my group had to give
up the lead - - - the failures have been caused by the new
type of people and leaders who have come out here from the
South in recent years, I can recall such men as:
"Senator Steven M, White, the most profound lawyer
of his time, was a good example of what I mean. Senator
White was a very powerful public speaker, as well as an
eminently practical politician. Hie learning, moral
goodness, and ooramanding personality enabled him to
acoomplisb untold good for the. oommunity from which great
and important results followed. He completely smashed to
bits the false idols and foolish ideas of the lesser lights
of white Los Angeles of his day. He deliberately repressed
the intolerant ways in which some of the whites desired
to exploit the black people of the community, He loved and
respected the Negro and did not care a snap of his finger
who knew it. It was always a source of real pleasure to
meet him at any time or place. He greeted his black friends
with the same kind of equality, whether on the street or in
his palatial home on South Main Street, as he would have
greeted hlshwhite friendsè He was a character among
characters, and brave enough to let the wholeeworld know how
he stood - - - that was the spirit of Los Angeles in those
days ,"
"Nathan Cole, Jr,, one of the first promoters of our
large Be et-Sugar industry, was another of those sterling
characters^ Although he was small of stature, yet he was
large in accomplishments, He was largely responsible for
the growth of the Olive industry in Oalifornia, As a public
spirited citizen he had no peers, and greater Los Angeles
owes a debt of gratitude to him that can never be p^id.
His services were not confined to his own race, but the
community in general enjoyed the richness of his great life
and civic achievements. On several occasions he invited a
group of his colored friends to the most exclusive "Union
Glub," where they were entertained by hIM in a most re
markable way. All of hie friends made these Colored
people just as much their friends as did Nathan Cole, jr*
He always recognized any citizen who showOd any interest
in the future of this community. Public opinion did not
frighten him — he made public opinion. Any man who was
honorable, he did not fail to honor under any condition
the occasion presented,"
"I come to a man who was one of the greatest of them
all. General Harrison Gray Otis , General Otis was a man of
iron, with nerves of steel, and convictions as strong as
death. When he bought and took control of "The Los Angeles
Times," the paper was an orphan in the field.. It is needless
to say what he did for the paper, that will speak for itself.
The paper grew because it took for its ambition and purpose,
the building of a great city which should become a mecca of
human happiness, General Otis favored no special class of
honorable citizens. The Negro did not have to turn criminal
before he could get any recognition by the Times, The Negro
who did something worth while was sure to receive full cre
dit in the columns of the paper. On one occasion a whole
page article with the illustrated outs of nine prominent
Colored men appeared in the times under the caption of
"Solving The Color Line Problem," Those men were achieving
not for themselves alone, but for the community as well, ,
and General Otis was not afraid to pay them the homage his
paper owed to them, , . . A Colored wit, while awaiting his
turn in a barber shop, read in the Times a two column
editorial, which depicted the worth of Dr. Booker, T. Wash
ington and embracing the entire Colored race - • — the read
er became so ^azed over the fairness and bravery of General
Otis that he wrote nndèr the editorial on the margin of
the paper, this line "There is one God, and one General
Harrison Gray Otis,"
"Lucky" Baldwin, the most colorful and picturesque
character of the early West, made no distinctions in dealing
with his ‘ black friends , "Lucky" Baldwin owned the Santa
Anita ranch of 10,000 acres and wished only Negroes to work
on his ranch, Baldwin went back South and brought three
traln-car loads of Negroes to care for his "rancho," These
Negroes were regarded as his most trusted employees, and
some were regarded as his safest and most ccnfidêntial ad
visors, These Negroes produced, through their expert know
ledge, the very renouned thorough-bred stables of horses
and cattle for which the Baldwin "rancho" was famous, from
this group of Negroes have come most of the early native
black citizens of this community, especially in Monrovia
and Duarte, Mr, Baldwin saw that they got a decent start
in life. He helped them by showing them how to produce
and save, , • Some of those people,, if they had escaped the
future white men who cheated them out of their property, .
would have been among our wealthy citizens. This one
situation shows the great difference between the early men
of the community and those of the community who have come
out in later times,"
"Oar and Hagen, two big landowners, brought Negroes
frcm the South and showed the State hm to produce cotton.
They went to Bakersfield and made big fortunes upon the skill
of these Negroes^ but they did not forget those Negroes, From
that group came the prosperous Negroes who live there now.
The men who make the big development in our community now,
never give the Negro a thought. They take what he has, if
they can, and then leavethSm to their own wits. When I was
coming along we would run such "skunks" out of the country,,
the whites would join in the chase,
'"The early-day white people were always ready to help
and encourage the black people in the community. They were
people of frank and artful expression, possessing the in
geniousness wisdom, and courage to overcome the obstacles,
and made it possible for our present achievements, They
of course knew that there were inferior and superior people
in all races, and so we find that if there wag any dis
crimination it was due to personal estimate and net to
community estimate, or segregation. Those brave characters
knew enough to realize that by their having been bom white
that they therefore inherited a national status which would
always make it possible to attain to the highest in the land,
and they were not too selfish to want to see their black
friends enjoy some distinctiona at their hands, These mod
ern-day people are so infernally selfish that they seem to
mark everything for their own possession. If they could .
8
but realize the social inheritance of the conmranity from
which comes the deeds of valor from all of the races here
in those early days, it seems that they could not help
becoming inspired with s ome of the chivalry which dis-
1
tinguished their honorable fathers,"
It is possible to get a picture of the spirit which
must have pervaded the community life in those early days
by having read these few "insights" fmm the pen of one of
our most honored citizens. The people were happy in those
days , Th%re was no discrimination in oonmunity ideals,
each person was given his just dues. The "insights" given
here are but characteristic of the general attitude and
experiences of the majority of the Negroes living now who
grew up with the early country. These persons are loud in
their praise for the spirit of the olden days, and rather
pained at the sight of the general muddle of the oommunity
once so proudly esteemed in their hearts.
It must be a source of agony to these sterling charac
ters to see the members of their group so hopelessly pushed
further and further from the wholesome life of the community
in which they used to participate so freely. They see new
faces from new places completely exploiting what was once
our common possession, ' If they could but ca^l back some
of those brave characters: Russell J, Waters, "Lucky"
Baldwin, General Harrison Gray Otis, Nathan Cole, Jr,, Sen
ator Steven J, White, and many, many others from the long
list who have gone on to the frontiers of some other
1 Charles C, Flint, One of the most picturesque compatriots
of the West, "Flint and the West are Twain,"
glorious domain, they could but have a hope. , . But
who of our characters of today ie to give them this sus
taining hope?
Maybe they shall flee to the mount a ins -
Maybe they shall go to the tombs of their friends
and cry?
Who knows -
Whb" cares?
10
OHâPTBR II
POPULATION. STHJOTURB AND GROWTH OF THE CITY
The distinguishing features of the population are
only roughly defined in the census distribution, but the
figures offer in their broad classification a suggestive
outline of local population peculiarities*
TABLE I
NATIONALITY TOTAL PERCENTAGE
Native White 434,807 75
Foreign Bom White 112,057 19
Negro 15,579 3
Indian, Chinese, Japanese
and all others 14,230 3
TOTAL 576,673 100
Few cities have shown such rapid growth as Los
Angeles, In 1910 the population was 319,198 and in 1920
it was 546,864, an increase of 80,7 per cent; from 1900 -
1910 this increase was 211,5 per cent . For total popula
tion this last is the highest recorded for any city of
over 100,000 population in 1910 with the single exception
of Birmingham, Alabama, which increased from 38,415 in
1900 to 132,685 in 1910, an extraordinary rate of 245,5
1 Charles S, Johnson, Industrial Survey of Los Angeles,
p, 5, This survey was made in 1927,
11
per oent, The population of Los Angeles in 1930 was
1,231,730.
For oities approximately of the same elase the dif
ference is especially notable for the decade 1910 - 1920.
Luring the decade, 51,473 foreign born, 7,890 Negroes and
7,938 principally Mexicans and Orientals were added to the
population.
Facto rs further suggesting the character of the pap
ulation are evident in these figures : In 1910 there was a
slight preponderance of males ; 101.3tto every 100 females,
In 1920 this situation changed to 96,3 males to every 100
females,
In Spite of the apparent heavy preponderance of na
tive born white, in 1920 only 51 per cent of the population
was native white of native parentage, There were 23 cities
with a larger percentage of native white of native parent
age and 45 with the same or lower, ranging from 15,9 in
Fall River, Massachusetts to 75.2 in Reading, Pennsylvania,
For the country as a whole this percentage is 55.3,
Age distribution is always a useful index to the
character of a city. The ago distribution for the entire
country may be taken as a basis for one comparison, with
the population of Los Angeles, and that of Reading, Penn
sylvania, with a high percentage of native bom of
native parents, as another.
12
TABIE II
SHOWING AGE DISTRIBUTION IN LOS ANGELES
AS
OOMPAEBD WITH THE COUNTRY AND READING, PENNSYLJSANIA
AGE GROUP UNITED STATES READING, PA LOS ANGELES
Under 5
10.9 9.4 6 ,6
5 - 14 • 20,8 18.1 13,4
15: - 24 - ■ 17,2 . 16,6 ' 14,9
25 - 44 29,6 31,6 37,1
45 - 64 16,1 19,1 21.6
65 and over 4,7 5.2 6,2
The proportion of young children in Los Angeles is a third
less; the proportion of young people under 25 less, the
age groups beyond 25 are much higher. All these indicate
an abnormal and migrant population with a heavy concentra
tion in the upper age groups.
The Foreign-Born Population.
A conspicuous difference between Los Angeles and
other large cities is in its foreign population, . The
largest foreign group is the Mexican with 21,653 or 17,7
of the foreign bom, Canadians rank second and English
third according to 1920 census. The Mexican and Filipino
Charles S, Johnson, op, cit. p. 6,
13,
population estimates are now 76,000 and 6,000 respeotively.
The Japanese numbered 8,536 in 1920, a percentage of 7.0
of the foreign born*.
Some other factor, however, seems to be operating to
distribute South European immigrants, for, while Mexicans
lead in numbers in Los Angeles, the Italians, who are South
Europeans, with 23,924, or 16,0 lead in San Francisco, fol
lowed by the Germans with 18,514 or 12,4 and the Irish with
18,251 (12,2) instead of Canadians and English, respectively.
Just about half as many Japanese.live in San Francisco as
in Los Angeles,
Of the present foreign groups in the city 36,1 per
cent had been in the country more than 20 years and 73,5
per cent more than 10 years. While a comparatively new
immigration, it is, thus, except for the Mexicans, a pass
ing stock, Japanese immigration has been cut off by law
and European immigration to the country restricted. This
is significant for it s bearing on labor supply. The cities
showing largest increases for the year 1919 are Fort Worth,
Texas (14,4), San Antonio (12,9), and Houston, Texas (6,4),
all of these cities receiving Mexicans, Los Angeles stood
close with 4,8, Oities to the east showed no such access
ions : Akron, Ohio, despite the need for workers, received
but 1,5 per cent foreign immigrants in 1919, New York City
1,7, and Pittsburgh, 0,5, ' '
The Negro Population of Los Angeles
14
Negro population mas t frequently follow the taming
of the frontiers; they most frequently supply the labor
for developing the concessions of others. Although there
were Negroes in the early gold rush to Oalifomia, the
numbers remained very small and no outstanding successes
remain of the first soldiers of fortune. However, it is
interesting to note the "few Negroes" who are still liv
ing, who came out during the early days of the "new Gal if-
1
ornia." They were brought here by such piotureeque
characters as "Luo)^** Baldwin, James Flood, and others.
They associated with Mark Twain, Bret Harte, Joaquin Miller,
■ ■ 2
and others of early importance in those days , They took
up the spirit of the West although they did not show
enough enterprising ability or foresight to secure some
of "the valuables" which the "new California" offered to
the early arrivals. One can still feel the old militant/
days being lived again in the big broad personalities of
these surviving Negro frontiersmen. There are not many of
this group still living, and still fewer residing in Los
Angeles• They and their children have been pushed back
constantly by the later arrivals until there is no trace
to be found of their influence in the ccmmxmity life,
Los Angeles is now a terminal point and many rail
road porters, waiters and cooks, finding the section de
sirable and the cost of living less, have moved their
families here. Among the earlier Negro migrants there
”1 Interviews by the present writer, A few scattered fam
ilies can be found here and there,
2 Bancroft, Early History of California, First few chapters
15
have been, as with the whites, many health seekers who
settled here with their families^ and indeed, drew lOthorb
by their high oommendations of the virtues of the section.
The focusing of racial interest upon the Oriental has in
large measure overlooked the Negro, and the city, accord
ingly, has been regarded by them, from a distance, as
desirable and likely to yield for them improved opportun
ities for living and for earning a living* Between 1900
and 1910 there was a sudden jump in this population, and
later, with the èxaustion of the labor supply consequent
upon exigencies of the World War, the need for them in
larger numbers appeared. During the last decade their
numbers increased with greater rapidity than the whites,
who were, themselves, increasing at a most unusual rate#
Table Tie showing the increases in Negro population by deca
des is given, (See opposite page).
This Negro population in 1920 constituted 3*0 per
cent of the total population and was about equivalent in
size to that of the groups embracing Japanese, Chinese, and
Indians, Their proportions are small, the angles of can-
petition and contact peculiar, . See Table IT following.
Other factors than the war have been mentioned in
connection with their population increase, TKbl Tulsa Siot .
of 1921 was responsible for the coming of several hundred
1
fugitives,
1 Oommunity Welfare Federation Monograph: Facilities for
the Care of Dependent, Semi-Delinquent and Delinquent Negro
Children, by Agnes Wilson, 1925,
16
TABLE III
INOBEASBS IN NEGRO POPULATION BY LEGALES
YEAH . NUMBER Per cent of Increase
Negro Popaila- by
tlon Beoades
To the total
Per Cent of
Increase
1890 1,258 1.2
1900 2,131 2.1
873 42,3
1910 7,599 2.4 5,468 256,6
. 1920 , 15,579 2.7 7,980 105 .0
1
TABLE 17
P 0 P tr L A T I O N
Male Per cant Female Per-
Cent
Total Per-
Cent
Native White 208,043 73 226,764 73 434,807 75
Foreign Born
White 60,188 21 51,869 24 112,067 19
Negro 7,389 2.5 8,190 2 15,579 3
Indian, , Ghinese ,
Japanese and
all others 9,565 3,5 4.675 1 14.230 3
TOTAL 286,176 100.0 291,498
, 100 576,673 100
2
1 Charles s, Johnson,
2 "
ibid,
Î 1
p. 10
17
The present size of the Negro population.
Because there is evidently a pronounced Negro in
crease, through migration, with difficulties both in work
and housing increasing, the impression of the size and im
portance of the Negro population is likely to oe deceptive,
ly large. More detailed discussion of these factors is
given further on in this study. The general fact, how- '
ever, is necessary as a basis for estimating the present
Negro population. In the absence.of figures since 1920,
there have been many honest speculations based upon im
pressions, the results ranging from 20,000 to 60,000» The
method of the present estimate is as follows: two sets
of constant figures have been selected, which, in their
movement together seem to reflect the movement of a third
factor, which is the population. The best figures pos
sible here.were those of the number of deaths by years
since 1920, and, to eliminate abnomal influences such as
epidemics, the number of births by years for the same per
iod. Normally, the disturbances brought about by migra
tion in Negro populations of known size reflect themselves
intimately in the number of deaths and births.
There ie a distinct relation, and, an actual correla
tion of .848, although, of course numbers are small, it is
reasonable, however, that although it might be assumed that
there are - many deaths because the hopelessly sick go there
for health, an increase in number of deaths would indicate
a larger proportion even if of sick persons. With the
other motivations to migration among Negroes this is scarce-
ly likely, and if it were it would be counterbalanced by
the births, which suggests, not merely health, but settled
family life.
. 18
TABLE V
SHOWING NUMBER OF NEGRO DEATHS AND BIRTHS BY YEARS, 1920-25
YEAR NUMBER OF NEGRO DEATHS NUMBER OF NEGRO BIRTHS
1920 255 269
1921 318 267
1922 344 342
1923 ; 308 353
1924 393 424
1925 413 ' , 489
1 Oharieï S. Johnson, ibid, p. 11
19
EEGEO POPULATION BY ABBAS
ABBA I
The Omtraà Avenue District. This district holds the
core and principal growth of the Negro population in a
narrow, almost continuous strip with, approximately,
these boundaries;
lourth Street on the North
Slauson Avenue on the South.
Alameda Street on the Bast
' San Pedro Street on the West
This area falls within Assmbly Districts 73, 74, and 75*
There is a small tangent area which extends, in scattered
bits, to the vicinity of Blysian Park* The total popula
tion of the area is approximately 17,500*
ABBA II
The extreme limits of this area have the following boundary
line ;
WAshington Street on the North
Exposition Boulevard on the South
Termont Avenue on the East
St* Andrews Place on.the West
It is in Assembly District 7E and has an approximate Negro
population of 3,500*
ABBA III
Boundaries ;
Eighth Street on the North .
Pico Street on the South
Vermont Avenue on the East
Western Avenue on the West
No secure basis for estimate exists, but the population is
probably E,000.
20
ABBA IV
Boundaries:
Brooklyn Avenue on the North
Fourth Street on the South
Evergreen Cemetery on the East.
Los Angeles Avenue on the West
This is Assembly District 66* The Negro population is
approximately 1,500.
Boundaries ;
ABBA V
Sunset Boulevard on the North
Temple Street on the South
Glendale Boulevard on t he East
Hoover Street on the West
This is Assembly District 64. The Negro population is
approximately 1,200*
ABBA in
Boundaries ;
Franklin Street on the North
Sunset Boulevard on the South
Vernon Avenue on the East
Western Avenue on the West
The Negro population estimated at 900.
There is still another Area with the following boundary
lines :
Ninth street on the North
Washington Street on the South
Figueroa on the East
Burlington Avenue on the West
The Negro population estimated at 1800.
21
MORE momT FLUCTUATIONS
The Negro population of Los Angeles, as indicated
by the figures in the Johnson Survey and the 1980 census,
was in round numbers 16,000 for 1980. The Johnson Survey
also showed an increase to approximately 40,000 in 1927.
.This latter estimate was based upon an Industrial calcula
tion. It is interesting to note that this increase showed
a very alarming situation, the situation being the exodus
of the Southern Negro which started immediately after the
World War. ^ '
According to the California Eagle Publishing Company
the population of the Negroes in Los Angeles had reached
2
over 75,000 in 1920. This situation shows an increase
of over 500 per-cent since 1920, or an increase of 60,000
since 1920, and 35,000 since 1927.
The story of the tremendous population increase of
the Negro in Los Angeles is still further told in a more
"human-inter est”, fashion as is shown through the following
interviews :
"I cam out here from Chicago ... My native home
is in Texas. We hear so much about California
and as times are so hard with us back there, i
thought that I would come out here to try my luck.
I ain't the only one neither.....The roads are-
'full of 'em'. I got lost from my gang, but I
guess they are here somewhere.” ®
1 See above, p. 8
2 California Eagle Publishing Company, Central Avenue at
Ninth. Accepted by Chamber of Commerce as its source of
authority on all information concerning the Negro in Los
Angeles. ^
3 Negro man; just arrived; expecting help; 43.years old.
22
"Well, we've juet made one grand mess of everything.
All over the South, North, .East, and West one can
see our folks on the run....Those that I got a
ohanoe to talk to seemed to be heading this way....
Some few of 'em, I think, are going back to their
native homes....! guess that they can get s ome help
from the folks they have known.... .1 have been
writing my friends to come out here.,.. .You see .if
I gets hungry I just grabs some of this cheap fruit..
Cause we ain't got no cold weather to grapple with*..
Back there they have everything to fight against.”^
”8ho' I likes California. 'Tends t o stay,.. .1 live's
at Monroe, LIT' zana.... .Nut 'un down there.... .Heard
about this place and 'sided to come out here. You
ought to see the folks 'bleatin' it' out here .on the-
freights... ..;.Ever* train I/got on had from forty to
fifty people on it... .Half of 'em were our folks...
I ain't never see'd the like."
"Well, young man, our case seems very bad. I wish
I knew what we could do....1 use to teach school in
Mississippi but they have cut out so many of the
rural schools, recently, until there is nothing to do
in my kind of work but to get out...... I know that
I look like a real tramp but just reserve your
judgment s...... I came out here fro# Atlantic City,
New Jersey, where I had gone seeking work as a
table waiter... .Nothing doing there.... .All of the
Negro papers, back there, are full, of accounts about
Negroes "going to.California.7..... So I decided to
come but here too
It is the opinion of the writer that any interviewer
would find a like story in almost every case he might in
vestigate, among these recent arrivals. This situation
showsborrowing from Dr. Owen C. Coy, a great "Western
Trek." The Negroes have started a regular mass movement
■ 4
towards California. In truth the vanguards have already
1 Negro man; unemployed; typical tramp; 41 years of age.
2 Negro boy; orphan; sordid disposition; 15 years of age.
3 Negro man; just .arrived; some money; teacher; 36 years,
4 California Eagle, April 17, 1931. . •
23
Gome into our commuàity, bringing with them every pro
vincialism known throughout the United States, a classic
picture of a social melting-pot within their own race.
From indications in the interviews these people are leav
ing almost every Southern state for California. It is not
possible to estimate any approximate numbers, but it is
enough to say that there is one continual stream constantly
pouring into our Negro centralized communities. The major
ity of these people are here without any knowledge of a
city technique as to their/new adjustments » Of course, this
is no new situation, which will oe indicated in the chapter
on Industrial Participation. Nevertheless this "rural group"
will greatly intensify the already harrowing industrial
destitution of the Negro in Los Angeles, thus presenting a
picture of what we are forced to call a great social calam
ity which the Negro is heaping upon his head, due to his
primitive tendencies towards racial solidarity.
The following graph has been made possible through
the kindness of the California Eagle, and the secretaries
of what is known as "State Societies," such as the Kansas
Society, the Texas Society, etc. This graph indicates the
approximate per cent of Negroes from the various states.
Only seven states will be indicated as the number from other
states is too small to be noticeable.
24
GBAFH X
Showing negho population souhoes by states
per Gent
Kansas
Other
States
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Texas
Oklahoma
Louisiana
...-... ...
Mississippi
- . -
Georgia
Arkansas
Missouri
/ , -
Indicates per cent
As was indicated on opposite page, this graph shows
the approximate per cent of the Negro population in Los
Angeles from these various states. Those states not rep
resented showed negligible quotas.
25
CHAPTER III
Î3VDÜSTRIAL PARTICIPATION
Introduction
"The differentiation of industrial society into
various groups was merely accelerated by the introduction
of machine methods of production. The new equipment cost
hundreds of dollars and it was obvious that the ones who
could afford to purchase it were the large merchants, the
merchant employers, and the large masters* The possession
of the equipment carried with it the dictation of the
conditions of work, and thus there grew in modern society
the exaggeration of the great cleavage between those who
1
own and those who do not," This statement shows a one-
dimension problem, namely the difficulties which would come,
as a result of this separation, to the people concerned--
and they were "the whites" of England, The same,is true
of our own country, the United States, There is, however,
one factor Which the writers, Messrs. Atkins and Lasswell,
did not take into account. The injection of the "color
question" into industry has given depth to the problem,
and has made it .a three dimensional situation which is
growing more and more, all of the time, towards a fourth—
.2
"the Negro Industrial Recalcitrant,"
^ Vincent, M, J., The Accomodation Process In History,
p. 7, U. S. C. Press, A doctoral dèssertation in soclology,
1930,
2 Gordon, Hugh J,, The Negro Industrial Entrepreneur.
Los Angeles.
26
We are now face to faoe with the problem. As Ar--
nold Toynbee pointed out, the Negro has oome to distin
guish between "competition in production, which is likely
to be beneficial to HIS community, and competition in dis-
1
tribut ion, which is not."
This chapter will attempt to show to what extent this
"third-dimensional" factor affects the Negro, in his in
dustrial participation in Los Angeles, aside from the fac
tors of labor and capital divisions which were pointed out
so well by Atkins and Las swell on the preceeding page* The
study will include attitudes and opinions as to the gen
eral industrial participation, together with a more com
prehensive statistical account of the Negro's participa
tion in some of the major industries and domestic service.
The tezm "industrial -participation" shall be taken to
cover all of those legitimate activities in which the Negro
is engaged for economic returns, particularly those which/
more especially show his participation with white asso
ciates ,
Public Opinion
The Negro is mostly thought of as a "servant" and
2
"entertainer" by 90 per cent of the white participants.
They expect to see him classified accordingly; when seen
in any other capacities— it is needless to suggest their
temporary if not permanent surprise.
1 Vincent, M, J,, ibid, pp, 6-7,
2 As shown in all the interviews.
27
As a rule the Negro must be engaged In some activity where
his docility is unmistak#)ly shown, before we can expect
any harmonious participation, or shall I say toleration.
This situation accounts for the success the Negro has made
in serving and entertaining capacities. It will be in
teresting to take a glance at the situation here in Los
Angeles,
Negroes Who Entertain For White Participante
"The Negroes are the greatest fun-makers on earth,"
This statement comes from the greatest producer of cabaret
shows on the pacific Coast, and who has consistently used
Negro talent. He does not hesitate to acknowledge that
his fame, as well as his fat purse, has been made by the
use of this group. Due. to the influence gained by their
success under Mr, Sebastain the Negroes have been able to
"crash" into other important situations. There are six
main sources which create the demand for Negro talent in
this field.
The Cabaret,
The most unusual participation in this field by the
Negro entertainer is at the "Cotton Club ," The Club is
owned by î\îr, Sebastain, All of the floor shows are con
ducted by Negro talent. There are, at present, over thir
ty persons hired by the club. These persons are the most
1 Sebastain, Frank, owner of the "Cotton Club"Cabaret",
Los Angeles.
28
specialized "cabaret entertainers" possible to be had.
The club collects its talent from various parts of the
country. The majority of the stars, however, come out
from New York and Chicago, where the greatest concentra
tion of Negro talent is to be found. The salaries of the
entertainers range from $40.00 per week up to $500,00 and
above. One star, Loui Armstrong,-recognized as the world's
greatest "trumpet-blower," was supposed to have received
nearly $1000,00 per week. He refused to sign another con
tract for a like amount, Broomfield and Greely, the pro
ducers of the shows, are reputed to be "up in the money,"
They can be seen on Central Avenue, occasionally, dis
playing their special-made "Cord" automobile— -equal to
any car of its kind in Hollywood, Thus it can be seen
that the entertainer, because of his ability to compete
in this field in an inimical fashion, derives his rightful
"dues" as a production factor In the cabaret world. He
does not come in competition with the white participant
and therefore has no loss to sustain.
The "Apex Night Club," owned and run by Negroes,
caters largely to white participants, Mr, Mosby, the own
er, also owns another club in Bah Francisco, He employs
over 100 Hegroes in his s how bus mess , The club is sup
ported by white patrons who delight to omie over in the
"dusky atmosphere" for their entertainment. One can see
them, from the richest motion picture producer in Holly
wood to the humblest "shop girl," dancing on the same
29
floor with Negro patrons. One sees no evidence of any
racial ill-feeling, . , "Under the sound and spell of the -
' 1
Negro music -- we all make 'whoopee' together. Such is
the attitude of the participant patron who comes to make
"merry," "On the morrow, it will be safe to say that
their Negro friends of the night before could hardly see
them at the back door," So we find that, whether owned
by black or white, the patrons of the white group attend
these cabarets just the same.
The Taxi-Dance.Salons
■ The Negro participant is employed here only as a
musician. He is employed in this capacity because of his
musical attraction, and because he .can be secured more
cheaply, than the average white musician. These places are
conducted mostly for the benefit of Orientals who are not
wanted at the more respectable salons. The Negro musician
gives the place a "cabaretish" effect, and as this is what
the Oriental patron desires, it makes the Negros' position
more secure. There are about twelve such places', in Los
Angeles, using Negro musicians. Their salaries average
about $30,00 pe r week in the best places, while .in the
cheaper salons the musicians are forced to work for less
than $20,00 per week.
These salons serve as meeting places for those who
wish to participate in immoral situations. The type of
white girl who frequents the places are those who are
Î Interview with â white patron who had attended the Apex Club
2. Interview with a Negro patron who had attended the Apex Club
30
looking for "girl hunters" among the Orientals. The Negro
also has the occasion to meet and know these girls. He
often makes it possible for the girls to meet his friends,
for commercial purposes. These salons, aside from provid
ing work for the one hundred or more Negro musicians, serve
as "contact centers" for low white girls and Oriental and
Negro men.
The Burlesque Shows
Practically the same situation prevails in the Bur
lesque shows as in the taxi-dance salons, There are pos
sibly fifty Negro musicians playing for the- cheap Main
Street shows. They get about $26,00 per week. The same
story holds as in taxi-dance salons, otherwise.
It will not be necessary to go further with the story
of the Negro entertainer. The material just given is a
fair sample of the whole situation. There are scores of
such places using these musicians and entertainers in one
way or another, but in the final analysis the same situa
tion exists. They all seem to be questionable places so
far as their value in the social community is concerned.
Hundreds of the same entertainers are used in private .
homes, motion,pictures, and suburban retreats. These cases
are both respectable and otherwise.
The Industries of Los Angeles and Negro Participants
The Negro of Los Angeles is facing a most crucial
situation in his socio-economic adjustment process. His
3X
participation ie greatly reduced. Industrial machinery
is supplying the labor formerly supplied by thousands of
men. This has necessitated a rapid adjustment on the part
of the individual worker. Accordingly, thousands of jobs
have been erased from the supply list, while the demand
is constantly growing acute. It has resulted that the
white worker has been given every advantage in this new
situation because of his enormous economic power and or
ganization, ' The Negro worker has been left to his own
wits bn account of his lack of participation in the major
socio-economic situations. Consequently he has not
forged ahead in business and social relations.
The following charts, graphs, and tables will show
the story of the Negro in the industrial life of this
community.
Distribution of Negro Worker
The location of Dos Angeles has determined its pre
eminence in certain industries like motion pictures and
petroleum concerns; it has also made necessary, because
of the great distance from established bases, the in
dependent development of many others. The Chamber of Com
merce lists thirty-three different groups of manufactories
of which the most important are :
Motion Pictures
Petroleum
Iron, Steel, and Machinery
Food Products
Manufactured Dumber Products
32
Meat Paoking
Oonfectionery, Ice Cream
Wearing Apparel
Furniture
Building lîaterial
Automobile Trucks, Accessories., etc.
Eighty per cent of the films produced in America
are produced in Los Angeles. The yearly oil production
of the city and county is close to 300 million barrels,
and no other American county has surpassed in recent
years the agricultural production of Los Angeles County.
The present study embraced 456 establishments with
a total of 75,000 workers, of whom 2,239 were Negroes,
■ 1
These establishments are distributed as follows :
1 Most of the facts in this study are based on the
Charles S, Johnson Survey, and the Census for 1920 to
some extent.
TABLE 71
DISTRIBUTION OF NEGRO WORKERS AMONG THE PLANTS
33
NATURE OF INDUSTRY No, of
Plants
TOTAL NEGRO
Automobile bodies,
parts, etc. 11 1,012
Food Products
* Baking 7 1,160 17
Beverages 3 650 1
Canneries 23 5,088 0
Confectionery. 3 675 12
Creameries
7 1,869 3
Ice Cream Manufacture 3 390 0
Meat Packing 8 1,338 22
Refining and Milling 6 414 51
Wholesale Grocery 10 734 10
TOTAL 69 12,318 116
Building Material, general
3 1,770 4
Brick Manufacture 6 880 21
Cement 1 500 5
Lumber .
20 3,484■ 3
Marble, Olay, etc.
6 560 1
Roofing Material 1 50 0
TOTAL ' 35 7,244 34^
1 Charles S. Jolmson, ibid, p. 17
TABLE in (Continued)
Distribution of Negro Workers Among the PJnnts
34
NATURE OF INDUS THY • No. of
Plants
TOTAL NEGRO
Iron and Steel Manufacture 26 . 3,075 126
Public Service 9 .9,107 954
Public Utilities 6 3,753 131
Construct ion
10 192 102
Paints and Varnishes 6 676 6
Furniture and Bedding 26 4,397 33
Wearing Apparel and Textile 22 4,248 8
Laundries 16 2,563 32
Porcelain 5 805 9
Railroads 3 9, 317 586
Stationery and Printing 16 1,679 19
Newspapers 6 1,888
0
Drugs, Soap and Toilet Articles 7 1,295 17
Trucking
12 213 4
1 Charles â. Johnson, ibid, p. 18
36
TABLE IT (Oont inued)
Distribution of Megro Workers Among the Plants
NATURE OP INDUSTRY No. of
Plants
TOTAL NEGRO
Mi 8oellane ous
-
Lighting Fixtures 1 50 10
Rubber Goods 2 2,601 0
Rook, Gravel and Sand 2 360
0
Electrical Fixtures 3 749 3
Manufacturé of ice 6 819
0
Manufacturing (general) 53 6.269 35
TOTAL 66 10,048 48
Gasoline, Petroleum, Oil, etc* 5 1,214 1
GRAND TOTALS 456 75,754 2,239
Cfiaries S. Jobnson, ibid,, p. 19.
36
The most convenient test of the finality of these
figures is the Census distribution of occupations for 1920#
TABLE VII
SHOWING CENSUS DISTRIBUTION OF NEGRO WORKERS BY BROAD OCCUPA
TIONAL DIVISIONS,. 1920
OCCUPATION- MALES . PER CENT FEMALES PER CENT
Agriculture 110 1#98 6 ,16
Extraction of min
erals 10 ,18
Manufacturing and
mechanical induslee
tries 1,543 27 .84 247 7 #58
Transportation 945 17.05 17 .53
Trade
401 7,22 59 1.81
Public Service
(not elsewhere) 202 3.65 2 • 06
Professional Service 200 3.61 109 3.35
Domestic & Personal
Service
2,003 36,14 2,760 84.61
Clerical Occupa
tions
129 2,33 62 1.90
5,543 100.00 3,261 100.00
In manugacturing and mechanical occupations 1,543
or 20,1 per cent of the Negro men are employed, and 2,003
in personal and domestic service. The numerous small
establishments with.two and three Negro workers are not
fully included in the study's findings ; nor was it a
1 Charles S. Johnson, ibid., p. 19
37
praotioable measure to seek tbe widely scattered informa
tion in places where Negroes work simply as domestics or
in personal service positions, although this division
holds the largest proportion of all. Nor is this, strict
ly speaking, industry. A small number of Negro women in
industries is shown in this report. Actually about 90
per cent of those working are employed in scattered do
mestic service positions.
The actual position of Negro workers in the indus
trial patters of the city may be better observed by as
suming first an ideal distribution based upon their popu
lation proportion and compearing this with the actual dis- -
tribut ion.
The entire work of the city may be measured by total
occupations. Thus manufacturing and mechanical industries
provide 36.7 per cent of it, trade 11.E per cent, and so
on. If the Negro population were a normal one, 36.7 per
cent of its workers should be in manufacturing and me
chanical industries, 20.5 per cent in trade, and so on
through the list. Just how closely they approximate this
distribution is shown in the graph which follows:
38
GRAPH II.
SHOWING PER GENT DISTRIBUTION OP WORK UNITS IN LOS ANGELES
10 20 30
Manuf a c t ur ing
& Mechanical
Trade
Transporta
tion
Profession
al Service
Clerical
Work
Domestic-
Service
Agriculture
Public
Service
Extraction
of Minerals
40 50
v l f c < j ! r - k j A
Legend
TOTAL WORKER UNITS
Negro Workers
1 Gharles S. Johnson, ibid., p. 19
39
The distortion is a reasonably aocurate key to the
selective influence in operation among Negro workers. They
exceed by more than four times the general proportion of
domestics, a circumstance usual for this population in
cities; they are nearly double the gsneral proportion of
porters, waiters and railroad laborers, all necessary to
this teminal, and , in the instance of porters and wait
ers, exclusively Negro jobs ; they are about a half more
than the general proportion of public service employees,
a fact to be accounted for by the large number of laborers
in the city engineer's office. In this last instance the
work is largely unskilled and, being citizens and voters,
they have better chances for employment here than foreign
bom workers used so generally by private industries. Their
social status is suggested in the low proportions for trade,
clerical work, and professional service. On the basis of
the 1920 Census figures for occupations the ranking of
Negro labor with the various other classes of labor in
particular lines of work is shown in accompanying table.
(Table Till on following page.)
The points of most active competition are thus indicat
ed. As janitors and waiters they are pitted against the
foreign bom; in laboring jobs the foreign bom, principally
Mexicans, hold down their numbers.; Negro women contribute
the second largest group of servants despite being a rel
atively small proportion of the population, (Table H fol
lowing) .
40
If we compare îTegro workere with Orientals alone,
who have approximately the same population, their points
of contact, and voluntary or involuntary, their divergence
and specialization are revealed.
TABLE mil
TABLE SHOWIÎÏ& HUMBER OE LOS MGELBS HEGROES EMPLOIE!) IH
PAHTIOÜLAR LIHBS OP WORE, COMPARED WITH THE HUMBER OR
OHIEHTALS, PORBIGH BORH, BORH OF HATIVE, FOREXGH OR
MISE® PARENTS AND HATIVE WHITES, IH PLANTS BM-
PLOYETG 50 HEGROES
. (Male ) . •
OCCUPATION NEGRO ORIEN FOREIGN PARENTS WHITE
TAL • FOREIGN
BORN
NATIVE
BORN
Garden Laborers 67 640 492 96 257
Carpenters 93 39 2,158 1,663 44967
Building Laborers 320 204 2,692 696 1271
Helpe rs -Build
ing trades 52 122 80 158
Iron and Steel
Laborers 82 32 526 107 175
General Labor
ers 163 11 860 315 669
Mecbinists 60 30 1,264 1,469 3181
Meohanios (not
skilled) 59 1 199 149 274
Semi-skilled
workers 69
19
980 896 1676
Chauffeurs 280 62 408 608 1615
Draymen and
Teamsters 256 51 595 667 1775
Road & Street
Bldg. Laborers 59
5 376 62 164
41
TABLE SHOWING HUMBER OF LOS ANGELES HEGROES EMPLOYED IH
PARTIOULAR LIHBS OP WORK* COMPARED 171TH THE HUMBER OP
ORIENTALS, POREIGH BORH, BORH OP HATIVE, POREIGH OR
MIXED PARENTS AND HATIVE WHITES, IH PLANTS EM-
PLOYIHG 50 HEGROES
(Male)
OCCUPATION NEGRO ORIEN
TAL
FOREIGN PARENT
I’ OREIGN NATIVE
BORN BORN
WHITE
Steam Rail
road Laborers 127 129 1,888 116 241
Laborers,
Other Trades 64 114 52 144
Laborers, Por
ters in Stores 137 126 255 135
301
Retail Dealers 85 850 3,855 2,098 4213
Publie Service
Laborers 118 3 199 66 143
Barbers 68 97 566 293 118
Elevator
Tenders 75 14 128 90 211
Janitors 459 184 462 158 344
Porters,
Railroad 261 3 - 6 1 13
Porters (ex
cept in stores) 261 48 86 41 72
Servants 410 786 1,249 509 976
Waiters 306 86 547 182 392
Other Occu
pations (Dom . ) ' 56 ' 81 350 213 452
Claris (not
in stores) 87 58 1,047 2,15 0 4938
1 Charles S. Johnson, ibid.. p# 20.
42
TABLE 3%
TABLE SHOWmG NUMBER OP LOS ANGELES NEGROES EMPLOYED IN
PARTICULAR LINES OP WORK, COMPARED WITH THE MHffiER OP
ORIENTALS, FOREIGN BORN, BORN OP NATIVE, FOREIGN OR
MIXED PARENTS AND mTIVE WHITES, IN PLANTS EM-
PLOYING 50 NEGROES
(Females)
OCCUPATION NEGRO ORIEN FOREIGN PARENTS WHITE
TAL
FOREIGN NATIVE
BORN BORN
Dressmakérg 158 28 600 670 1520
Hairdressers
& Manicurists 87 24 85 156 395
Housekeepers . 62 20 ' 476 , 413 866
Janit ors 65 7 115 42 111
Laundresses
(not in laun
dry ) 402 3 177 74
101
Laundry
operators 97 14 638 335 583
SErvants 1834 152 2041 1094 1707
Waitresses 63 22 267 436 911
TABLE X
SHOWING FOREIGN BORN WORKERS CONTROL IN CERTAIN
OCCUPATIONS OF LOS ANGELES
OCCUPATIONS FOREIGN BOHN
WORKERS
TOTAL NUMBER
OF WORKERS
Bakers 541
I Charles S. Johnson, ibid., p. 20A
1,031
43
TABLE X
SHOWIÏÏG FOHEIGH BORH WORKERS- OOHTHOL IH CERTAIH
OOOUBATIOHS OF LOS AHGELES
(Male)
OCCUPATIONS FOREIGN BOHN
WORKERS.
TOTAL NUMBER
OF WORKERS
Blaokamiths 345 1,053
Boiler Makers 256 %73
Builders & Contractors 375 1,642
Cabinet Makers 392 779
Carpenters 2,158
8,920
Building Laborers 2,692 5,183
Iron & Steel
Laborers 526 922
Machinists 1,264 6,004
Manufacturers 758 2,212
Mechanics 683 4;278
Actors 344 1.827
Clergymen 246 770
Musicians 389 1,146
Physicians 237 1,476
Barbers 566 1,742
Janitors 462 1,609
Servants 1,249 3,933
Waiters 547 1,513
Clerks 1,047 8,280
44
TABLE X (Oontinued).
SHOWING FOEEIGn BORÎT WDÎSŒKS GONTSOL IN OERTMB
OOOIJPATIOHS OF LOS AÎTGBLSS
(FBmale )
OOOÜPATIOFS FOEBIGR BORE
WORKERS
TOTAL IÜMBBR
OB W0SÈBR8 ■
Dressmakers 690 2,976
010thing {semi-skilled) 441 1,693
Saleswomen 597 4,778
La-ondry Operators 538
1,567
Hurses (not trained) 478 2,318
Servants 2,041 6,424
1
TABLE X I
SHOWING PBBCmTAGE
OOOUPATIOIAL
OF EBGEOBS AED
DIirrSIOES IE LOS
OBÏEETALS BY BROAD
AEGBIKS
OOCITPATlOn EÏÏGRO ORÎBETAL :
Agriculture .9% 20.0#
Manufacturing ZB.Zfo 10.0#
Trade 7.2# 22.0#
Public Service 3.6#
.9#
Professional
Service 3.6# 3.6#
Domestic Service 31,6# 26.1#
l7 dliarles S. Johnson, Ibid#, p. 20c
2* Charles S. Johnson, ibid#, p. 21
45
The Orientals far outstrip Eegroes in agricultural .
work and trade; the Eegroes lead them in manufacturing
industries, domestic service and public service. They
are about the same In professional service,
• PLAETS EOT EMPLOYIEG EEGHOES
Attitude toward Eegro workers;
Two hundred and sixty-seven establishments not em-
1
ploying Negro workers stated their reasons. The most com
mon, occurIng In 132 Instances, was that general one which
embodied policy, "We do not and never have employed
Negroes," With this group the question was not important
enough to receive further explanation, but inasmuch as
Negroes had never been employed the policy was, to a cer
tain extent, already Indicated, The situation points to
custom and practice which have not been questioned because
these establishments have not been faced with a serious
demand for men* The statement gets a representative ex
planation in the more specific reasons given by the re
maining 101 establishments.
1• Preference for White Workers based upon Senti
ments of Race Oonsoiousness. (Number of Instances, 7)
(a) "We are opposed to employing Negroes except
In such work as we dislike to place white
men, "
A manufacturer of Auto Pistons,
(b) "There is no skilled labor existing in the
pottery Industry and we prefer white labor
for our unskilled work,"
A manufacturer of Hotel Dinner ware,
1 dharles S. Johnson, ibid., p, 22
46
(c) "A night watchman was employed for five
years and was always satisfactory and re
liable; the only reason we made any change
was that we want a white man to have the
job."
A manufacturer of office desks and tables.
(d) "Wouldn't ask a good white man to work
alongside a Negro at the same kind of work."
A manufacturer of heaters.
(e) "We prefer white labor in our line,"
A manufacturer of auto parts.
2, Negroes not employed because work of skilled nature.
(Number of instances, 23)
(a) "We have had no Negro anployees and never
have had. Our employees are mostly skilled
mechanics, American . Have had few Mex
icans and Italians,"
A manufacturer of motor trucks.
(b) "No Negroes in factory, need skilled, care
ful workers."
A soap manufacturer.
(c) "We never employed Negroes because women are
employed and we haven't found any skilled
ones."
A furniture manufacturer.
(d) "Negroes never employed. Use skilled
labor only,"
A manufacturer, of refrigerating ,
machinery.
fe) "Our work is almost all highly technical
and requires skilled labor."
A manufacturer of Ornamental metal,
(f) "Have no work where Negro labor could be
used to advantage as all is skilled labor,"
A manufacturer of water heaters,
(g) "Our employees are practically all skilled
mechanics. Have never thought of em
ploying Negroes for this class of work,"
A manufacturer of auto accessories,
(h) "Negroes have never been employed for the
main reason that the labor required in
our operations must be skilled along
certain lines and in general Negroes do
47
not do this kind of work,"
A gasoline manufacturer.
(i) "We do not suppose that there is such a
thing as a skilled Negro custom upholsterer,"
An upholsterer.
3. Negroes not^employed because of objection of white
worl^ri. (Number of instances, 3) '
(a) "We have never employed Negroes due mainly '
to the other employees refusing to work
with them,"
A marble and tile manufacturer•
(b) "Not possible to employ the best class of
white skilled labor to work with unskilled
Negro labor."
A manufacturer of sheet metal.
4, Negro add White Labor do not mix.
(Number of instances, Ô)
(a) "We do not employ Negroes because they
do not mix."
A fruit cannery.
(b) "We do not believe it would be advisable
or possible to employ Negroes along with
white help in the needle industry,"
A manufacturer of trousers,
(c) "You cannot mix Negroes successfully with
other races."
A retail lumber dealer,
5, Plants not arranged for mixed labor.
(a) "Tried out Negroes with poor success two
years ago. Plant not arranged to handle
mixed labor,"
A brass works manufacturer.
6. Plant too small for mixed labor.
(a) "Negro employment not practical in our
relatively small plant where only high
class skilled and experienced white
(mostly female) labor is engaged,"
A corset and brassiere manufacturer.
(b) "Our plant is hot large and our employees
are in very close contact, so we do not
believe Negro labor would be desirable,"
A laundry.
48
(o) "Have had several whose services were satis
factory,"
Iron works,
These reasons extend through a longer list, which
may he more briefly summarized:
7• Net employed because the occasion for their use has
never arisen, {Number of Ins tances10 )
Industries: Oreamery, Coffee Importer, Contracting
Engineer, Ice Manufacturer, Concrete
Pipe Manufacturer, Steam Laundry,
8. Not æiployed because of fear of public sentiment,
(Number of instances, 1)
Industries: À Heating Company.
9. Negroes once employed but resigned for better work.
(]^ximber of instances, 1 )
Industries : ' Brick Manufacturer .
10, Not employed because none have applied,
(Number of instance's, ?)
Industries: Sea Food Canning, Concrete Irrigation,
Paper System, Pumping Machinery,
Printing,. Manufacture of Electrical
Appliances, Manufacture of Upholstered
Furniture,
11, Not employed because few live in zone of the plant.
(Number of ins tanc es, 7)
Industries: Fruit Cannera, Manufacture of Lemon
Products, Manufacture of Stoneware
Pottery.
12, Not employed because white girls are employed,
(Number of instances, 2) ”
Industries: Manufacture of Overalls, and Work
Garments, Metal Stamping. *
13, Reobgnized as adapted only for certain kinds of work
and this not available . CNumber of instances, 1)
Industry: Flour, Cereal, and Grain,
49
14* Putting in ma chine ry forced them out*
('Number of ins tances, 1}
Indust ry : Laundry *
15, Prefer Mexicans for the unskilled work.
(Number of instances, 2)
Industries : Brick, Brass.
16, Do not employ them but would employ auy efficient
person regardless of race or colofl
(Number of instances, 2)
Industries: Manufacture of Upholstered Furniture,
Meat Packers,
17, Cannot get best type of white workers with Negroes
employed! (Number of instances, 5)
Industries; Iron and Steel, Platè'Steel products,
Laundry.
■ 3.8» Use of Negroes would give work poor reputation,
— (Number of instahcee, 2) ^
Indust ries : Iron.
19. No prejudice against Negroes, but do not employ
them. (Number of instances, 4]
Industries: Fruit Canning, Foundry and Machine '
Shops, Manufacture of Plumbers Brass,
Electric and Manufacturing Company,
50
The outstanding competitors of Negroes in industry at
present are the Mexicans, In proportion to their papulation
they have the largest number of actual workers, for they come
as laborers and do not often bring their families. As in
dividuals, tenure is not long; as a group, however, they may
be continuously employed, for their numbers are so ample
that work rarely suffers for want of men.
The unskilled jobs are the most natural first step to
semi-skilled and skilled work. Through this period, as new
industries are rapidly developing, and there is requirement'
for large numbers of unskilled workers, the force of their
competition with skilled white labor is not acutely felt.
Always, however, openings are occurring in the higher grades
of work as a result of further promotions, retirement, and
death, and these places will have to be filled. It requires
a long exposure to skilled work to fit a worker to the more
difficult technique. The more serious question of Mexican
labor will doubtless not arise until the point of competi
tion with white labor is reached, and then the liklihood
is that objection will be even keener than occurs between
white and Negro labor. For the range of actual competition,
in the case of Mexicans who are rather vaguely classed as
white, will extend farther.
In several plants tot Mexicans are already engaged
on skilled work, as molders; in other plants it is declared
that they learn the skilled processes with great difficulty.
One iron and steel works comments that "Mexicans have proved
51
impracticable. as they do not learn the work easily;" a
brick company thought that while they made good laborers
because they would work in the heat and dust that other
workers objected to, they did not grasp the skilled processes;
and still another large company manufacturing high heat re
sisting articles complained that it required eight years to
develop one Mexican for a skilled position.
It is possible that there are as frequent mistakes on
the fundamental abilities of Mexicans as of Negroes, The
Mexicans have lacked an industrial background; like the South
ern Negroes, they have been agricultural. Contact and exper
ience have brought changes. The really vital questions follow
the apprenticeship of common labor. The Mexican labor supply
is, so far as the single city of Los Angeles is concerned,
practically limitless. The next step is skilled work, and
this presupposes longer individual tenure in jobs, and more
often, with families in the community. It has never as yet
happened, with any group used freely as laborers, that they
were content to. remain indefinitely in these positions with
out menacing the upper grades of work regarded as the pro
vince of native white workers. When this period is - reached,
it is quite likely that as in the case of European workers,
the Chinese and Japanese, reaction will set in to register
itself in abrupt limitations. Already there is a bill in
Congress to place Mexican immigration on a quota basis ,
Future Prospects for Negro Workers,
This question was asked at 104 plants ; "If competent
Negro workers were available, would you employ them?"
52
Of the 54 plants where Negroes were already working
there were 13 that gave a negative reply. One of these was
a publio servioe department in which Negro workers were in
creasing and selection is on the basis of Civil Service ex
amination. The answer was one obviously indicating lack
of jurisdiction. In eleven other of these a negligible to
tal of 22 Negroes was employed, with these filling jobs as
porters or janitors. In one other, 45 were employed as un
skilled laborers in railroad work. Of 50 industries not at
present employing Negroes, there were 15 that were willing
to use Negro labor, 6 of these without qualification, and
9 only under certain conditions. Seventeen were positively
opposed and 18 refused to oommitt themselves. The indus
tries not now using them but willing to use them in the fu
ture are in the fields of granite and marble, meat packing,
manufacturers of electrical goods, furniture manufacturing,
sash and door manufactories, canning, manufacture of auto
parts, trucking, brass, iron, and steel foundries. Those
plants that would not employ them in the future are in these
fields : wearing apparel, machinery, oil wells, paints and
varnishes, furniture, sash and door manufactories, manu
facturers of electrical goods, and construction companies.
These 17 plants are, with two exceptions, small, having a
total working force of less than 150* The lines cross in
most instances, some plants of à type being willing to use
Negro workers while others of the same type are not willing.
There is no conflict of opinion, however, in the fields of
55
wearing apparel, oil, paints, and varnishes. No plant
falling under these types indicated a willingness to use
Negro labor.
In certain places where prospects for their employment
exist conditions of employment are indicated in the comments
of plant officials ;
"Negroes never apply for work at the plant even when
the plant has advertised for as many as 500 workers.
One Negro, studying law, has applied and is satis
factorily filling the position of janitor. As to
mixing of races, have had absolutely no experience and
can say nothing on the subject; believer it would
imve. to be started delicately.and.carefully# Separate
crews might be worked. While the larger proportion
of the work is semi-skilled or skilled, much is ditch
digging, etc. Believe it possible for Negroes to
qualify for various parts of the work. Have never
considered the subject before, especially as Negroes
have not applied for positions; can give very little
advice on the question. The company would be glad
to cooperate as far as possible in any plan or project
that would be advantageous to the City."
General Manager of a Publio Utilities
Concern.
"This plant employs skilled mechanics entirely. No
Negroes have applied for employment. There is no
policy against them. If they applied and proved
skilled they would be accepted."
The Manager of a Brass Manufacturing
Plant,
"Our four Negro workers are good. No objection to
Negro employees."
A trucking and warehouse company,
"A very favorable attitude toward colored Negro work
men. Have never had any applicants for anything but
janitorship or job. Employment of Negroes is possible,"
À Meat Packing Company,
"No policy against use of Negroes in the factory be
cause they make good workmen. It is possible that
employees would object. The reason they have not
been employed in larger numbers is that they have
not applied,"
A Furniture Manufacturing Company.
"There is no opposition to Negro labor on the part of
54
-the company. They make better butchers than the
Mexicans and there is no trouble between the various
race groups* All now employed applied at the office
for work. If more applied and there were vacancies
they would be taken on."
A Meat Packing Company.
"There is no policy against Negroes,"
. A Trucking Company,
"The informant would be glad to employ Negroes as
laborers because he has' had some experience with them
in other places. He considers them good workers,
equal in speed and efficiency to men of any other
race and just as reliable."
A Cement Company,
Negro Workers Abandoning Certain Industries,
In two types of industry the decrease in Negro numbers
seems to be voluntary. They are brick manufacturing and the
laundries. In the first, the work is exceptionally dusty
and hot; there are comparatively few skilled jobs, the pay
is poor, And the places far removed from Negro residence areas,
requiring long rides on the cars in their offensive work
clothing. In the laundries, the introduction of machinery
and preference of white workers for the machinery jobs have
relegated Negro workers exclusively to the more distasteful
parts of the work, with small possibility of good pay. The
Negro woman, who once held these positions in larger numbers
than at present, are finding it more profitable to do laund
ering for private families in their homes.
Negro Workers and the Motion Picture Industry,
While the motion picture industry is one of the largest
centering around Los Angeles, it is also one of the most high
ly specialized, A few Negroes are among the laboring forces
56
around the studios, but their olosest consistent connection
with the industry is in the capacity of servants of the
principals, as chauffers, mains, and porters. An employment
office is maintained by the interests on Central Avenue, in
the largest Negro neighborhood, for the quick recruiting of
"supers" and laborers when they are required. At the time
of this survey, the Universal Pictures Corporation was film
ing Uncle Tom's Cabin, and on occasion used as many as 600
Negroes for certain of the scenes.
It is a part of the new technique of picture making to
have music for the actors while being "shot," Negro musicians
are frequently used. As actors, perhaps the two best known
are children; a few other Negroes have been used in minor
roles, and one Negro from Los Angeles, associated with a lo
cal little theatre group, has been cast in the role of Uncle
Tom of Uncle Tom's Cabin,
General Observations,
1, So far as the ordinary industrial jobs, unskilled
and skilled, are concerned, there are many instances of non
employment of Negroes, but no evidence that Negroes are in
capable of performing the tasks, as indicated by the fact
that in other establishments in the same city Negroes are
actually performing them,.
2, There is an understandable fear in many plants,
that use of Negroes and whites in the same plants will bring
unfavorable results, but no evidence that the fear is well
founded in fact, inasmuch as there is a large number of
56
plants that employ Negroes without conspicuous friction. No
outstanding instance of racial disorder resulting from the
use of Negro and white labor in the same plant came to atten
tion in this study,
3, The varied experiences of the plants may reasonably
be traced to peculiarities of plant management and to the
types of Negro workers secured,
4, The quality of Negro labor has not been uniform,
and there is evidence that, in many places where poor opin
ion is entertained concerning them, it is well deserved; but
the opinion unfortunately and erroneously extends from one
inefficient group of Negro workers to include the entire
Negro population*
5, There are lines of work which are not attractive
to Negro workers in which many of them have given indiffer
ent service,
6, Circumstances which should be taken into account
in judgments of Negro "ambition," "reliability," "speed,"
"carefulness," etc., in particular plants, are the relative
wages, opportunities for promotion on the basis of meÿit,
distance from the restricted Negro residence areas, hand
ling of working crews, and types and character of work
assigned to Negroes in the particular plants,
7, The trend of information indicates that where
wages are good and some prospect of bettering conditions
is present, Negro labor is regarded as more satisfactory
than in plants in which Negro working crews are separated
from other workers on grades of work which the others are
57
•unwilling t o do.
8, The objection of white workers to Negro workers
is understandable as a basis for excluding Negro workers,
but there is evidence that this objection is not a perma
nent or deeply serious contingency, and further evidence that
the objection has faded after a short period of contact,
9* The fear of the competition of Negro workers on the
part of #hite workers is in known instances based upon the
fear that Negroes will be paid less wages, thus either low
ering their living standards or pushing them out of jobs*
When this is evident in a situation an essential part of the
truth is omitted in the statement of employers, unqualified,
that "white workers object to the bringing M. of Negro workers,"
10, Factors other than "natural racial antagonism"
might be searched for in Los Angeles, to explain why this
natural racial antagonism exists to the detriment of work, .
and does not exist as often or to such a pronounced degree
in cities like Chicago, Cleveland, Pittsburgh, Arkon, and
Buffalo, or in the Ford Plant in Detroit, where IE,000 Ne
groes are employed in a total force of 100,000, and along
with large numbers of southern wliite workers. •
11, Industries have discharged practiced. Negro, workers
and employed Mexicans whom they‘regarded as less well adapt
ed for their work, because white workers objected to using
the same lockers and lavatories, White workers in one plant
have demanded Mexicans and in another refused to work with
them; insisted on separate lavatories in plants and accepted
68
unsegregated ones in publio; objected to Mexicans in one
place and accepted Negroes in another* Existing policy of
itself is an uncertain guide,
12, On the surface of facts, Negro workers in Los An
geles seem to have a special usefulness in iron and steel
production, in chemicals, and generally, where strength
must be opmbined with agility and a certain amoun|b of deft
ness* Despite the strength of opinion on race they show an
unexpectedly large number of crace operators, sand blasters,
cupulo tenders, rip saw operators, asphalt workers, and
drivers of heavy machinery,
13* There is probably no more actual truth in the be
lief that they are better adapted than most races to work
in the presence of heat than the opinion that they cannot
do skilled work; but having been permitted "heat" jobs on
this assumption, a normal success therein has provided sup
port for the original assumption. By the same line of ar
gument Mexicans should be better fitted for these jobs,where
as on the contrary the Long Island Ice Association declares
that they are better adapted to the handling and storing of
ice than any other race,
14, The chances are that the course of local policy
and practice In. industry has been shaped more by economic
forces than racial ones* Rapid growth of industries recent
ly, as in the East, has encouraged and drawn great quantities
of cheap labor. The most severe competition is at present
in the lower grades of work, where Negroes are principally
found, and between Negroes, . Mexicans and a class of native
59
Whites without skill* When immigrant. labor menaces skilled
native white workers, as is inevitable, a situation more
serious than inheres in the Negro relationship, is promised.
Reaction will probably, insist on placing Mexican immigration
on a quota basis,
16, It is an interesting fact that t he. same tpinions
held now about the inadvisability and insufficiency of Negro
labor, were held by eastern industries before they actually
became pressed for men. Then they employed Negroes and, for
. . ■ ' . . ■ . . 1
the most part, report satisfactory experiences,
LABOR UNIONS IN LOS ANGELES
Their Policies
General Observations.
1, The Unions that have Negro members are of two classas ;
(a) Those fields in which Negro workers are a
menace to white workers, and
(b ) Those fields in which Negroes are conceded to
hold distinctly favorable positions.
1 While .these^conclusions may-seem very general and too in
clusive, they represent the situation as portrayed by the
Johnson Survey, the Ohàmber of Commerce, the Merchants Man
ufactories Association, and the opinions of the general run
of big employers, individually, as expressed in interviews
granted to the present writer.
NOTE
it is interesting to compare the methods employed by the
Merchants Manufacturing Association and those employed by .
the various branches of the American Federation of Labor,
located in the Labor Temple at Maple and Fifth Street, Los
Angeles. Some very valuable material on this situation can
be found in their literature, especially the American Federa-
tionist, the official Magazine for the A. F, L.
60
2, The first of these classes is most Important.
(a) To organized labor, because competent Negroes
can, by working for such wages as they can
get, seriously injure the union programme.
These locals are mixed; relations are said
to be good, and Negro membership is actively
sought.
(b) The second of these is of more advantage to
Negro workers♦ The clientele is a special one
made up,either of persons who prefer Negroes,
for example, as musicians, or regard waiting
as their traditional work. The unions are
separate but there is cooperation*
5, There is evidence of racial feeling of hostility
in certain of the locals* However, racial feeling is sub
ject to fluctuations;
(à) It increases when, in instances of the union's
assignment of work, white workers are given
preference, and Negroes complain.
(b) It increases as white workers become exclusive
ly favored by employers in work once shared
by Negroes.
(o) It decreases when the question of job assign
ment is not present and the membership of
Negroes is essential to the success of the
white members *
(d) It appears on first contact where Negroes are
first taken into a trade, and disappears as
members become accustomed to Negro members.
(e) It increases in unions of trades in which
Negroes are given about the same chance for
work as whites, on some notion of their spe
cial fitness, or on grounds of "fairness."
(f) It increases to the point that Negroes are
sometimes given more than their numerical
proportion of offices in'locals in which Ne
gro workers are given actual preference over
white workers by employers.
4. The organization of Negro workers where both Negroes
and whites are concerned is essential to the purposes of labor,
and there is opportunity for exploitation of white and Negro
workers if one is pitted against the other.
5. Refusal of employers to use Negroes is never
61
protested by labor groups, and is aooepted as unfortunate
but unchangeable. .
6. Refusal of employers to use Negroes removes the com
petition of Negroes from particular fields of work, strength
ening the position of labor and rendering less difficult the
enforcement of their requirements and demands.
Some Personal Attitudes.
The following extracts are from responses to letters
sent to various employers using Negro help, together with some
who do not use Negro help;
"Negro employment has been* continuous with this company
for many years and we have given preference to the em
ployment of this race for porter and stockroom work,
although we have exceptional cases of emplo^mient in
other departments of our business, such as in our ware
house, where Negroes are employed as truck drivers and
in the receiving and shipping rooms."
"We have very high regard for the character of the men
and the work they perform* The total number employed
in Southern California approximates one hundred. A
number of these men have been with us for a number of
years ranging from twenty years, with a considerable
number of employment records of five years and more.”
"An increasing number of Negroes are showing education
al advantages and have risen from purely porter work
to stockroom capacity, as well as employment in other
larger and higher capacities in our warehouse."
"This information is not for publication except for
the purpose of your thesis."3-
"We only have one Negro employed in our stores. X like
him very much or he would not have kept his job very
long* The big boss came out here from,New York, ani
while standing here in the store noticed the Negro, and
he asked me "why I did not let that coon go .as I could
get one of the Orientals much cheaper.*." I was paying
the Negro about $21.00 per week * I told the boss that
I could depend upon him to wash all the dishes that
were soiled in the store every day and be ready to
leave the store when closing hour came.....! had used
“l George Pfaffenfe-erger, Southern California Manager
The Owl Drug Company.
62
four white women to do the work before, which showed
a good saving*" ^
"We use a few Negr%ehelpers * We use mostly Mexican
workers because they work better and for less."^
"We do not use Negro help* We find that our clients
are better satisfied with white help* We have no
ill-feeling however*" ^
"It has always been our policy to use white help. We
respect the ability the Negro has shown in hotel ^
work but has never been our policy, to employ them,"
"We do not use Negro h'ëlp*" ^
"Yes we have used Negro help in the past* We found 6
them so uncertain that we had to change to white help,"
"We have found the Negro to be very valuable to our
service* We take pride in having the kind of boys
we have to work for us * So far as I am concerned they
are to remain in our employ," "
"We use all Colored janitors and elevator operators3
in our new building which was completed last Fall,"
These attitudes are given just to show the average
type of response received from over 500 inquiries sent to
as many business establishments. There was an average go
ing back and forth from favorable to unfavorable employment
conditions affecting the Negro; forty-two per cent of the
inquiries showing favorable conditions and fifty-eight per
cent showing unfavorable conditions in attitudes.
1. Name not given. Manager Woolworth-Stores, Los Angeles,
2, Los Angeles Railway Company,
5, Biltmore Hotel Management.
4. Ambassador Hotel Management,
5. The May Company Lîanagement.
6. Roosevelt Hotel Management.
7. The Earl C. Anthony Packard Motor Car Company.
8. The New Edison Company Office Bldg.
63
OONOLÜSIONS
It has been noted that , out of the 75,000 employees
used by 460 industrial plants in Los Angeles, only 2,000
were of the Negro group. The plants selected were those
representing the major industries in the community. This
indicates that approximately nine per cent of the entire
population is engaged as workers in these 460 plants. The
white worker constitutes approximately ninety-eight and one
half per cent of the number used by the 460 industrial •
plants, The population of the Negro group approximates
75,000 and upon such a calculation should constitute, since
it represents nine per cent of the entire population of the
city, about nine per cent of the workers used by the prin
cipal industries here in the city. As it is they constitute
approximately one and one half per cent of the total number
of workers engaged in the plants mentioned. This indicates
a very abnormal situation as shown by Graph F in the Johnson
Survey, While the plants used do not represent the entire
number of plants in Los Angeles, yet enough were used to
suggest a tendency. It will possibly be true that, as we
note the remaining plants, the number of Negroes will have
a smaller per cent because the remaining plants are those
small plants not using many workers. It has been noted
that the smaller the plant, as a rule, the lesser the num
ber of Negroes employed.
There seems to be some compensation when we view the
participation going on among the domestics, although not so
64
1
much, for the men. The Negro representation in cLomestioB
service is eight times as large as is the normal condition.
The unit should represent five per cent but instead has
reached approximately forty-five per cent, ten per cent
greater than the industrial units, which should be about
thirty-five per cent, This is indicated by Gruph F of the
Johnson Survey used in this chapter. The compensation seems
to be in favor of women domestics. The general attitude of
the employment agencies seems to indicate that the per cent
of calls for Negro women: as compared to the number of calls
for the men is about as alarming as a situation of this
kind could be. The approximate per cent of general calls
for Negro help for both men and women is twenty-two per cent
for Negro men and seventy-eight per cent for women, - The aver
age per cent of Negro domestics as compared with the other
domestics in the city is seventeen per cent. This indicated
that the Negro is deriving a good per cent of domestic work,
although not enough to offset his delinquent situation in
the industrials. Another alarming point here is that since
the calls for Negro men is only twenty-two per cent of the
total call for Negro help, then only four per cent of the
domestic work in Los Angeles is being done by Negro men,
while the Negro women are performing about thirteen per cent.
It is noted that some of the attitudes, as expressed
in this chapter, indicate a favorable interest in the Ne-
groe's behalf. It must be remembered that the attutudes
were selected from selected concerns, and that, while some
See above, p, 30,
65
were favorable, it is not enough to compensate for the loss
in other activities sustained by the Negro #
All in all we can clearly see that the Negro in Los
Angeles is under a terrific handicap, so far as his partici
pation in the larger community life is concerned. The socio
logical question then comes — What is the Negro doing to
make his bread and meat? At least this situation implies
a case of social pathology. This study has not gone far
enough to be in a position to answer intelligently. It has
gone far enough, however, to infer that since the Negro man
is not given a fair chance to work he necessarily must turn
his attention to some "Internal" affair. It is to be re
membered, however, that a large number of Negro men are em
ployed in the Railway service, which jobs are not listed in
Los Angeles, This will offer some compensation, , The com
pensation is not enough to offer any significant chtoge in
the pathological tendency, by which is meant such factors
as gambling, bootlegging, stealing, prostitution, and vices .
of similar nature. Prostitution will be discussed at length
in this thesis, as it represents a great amount of inter
racial participation of the first magnitude.
These few general conclusions are given mainly to call
attention to the tendency towards condition of social.path-
ology, and to stimulate some consideration for the stupen
dous obstacle which the Negro in Los Angeles must overcome
before we shall see a normal social participation.
66
OHAPTBR IV
OOMMBROIAL PARTICIPATION
The informât Ion contained in thie chapter is mostly
general and altogether too inclusive, but it is given to
indicate just what is. going on in this field of participa
tion*
Strictly speaking the Negro in Los Angeles cannot be
said to have much of a commercial contribution. As a seller,
his participation is entirely confined within his own group.
His most successful enterprises happen to be in the drug
and restaurant lines. He has succeeded in driving all of
his competitors in these businesses out of his territory.
It is only in these fields, however, that he has made any
showing whatever as a commercial participant,
Olothing
There' are five establishments among Negroes owned and
controled by Negroes which make any pretense to sell cloth
ing articles to the group. These places are not very well
organized. The stocks they carry are very much antiquated,
and therefore do not receive any noticeable amount of the
group trade. The \7ttildest imagination could not imagine
that these shops enjoy even as much as two per cent of the
entire trade. It is therefore true that more than ninety-
eight per cent of the Negro trade is carried over to the
white shops. His only return for this trade is his capacity
to be hired in some oases as elevator operators and janitors,
67
The expenditure in this field alone will run much over
#2,000,000 a year, this amount being spent in white shops.
Groceries
Here again the same story is true. There are thirty-
two Negro grocery stores in Los Angeles, The Negro group,
according to a scientific estimate, spends more than #195,000
per week in Los. Angeles for groceries. The thirty-two gro
ceries owned receive about #4000,00 all told, leaving more
than #190,000 to the white grocery store per week. There
are very, very few of these stores using any colored help.
The Safeway stores, although receiving the largest trade of
any of the white stores, only employs one Negro employee.
Newspapers
More than 9000 Negroes take the Examiner each day.
About 5000 take the Times each day. Approximately about
the same number are taken of the combined number in the
field aside from the two named. This would make approxi
mately £0,000 Negroes taking white daily papers. The
average rate per year is #10,00, This shows that the Negro
group spends over #200,000 per year for the white cosmopo
litan papers. While the only return for their trade is
offered to news boys on the streets selling the papers,
Transportât ion
It is not possible to estimate the tremendous amount
of money being spent by the Negro group in daily transpor
tation fees and fares. The Negro worker commuting between
home, and his job by v/ay of the Pacific Electric, Busses, or
68
the Los Angeles Street Railway company will possibly rep
resent eighty-five per cent of the total number of Negro
workers. Then there is the constant travel engaged in by
the down-1own shoppers. All told the patronage is tremen
dously large. The only return the Negro group receives in
return is the use of a few women in cleaning cars for the
Los Angeles Street Railway Company, This return is positive
ly negligible.
Power and Light
Here the same story continues. Every house occupied
by Negroes in the city must have the facilities offered by
the corporations furnishing them. Here the trade again be
comes gigantic. The Negro cannot do otherwise. The return
for,his trade is again almost negligible.
Telephone Company
Although the trade to or with this corporation is 100
per cent, yet the return interest is 100 per cent negative.
Very few homes are without the use of telephone service, so
it is possible that the returns v/ill tan over the million
dollar line per year.
Gas Company
The story is still running true to form. Most every
Negro family yses gas in some form. There may be a few who
can afford electrical stoves, but it is safe to say that
number will not average one per cent of the Negro popula
tion. in Los Angeles, Here again the return is absolutely
69
negligfble,
And so it is as we go on clown th.e line in noting the
participation of the Hegro in the commercial life of the
community*. His participation as a Wyer is tremendotis,
while his participation as a producer is entirely negative*
Even after participating in such a wholesale fashion in the
buying end of his participation, he is not accorded the con
sideration of a servant in the places where his group spend
by the millions.
Oonclusion
Thus it is noted that in this field the legro is also
completely exploited. What chance has he to participate
in the community as a self respecting citizen, when he is
Qontinually being pauperized? Again we see another factor
which is responsible for the social pathology so evident
among the Negro neighborhoods in Los Angeles * We shall
have to expect to see the Negro more and more lean toward
the questionable factors operating within, the community
of the city in which we live.
70
CHAPTER V
'HOME-LIFE PARTICIPATION
The greatest degree of social distance le to be found
in the ’ ’well regulated white home,” i. e., with reference to
the Negroe’s participation there, I use the phrase, "well
regulated white home" to express an orthodox relationship.
While on the other hand, it is interesting to note a very
large amount of unorthodox home-life participation • of whites
and Negroes, This situation, is mostly due to the "enclosure"
of white homes within Negro areas. Due to their constant
propinquity, and what might be considered their immediate
community interests, . we find a large per cent of wocial dis
tance absolutely destroyed. This situation can be easily
demonstrated by the attitude of whites upon the visitation
of a Negro in a strictly white community, and what is the
opposite case in the communities settled by both races. In
the strictly white communities the attitude, on seeing a
Negro at the front door, is "what do you want here?" While
in the cosmopolitan community the attitude, on a like
occasion, is one of natural expectation during the run of
a day.
The foregoing situation, upon casual observation,
would not indicate any data of sociological importance, is
it not true that we have cosmopolitan transportation, recrea
tional facilities, departmental merchandising, and what not,
which factors tend to throw the races into constant social
contacts? Of course this tendency is very much in evidence
71
and from all indications would infer a very valuable par
ticipation is very, very formal,' we shall have to say that
such a participation does little in changing attitudes* It
is only those eases where the participants become what may
be called "familiar" in contacts that, after all, may be
thought of as socially important, or shall I say significant.
The following interviews will illustrate the point in
question:
"Well X don’t think much of the young Negro, He
tries to be too smart and t ouchy*,. ,Take Bill
down there in the barber shop--why he is awful.
He does not know his place,It wouldn’t take
me long to put him in his place if I had my way,.,..
You can say what you please, the quicker you folks
leam your place, the better off you will be,..."^
"I think you people have made splendid progress.
You see I am a good observer, and I make it my
business to notice the young Negro and just how
he acts ,,.. .X am impressed with the way they take
advantage of their situation,.,,. .Take Bill down
in the barber shop— he is a prince,,,.. .1 use to
think that he was terrible, but since knowing him
better I have come to have a fine respect for him.
Of course he is not like the other boys down there-,-
he is polite, polished, and good natured— but very,
very positive,Well, I like him for it. He
should not be taken for a plaything— î would resent
that myself.... .You can’t tell him no smutty joke
and get away with it,,.,,But, to Jell you the truth,
I expect the boss down there will have to fire him,
because the people do not understand him,.....I
want the boss to fire him...,when he does I intend
to take him into my employ*,,, ,He is just the fellow
that Î want," 1
The writer had occasion to talk to "Bill" after get
ting these interviews with the white participants, and,
true to expectation, in the first case it was found that
this participant had come to the shop often enough but had
1. Interviews with down-town white business men.
7E
not 'become acquainted with Bill, The third time he came
in the shop he tried to pull the joke stunt, and to be
sure he learned the displeasure of Bill, On the other hand
participant number two knew the Negro boy very intimately,
and therefore liked him. Both of the participants, however,
have attempted to generalize regarding the young Negro as
a whole, while only having contacted one individual. So
it is with most of the "restricted white neighborhood"
opinions regarding the Negro# The tendency is to classify
' ■ ■ ■ . . -
all Negroes according to some individual case experience.
We possibly can approach the question of participation
in the cosmopolitan neighborhood or community with a little
more clarity in view of the situation indicated in the in
terviews just quoted. The constant propinquity permits a
general understanding of the temperament, personality, tra
dition, custom, and general cultural background of each
group to a very high degree. Through constant association
each group leams to respect the other in all things. This
situation may be aptly illustrated by the following inter
views;
"No we never cut our grass on Saturdays because
we likes to respect our white neighbors. You
see our neighbors are Seventy-Bay Adventists and
we would not disturb^ their day by anything, we
would not like to see them do on Sunday*"
While it may seem that such participation as has been
mentioned is far too superficial to as yet indicate any
important social data, the point here to be emphasized is
1 Interview^wxth a Negro man, neighbor to a white family.
73
that, once social distance is destroyed in however small
degree, if the factors remain constant, its destruction
will continue. This assumption is positively sustained in
the following neighborhood study*
The neighborhood studied may be called the "South
Ternon Street Neighborhood," It is bounded on the North
by Fiftieth Street, on the West by Avalon Aoulevard, on the
South by Fifty-fifth Place, and on the East by Central Ave
nue, Negroes started moving into this neighborhood about
nine years ago,^ The white population became very indignant
over the encroBohment of these new home-seekers, It was
during the first great trek of the Negro to California,
Real estate was skyhigh and rental property was proportion
ately in great demand. The earlier citizens of the central
Negro belt rented their homes to the new-arrivals, pur
chased property on the outskirts of the central district,
and in numerous cases "crashed" in to the once conservative
white neighborhoods. There was at once a large amount of
racial ill-feeling. On several occasions the police were
called upon to settle controversies and neighborhood in
fringements* Especially was this true in the "South Ternon
Street Neighborhood’ . ’ The courts were visited on several
turns in the course, of events, Amidst all this , the Negroes
continued their encroachment in wholesale lots. Some of the
wealthier of the new-arrivals also moved into this new dis
trict, In 1931 we find the neighborhood in question composed
Ï Interviews in the neighborhood.
74
of about two thirds of Negro home owners, while the re
maining third is oomposed of whites and a few foreigners.
It is interesting to note that after the lapse of nine
years fully four-fifths of the social distance in the neigh
borhood has completely gone. This one-third represents
those whites who for one reason or another could not dis
pose of their property at the price they wanted. Seeing
that they were forced to live among their Negro neighbors
they have gone about the situation in a plain, rational
manner. It is the participation in this' cosmopolitan com
munity that shall prove the assumption which we started
with, that once social distance is destroyed in however
small a degree, if the factors remain constant, its de
struction will continue. This will be more interestingly
shown by the "f«ollo#ing chart ;
75
CHART I
Sh.owing White Home Locations
South.
Oent-
...W --- ■ .
..."East.■ïï5t‘ i ï ' “Ha'cé..
6 %
I f . . ....-
# East 55th Street
ê
East 54th Place
w
#
#
# # .
ê
# last 54th Street
,#
è ê
ê -
ê
^ East 5frct!*Place
South Mc
Kinley Av.
# . . . . _
*
$
# #
#
iîiast &5rd Street
f
South
Wads
worth St*
last 52nd Place
^ #
0
m
t
*
last 5Énd Street*
e
last 5lst street
^ ' j Bast Fiftieth Street $ ♦
South
Avalon
B i v a . .
Legend; Red dots indicate location of white homes*
This chart shows the approximate location of white
homes in the cosmopolitan "South Ye mon Street Heighhorhood"
which have very liberal home-to-homec"participation. The
1 neighborhood canvass using interview method in securing
data*
76
red dots indicate the white homes.
The following graph will indicate just the degree to
which social distance has been wearinga?ay* The reliability
of this graph is dependent upon the cultivated attdtude
of the writer after having listened constantly during hours
of interviewing. The graph may then be termed the express
ion of an impressionistic motive. This rather general re
sponse, in the interviews, will show a tendency as to how
some decision was reaohed.
"When-the Colored people first came in this neigh
borhood it took me three or four years to sorta
get use to them. Later on, though^ We found out
that they were nice people though."
GRAPH III
SHOWIITG KSIGHBORHOOL PARTICIPATION BÏÏTWMT NEGROES AND WHITES
part i
Social Distance
Part 2
No Social Distance
I
I
Of White^x
before '
int imat e con t&bts
1925
1927
Of Whites
after
intimate
contacts
1929
- J e w s ' * ! * ^ 930
4a mj*— KWh.
1931
Legend-Red line in part I indicates social-distance.
Opposite in part 2
1 Interview with white home-owner. South Vernon Street
Neighborhood,
77
Chart number I indicates the approximate number and
location of white homes which permit of a rather free inter
racial participation in the South Ternon Street Neighborhood.
While the kind of activities participated in is not of in
terest, it is the regularity and intensity of the participa
tion that is expressive. Of course this chart does not show
the number and location of all white homes in this neighbor
hood, but enough, to be sure, to indicate the - general attitude
of the,whites in the vicinity. The following table may be
considered an "Activity Index,"
Invitations extended by Whites Accepted by Negroes
"to Negro Neighbors
Family meals Yes
Home parties .......... . . , Yes
Automobile rides . . . . . . . . . . . . Yes
Radio parties, - , Yes
Conversation periods Yes
Weddings Yes
Shopping trips Yes
Public lectures , . . . Yes
Social games at home Yes
To meet friends Yes
Motion-Picture parties • .... . Yes
Funerals Yes,
Sickness visitations (Negro doctors as well) Yes
Community, clubs ....................Yes
Various diversions Yes
Discuss vicinity problems Yes
78
Invitations extended by Whites Accepted by Negroes
to Negro Neighbors
1
Political situations , • • ............ Yes
It would be of interest to show, with reference to
graph number III, just how the "Activity Index" table grew
with respect to length of time as indicated in the graph.
This, however, could not be done without very intricate
and very intense research which could not be given to this
one situation. It will be enough to say that it was not
until after 1928 that the table took anything like its
present form. Here again the assumption that once social-
distance is destroyed in however small degree, if the fac
tors remain constant, its destruction will continue, is
sustained.
We get then, in this neighborhood, a picture of what
the ideal cosmopolitan community participation should be
like. The intimate contacts, had in the manner in which
they were, has tended to break down what is commonly termed
."opposite-attraction," The writer did not note any irreg
ularities whatsoever. This is.not to say that they did not
exist; rather th^, if they did they did not take the pro
portion noted in neighborhoods where "wholesome” partici
pation does not exist, I suppose the situation is ana
logous to the instance of "a man living near the ocean for
"~1 Interviews and visitations in vicinity,
2 Interviews
79
forty years and never having set foot on its shore." I am
sure the story would have been different had the man con
tacted the ocean only at rare intervals , This leads me to
say that my experience has been that inter-racial anomalies
occur, mostly, where the life-history of th.e participant does
not have sufficient "wholesome" inter-racial contacts, and
thus the desire for contact tends to become perverted, I
have seen real black Negro men leave "white" Negro women for
black Negro women soon after their marriage. The first mar
riage shows pointedly what William Pickens calls "the Negro’s
1
oolor-phobia," The Negro thinks of "whiteness" and is guided
in his selection for marriage by the same. He soon discovered
his disillusionment and proceeded to make a rational select
ion for his next marriage, "Whiteness seems to hang on in
the isolated Negro’s mind, psychologically, as an appurte
nance, but as soon as this situation is discovered he imme»
diately seeks to correct the condition.
The sociological Importance of the situation existing
in this neighborhood--that of free-social participation, is
that it breaks down social distance and destroys "opposite-
attractions," The position being that, if we could secure
a "wholesome free-spcial participation," interracially, for
the community life in Los Angeles, or elsewhere for that
matter, it would show a very large tendency to establish
inter-racial participation, which would make the "ideal
community," without unnecessary anomalies.
1 A Negro scholar, Secretary of the National Association
for the Advancement of Negroes, In a speech at University
of California, Los Angeles, March, 1930.
80
CHAPTER Yî
PROSTITUTION PARTICIPATION
Introduction
The collection of data in this field has presented to
the writer a vivid insight into one of the most tragic of
all human experiences. It would seem to the average observer,
who boasts of his Christianity, that the participants in this
field of social pathology ought to be "horse-whipped" and
,driven into the deep blue sea — after having received the
permission of the ’ *mighty deep," It has not been theirs
to penetrate into the background of these unfortunate "bro
thers and sisters," for such they are in our social heritage,
They are as surely the children of our society as are the
"praying deacons" and "shouting sisters" who rant with re
ligious supplication for their vicissitudes,
It has been a most dangerous undertaking, and the
writer is speaking from actual experience, to get at the
source of this mighty traffic of the human body. It is not
necessary to mention the intricate and elaborate precaution
taken by the agencies operating this traffic to insure their
protection. It will be enough to say that thousands and
thousands of dollars have been and are being spent to safe
guard their interests. What do they care for a life— when
they seek to expend them by the hundreds— who shall dare to
come into their haunts--an enemy? The writer has ventured,
as such, although unknown to them, for the purpose of pre
senting this scene, this situation which promotes a
81
terrific social destruction to the community in which we
ourselves participate,
Prostitution as an institution is as old as history
itself. We have discovered no new thing when the institu
tion is anywhere detected in our communities. What then is
the value of this study since it presents nothing new? There
may eicist enumerable values, but the significance which has
been presented to thè writer, from the personal experience
of the participants, stamps this form of inter-racial par
ticipation as the most important social institution in the
community for the establishment of deliberate racial solid
arity— however harrowing the institution itself may be.
This assertion may seem shocking, which of course it is,
nevertheless it stands as a positive truth.
This study will first be concerned with the objective
factors involved, and then ivill point out the particular
eocio-psychological situations concerned, together with some
definite conclus ions.
White Prostitutes
The writer had to invent some way of securing admit
tance to the abode and haunts which housed the "white bodies
for sale." There was no other seeming way of admittance '
save as a'regular participant. How could this be done with
out causing suspicion, since the writer had no intention of
indulging as do the regular participants? It was soon dis
covered that to enter in such a way would be impossible, un
less the regular fee should be paid, on each occasion, and
82.
then pretend some excuse for failure to participate. This
was tried. It was soon noticed that this technique could
not produce the results desired, as the process was too me
chanical, as well as too expensive, A more Ingenious way
1
was fathomed. To cultivate a friendship with the "pimps"
would he the thing to do. This idea was however a very
precarious one, as these persons are given to shrewdness.
Could the writer really escape their detection— they might
suspect the writer of playing stool-pigeon, which of course
meant being "put-on-the-spot." However, this task was under
taken, The writer had some friend who was well known to
the "pimps" to Introduce him as a new arrival in town. In
this way contact was definitely established. After a few
telephone calls the writer made some personal calls at the
"haunts" to visit his new friend. After due course, the
occasion came when the writer was introduced to one of the
girls as a "new man in the field," Some interviews were had
after this fashion, but the process was so slow it had to
be abandoned for a speedier one. What was this new technique
to be? The writer had noticed that participants who had
come to the house of his new friend were of two kinds, those
who came to see the girls, and those who came to get whisky
and beer. The writer decided to get introductions and then
visit the "haunts" just to get beer. This was accomplished
and proved to be very well adapted for the purpose espoused.
This process continued until the writer had covered what he
1 Men who live by securing trade for the girls. "Their man,"
83
considered to be a large majority of such places in Los
Angeles, The beer was used as a ruse, and by subterfuge
the writer was able to get the information desired.
Number of Girls Operating
It was found that there are 46 houses operated in the
two large Negro communities. These communities are the
Central Avenue, and the West Jefferson areas. The houses
are furnished as any well-to-do home would be. Everything
is made aS' attractive as possible. The houses are operated
by what seems to be a man and wife. However, in most cases
they are just "woman" and "Pimp;" or as they are sometimes
called "hustlers" and "P. I(s)," There are from two to four
girls in each house. Besides these there are what are called
"swing girls ," The swing girls will average four to every
six houses. The average number of regular girls per house
is about three. This will, total about 168 girls, including
regulars and those on the swing, for the 46 houses visited.
The regular girls are on duty during the day hours.
They cannot remain in the houses during the night, as the
operators are afraid of being trapped in their operations.
The "swing" girls can be called at all hours. They make a
specialty of party work, where the participant wishes a girl
for all-night iruns. The operators keep the telephone num
bers of these "swing" girls and call them when a participant,
in their confidence, calls for one.
Beside the operators who maintain regular houses, there
are scores of Negro musicians, who play for the cheap Main
84
Street danoe saloons and vaudville houses, keeping telephone
numbers of the show girls for like purposes. The girls al
ways split with the musicians for getting them trade. They
prefer what are called "suckers"— those who will pay big
money. These musicians allow the girls to use their rooms,
i, e, where they live, for the purpose of operating. They
join occasionally with the regular operators, for purposes
of protection, and send the girls to the regular houses for
night operations. There are about 86 Negro musicians who
work in "the cheap places" engaged in such operations. The
majority of them are participants in this game, - It is safe
to say that they operate with as many or more girls. Accord
ingly, the number of girls here could be placed at between
90 and 100 girls--operating after show and "taxi-dance"
hours,
From these two sources then, we have from 268 to 300
white girls operating in Negro communities as regular pros
titutes, Of course there are other sources but those sources
have not. been checked. This number will vary greatly, accord
ing to working conditions of the Negro participants, or that
class of Negro men who frequent such "haunts," When times
are normal the number will possibly double itself or more.
You can hear this common expression, "There used to be lots
of girls to choose from, but now they only have two or three,"
Fees Paid
There seems to be a standard price of three dollars
fixed by the operators of these houses, i, e,, the regular
85
housea'. Two dollars goes to the girl and one to the opera
tor, Bach girl in the regular "haunts" has from four to
eight contacts a day, on the average. It will he safe to
say that "five contacts" will approximate a general average
for the entire number of girls operating in the regular
"haunts," Accordingly, it is concluded that their salaries .
or fees will run nearly sixty dollars per week, or fifty
dollars in round numbers. This would make the fees of the
entire group run about #13,000 per week, as the part paid
to the girls. The fees exacted by the operators will ^ount
to one-third of the fees received by the girls , This Would
be about #4,000 per week. This is not deducted from the
#13,000 received by the girls, instead it is added to that
sum, for the girls pay this one third fee after each contact.
This would make the approximate sum of #17,000 per week going
to operators and white girls in prostitution from Negro men
as participants. There of course is a fluctuation going
on. The regular girls are sometimes given "nice" tips. It
was of course impossible to estimate just to what proportion
this situation was carried on. There are also the unusually
high fees derived by the "swing" girls from "party affairs,”
They have been known to make as much as #100,00 a night, in
Individual cases. They expect to "clean-up" on parties
where there are plenty of "suckers," The girls call those
men "suckers" who have not been in contact with white girls,
and who have developed what the girls call "a complex for
whiteness," i, e., those who would give anything to indulge
86
in suoh contacts* These girls are very quick to detect a
"sucker” and then play him to the "grand stands,"
The girls have several devices for procuring extra
fees. The most common of these being the selling of their
pictures "in the nude7 They arrange "private shows" for
the sex-crazed men who attend their secret parties, The ad
mission into the room where the show is being staged is
usually #1.00 per individual. The features exhibited show
the very lowest and most unusual tendencies in s ex-per vers ions.
It is impossible to indicate the amount of fees received from
these extra activities. Enough is known, however, to indicate
that a very large sum is collected per week through such
operations. It will possibly bring the total amount of fees
collected by the white prostitutes and their operators, in
the areas mentioned, to something over #20,000 per week,
Negro Prostitutes
Here we find a different type of story, Negro girls
who specialize in making contacts with white men are not
nearly so well organized as their white colleagues in the
profession. While the white girls use Negro operators, the
Negro girls attend to such matters themselves. This situa
tion is accounted for by the projection process used tbye the
white girls, The white girls move into a Negro district with
out any fear whatsoever. Even though they may be seen going
to or frequenting a certain "haunt" they nevertheless have
no fear of any antagonism on the part of the general Negro
group. She must use some caution however, so as to avoid
87
the wrong contacts * It is here that the need for the oper
ators come in. The girls realize that they must protect
themselves from the public opinion and wrath of their own
people, as well as from the white police who might become
aware of their game— except in those cases where the police
are paid to condone such "racial trespassings" of the first
magnitude. On the other hand the Negro girl does fear to
project herself and her game into white districts in the
fashion just indicated by the white girls. She remains for
the most part in her own racial district. She rents an ap
artment, or room where she has been granted all the privi
leges necessary to her game. She makes her contacts with
white participants while at work in domestic service, on the
busses to and from work, from salesmen, while at theatres, or
any place where it is possible to meet and receive flirta
tions from her intended participant. The participant is in
vited to come directly to her home, or room as the case be.
Some of the Negro girls stand on the street corners, or walk
the streets rather promiscuously, awaiting the flirtation
of some white man who frequents the Negro neighborhood for
Immoral purposes. It is through such measures that the Negro
girl builds up contacts for her business, and since she has
no need to fear any molestation from her own group the pro
cess, so far as "she is concerned, is completed. Her only
concern is to avoid police agents,
Special Types
There are four special types of Negro girl prostitutes.
88
They are the "Alley Workers," "Home Raiders," "Down Town
1
Sucker Hunters," and the "Automobile Riders,"
The"Alley Workers"
This is a very subtle process. The girl, after she has
contacted her participant, invites him back to see her and
tells the interested man just what comer to meet her on, and
the approximate■ time he.is supposed to come— or rather the
time she can see him. The participant complies with the
agreement, .When the girlesees him she rushes to him and tells
him to "lay low" for awhile as her husband or sweetheart is
in the vicinity. She goes away, but not to where she cannot
see her guest of the evening. Soon she returns and informs
the gentleman that the road is . clear for their operations ,
She informs him also that it will be impossible to go toiiher
room or home as her husband or sweetheart might come back at
any time, She tells him that they can go down the alley be
hind some post or object for concealment. The participant
complies. She takes him to her accustomed "spot" and makes
ready for the act of intercourse. They proceed to the in-
dulgement as is the usual case, Jusÿ when the guest is .
reaching the intensity of the situation, the girl, very
cleverly relieves the participant of his purse, or whatever
valuable he might have— and instantly tells her victim.or
dupe that "a police is coming": they both hurry away from the
scene of action. When the participant realizes what has
transpired, the girl will have reached safety in sane place
1 These type s were Identified by Mrs, Claudia Prophett,
Supervisor of Police Women, Los Angeles Police Department,
89
amlmown to the cLupe * He has he en robbed and without re
course, If he should ever meet the girl again, which is often
the case, he does not dare have her arrested or attempt to
file suit against her for fear of unfavorable publicity, '
which might reach his family and friends. So the girl ie al
lowed to keep the valuable if he is not able to Induce her to
return it. This is the characterictic action of the "Alley
Worker," a prostitution process.
The "Home Raiders"
Here we find a very highly specialized prostitution
process. The girl here is usually very highly skilled in the
game, but she must have an accomplice in this process,. They
pose as man and wife.
The Negro girl and her Negro male accomplice seek their
victims in the most exclusive white neighborhoods. They pre
fer to operate in Hollywood and Beverly Hills, The girl gets
herself established as a domestic in some wealthy home. She
is usually a very beautiful person, possessing highly allur
ing charms. She takes on the attitude of a very religious
individual. She does her work without question, being always
alert to impress her mistress with her moral and religious
goodness so as to remove any suspicion as to her trustworth
iness, She, however, tries every possible ruse to be pleas
ing and of benefit to the man of the house in her domestic
work. Everything must be just so for him. After learning
his temperament, other oddities are added to her technique of
gaining his favor as a serving person. When the time comes
90
that she fully understands her intended participant she be
gins to devise ways of framing him. She first finds out
whether or not he is interested in outside women of her type.
She of course knows of his interest in other women, having
learned this before she took the job, She possibly knew the
girl who formerly worked for the family, or some other scheme
was used to know of the man before she decided to use him
for her next dupe. However, after learning he is interested
in her type— through some womanly device— she springs the
sOld story of her husband’s leaving her because she. was too
old fashioned, . After a while she gets the opportunity of
telling the man of her intentions of leaving the city for
other parts, as she has not been able to adjust herself
since her husband left her. Before leaving, she always
leaves her telephone number and address in case there is
something she can do for them before leaving the city.
This subterfuge gives the man the permission to come
to her house under full protection, "Knowing that her husband
is gone" adds to the security of the man’s secret intentions
in visiting his former servant girl. The girl makes him wel
come to her home. She makes the place have the appearance
of her "leaving scheme," The former boss offers the girl
a chance to come back to her work when she returns to the
city. He finds out when she intends- to leave and says that
he will be around the day before she leaves to give her a
little token of the appreciation he and his wife have for her.
The day arrives and the man has come with his gifts. The
91
girl takes the gifts and is sure to place them where her
friend cannot find them again— for a purpose. Before he
leaves her home, he is sure to ask her for a return of ap
preciation, after her skillful use of subterfuge drives him
to express his desire. She will always seem surprised at
this sudden turn of events--- , He of course, advances to
where she is seated. She feacks away as if seeking escape
until she reaches some intended place for the act. After
she has been subjected to a period of "forced attentions,"
she seemingly "gives in" to her participant,
During the period of the intercourse, her husband comes
in the unlocked door and is terrified to find his wife being
so used by her former boss. He starts, a fight immediately.
From some source a gun is procured and the husband pretends
that he is going to kill the participant for destroying his
home. The dupe, as he is called, pleads for a word— he
states that he will settle this situation anyway the husband
says— but "please spare my life," The wife is not to be
found— more subterfuge. The husband Informs the participant
that he will leave the town if he will give him enough money
to start all over again. He also informs the dupe that he
can have his wife to do with as he wishes, since she is no
good anyhow. The participant of course settles as per his
promise so as to avoid any connection whatever. He fears
that the news would come to his family and friends, and that
he could not stand.,.•• This then is the technique of the
"Home Raiders," The process explained above does not cover
92
each detail, nor does it exhaust the ways of accomplishing
the purpose desired, hut it does show how the majority of
the cases work,
"Down Town. Sucker Hunters"
This is an old game and is commonly known. Here, the
girls frequent places where men work at night, and after con
tacting the white men, set-up their technique of flirtations.
After she has been able to get the man to operate with herf-
her husband comes upon the scene and with a gun makes the
man come across with all he has.
The "Automobile Riders"
Here again the process of this prostitution participa
tion is very well known. The girls, instead of taking their
parti chipants to their rooms, perform their deed in the par
ticipants* automobile, for the nominal fees,
Fees Paid, and Number of Girls in Operation
It has not been possible to check the amount of fees
paid by white men to the Negro girls in prostitution as
accurately as those paid by Negro men to white girls in pros
titution, The reason being that the Negro girls do not op
erate with so much organization and permanence of location,
,To determine the number of Negro girls operating would neces
sitate a house to house canvass in each Negro neighborhood.
This, of course, was impossible during this study. Therefore
it will be almost impossible to make any accurate estimates
either concerning the amount of. fees paid or as to the number
93
of Negro girls operating in the two vieinities studied.
One would, however, tend to make some estimation upon
the basis of public opinion. The writer visited over thirty
Negro business places in the neighborhoods in question. The
question asked was: "Why do white men seem to hate Negro
women so badly?" The responses were all in the negative re
garding my question, "You don’t know what you are talking
about, I have several Negro women who come in this store
and call up white men every day of my life," These two sen
tences express the general attitude of Negro owners of the
stores visited. They seem to have the impression that there
is a great amount of participation going on between the Negro
women and white men. If, then, we start with the number of
stores and fix our estimations upon the basis of the number
who frequent their stores, taking the word "several" to mean
as many as four, at least— then the number from this source
of estimation would total 150 at least. The writer has seen
a very large amount of participation, which may or may not
have been accounted for in the estimations of the Negro
business men interviewed. Let us say, then, that there are
approximately 200 Negro girls operating pi this field. This
of course is not a very accurate estimate, but enough so to
indicate.the tendency we are desiring to portray.
The writer would judge that about fifty per cent of
these girls are just above the poverty line most of the time,
1
while their fees will fluctuate in seasons. The other fifty
1 General conversation around Negro "Sporting Lives" for men.
94
1
per cent do what they call "clean-upi^ Some of the girls
In the second class have heen know to make as high as
#1500.00 in one n i g h t Their fees will range anywhere from
#30.00 a night up to the amount just indicated. This range
is for the girls who are known as the "Alley Workers,” and
the "Down Town Sucker Hunters.” The largest fees are made
by the "Home Raiders," Of course it takes two or three months
to play this game, so the fees won*t seem %o large in compari
son to the-‘ "Alley Workers," and the "Down Town Sucker Hunters."
There are legends about some of these "Home Raiders" getting
as high as #25,000.00 for some games. It is very authenti
cally known, however, that as much as $15,000.00 has been
■ - 3 ' . . ,
paid to some of these "Home Raiders." So their range is from
nothing at all to as much as they can get, which has been as
high as #15,000.00. It will be impossible to estimate any
total amount paid to these prostitutes by white men, per week.
This study, of course, only embraces the Hegro prostitutes
operating among white men.
The Sociology of the Economic-Psychological Situation
involved in Inter-racial Prostitution Participation.
The question which comes to the mind of the orthodox
participant is : "Who are these prostitutes and what are they
doing to our community life?" This question the writer will
attempt to answer.
1 General conversation around Hegro "Sporting Dives" for men
2 Mrs. Prophett, Supervisor of Women Pblice, Los Angeles
Police Department
3 Enown to all of the Hegro sporting world in Los Angeles
95
Who Are These prostitutes?
They are those tender little girls who used to stand
by the family altars, in some cases, and after listening
to mother and father pray for them--drearn of their happy lives
in the wonderful future ahead. Of course there are some who
never had any family altars,--life for them has. always been
of the blackest hues. To them, existence is just "one dam
1 .
thing after another." - - - - What have we done to these lit
tle souls?
WHITE PROSTITUTES
Here we shall get a glimpse into thé real life-history
and character of these girls ;
"Say kid— don^t pull that sob stuff you^ve started—
it won’t work, here .I'm not apt to spill any
tears over what you say. This is simply a business
to me and that’s all.......♦.Some people sell their
brains, voice, skill, or what not, but I sell my---
and what of it? Its no dam business of any
body’s but mine.........It ain’t that I’m so crazy
about Colored men,, but I can make more money here
among them. I absolutely bate white men, they are
the meanest brutes on earth. There ain’t nothing
they can do for me anymore......I’ve had several
and they W^r^ all dam skunks.... Say, listen,--
just give me the money, nothing else matters."
This girl has had some very tragic experiences with the men
she has been associating with. She is absolutely void of
feeling so far as the writer could tell. She hates white
men, and only tolerates Eegro men because she can make money
in s 0 do ing.
1 Interview with white prostitute.
Z Interview with white prostitute. Tery tough type.
Wouid do anything for money.
96
"These girls aren’t so tough as they say they are.
That8 just make-believe, They all get down in
the .collar once in a while,,,.. We sit around here
all day looking for trade and when none comes in,
we often get to talking about things in general...
We always drift back to our younger days...,, i came
from a good home, but because all the boys told me
that I was beautiful, I somehow fell for their line...
After I had made the first few mistakes, things never
seemed to.matter very much...,I soon learned that
the business men around my neighborhood would give
me money to be with them, and as my parents could
not give me very much, Ï soon drifted away from
home thinking that I could have everything I wanted '
so much to have......... % lived in Atlanta, Georgia
at that time. I left and went to Cleveland, Ohio
with a salesman who wanted me to go with him. I
went along as his daughter......We were on the road
two or three months... .Of course he used me as his
wife whenever he-wanted to, and gave me what money
I wanted..... .By the time we arrived in Cleveland
I had plenty of clothes and everything a girl could
want......We ranted a furnished apartment and started
housekeeping...... We lived there several months..,,.
He informed me that he v/ould have to go to Chicago
for a while to advertise his goods there,,.........
I got a letter from him later with a twenty dollar
bill, and learned that he would not be back.........
I never saw him again......! was only 17 years old—
and knew nothing to do in order to pay for my rent
and other expenses.,.......Well, you know the rest
of the story. ......After my men knew what I was,
they just came for a "very cold-hearted purpose"
and treated me accordingly, nobody thought to say
a kind word to me at all......... I’ grew sick of such
a life......But what was there for me to do? I
could not think of going home, and besides there
was nothing for me to return for..,,. There was a
Hegro janitor from Texas who cared for the place
I was living in....... He always seemed so very
kind to me, and gave me the only encouragement I
had had for months..,,.. My condition became worse,
and I had to stop my life as the pace was actually
killing me....... What côuld Î do? . .... One day
I told my whole, state of affairs to that Hegro jan
itor....... He said that I ought to go to the hos
pital., ... He said that he would loan me the money
to go with...... He paid my bills for nine weeks....
When I came out he loaned me more money to live on
while I got back to myself..... Ho, he never made
any advances to me whatever-- he just seemed to
have a heart, thats all...... Well I left town,
never to return.,..,. The devil had gotten into me
97
by then, and I did not intend to pay the man whàt I
owed him...... I haven’t heard of him since that
time........ That was six years ago.......Î have been
from place to place, but î never did any good......
I came to California about seven months ago.......
I thought I could start all over again.,., but these
dam men won’t let you alone My men are the
biggest bunch of brutes on earth...... They treated
me like î was a dog...... î took their meanness as
long as Î possibly could and then I just swore that
I would never, see one again...... You see they think
because we live like we do that we are not human....
when it was them who made us like we are. .......
Its terrible to be treated like a dog, when at heart
you are not...... I tried to find work, but to no
use. I thought of the kindness of the legro
janitor in Cleveland, and after my condition became
so acute, I decided to see if I could not find a
like treatment among the iTegroes here..............
I saw a Colored chauffeur parked on the street and
I went over and told him my, story. He said that i •
could get a room at the same house he was staying..
He gave me the address and some change for carfare.
The Colored lady said that she did not keep white
roomers, that the people might suspect that there
was something wrong in her house, but as the young
man roomer had sent imev that she would give me a
room for the night....... The chauffeur was very
cautious of me for a long while. .... .He only spoke
to me now and then#..... I had to go to him and
tell him my story again as I could not pay my bills*
He thought a long while and then said that he would
pay the weeks rent, but that was all that he could
do..... Hé thought that I was a police agent or
something...... Later on he grew to have, faith in
me and trusted me completely,.... I told him that I
wanted to be his girl friend..,.. He hesitated at
first, and then decided it was a go..... I saw that
he had worlds of friends and was very popular with
his group...... I told him that I was not worthy of his
love, and that I would do lots of things for him
if he would only be kind and nice to me.... We
started out right then in the game we are in right
now....... He quit his job and operates for me....
We have all we could wish for.,.. We have a nice
new car, plenty of fine clothes, and some money in
the bank..,.. He is so nice to me, ...makes me seem
to be in heaven when we sit down in a swell little
apartment with him...... He always brings me flowers,
or anything he thinks will make me happy...... Yes
I am very happy in my new found happiness...., as
soon as we make enough money we are going somewhere
to be married, and start in s cme bus iness .,.,, You
98
see it is never too late to get what you want
Here we find a rather unusual case, for as we shall
see, the majority of these girls are in their game just .
for the oold-hearted business there is in it* This girl
came from the extreme South and yet, through change of af
fairs, she has come to have the desire to marry a person who
in her native State is a social outcast, in her circle of
existence* This case shows how strong attitudes, in most
oases several generations old, can be changed through ad
verse circumstances * This young girl., because of her fi
nancial troubles, together with her attitude after being
cruelly treated by her own men, has come to depend upon this
Hegro* The elements which beat her into this choice, did
so, due to her psychological state* She had built up a
great amount of suggestibility. Just the sight of a white
man gave her hysteria* She wanted to get away from them
all, and having been befriended by a legro at one time it
was easy for her to imagine an escape. Her present form of
living not only gives her an escape from her bitter emotion
ality against white men, but also offers economic stability.
Her former state of suggestibility is in some ways very ccm-
parable to the psychological state of Raskolnikoff, the
central character, in the Russian novel, "Crime and Punish-
2
ment." The elements with which he fought, finally drove
him to a decision which was opposite to the standards of
1 Interview. This girl has all the marks of a high-class
girl.
2 Dostoeyvsky, Crime and Punishment, A novel.
99
his society. So we find that the sociology of the whole
situation, which was her participation in this major inter
racial offense of the first magnitude, absolutely strikes a
deliberate blow at the customs and traditions in the minds
of the orthodox participants* Thus we have an individual
attempt to destroy the racial boundaries established by her
traditional environment *
The following interview was had with the participant
while sitting at a beer table in the house of Prostitution*
The interview was made possible due to the lull in trade at
the time.The participant seemed to be in a mood for such a
conversation.
"I never intended to live a life like this, but
you see I just had to do something*.,,. I taJie
care of my mother and younger s ister..... My father
died some time ago without leaving any source of
income for my mother.*... She has cared for my
sister and I ever -since my father died...... She
could only make a small amount and so you see that
she could not go far in helping our case..,., I
graduated from High School two years ago, but I
did not think of going to college because I knew
that my mother could not send me *... My sister
will graduate in 1933 and I want things to be in
shape for her to go on to college where she can
prepare for some profession where she can'take
care of herself in good shape,..., î could have
married, but the fellow would not consider helping
my mother and sister so î told him that "it was all
off" for me....., ?%en my mother took sick and was
unable to work that left all of the responsibilities
bn me,..,*, I was only making #15,00 per week and
■ you know that amount would not. give us enough for
expense money,,.... There is no job in Los Angeles
where a girl with my learning can make enough to
care for the responsibilities that î an oaring for.,.
You see I just had to do something,..., I met a
white girl at the store where 1 was working and she
asked me if I wanted to make s orne big money? I
asked how I could do it? She said that one of the
boss men wanted me to come to his apartment for a
party..,,, î knew what that was about, and so I
turned the job down, and told the boss that he could
have his job * I infomed him that if he ever said
100
anything else like that that î would have him
arrested, and real quick,...,. î left the store
and went home,,,.. I located another job on this
side of town, working for one of the department
stores on Central Avenue, I received only §12.50
a week for this work. By the time I paid carfare
and things like that, I had only a small amount
left. Things at home became critical. Mother
wanted to go back to work but I knew that she could
not stand the strain..,,,, I was completely lost as
to what to do,,.,,,* One day I was talking to a girl
who works at the same store ti^t T do, and she was
telling me that a real smart looking Colored man ^
had.been trying to flirt with her, she thought.
We both decided to watch the man the next time he
camé in the store. We noticed that he came in the
store most every afternoon, and that he always came
to our counter to buy a trinket or two,,... One day
he gave the girl a twenty dollar bill and walked out.
without his change* The next time he came in, the
girl called his attention to the matter--he pulled
out a rull of big denomination bills to see if he
had left the money. He informed the girlsthat he was
sure that he had left no money there,,.,. After he
had gone, the girl said to me that he had staged
that act just to tempt us,..... The thought stuck
in my mind.,,,,.., I admit that I really disliked
Hegroes, but my economic condition, together with
seeing the large roll of money, was somehow taking
a hold on my mind, *..,,. I thought of the matter
for several days, and then decided to act,.,as
things were growing very bad at home,,,, I wrote
a note and had it ready to give to him the next
time he came in,,.., I would have to give it to him
when my girl friend would not see me,,.. When he
came in again, as he was being waited on by my
friend, X winked at him. He seemed to understand
my very soul, and how it was aching under the
situation,,.,.. He walked away without saying one
word or even indicating that I had winked at him,,,.
I cried all that night when I went home— after I had
gone to bed, But there was no other choice
for me, I was afraid to approach, any of my own men.,
as they would know what I was and that would kill
my chances of getting married later on,.,,,. The
ITegro man did not come in the store for several days*
I thought that what I had done had cau sed him to
stay away*,.,* One day a legro girl came in the
store and, after calling me aside very diplomatically,
gave me a note with a telephone number, and suggested
that I call the number After the store closed I ■
went to a pay telephone station and called the number.
He answered the telephone and said that he had been
waiting to beg my pardon for some time, as he sup
posed that Î had misunderstood him altogether* He
101
asked if he could come by where I was and talk to me,
and that he could get there very quick in his new
Packard* I told him that I v/ould wait for him, I
told him where he could find me and asked that he.
come to the side of the street,,..* We talked for some
time and after we had made some plans about our future
meetings, he went his way*,.., I went by his apart
ment a few days afterwards.,.*,* He had a very fine
place*,... He did not seem to want to take advantage
of me in any way, but as matters were so awfully bad
at home, I just simply came to the point immediately*
He told me that he would never do a thing like that*...
He put some monejr in my hand and told me to go home
and never come back to his place,..,. I later learned
that he operated places where white girls and Colored
men could meet*,.,, î waited a while and then de
cided to go to this place and apply for a chance to
operate there *..., ï had heard that Hegro men would
give almost ary price for contacts with white girls*
I was sure that I could make some quick money and
then get out of the game before any of my friends
knew about it•*..,**, I told my mother that I had
secured a job working a night besides the day job
that I had**,,è So I was able to make things seem
possible for my late hours at night,,,,* The operator
told me that I would have to get the consent of the
boss before he could let me go on*,,.,, I went back
to his apartment and explained just what I had done*
He was very much surprised at my insistance,,,, He
said that if I was so much in earnest about the idea
that I could be his girl and not have to feo to the
house,,.,,* I took him at his ward,,...,, I went to
see him two or three times a week*... He was always
glad to see me, but he never once said a word to
me about our contract * ..... This s ituation went
on for several months. He gave me as much as $25,00
a week all of the time* This amount together with
my check from the store gave me around $37*50 a week*
I was satisfied with this situation but I could not
understand why the man took the attitude toward me
that he did,,,... One day I went over to his apart
ment to see him and to my sumppise he told me that
he was leaving for Héw York the next day* He said
that he would give. me a little start and asked me not
to go any further with the game that he had been
protecting me from*.... He gave me $250,00 and said
for me to go home and stay there,,,.. He did not
offer to kiss me good-bye,,.. To tell you the truth,
I. was beginning to like that man,..,,. î could not
tell you why the change came in me, all I know is
that I felt that way..... I asked him could,! go
to Hew York with him? He replied that I could not.
So I decided to go home,,.* I could not leave though
without telling him how Î felt toward him,,.. He
102
•then told me that he was not going to Hew York,
that he was just trying to get rid of me..... Well,
1 had my first experience that night with a man. I
can never tell you how I felt on my way home in his
car. But it was all my fault.... He had done every
thing to make me leave..... We were friends for some
time after that night, and he gave me everything
that I wanted..... I sent my mother and sister hack
to Kiansas, where my sister could go on to high school
and not know how I was living. I knew my mother
would never find out, hut my sister wanted to come
over to the shop on Saturdays to stay with me....
I do not want her to ever know..... She will graduate
in 1933.,*,,., Soon after they went to Eansas, my
friend got in some trouble with a policeman and was
killed,,.,,, I never will get over that because I
think the trouble came’over me,..,. The operators
he had hired soon took over all of hie business,
and as they knew that I could not make any fuss about
the matter, they left me out entirely,.,., i knew
of his bank account, as X had his book in my keeping,
so I got a legro attorney to get the money for me.
X think he told the banker all about our affair, and
so he had no trouble in getting the money, ....
I gave an assumed name,,.., I got about #1600,00 on
that deal,,... The law then got after me and I had
to spend most all of it to keep them off of me,,.,
I must have saved about #500,00 though,.,.,,. I put
that in the bank so that X could hâve money to send to
my mother and sister.,,,, I still kept my old job,,.
I soon gave up the job, as my account was getting
very low,,.. So I then started out in the game I am
in right now,,,.,, I make good money, and I am able
to help my people out in good shape,,.., I don’t
think that they will ever become the wiser, Some
weeks ï make as much as #80,00 If I can keep
this up for a year or so, I will have enough money
to go in some kind of business and then I can stop
this g ame I expect to find some man of the
world and tell him all about my past, I will not
mention that it was with legro men, however, as I
am sure he could not like me if he knew that,,,...
These men are very nice to me and I will always like
them for it, I have nobody to blame for_my life but
myself.,,,.. I am as happy as could be expected."!
Here again the social forces are very obviously seen.
This young girl is a victim of economic circumstances over
which she cannot offer any. control; either she must make
Î Interview, This girl is only 19 years old. She seems
very different from the usual run of white prostitutes.
103
the aaerifioe or stand to see her family completely disill
usioned, She makes the sacrifice she does, not because she
has found any new delight which excites her fancy, hut for
the sake of her family. We have here a young high school
girl fighting to maintain the home her father had established
and for which he left no security upon his death. We must
count her as a very brave "little soul," The writer could
hardly listen to her story without allowing a few crystal
drops to ease down his cheek. One could not help believing
that if there are anyn^brevets" in our"soplety that, without
question, she should lead the procession. She has submerged
her beautiful little life in order for her family to stand
in honor in the community, What has society done to her?
What will it continue to do? What of the thousands of poor
bewildered and mentally disillusioned Negro men who pay and
pay and pay? What of their neglected families who must
suffer in order for them to pay these girls in such rotten,
1
socially debauched situations? But this is not all......
The following interview was had with the participant
at a "party" given to raise rent money,
"Ï guess you think it strange at seeing a white
girl over here having relations with your men,,..
Well, we must live,,,., I could make no money
hustling with our men and so that accounts for my
being here,,.. It is really humiliating to have to
subject yourself to all of these big ugly men who
come, but what can I do? It just gives me fits to
have some of them touch me, but -you see I want their
money and therefore I allow them to see me I
used to have big times out with the big shots in
my race, but when you get old they don’t want to
”T Interview with a white prostitute.
104
see you anymore. We can always get trade from
. the Negro men, at least that is what our operators
tell us , •,, • That is that. We don’t spend any
time with these men,#.#. All we want is their
money,*,.. It is just a business matter with us,,
We don’t have any kicks to offer and neither do
they. We give them a good time, and then they 1
pay, nothing wrong with tha^t— value and its receipt,"
"I can talk business with you and thats all,..., I
am not running a newspaper,,... If you want to see
me— 0, E,; if not you will have, to find someone
who is given more to talk than I am,,,., "Toodle
loo." 2
"These interviews could be carried on indefinitely,
but the point which the writer has in mind, I think, has
been well sustained. In most cases the girls are just a
bunch of "has beens" from the same game in white communi
ties who, because of their inability to make more money
there, have crashed into the Negro community to "cash-in"
on the ignorant Negro and his seeming "sexual craze for
whiteness," The most of these women are in their early
thirties and above. They have the appearance of some
3 .
creature who has been passed through a "wrinkl ing-ma chine,"
They are most certainly on their last "feet,"aand have
come to this new environment to be revived as a new "god
dess" among us. Their mission is a mission of exploita
tion, They bring their, putrid bodies here, to be auctioned
right in the face of the decent Negro women of the ' com
munity, to {their own husbands and, sons. And, what is more
Ï Interview wTïh a white prostitute,
2 Interview with a white prostitute,
3 Common statement heard among regular Negro partici
pants ,
105
violons and detestable in the situation, they come at
the invitation of white men working in conjunction with
Negro men to further enslave their group. But let us hear
the story of the Negro prostitutes.......
Negro prostitutes
As is the case with the white prostitute, we find
two types of Negro prostitutes. One is in the game be
cause there is fast money, and the second is in it because
she cannot find anything else to do,.
The writer was not so successful in getting-inter
views with the Negro prostitutes as with the white. The
whites seemed more willing to talk, as they wished for
some excuse to be known as to why they had fallen so far
from grace. For this reason the study of the 1ife-history
of the Negro girl is not nearly so interesting,
I was able to get Interviews with three girls, which,
however, were very short and do not give the complete story
in their case. The first interview is from a girl who
has become a prostitute because of a white school teacher
in an elementary school in Los Angeles,
"I was fourteen years old when I started to attend
a certain school in this city,,,.,.. There was a
man teacher who seemed to take a great, amount of
interest in me, and because I thought he was trying
to help me I always was in his room getting him to
help me with my lessons 1 had a hard time
in getting my lessons and he took the greatest
care in helping me out,,,.. After some time we
started to talking about other things than my
school work,,,., I must have been about fifteen
years old then,,,,,, He often remarked about how
good-looking he thought I was,,...., After awhile
I started believing what he was saying to me,,,,.
106
I think it was because I had so much confidence
in him. He would tell me that he thought
the brown-skin girls were the most beautiful of
all, even more beautiful than the white girls,
in his estimation,.,,. This interested me very
much as I thought that the white people thought
they were the best looking people of all,,.,,.
My teacher was not married.,,.. He told me that
the reason he had not married was because he
wanted to marry a Negro girl,,,,.. He had alv/ays
wished to find some good-looking Negro girl in school
and watch her grow to young womanhood under his
guidance, and that then if she could love him he
would marry her and go away to live with her as
he could not do so and still hold his job here in
Los Angeles, ,,.., I believed what he told me....
He made me think that I was the girl that he had
been waiting for all of these years,,,,. One .day
he asked me if 1 would come over to his- house as
he wanted to talk to me when we were alone,...
I told hy mother that I was staying after school
that day to practice for a program that the -school
was giving. So I went over to his house,...,.
He said that he wanted to show me how to walk, and
how to act to please him He showed me how to
pstand erect and how to "switch" for him. He then
said that he would show me how to kiss him......
I let him kiss me as I thought that was the thing
to do..... After he kissed me several times, I
• seemed to start thinking of a naughty idea,,... He
asked me if I would be with him as he could not
stand to be without me any longer,,., I thought
that since he liked me and I liked him that I would
not be making a mistake in doing what he wished,
I let him have his way After ths-t afternoon I
usually would go over to his house about twice a
week,,,.,, Then s omething happened to me,,.. I
told him and he sent me to a white doctor friend
of his,,,,. He did not pay any attention to me
after t h a t I was afraid to mention the matter
to my mother, so I let the whole affair go,.,.,. I
went from bad to worse after that,.,.., I could
never control myself,..., I left school to go to
work but I soon found out that I did not. want to
- work,,,,. I then turned to the game I am now in..
I made good money,.., I don’t fool- with Negro men,
I like to have white trade because they will pay
more. Then too I have decided that since a white
son.... .started me off this way that I would make .
all white men pay and pay and pay.,,, I haroi’t made
a bad out either,,.. I’ve got a nice car, fine
clothes, and I get what I want," 1
"l interview with Negro girl 19 years old, Gould be changed.
107
This short interview comes from a girl who is very ignorant*
"I can’t remember when X decided to do that I
am doingAll I knows is that I likes to
make good money and this is the only way I can
make any *... I honestly don’ like to do what I
am doing, but ï don’t know anything else . h o - do, now,,.
When I have contacts with the mens it nearly kills
me. Nobody knows what we poor girls have to suffer.
Where I lives there ain’t many Negro men, most
all of the mens are Mexican and White,.., i don’t
like the Mexican mens though, they are too crazy,,
I like the white mens better,.... They gives you
your money without any trouble,,,,. I don’t think
that I’ll last long at this game,.., I would just
as soon be dead as living, there ain’t no dif
ference," 1
This interview comes from a really tough Negro ■ girl.
"Well, I don’t know what you want to know all of
this d-'— stuff about me, but it don’t make no
difference with me...., I han’t got no history,.
I am just plain who I am,,,. You know what my
game is ,,. / well that is just what I is and I don’t
give a d who knows,... You can tell all of the
S— ----- that for me If you want a keen
time just see me..... Oouse I don’t fool with
niggers,.,., I likes the white mens,,.,. They ain’t
cheap like these d- — - nigger b -, I’m just
plain hard Nell from Louisville." 2
From these three interviews we can get a characteristic
picture of the average Negro prostitute. It is noted that
in each case they all desired to have white men. There are
two reasons for this situation, first because the white
man has more money to spend with them; and, second, because
of the "opposite attraction" just as is the case of the
Negro men in their efforts to secure contacts with white '
prostitutes. There seems to be more tendency on the part
of the Negro to seek the white girl or man for reasons of
1 Interview, A poor Negro girl who has no chance at all.
2 Interview, One of the toughest characters the writer
has seen.
108
attraction than there, is for such actions from a similar ,
desire on the part of the white participant. While the
white seems to he after the Negro girl as much as the Ne
gro man is after the white girl, the white man does not
want to he seen with the Negro girl, while the Negro seems
to think that it is an - honor to he seen with any one of
these white prostitutes’no matter how tough or low she
might seem to he.
This situation is explained hy the psychology of the
Negro participant, The Negro is confronted with white
psychology in ninety per cent of his daily life, If he
sees a show, it is white. If he reads the newspaper, it
is about white people, If he reads the bill board, it is
about white people. If he listens ofer the radio, it is
about white people. In truth, most of his time is spent
in "thinking white," The pictures in the art reviews, or
in the magazines, on advertising sheets, are all suggesting
the power, charm, beauty, and the appeal of the white women.
It is no wonder that he . ‘ has developed such an attitude as
that of wanting to be white * Then there is the plain mat
ter of the whites being the dominant group in the community,
having all the standards measured after their likes and
dislikes, which makes the ignorant’Negro strive his best
to be like a white person. White to him represents the
"last word,"
With all of this we still cannot avoid the conclusion
that the general Negro prostitute is in the game for the
money she can make. She likes the white man because he
109
will give her more money for a contact than she can make
from her contacts with several Negro men. The same
situation is noted with reference to the white prostitute^
She prefers the Negro man because she can get much more
money from a contact with him than she can ever hope to
get from a white man, unless she is in the youthful and
good-looking class of white prostitutes, when she seldom
comes over to the "dusky community" for contacts.
110
smmRY
We have seen to what extent the Negro participated in
the cormnonity life of Los Angeles during the early days,
The Negro then had no trouble in securing every due that was
his for his constructive effort in helping to build the found
ation for this mighty cityl It was so because they were or
ganized, and because the white participant wanted to see
him receive what was his rightful reward*
It has also been shown how with the coming of the
twentieth century this free participation on the part of the
Negro was taken away. This was due to the dying out of the
early leaders and the coming in of the new leaders whose
ideals were so foreign to the real spirit of the early West,
We saw that the new population increase was from the South.
It was to be expected that these Southern people should have
different ideals and different attitudes concerning the par
ticipation of the legro, who himself was coming from the
Southern states in great numbers * This new legro in the
West made in possible for the Southern white man to enforce,
his system upon him, for the Western legro would have died
rather than be forced back, if he had made up a sufficient
per cent of the population to be of any consequence. We
find, this Western legro, who is greatly in the minority,
gradually taking the retired attitude* He has not been ■
able to understand his newly arrived brother from the South,
We also saw that although the legro constituted nine per
cent of the entire population, he was receiving only about
I l l
one and one-half per cent participation in the construct
ive jobs in the community. It is* realized that this
situation alone is enough to prohibit his Intelligent and
useful participation in the community life of the city in
an industrial way.
We also saw that the participation of the Negro in
the amusement world, in which he is receiving a somewhat
favorable entry, placed him in a situation which adds to
his immoral participation. His contacts with the cheap
"taxi dance" and lewd "folly" white girls has lead to a
large per cent of inter-racial participation of the "first
magnitude," This situation alone is affective enough-to
corrupt the morals of the entire group because of the pe
culiar psychology of the Negro participant. The situation
is entirely questionable, yet such a tendency cannot be
checked because it is through this relation and similar
ohes that the Negro is to receive his bread, for some time
yet to come— unless more opportunity of a wholesome nature
is given the Negro as an incentive to rise out of such low
forms of participation.
Again, in domestic service, where the Negro receives
his greatest incentive, we have seen to what an extent
- : ■ . ' ' . ■
abnormality of behavior exists. The Negro domestics re-
ceive seventeen per cent of the total domestic work, and
that of this per cent the Negro man, the supposed bread
earner, receives but less than four per cent of the work
given to Negroes, Again we note a tendency to pauperize
HZ
the Negro and drive him to questionable participation.
In the commercial field the Negro is almost completely
exploited of even that which he does earn. Even though he
purchases almost 100 per cent in the white commercial com
munity, he is not accorded a chance to participate product
ively in the most meager way. Even though he spends mil
lions as a customer of these commercial institutions, and
1
although he has over twenty million dollars in the pos An
geles banks , he again is not offered any encouragement to
produce or sell.
At the same time the ignorant Negro men are robbed
of their earnings by the cheap white prostitute, who comes
into the Negro community boldly, and with her wiles, to
gether with the peculiar psychology of the ignorant Negro
man is able to exploit him upon the appeal of her "white
ness ," All of this transpiring right under the eyes of the
mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters of the men they ex
ploit, We have noted to what extent this situation is
stagnating the entire community life of the whole Negro com
munity, We have seen how the cheap Negro prostitute^ because
of their corruption, Ignorance, and poverty bring the white
men of low character into the Negro community and thus de
fame the temper and decency of the self-respecting com
munity life.
In the South Vernon Street Neighborhood there is
shown what to expect in the ideal cosmopolitan community
1 Allan Herrick, Advertising Manager, Security First
National Bank, Los Angeles,
113
participation, and to what extent such a participation
is negative in the larger life of the entire community,
What then can we expect of the Negro community? We
shall have to continue to see and expect the moat amazing
corruption, already being practiced in these neighborhoods,
continue to exist— even in the .beautiful city of Los An
geles,
When the day of work and trial is over, we see the
Negro.coming home to his "dusky community" completely
walled in on all sides, to enjoy his leisure in those act
ivities which only his poverty can produce...., »truly the
most extreme case of social pathology known in the larger
cities of America,
This is "The Participation of the Negro in The Oom-
munity Life of Los Angeles" as it came to the view of the
writer in this investigation.

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Creator Ervin, James McFarline (author)

Core Title The participation of the Negro in the community life of Los Angeles

Degree Master of Arts

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,Social Sciences

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c39-332143

Unique identifier UC11312984

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Legacy Identifier EP65522.pdf

Dmrecord 332143

Document Type Thesis

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Rights Ervin, James McFarline

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA