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Sociological survey of Main Street, Los Angeles, California

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Sociological survey of Main Street, Los Angeles, California

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Content SOCIOLOGICAL SURVEY OF MAUI STREET, LOS AHGELES, CALIFORNIA 5 b R A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Department of Sociology University of Southern California In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Paul Herbold June 1956 UMI Number: EP65552 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI Dissertation Publish»ng UMI EP65552 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code uesf ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 2 ; ' h This thesis, w ritte n under the direction of the candidate's F aculty Com m ittee and approved by a ll its members, has been presented to and ac cepted by the C ouncil on Graduate Study and Research in p a rtia l fu lfillm e n t of the require ments fo r the degree of LSTliiR OF ÆTS Dean D ate.. Faculty Committee hairman TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. IHTROIXJCTION.................................. 1 The purpose of the paper • • ............ 1 Utility of the study............... E Sources of information.................... 2 Organization of the paper ................ 3 Definition of Main Street and time of survey 4 Introduction to Main Street ........... 5 II. THE ECONOMIC LIFE OF MAIN STREET . .......... 11 Method used to study the economic life of Main Street ............... 11 Main Street restaurants ............... 13 Main Street dwellings • ................ 21 Main Street clothing stores .............. 28 General remarks concerning the Main Streeter^s income .................... 31 The business man on Main Street ...... 33 The "slave market" . .................... 39 "Getting by" on Main Street • ......... 42 III. POPULATION PROBLEMS ON MAIN STREET............ 51 Characteristics of Main Street population . 51 The Mexican ..................... 53 The Filipino............................. 57 The homeless man ........................ 59 il CHAPTER PAGE Crime on Main Street ......... 66 Vagrancy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 Prostitution............. . 75 Homosexuality ............... 85 IV. THE ESTHETIC LIFE OF MAIN STREET.............. 88 Main Street amusements in general.... 88 Main Street theatres ................ 90 The burlesque show ......... 96 The honky-tonk .......... ........ 100 The beer parlour .............. 104 The taxi dance hall ............. 106 V. THE EDUCATIONAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE ON MAIN STREET 119 Educational facilities of Main Street . . . 119 The churches ................ 120 The missions ................ 122 The Plaza, forum of the proletariat .... 126 VI. CONCLUSICM.......... 138 The importance of the economic life .... 138 Schemes for betterment ........... 139 BIBLIOGRAPHY......................................... 142 L IS T OP PIGTTPJCS PAGE 1. Ifao Showing Kain Street and its Environs . . . 7 2. Street Scenes in the Kain Street Area . . . 3. Main Street Restaurants and Hotels .......... 4. "Buildings of the Main Street A r e a .......... 5. Places on and TTear I^ain Street........... . 6. Glimoses of Main Street ...................... 7. Pedestrian Count on Main Street ............ 8. Average Hourlv Plow Vicinitv of +he Plaza ............ 9. Mo.in Street T v ) e s ............................ 10, Main Street Theatres .... ................ 11, Main Street Theatre Advertisements ..... 12. Scenes at the Plaza on o, Sunday Afternoon 13. Curbstone S^esVe^m of '^he Pl#za 9 18 26 29 32 36 45 55 97 107 131 135 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The purpose of this paper. The improvement of human society by influencing human action should be the ultimate purpose of the practical sociologist. Improvement implies a change for the better, and when attempted by man requires consideration of what constitutes a desirable objective, and of the means whereby it is to be attained. One of the pri mary steps in the process of accomplishing the desideratum is to acquire a knowledge of conditions as they are. The chief purpose of this paper is to present infor mation obtained by a study of a certain portion of downtown Main Street, Los Angeles, California. Discussion of cause and effect relationships and of remedies is not excluded, but evaluation and diagnosis are secondary. It is not intended as an esoteric treatment of the subject. The principal aim is to describe. The investigator believes that if evidence of existing conditions is properly offered the reader can recognize the problems for himself. It is left for him to decide what is good and what is bad. The locality which is the object of study offers va riety as to race, station in life, occupation, and character. Negroes, Filipinos, Chinese, Japanese, and Mexicans mingle with the Caucasian. There may be found the "panhandler," the bro- 2 ken down laborer, the person of moderate means, and the aver age man. The honest worker and the "gyp artist," the dance hall hostess, the burlesque show girl, and the street evange list are among those whose activities bring them there. Am ple opportunity is afforded to observe what may be loosely de fined as the less fortunate portion of humanity, and it is with these that this inquiry is principally concerned. Utility of this study. To the writer, it seems that Main Street is not altogether a local problem. It appears to be representative of a certain phase of American life. The familiar problems of crime, poverty, and the homeless man, for example, must be dealt with, not only in Los Angeles, but in other communities as well. A study of this kind may pos sess utility in relation to questions whose interest is wid er than a local one. Sources of information. An inquiry purporting to re veal facts, should, first of all, be accurate. It is often much easier to record impressions and hasty generalizations than it is to discover and present evidence v^ich will af ford the premises for reliable conclusions. The task of acquiring accurate knowledge of Main Street life was beset with difficulties. Much of the information had to be collected from non-library sources, such as personal ob servation and interviews with persons familiar wdth the neigh 3 borhood. The welcome given the investigator on I#in Street was not always a cordial one. The activities of many of the persons whom he wished to contact brought them in conflict with the law. As a stranger asking questions he was fre quently suspected of being a member of the police depart ment; consequently answers were not forthcoming. In one in stance he was threatened with bodily harm vdien he asked per mission to take pictures of the foyer of a burlesque theatre. When officials or other persons willing to impart information were interviewed, statistics relating to many of the prob lems in question were not available. Since personal obser vation was, in many cases, entirely inadequate, it was fre quently necessary to accept as trustworthy the assertions of informants when the information they gave was derived from their own observations. The conclusions of persons whose ex perience and training qualified them as experts in particular fields have likewise been taken as satisfactory evidence. Ihe weight of testimony depends upon the one who bears wit ness. For this reason the investigator has generally tried to indicate the source of his data, in order that the reader may better estimate its worth. Organization of the paper. The following part of the introduction contains a definition of Main Street and a few prefatory remarks concerning it and the environs. The second chapter is intended to show how the basic economic wants are 4 supplied by Main Street establishments, and the occupations and methods of "getting by” common to that area. Chapter three is concerned with the characteristics of Main Street population, certain racial types, the problem of the home less man, and the more important phases of the crime situa tion. In the fourth chapter a description of some of the amusement enterprises of the street has been given, while in the fifth those institutions which exert a somewhat contrary influence, namely, the churches, have been dealt with, along with educational facilities. In the conclusion, the rela tion of the economic life to social problems in general has been briefly considered. Attention has also been directed to some of the schemes proposed for human betterment. Definition of Main Street and time of survey. Main Street was used in this paper to signify a portion of Main Street approximately ten blocks long, in downtown Los Ange les, California, lying between Macy street on the North and Sixth Street on the South. In order to more fully accom plish the purpose of this survey certain streets in its prox imity, where similar conditions prevail, have also been oc casionally referred to. Concerning Main Street it should be distinctly understood that only the part above mentioned was covered by this survey, and that the statements contained herein may or may not apply to the portions excluded. This paper was written during the period beginning 5 January 1, 1936, and ending May 15, of the same year. Some historical material has been included to acquaint the reader with the background of the locality. Introduction to Main Street. Main Street is a small part of the city of Los Angeles. Because it is intimately connected with the other portions of that city, and with its environs, it was deemed proper in this introduction to set forth a few facts concerning the surrounding community. Los Angeles is situated in Los Angeles County, Calif ornia, approximately sixteen miles, at the nearest point, from the Pacific Ocean. Main Street extends in a northerly and southerly direction from a small circular park in down town Los Angeles, called the Plaza. Near this place, on September 4, 1781, Felipe de Neve, under authority from the king of Spain, founded a settlement of eleven families, named El Pueblo de Nuestra Senora La Reina de Los Angeles (The Town of our Lady, the Queen of the Angels), later shor tened to Los Angeles. On August 25, 1844, a grant of land was made by Manuel Micheltorena, then "Governor of the Department of the Califor- nias" to the Mayor and Common Council of the City of Los Ange les. This grant was confirmed by the Commission appointed by the United States to ascertain and settle the private land claims in California and on August 9, 1866 a patent was is sued for it. The description called for a tract of 17,172.37 6 acres of land, of which the Plaza was the approximate center. Annexations of surrounding territory have been made at vari ous times until the area of the city, in 1936, was 450.74 square miles. Early additions to the village clustered around the Plaza. A number of historic landmarks are in this locality, some of which will be described in succeeding chapters. The population of Los Angeles in 1810 was 365. At the time of its surrender to the United States it was the capitol of the Mexican Province of Alta California. After the acquisition of California by the United States the little village grew more rapidly. Main Street is shown on the first official plot of Los Angeles, entitled "Plan de La Cuidad de Los Angeles, surveyed and drawn in August, 1849, by E. 0. C. Ord U.S.A. and Assistant," On April 4, 1850 the town was incorporated. The population had increased, till, in the same year, it numbered 1610. The business district gradually moved southward. Main Street became one of the leading thoroughfares of the town. îtoiy of the best buildings and most enterprising merchants of the early days were located along it. As the years passed and the small town grew into a city, the modern part of it moved westward, leaving Main Street to sink into a position of inferiority. Hotels which were once first-class became flop houses. Inferior shops 8 and second hand stores moved into many of its storerooms. Theatres where famous stars once played became the homes of burlesque, "As You Like It." Taxi dance halls offered the society of white girls alike to Filipino or the white man. With the repeal of prohibition beer parlors and other li quor vending places were established at numerous locations. To some extent Main Street is becoming modernized. At some corners modern structures have been erected. The new City Hall, which covers, with its grounds, an entire block between Main and Spring Streets, is a good example of these. Plans for a civic center have been prepared, which call for a number of modern buildings in this vicinity. The greater number of the buildings of the early days still remain. These are constructed of brick or stone and range in height from one to four stories. In the event of a severe earthquake they would be dangerous indeed to life and limb. At some locations the wrecking crew has cleared away the old structures leaving the site to be used as a parking lot. At night Main Street is most interesting, or as some might say, less disagreeable. Darkness hides, to some de gree at least, its uglier features, and gives an air of mys tery to scenes which appear drab or even repulsive when viewed in the daylight. The numerous colored electric signs which advertise the business establishments, and the search- MA.IH STREET LOOKING NORTH EROIT TEHPIE STREET MAIN STREET LOOKING SOUTH FROM TEMPLE STREET OLVERA STREET STREET SCENES IN THE MAIN STREET AREA 10 lights which play across the sky to call attention to the burlesque shows, stand out in bold relief against the dark ness to attract the visitor. During the earlier hours of the evening, particular ly on a Saturday night, the throngs pass in a seemingly end less procession. The purposes of the crowd, as evidenced by individual action, seem as varied as the types seen. Young and attractive girls, dressed in a manner which reveals their allure, alight from the cars of their Filipino escorts to enter the taxi dance halls. The mission workers come forth to the street to sing gospel songs and exhort the sinner to seek salvation. The youth, well-dressed and with money in his pockets, comes to the dance hall or beer parlour in search of entertainment. The man Who is bent by the weight of years tries to get the price of a ten cent meal or a "flop." These, and hundreds of others, may be seen as the "race of men go by." CHAPTER II TEÎE ECONOMIC LIFE OF MAIN STREET Method used to study the economic life of Main Street. In attempting to portray the living standards of an indi vidual or of a group, the mere compiling of statistics rela tive to monetary income and outgo is inadequate. Upon ex amination, at least three reasons why this is true are ap parent . First, economic goods, like other means of grati fying human desires, are often procured without the expendi ture of money. Those things which are obtained by barter, or by means other than the exchange process, must also be considered in determining living levels. Second, in order to understand the significance of in come measured in terms of money, the various kinds of things which a given sum will command at a particular time or place, as well as their quantity and quality, must be ascertained. The person of average means today enjoys benefits which could not be procured by those living in former ages, even though they might have been possessed of enormous wealth. Today, a knowledge of the environment of a group greatly as sists in interpreting statistics relative to it. Third, in dealing with money and its purchasing power, attention should be directed also to the cost of obtaining 12 it. Cost, as used herein, refers to the manner by which it is acquired, i.e., to the kind and quantity of labor (or perhaps the lack of it) which the recipient gives in ex change for it. Our society is so constituted that a person, by rea son of the ownership of property, and without labor may com mand more than he can possibly consume of the best that the world affords, while others who perform the hard and monot onous labor often required in the productive processes may receive only a meager and uncertain subsistence. Theoretically, capital and other forms of property may be "the fruit of past labor saved." Actually, in many cases property is not produced by the labor of its owner. For example, that which a person acquires strictly by de vise or inheritance can hardly be said to be the result of the labor of the devisee or heir. Numerous wealth getting activities are acquisitive rather than productive. The justice or injustice of this arrangement is not to be discussed here; it is mentioned at this time because it seems necessary to refer to it in order to form a compre hensive notion of living standards, particularly in relation to the present inquiry. Certain of the persons with whom this study is con cerned have a very small and uncertain monetary income, perhaps scarcely any, and must resort to various devices to 13 "get by" in the competition of life. Others in more for tunate circumstances, were it possible to contact a suf ficient number to arrive at an average, have kept no record of their earnings, or may be indisposed to impart such in formation. Data as to wages and working hours may be ob tained, but such information is insufficient. It was decided that Main Street living levels could best be shown to the reader by describing to him establish ments in that locality which supply basic needs such as food, shelter, and clothing. Following this a general discussion of business and occupations common to the area, and of the methods used by its more unfortunate inhabitants to subsist, has been presented. Main Street Restaurants. The cuisine of Main Street is varied as to price, kind, and quality. Persons who have the means to enjoy their food in more exclusive surroundings and with entertainment may pay as much as two dollars for a dinner dance at one of the Main Street establishments. A number of restaurants and cafeterias offer meals at prices ranging from twenty-five to fifty cents. For the person of meager resources there are several places where full meals can be purchased for ten and fifteen cents. Coffee with doughnuts, pie, or other kinds of pastry may be had for five cents. To the man who cannot even buy "coffee an*," the Union Rescue Mission gives food free, provided he is 14 willing to attend religious services before his hunger is satisfied. Besides the restaurants and cafeterias which serve American dishes, there are, on North Main Street, places where Spanish and Chinese food can be procured. Along with the difference in price there is also a consid erable difference in quality of food, service, and sur roundings. In a discussion of Main Street restaurants, something perhaps should be said, not only of prices, but of the quali ty of the food served. This is rather a difficult task, be cause, as far as the investigator knows, there is no method by which the merit of cookery can be objectively measured with precision. A restaurant whose food is praised by one person may be held in low esteem by another. The statements hereinafter made concerning the excellence or faults, either absolutely or relatively, of the establishments described are simply given by the investigator as his own appraisal and should be received as such. The report of another per son might be more critical, or more generous with praise. Casa La Golondrina, "the quaint Mexican Restaurant" at 630 North Main Street is one of the higher priced and more exclusive places. Over the Olvera Street portal ap pears the following words, "The oldest brick house built in Los Angeles and the original wine cellar." Casa La G-olon- drina offers Mexican food and Mexican entertainment, as well 15 as dancing, for its patrons. Prices for meals are from forty cents to two dollars. El Paseo Inn located on Olvera Street is a Mexican restaurant similar in kind to Casa La Golondrina. Two Chinese restaurants, one at 100 Marchessault St., the other at 224 North Main Street, serve Chinese food at fifty, seventy-five cents, and one dollar per meal. Good Fellows Grotto at 341 South Main Street and the Mezzanine Restaurant of the Rosslyn Hotel at Fifth and Main Streets serve American dishes. Prices at the latter place for meals range from twenty-five cents to one dollar. The restaurants before mentioned, as far as the in vestigator could observe, are almost the only ones on Main Street which can be properly placed in what may be termed the higher price class. In the middle price class there are a number of res taurants and about three cafeterias or dairy lunches. The Belmont Grill at 464 South Main Street, operated by "Bill" Payne, appears to be representative of this group. Its slogan is "The most for less." It remains open tvænty-four hours a day seven days a week, and serves, on the average about two thousand customers daily. The following items, taken from a menu of the Belmont Grill of date of February 22, 1956 show the prices charged: MENU 16 Soup - Chicken & Rice 5fé Shrimp Salad....... 20^ OYSTERS IN SEASON, STEW ...25^; FRIED ............... 35fé Oyster, Crab, Lobster or Shrimp Cocktail ............ lO fi Potato or Combination Salad ................... Cold Plate, Sardines or Jellied Pig’s Feet, Potato Salad T-Bone Steak, Toast and Potatoes .............. New York Cut Steak, Toast and Potatoes ........ Ham or Bacon and Eggs, with Toast and Potatoes Special Rib Steak ....... 25/é Pork Chops, Belmont Sea Bass, Spanish Sauce, Potatoes and Salad ......... Hot Roast Beef, Barbecued Pork or Baked Ham Sandwich 15f( Prime Ribs of Beef, Pork or Ham Plate ............... 25jd Corned Beef and Cabbage with Boiled Potato .......... 20jé French Dip, Beef, Pork or Ham ................... 15jdf Corned Beef Sandwich..................... 15^ 5/ 20/^ 45^ 30^ 25jé Roast Turkey Dinner Complete Turkey Plate 35*( Fried Sea Bass 15jd Swiss Steak Veal T-Bone with Country Gravy MANHATTAN OR MARTINI COCKTAIL ........................ MELWOOD BOURBON ..................................... Ib fi OLD FASHIONED COCKTAIL .............................. 23f& WHISKEY SOUR ........ 25^ GIN FIZZ 25/^ Special Corned Beef Hash 15j^ Wieners and Sauerkraut 15/é Chill and Beans ...5^ & 10^ Spaghetti ..... 3]6 & lO fi Hot Dog Sandwich ...5^ & lO fi BEEF STEW AND VEGETABLES .... Hamburger Steak, Spanish .... COLD HAM, SALAMI, LIVEHWURST OR Roast Beef Hash & , lOjd Chili Con Game ....... lOjé Tamales with Chili ....15^ Hamburger Sandwich 10 Two Eggs, any style .... 20 .............................. 15^ 20( ( CHEESE SANDmCHES...... 3^ All Pastry, Pies, Stewed Fruit, Grapefruit, etc........ Tea, Milk, Buttermilk, Soft Drinks, Coffee ............ *********** A.B.C. TAP BEER (LARGE GLASS) 10/ Small 5/ Acme, Balboa, Eastside, Eckerts, Golden Glow, Maier, Rainier Beer and Ranier Ale, Golden Glow Ale, Budweiser or Lucky Lager ................... 15/ Blue Ribbon, Kingsbury, Schlitz Beer, Pickwick Ale, Old Dublin Stout, or Kingsbury....................... 20/ 17 The Jersey Dairy Lunch at 200 North ^&ain Street, The Wilcox Cafeteria at 211 South Main Street, and Leighton’s Cafeteria at 353 South Main Street are representative es tablishments of the cafeteria type. The ten and fifteen cent restaurants are the cheap est to be found on Main Street. About twelve places of this type were found there. Some serve Spanish food; in others the cookery is American. The majority of the ones which serve American food appear to be operated by Japanese proprietors; at least the employees are principally Japanese. The menus of these restaurants are usually painted on the front window or are chalked on blackboards placed on or near the sidewalk. The interiors of some are rather dingy, and not too clean. The food in most of them is served by men waiters. Steaks, chops, eggs, hot cakes, and other fried foods are usually prepared on a range in full view of the counter; other items are concocted in the kitchen, in the rear. At mealtime the counters are sometimes lined with customers, and haste on the part of the waiters is necessary to supply the demands for service. At the Japanese estab lishments orders are frequently shouted to the cook in pi geon English or in Japemese. The kinds of food served at these restaurants and the prices can perhaps be best shown by giving a typical menu. GOOD BEDS ^T&rtç /o p > i e r r t ç / O j O H l U - , < 5 ® r f - O f t R H f e - «i e & /O gfic& /? /JO ^ I f F F t - t f £ / y î ' p i f t 7 / 6 f f - i r / ^ Hpi5 ftu f ' « i p H C f t s s f l Ç f e /^ I T ^ i ^ Z t o Q î . ' A j » < ^ ^ f l « e e ( r £ /© I " f / < r !%%r 'pgfr'B«®wN(?iwvy’ /f ^ O S # « S T / f fy . S r w l f S f j W i w / a Ï J W E L 233 ME TRO POU T/N HOTEL RODMSlSup CLEAN I C 6 B E D S 19 UP . r ^BATH rc /B o s m m HOTS COLD WATER 18 r .Alih K f'!* L I . 1 ÿi'nrj i n '^r m D R IS K5 1 0 1*1- E N T E R T A I N M E N T H t J to o it t in U S s 5 S 5 i'iï„ 5'r""5 SJ § L « MAIN STREET RESTAURANTS AND HOTELS 19 * MENU * * Three-Star Cafe Monday *** ENTREES *** April 19 Spaghetti Soup Salad Special Breast Lamb Breaded with Green Peas ................... 15/ Chicken Giblet Curry with Rice ....................... 25/ Scrambled Brains on Toast ............................ 20/ Hot Tamale .......................................... 20/ Parsley Omelette ....................... 15/ Fish-Fried Halibut with Tartar Sauce .................. 15/ Fried Salmon with Sliced Lemon .................... 15/ Fried 1/2 dozen Large Oysters ................ 25/ Combination Vegetable Plate .......................... 10/ Hamburger Steak with Beans ........................... 10/ Baked Southern Beef Hash with Beans .................. 10/ Baked Pork and Beans ................................. 10/ Spaghetti Ala Italian ................................. 10/ Macaroni Cheese ....................................... 10/ Frankfurters with Sauer Kraut ........................ 15/ Pork Noodles with Egg ................................ 15/ Chop Suey with Rice ................................... 15/ Kidney Stew with Rice .............. 15/ Pigs Feet with Sauer Kraut ........................... 15/ Lamb Fricasee with Rice ............................... 15/ Beef Stew with Rice .................................. 15/ Corned Beef with Cabbage .............................. 15/ New England Boiled Dinner .............................15/ Baked Short Ribs with Spaghetti ...................... 15/ Chow Mein, Chicago Style ............................. 20/ Fresh Spinach with Bacon ............................. 15/ Fresh Asparagus with Browned Butter .................. lo/ Roasts Roast Pork dressing vdth Apple Sauce ................. 25/ Roast Lamb dressing with Cauliflower ................ 20/ Roast Loin of Beef with Beets ................... 20/ German Pot Roast with Noodles ....................15/ Short Orders T-Bone Steak with French Fry Potato .................. 25/ Rib Steak with Navy Beans ............................ 15/ Tip Sirloin Steak with French Fry Potato ............ 20/ Chicken Fried Steak with Country Gravy ............... 15/ 20 MENU (Continued) Breaded Pork Chop vdth Macaroni ............... 20/ Calves Liver with Bacon ............ » 20/ Calves Liver with Fried Onions ........... 15/ Breaded Lamb Chop with Sauer Kraut ................... 15/ Cold Boiled Ham with Potato Salad ..... 20/ Cold Mince Ham with Potato Salad ...................... 15/ Note: These prices include coffee, bread, butter, and some kind of vegetable, usually potatoes. \¥hen one considers the prices, he naturally is curious as to the quality of the food served. The abundance of vege tables in this locality makes it possible to provide those of a fairly good quality at moderate prices. The situation in regard to meat is somewhat different. Manifestly, choice cuts cannot be supplied at such prices. An inspector of the City Health Department was ques tioned concerning the quality of the food materials used by the ten and fifteen cent restaurants.^ He declared that, as far as fitness for human consumption is concerned, the meat and other foods offered by these establishments are as good as those served in any of the restaurants of the city. Fre quent inspections are made to maintain the standard of quali ty required by law. No case of food poisoning, he said, has ever been reported as coming from these restaurants. The investigator ate a number of meals in restaurants 1 Interviewed John Smith, inspector, April 21, 1936. El of this type. According to his taste, the food in some places, taken as a Wiole, was good; in others it could have been greatly improved upon. Pies, in particular, were not reminiscent of the kind that Mother used to make. However, when the customer gets a quarter of one and a cup of coffee for a nickel, he must be satisfied with crust which is lack ing in shortening and filling which is sometimes rather tasteless. V/hatever may be the faults or merits of the ten and fifteen cent restaurants, it must be recognized that they offer a service to the man who is forced to "get by" on a pittance. There are several places on Main Street where food is prepared and sold as a sort of sideline. Among these are the drug stores, the United Cigar Stores, and the Wool- worth Stores. In some of these the price of a sandwich is as much as the cost of a whole meal in the cheaper res taurants . Main Street Dwellings. Housing accomodations on Main Street consist almost entirely of hotels and rooming houses. There are no single family dwellings, or apartment houses on this street between Macy and Sixth Streets, and very few, if any, housekeeping rooms. As far as could be ascertained, the Rosslyn Hotel is the only one on the por tion of the street above named which has a dining room open 22 to the public or to guests. Many of the Main Street hotels are of the type known on the street as "flop houses." The term "flop house" ap pears to be generally applied to any lodging house of the poorer sort, but more particularly it refers to one where several persons occupy the same room, each one renting, for the night, or by the week, only the bed he sleeps in, in stead of paying for the privilege of an individual room. In their day, certain of the Main Street hotels, now demoted, were among the best of the city. The St. Charles, formerly the Bella Union, at 316 North Main Street was the most fashionable hotel in the Pueblo until the Pico House was built. The Bella Union was advertised in the Los Ange les Star of January 1, 1859 as follows; This hotel, so long known as the best in Southern California, having passed into the hands of the pres ent proprietors, has been thoroughly refitted, and many additions made to its accommodations. Strangers and gentlemen with their families will find this an agree able home, at all times.% The Azteca Cafe, Mexican restaurant, is at present located in the ground floor of the Bella Union. A sign placed at the entrance to the stairway leading to the upper floors reads: "Hotel Guartos Limpios de Arriba por la Semana $1.50" (Hotel, clean rooms for twenty-five cents up stairs, by the week one dollar and a half). 2 Excerpt from leaflet advertising the Rosslyn Hotels. 23 The old Pico house, a three story brick structure, still standing at the Northeast corner of Main and Plaza Streets, was a leading hotel of the early days. It was built in 1869 by Pio Pico, last of the Mexican governors of California. Today its operators offer rooms at one dollar and a half per week up, and beds at twenty-five cents per night. The Natick House at First and Main Streets is another of the better hotels of the past. The new Rosslyn Hotels, at Fifth and Main Streets, are modern hostelries. They are operated by Hart Bros. Co. under the personeuL management of Dwight H* Hart. Their slogan is "Comfort Without Extravagance." The hotels are identical in design, and though they rise thirteen stories upward on opposite corners, the 145- foot subway makes them one. Both structures are fire proof and offer modern convenience to satisfy the most discriminating taste.5 They contain eleven hundred rooms and eight hundred baths. A roof garden on top of the annex building commands a wide view of the city. Plants, flowers, colorful swings and ham mocks have been provided there for the enjojnaent of the guests. The rates for single rooms, by the day, are from one to six dollars; by the month, twenty-five to one hundred 3 Excerpt from leaflet advertising the Rosslyn Hotels. 24 fifteen dollars. For a room with twin beds (for two persons) the charges are from two to seven dollars per day and from forty to one hundred twenty-five dollars per month. Ihe Barclay and the Westminster hotels, on opposite corners, at Fourth and Main Streets, offer rooms at one dol lar per night and up, with special weekly rates. The prices for single rooms for the ni^t, in Main Street hotels other than those before mentioned, range from twenty-five cents to one dollar. Rented by the week the charges are from one dollar and twenty-five cents to four dollars. A number of the cheaper hotels, or "flop houses," as they are sometimes called, are allowed, by city regu lations, to place as many as twenty individual beds in one room. Because of the demand for this type of service, the rule limiting the occupancy of one room to twenty sleepers has sometimes been relaxed. On Main Street the price of a single bed in these dormitories is from fifteen to twenty- five cents. One place was found on Los Angeles Street where the price was lowered to ten cents. The Volunteers of America Home at 262 1/2 South Main Street rents such single beds for one dollar per week. As in the case of the ten-and-fifteen-cent restau rants the reader may well wonder vdiat kind of service the patrons of these cheap hotels receive in return for their fees* In the beginning attention should be called to the 25 fact that lews regulating the conduct of hotels and dwellings in general have been enacted, and that the Bureau of Housing and Sanitation of the City of Los Angeles makes regular in spections to see that their provisions are complied with. Ordinance Number 68600 of the City of Los Angeles pro vides in part that; Every apartment house, hotel, house, court, or dwell ing, and every part thereof, shall be kept clean and free from any accumulations of dirt, filth, garbage, rubbish, or other matter in or on the same . . . Every existing hotel shall be provided with a public bathtub or shower located in a separate compartment . . . for every (20) twenty guests or roomers .... All bathtubs and showers shall be provided with run ning hot and cold water .... Any apartment house, hotel, house, court, or dwelling . . . occupied by any human being ... or any room there of so occupied . . . shall have at least five hundred (500) cubic feet of air space in the clear for each and every person occupying any . . . part or room . . , and such room or rooms must be provided with one or more windows in movable sash not less than one eighth (1/8) of the floor area in size opening directly into a street, yard, or court or vent shaft not less than twenty-five (25) square feet in area .... The beds in all apartment houses or hotels and in any room or apartment in which beds are occupied, let or hired for lodgers, shall be separated from each other by a passageway or space of not less than three (3) feet horizontally, and all such beds shall be so arranged that the air shall freely circulate under each of them, and there shall be adequate ventilation. Some of the higher priced rooms have individual baths. As to the atmosphere of the cheaper Main Street hotels in general, the investigator has ventured to record a few 26 CHURCHES STORES AND HEER PARLOR A SCENE IN CHINATOWN ■BUILDINGS OF THE MAIN STREET AREA 27 personal observations and reactions which he offers as such. As before remarked, a number of these cheaper hotels were among the best of the early days. Time has dimmed their erstwhile grandeur till, today, they are generally dingy and uninviting. Some of the more humble Main Street rooming houses have been renovated and rendered quite livable. Legal regulations concerning sanitation, however faithfully en forced, cannot, in many cases, remove a sorbid physical en vironment, or what is, in some instances, at least, an un congenial human one. To many Main Streeters, such surround ings, perhaps, are not repugnant, but to a man who might be forced to endure such accommodations after having been ac customed to ordinary comforts and genial society, they would naturally seem very near the ultimate in personal degradation. According to an inspector of the Bureau of Housing and Sanitation, the majority of the cheaper hotels of Main Street are operated by Japanese. Troubles caused by some of their patrons, he said, are not a few. Drunkenness, destruction of bedding, obstruction of plumbing, and parasite insects are only some of the annoyances inflicted on the proprietors by their guests. To the person who cannot afford the price of a "flop" certain of the Main Street motion picture theatres offer a substitute for the usual sleeping facilities. Some of them re main open all night,and thus provide a place of rest as well as 28 of entertainment. The man who is totally "broke" may possibly obtain a free bed at one of the missions. If a l l else fails he may be compelled to "carry the banner," which, in the jargon of the hobo, means v/alking the streets at night without a shel ter. Main Street Clothing Stores. The clothing stores of Main Street are equipped to supply the needs of the person of modest means as well as those who are compelled to wear used or cast off garments. The Famous Department Store at 530 South Main Street is the only one of this type on Main Street. A stock of men’s, women’s, and children’s clothes, priced to meet the purchas ing power of the average worker is offered by it, together with the other kinds of merchandise usually sold by a depart ment store. Foreman and Clark has an upstairs store at Third and Main Streets, where men’s suits may be purchased at fifteen, twenty, and twenty-five dollars. Todd’s Clothes For Men and the Brooks Clothing Stores are other chain store organizations having shops on Main Street. Men’s suits are sold by the firms last named at prices ranging from eleven dollars and seventy-five cents to twenty-five dollars. Custom-made suits are offered by tailoring firms on the street at from twenty- nine dollars and fifty cents to thirty-nine dollars and fifty 29 FLYNN e ITAME OH SIGH IS THAT OF JIM FLYHH, HOW DECEASED, OF PRIZE RIHG FAME. FLTKH WAS SAID TO RE OHLY MAH WHO EVER KHOCKED OUT JACK DEMPSET 'FERGUSOH ALEEY IH CHIHATOWH FORMER "HIGGER AUEY" PLACES OH AHD HEAR MAIH STREET 30 cents. Men’s hats cost from one dollar and sixty-five cents to five dollars each; shoes from one dollar and ninety-nine cents to five dollars and fifty cents per pair. There are a number of open front clothing stores on Main Street which stock overalls, work shirts, underwear, shoes, socks, and other items of apparel for the worker. All the prices before quoted are for nev/ clothing. Some of the pawnshops, as well as other stores, serve as secondhand clothing exchanges. Used suits in these shops are priced at from three dollars and seventy-five cents to six dollars and seventy-five cents. The Community Indus tries Store and the Goodwill Store at 138 and 342 North Main Street respectively sell reconditioned secondhand clothing. Signs in the Goodwill windows, on April 16, 1936 dis played the following prices: Hats 35/ Bath Robes 35/ Caps 15/ Shirts 25/ Pants 50/ Sweaters 50/ Suits $2.50 0’Coats #1.95 All garments reconditioned and dry-cleaned. House dresses 2 for 25/ Silk dresses 35/ up Women’s shoes 35/ - 50/ Silk blouses 2 for 25/ Women’s coats #1.00 Women’s hats 15/ 31 Men’s used shoes can be bought on Main Street for fif ty cents a pair and up. General remarks coneerning the "Main Streeter’s" In come. The income of the "Main Streeter" in general, in an inquiry of this kind, cannot very well be measured in money. The information obtained by the Census of Business being currently conducted by the Department of Commerce of the United States is strictly confidential, and therefore cannot be resorted to for the purpose of ascertaining the condition of business on Main Street. To attempt a personal investi gation of this kind did not appear feasible. Many proprie tors are reticent enough, even when approached by a duly authorized investigator. An inquiry designed to show the average earnings of any considerable number of the migratory or stationary workers found in this district would have been even more difficult. Still other inhabitants of this area have only the most casual employment, or none at all, yet the meager gratifications which they must receive in order to subsist, are, in one sense, income which cannot well be measured in money. In viev/ of the foregoing circumstances it was decided to deal with the subject in a general way only. Consequently the remaining portion of this chapter contains a discussion of the business man on Main Street, the situation of the work ers as a whole, and an enumeration of some of the ways of 32 GLIMPSES OP MAIN STREET 33 "getting by." Although this inquiry was intended to be limited to the Main Street area, the peculiar circumstances of the case made it necessary at times, to go beyond the confines of that locality in dealing with certain phases of the study. In particular was this true when the subject of the "Main Streeter’s" income was considered. This remark is made at this point, lest it appear that there has been a departure from the subject in the following pages. The business man on Main Street. According to the United States Census, the population of Los Angeles City in 1930 was 1,238,048. The population of Los Angeles County in 1936 was estimated to be two million and a quarter. Trans portation facilities such as the interurban and the city electric railway systems, busses, taxicabs, and privately owned automobiles make the downtown shopping district ac cessible to the majority of the inhabitants of the county as well as of the city. The retail trade in some commodities extends as far as sixty or seventy miles outside the city limits and daily deliveries are usually made to a distance of thirty or forty miles in many households.4 Since a large part of the income of the Main Street business establishments is ultimately derived from workers 4 Article by Guy E. Marion, Manager Research Depart ment of Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, appearing in 1936 Los Angeles City Directory. 34 employed elsewhere, it is proper to consider the industries which provide employment for labor in Los Angeles. In reality, Los Angeles has become the motion pic ture capital of the world . . . Even more valuable than the motion picture industry to the community has been the discovery and develop ment of petroleum, which has brought untold new wealth into the community. Following these two leaders, such industries as iron, steel, machinery, meat slaughtering and packing, the canning of fish and other products, fruit and vegetable canneries, building materials, household furniture, women’s apparel and the manufacturing of rubber tires, have grown to enormous proportions.5 Leading industries of Los Angeles County, and the value of the manufactured products are shown by the follow ing statistics taken from the report of the United States Census of manufactures of 1933. Industry Value of Product Petroleum refining ^ #134,866,814 Motion pictures 97,748,377 Meat packing 40,783,558 Bread and other bakery products 26,664,837 Printing & publishing (newspaper & periodical) 26,216,630 Rubber tires & inner tubes 20,978,704 Clothing, women’s 17,235,566 Foundry & machine shop products 14,230,456 Printing & publishing (book & job) 10,800,525 Furniture, incl. store & office fixt. 10,201,977 Planing mills 8,566,392 Feeds, prepared, for animals & fowls 6,750,335 Canned fish 6,656,953 Chemicals, not elsewhere classified 6,162,235 5 Ibid. 35 Industry (continued) Value of Product Canned fruits & vegetables 5,704,448 Electrical machinery, appar. & supplies 5,607,635 Flour & other grain mill products 5,082,292 Paints and varnishes 4,894,960 Food preparations, not otherwise shown 4,585,861 Ice cream 4,475,623 Structural & ornamental iron works 4,278,780 Sausages and casings 4,015,837 Confectionery 3,919,169 Clothing, men’s 3,838,948 Liquors, malt 3,762,947 Knit goods 3,568,870 Pumps 3,457,383 Flavoring extracts 3,279,852 Ice 3,274,203 Stoves and ranges 3,007,811 In the earlier days of Los Angeles business activity centered on Main Street. Henry 0. Melveny is quoted as saying: "During the period from 1878 to 1900 if one wished to establish business or social prestige it was necessary to have either residence or business quarters in the Baker Block."® Although the prestige of Main Street gradually dim med as the town grew into a metropolis, the street was not altogether deserted by the larger business houses. The Far mers’ and Merchants’ National Bank of Los Angeles, "The Oldest Bank in Southern California," still maintains its offices at Fourth and Main Streets. The Bank of America and 6 The Baker Block is one of the older Main Street edi fices. Quotation is from circular published by Goodwill Industries, present tenants of the building. SSI >/ 36 EEEESTRIAfr COUNT OH HAIH STREET 16 HOUR CHECK 7 A. M, TO 11 P. M. CHECK TAKEN RETWEEN MONDAYS AHD FRIDAYS, RETWEEH SEPTEMHER 19TH AHD OCTOBER 17th, IHCl. 1932 STREET TRAFFIC ENGINEERING DEPARTIŒHT CITY OF LOS ANGELES 37 the Security First National Bank of Los Angeles have branches at 220 and 300 North Main Street respectively. The United Cigar Stores, the F. W. Woolworth 5-10 and 15 cent Stores, and the Owl Drug Company are chain store organizations oper ating on Main Street. Restaurants, hotels, and clothing stores have been mentioned previously. Enterprises which provide commercialized recreation will be considered later. The smaller, independently owned shop is well-repre sented on Main Street. Among these is the pawnshop. In Los Angeles, Main and East Fifth Streets seem to be the Rialto of the pawnbroker. There are about thirty of these establishments on Main Street between First and Sixth Streets. The fronts of these shops are usually painted red, which serves as a background for leurge advertising signs painted in white letters. The show windows are generally crammed, and the interiors well-stocked, with a wide variety of articles. Jewelry, watches, mechanics tools, fishing tackle, cameras, musical instruments, clothes, and luggage are some of the things found among the pledges. The following enumeration, prepared by the investi gator, serves to indicate the kind and number of business establishments on Main Street. Firms occupying the ground floor of the buildings on the street were the only ones counted. The list is not offered as being one hundred per cent correct, but only to show the general character of the business there. 38 Number of Kind of Business Establishment Arcades (postcard) ^ Art Stores ^ . r Auction Houses (sell miscellaneous merchandise) 2 Banks | Barber Shops Book Stores p Broadcasting Companies (offices) 1 Carpenter Shops 1 Cigar Stores 9 Clothing Stores (includes shoe stores, haber dashers, etc.) 70 Dance Halls 5 Electrical Equipment 1 Emplo3Tment Agencies 1 Engineering Service 1 Furniture Stores 3 Gift Shops 1 Grocery Stores and Food Markets 16 Hardware Stores 8 Harness and Saddlery Shops 1 Herb Vendors 2 Hotels and Lodging Houses 43 Jewelers and Watchmakers 4 Laundri es 1 Leather Goods and Luggage Shops 3 Liquor Stores 17 Locksmiths 1 Magazine Stores 2 Music Stores 3 Paint Stores 2 Parking Lots 6 Pawnshops 31 Pet Stores (dogs, goldfish, etc.) 1 Plumbing Shops 1 Pool Halls 5 Printing Shops 1 Restaurants and Lunch Counters? 64 Restaurant Equipment 1 Seed Stores 2 Shoe Repairing Shops 9 Shoe Shining Stands Unknown Shooting Galleries 1 Sporting Goods Stores 1 7 Includes beer gardens, but excludes lunch counters in drug stores, cigar stores, etc. 39 Number of Kind of Business (Continued) Establishments Stage Line Offices 3 Theatres 16 Turkish Baths 1 Vacant Stores 12 In some oases, the given number of establishments of a particular kind are only approximately correct. The "Slave Market." Although tools of some kind were necessary to the self-maintenance of man, even in the more primitive societies, human labor was, until comparatively recent times, the important factor in production. Under the guild or handicraft system, for example, the quality and quantity of manufactured goods were largely dependent upon the manual skill and productivity of the workers. Beginning with the Industrial Revolution the relative position of capital and labor was altered. Machines were devised to perform many operations w^ich formerly could be done only by trained and skillful hands. Volume of output was accomplished by utilizing sources of power external to the worker. Manufacturing in the home or in the small work shop was largely supplanted by the modern factory system. This modern method of production has had far-reaching effects upon the social order. Improved capital equipment has extended man’s capacity to utilize natural resources, and has improved the standard of living for many. It has also enabled certain individuals and groups, under the present 40 system in which capital is generally privately owned, to accumulate wealth, and along with it, what may be termed economic power. The growing importance of capital in modern industry makes it increasingly difficult, if not impossible, for the great majority of v/orkers to provide themselves with the means of production. Under a system of individualistic capitalism they necessarily become dependent upon their em ployers , and must generally submit to the conditions im posed by them, except in cases where governmental regulations or labor organizations have modified the situation. The advantage which the capitalist enjoys when he bargains individually with the wage earner is so marked that the whole wage system is sometimes cynically referred to by the workers as "wage slavery," and the place where they must offer their services as the "slave market." The term "slave market" is also particularly used to designate a locality in the larger cities where employment agencies are situated which generally offer jobs to unskilled or manual laborers. In Los Angeles, the neighborhood around Towne Avenue south of East Fifth Street is frequently referred to as the "slave market." The private employment agencies in this vicinity attract numbers of men such as are found on Main Street. Common laborers, mechanics, agricultural workers, and others who work with their hands come here in search of jobs either in or out of the city. 41 In these agencies a blackboard is fastened upon the wall of a room where the job seekers may congregate. Upon this board, under appropriate headings, brief notations of jobs offered are chalked. Occasionally a clerk walks through the room and calls out for a man qualified for some particular work. Anyone interested may consult the office for further particulars. On April 18, 1936, the boards of certain of the Towne Avenue agencies offered, among others, the following jobs: Restaurant Cook Fry Cook Restaurant Cook Waiters for Cafe Dishwasher Dishwasher Dishwasher Restaurant Flunkey Girl or Woman for House work Girl or Woman House keeper or cook Grocery clerk Meat Cutter and Butcher Sheet Metal Man Ignition Man Finish Carpenters Form Carpenters Finish Carpenters Rough Carpenters Plasterer Lathe Machinist Blacksmith Sheet Metal Die Maker Body and Fender Man Punch Press Operator Auto Mechanic $15.00 Per week and board 85.00 Per month 15.00 Per week 12.00 Per week 10.00 Per week and meals 5.00 Per week 10.00 Per week and board 3.00 Per week 30.00 Per month 60.00 Per month 15.00 — 20.00 Per week 25.00 Per week 5.00 — 6.00 per day 22.00 Per week .75 Per hour 5.00 Per day 5.00 Per day 3.00 Per day 5.00 Per day .60 — .65 Per hour .70 Per hour .75 Per hour .65 -- .75 Per hour .45 Per hour 100.00 Per month The list of leading Los Angeles County industries be fore given is indicative of the opportunities for employment in manufacturing in the Los Angeles area. The enumeration of 42 Main Street business establishments serves the same purpose in regard to Main Street. "Getting by" on Main Street. A local building and loan association, in one of its radio advertisements, empha sized the statement that "nowhere is there a welcome for the moneyless man." Although there are, of course, exceptions to this statement, they are few enough to make the problem of subsisting without money a difficult one for many persons. Around the Plaza, and up and down Main Street, the observer may see many men of advanced years as well as young ones, whose clothes and general appearance indicate that they are destitute or nearly so. The situation of the youth, in the prime of his physical manhood, is bad enough when he is forced into the ranks of the jobless and homeless man. But his troubles seem small when compared with those of the man who no longer has anything to offer in the "slave mar ket. ” One naturally wonders, when he views the procession of unfortunates on Main Street, how the man who is moneyless secures the necessities of life. It is probably less of a problem for the experienced hobo or the bum to "get by" than it is for the man who has fallen from a more prosperous sta tion in life to the level of the down-and-outs. Humiliation and uncongenial human environment, as well as physical pri vation must frequently be endured by the man who has seen 43 happier days. It has been said that the out-and-out bum fares better in times of depression than in an era of pros perity. This seems to be a reasonable supposition. In good times the blame for failure to get along is more likely to be placed upon the individual than upon circumstances, con sequently aid is harder to obtain. A very modest income is sufficient to "get by" on Main Street. By eating in the cheapest restaurants and sleeping in "flop houses" a man can live there, so far as food and lodging are concerned, for fifty cents a day. A bed can be obtained in a number of places for fifteen cents per night. With the remaining thirty-five cents he can pur chase three meals of the cheapest kind, or two very sub stantial ones of slightly more expensive food. An outfit of secondhand clothes can be bought for about five dollars. At the barber schools a haircut and shave can be had by paying only enough to cover the costs of the materials used. Laun dry facilities are provided for the patrons in some of the cheap lodging houses. Some of the persons living in the Main Street area have a small fixed income. For a number of the others who have no resources, there are employments which afford a sub sistence. Some of these are of such a nature that they can be followed even by persons handicapped by age or physical infirmities. 44 Many of the "newsboys" of Main Street are men, some of whom are middle-aged or elderly. Selling articles such as razor blades, neckties, socks, etc. from tables placed in recesses along the street is one form of street-merchandis ing. One Los Angeles firm employs men to sell ice cream from push-carts. One of these vendors interviewed by the investigator at the Plaza said that his gross sales averaged three or four dollars a day. Forty per cent of this amount was the peddler’s share of the receipts. Collecting and selling bottles, distributing nev/spapers and handbills in the outlying residence districts, cleaning used brick and lumber around wrecking jobs are occasional employments. Night- watching, dishwashing and janitor work are jobs which offer more or less permanent work. The Goodwill Industries is an institution which de serves mention in this connection. It v/as incorporated April 3, 1919 under the laws of the State of California as a non profit co-operative association. Goodwill’s business is helping folks to help them selves, through the process of turning ’Waste into Wages,’ and ’Junk into Jobs.’ Its aim is to help everyone who comes seeking ’Not Charity but a Chance,’ without any regard as to race, color, creed or nationality. The only discrimination made is in favor of the permanently handi capped. Able-bodied folks are helped as far as possible, but they are expected to find jobs elsewhere as soon as they can.® 8 Article in The Goodwill News for January, February, 1936. 45 AYBRkŒË HOURLY TRAFRIC FLOW VICIHITY OF THE PLAZA 12 HOURS - FROM 7 A.M. TO 7 P.M. JANUARY m , 1932 RY THE STREET TRAFFIC ENGINEERING DEPT. CIT^ OF LOS ANGELES 46 Goodwill has twelve stores situated in Los Angeles and surrounding towns. Its headquarters are at 346 North Main Street, Los Angeles, in the building formerly known as the Baker Block. Built in 1878 by Colonel Robert S. Baker, it was said to be the finest emporium of commerce south of San Francisco. The first floor was occupied by stores, the sec ond by the offices of doctors, lawyers, and other profes sional men, and the third by apartments. Goodwill Industries provides employment for its work ers by the collection, reconditioning, and sale of many kinds of used and cast off articles and materials. Automobiles and their accessories, clothing, furniture, electrical appliances, hardware, jewelry, leather goods, musical instruments, plumb ing materials, books, magazines and papers are some of the things Goodwill can use. "Everything but broken glass and tin cans wanted" is a statement contained in one of its ad vertisements. All the materials used by the Goodwill are donated. They come from approximately 300,000 homes in Southern Cali fornia. Bags are distributed to the contributors, in which they may place whatever they desire to give. The collection department has a fleet of fifty-three trucks which bring in the donations. Nearly all of the Goodwill workers are physically handicapped, and therefore find it difficult or impossible to 47 hold a place in other industry. They are of various nation alities, and range from fifty to eighty years of age. Em ployees are placed according to their trade abilities. The wages are one dollar and a half daily for eight hours work, five days weekly. The period from eight to eight thirty A.M. is devoted to worship (on Goodwill time) by all workers. The report of this establishment shows that it has paid out in wages to its beneficiaries in fifteen years the sum of $2,587,995.46. In eleven months of 1935, 428 persons daily were given 934,886 hours of work for which $238,873.24 was paid in wages. The foregoing occupations, together with others which bring a meager recompense, only serve to relieve in some de gree the destitution of Main Street. By voluntary choice or because of the force of circumstances, other persons resort to parasitic or extralegal acts in the competition of life. One of these is the familiar practice of "mooching" or "pan handling." Peddling, in some instances, virtually amounts to legalized begging, as, for example, in the case of the cripple who sells pencils or like articles. Contributions are frequently made without taking the things offered. Pros titution and homosexuality are examples of activities beyond the pale of the law. The missions which have been established in Los Ange les assist the homeless and destitute man in his efforts to 48 "get by." Although the winning of converts to Christianity appears to be the primary purpose of these institutions, they also minister to the physical needs of those who are in dis tress. The superintendent of one of these missions told the investigator that free food is used as a bait to induce men to listen to the gospel. A man may lodge at some of these hospices for only a certain number of days. According to information collected by interviews with homeless men, some of the beneficiaries of mission hospitality travel from one institution to another, in this and other cities, and there by manage to live continuously from such donations. Men who subsist by habitually seeking assistance at the missions are sometimes referred to as "mission stiffs." Although they may be imposed upon by some recipients of their benevolence, the work which the missions accomplish in their efforts to meet the needs of the homeless man is a very commendable one. Besides the missions on Main Street, which will be described in a subsequent chapter, there are others in this area where the indigent receives a welcome. God’s Mission at 235 Aliso was founded about ten years ago by its present superintendent, Mrs. Maria Carpenter.^ It is undenominational and entirely a non-profit enterprise. There is nothing for sale and no wages are paid. Meals are 9 Interviewed April 1936. 49 served free to all who ask, v/ithout limitation as to the number of times food may be obtained. At the present time this mission gives away about nine thousand meals monthly. Three rooming houses operated by the mission contribute reve nue for its support. Accommodations for families, including gas and light, may be obtained for one dollar weekly. Used clothes are also collected and distributed to needy persons. The Los Angeles Mission at 218 Boyd Street is under the direction of Mr. T. L. Eldrige. It holds religious ser vices nightly after which free meals are served. On the aver age, about one hundred twenty men are fed every night. Homeless men who apply for county assistance are di rected to that Department of the County Charities described as the "Unattached Men Section" at 434 South San Pedro Street. Here the applicant is interviewed by a member of the staff to determine his elegibility for aid. Under state and county laws, three years * residence in the state and one year in the county is a requisite. During this term he must have been self-supporting, or, at any rate, he must not have received any public or private charity, ex cept that coming from a responsible relative acting in the capacity of guardian, i.e. , a father or mother. Aid is only given to those who are unfit to work. If, after a doctor's examination, he is found physically fit he is referred to the Federal government for assistance. 50 Those who meet the requirements as to eligibility are given tickets which entitle them to meals and sleeping ac commodations. They are maintained until they can be rehabili tated* Some men have been on the county for ten years. Meals and lodging given by the county to homeless men are supplied by the proprietors of restaurants and private rooming houses on a contract basis. Two meals daily, cost ing seventeen cents each, is the food allowance. Beds cost from fifteen to twenty-five cents daily. Several rooming and apartment houses are used for this purpose. The American House at 1200 North Main Street, which has from three to four hundred beds, is the largest establish ment of this kind. Assignment to rooms depends on the physi cal condition of the men. Some, who have certain kinds of diseases, are given separate rooms, but the majority are placed in wards. Ages of the men helped are from eighteen to one hun dred; the majority are from forty to fifty-five or sixty years old. Each man is investigated from time to time to check on his status. Those who show no prospect of eventually becoming self-supporting are sent to the county farm. CHAPTER III POPIILATION PROBLEMS OF MAIN STREET Chargeteristics of Main Street population. A residence, as defined by Section fifty-two of the Political Code of the State of California, "is the place where one remains when not called elsewhere for labor or special or temporary purpose, and to which he returns in seasons of repose." It is difficult, if not impossible, to determine the number of persons who are, in the sense above defined, resi dents of Main Street. Along this thoroughfare, men come and go in such numbers, and the duration of the stay of many of them is so brief, that change may be properly said to be a characteristic of its population. There are, however, an in determinate number of persons who are permanent dwellers there and to whom it is nome. But Main Street is more than a dwelling place. It has stores, restaurants, amusements, and other kinds of business, which attract thousands of persons from other parts of the city, county, state, and even the nation. These business es tablishments also provide employment for many who reside else where. An exhaustive or detailed study of those who come to Main Street "for labor, or special or temporary purpose" is beyond the scope of this paper, but the way in which they af fect, or are affected by its life, may well be considered. 52 Indeed, Main Street population problems seem to involve a study of certain types or classes peculiar to the throngs who pass along it, or remain there temporarily, as well as an in quiry concerning its more fixed inhabitants. To better under stand the problem, reference has been made to facts inciden tally related to the object of study. To some observers Main Street may appear to be a sordid place, to which come an unusually large number of aged and poverty-stricken persons, there to eke out a few wretched years before passing to the oblivion of the grave. While it is true that many who are in the late stages of life, and who have fallen by the wayside are to be found there, it should also be remembered that it attracts youth as well, to many of whom it is an adventure, rather than an unhappy ending. Con tacts are made there which influence character for better or for worse. Absence of the fundamental unit of society, the family, to the investigator, seems to be another characteristic of Main Street life. His inquiries revealed that so few families reside there, either permanently or temporarily, that no de tailed treatment of the problems connected with this relation, such as marriage, divorce, etc., has been made in this paper. It is rather a study of a group separated from the usual family ties. The Caucasian is the predominant race of Main Street, 53 although various other peoples are found there also. Only two of these latter, namely, the Spanish or Mexican peoples and the Filipino, are there in numbers sufficient to deserve spe cial mention. The reader is presumed to be familiar with the Caucasian, therefore, the Mexican and the Filipino only will receive special treatment. The Mexican. Although California was made known to the civilized world by its discovery in 1542 by Juan Rodriquez Cabrillo, the upper part of it was not settled by the Span iards until 1769. In that year the first of a chain of mis sions was founded by the Franciscans at San Diego. In the years that followed, twenty-one such missions were built, forming a line from San Diego to San Francisco. Spanish rule in California came to an end in 1822, when Mexico declared her independence of Spain. The period during which Mexico ruled California has been described by one of the state's historians as; ... Practically an era of inactivity, distinguished by anything except commercial progress. Those were the days when people were not concerned with the strenuous materialism and commercialism of modern life. . . . California was then a country of vast estates. The cattle roamed on the hills, the fertile soil was taxed only to a degree that would give sustenance to the popu lation. There was plenty of running water for man and beast; the doors of the great mission hospices were open with a welcome that was endless and without price to 54 whoever might fare El Camino Real. And the door of every man* 8 house was open in the same way.l Although American domination of California brought the Mexican era in California to an end in 1846, evidence of the former Spanish and Mexican occupations still remain. Histori cal landmarks, Spanish names of places, and the presence of numerous descendants of those families who settled in Cali fornia before the Americans came recall the early period. The locality around the Plaza, and along the blocks on Main Street between Macy and First Streets is a downtown trading and so cial center for the Mexican. Its stores, restaurants and amusements, particularly those of Olvera Street, are devoted to things peculiar to Mexico. This last named street extends from the Plaza northerly to Macy Street. It is said to be the first main thoroughfare of the pueblo, and the path along which Felipe de Neve led his colonists when he brought them from the mission of San Gabriel to found the settlement. The atmosphere of Olvera Street is reminiscent of the early life of California. Thepavement is of tile and brick with a cobblestone drain in the center. At the Southern ex tremity stands a wooden cross in a pedestal made of cobblestone. Under an olive tree at the Northern entrance a stone water ^ John S. McGroarity, California, Its History and Romance (Los Angeles: Grafton "Pub11sning UUmpany, iyxTTT p. XOi. 55 0 3 ^ t ' I : A , I %urCity'uteao lîk IN STREET TYPES 55 trough, hewn by the mission Indians in 1820, has been placed. The street is closed to vehicular traffic. Mexican food and wares are sold in the brick buildings adjacent to it, and in stands of primitive construction arranged along its sides and center. These last are occupied free of charge by Mexican tenants. Hats, sandals, baskets, pottery, candles, toys, pictures, and antiques are among the things offered for sale. Some of these articles are fabricated on the premises in the fashion of the "domestic system" which modern factory production has so largely supplanted. One of the historical landmarks of Olvera Street is the Avila dobe. On a sign in front of it appears the follow ing: This is the oldest and most historic building in Los Angeles. Built in 1818 by Don Francisco Avila, it was occupied as American Headquarters in 1847. The rooms are furnished in the period of early California. The Mexican population of Southern California has been greatly augmented by immigration from the mother country during many years. The majority of these immigrants are employed as unskilled laborers, and consequently do not command high wages. As a result the living levels of the race as a whole aie rela tively low. The importation of Mexican labor has been criti- cizea as detrimental to the living standards of the American worker. McGroarity*s description, before cited, of the life of 57 early Galifornia, seems rather indicative of Mexican character. According to observations of the investigator the Mexican ap pears to be generally polite, generous, and law abiding, and not obsessed by inordinate worldly ambition. The Filipino. Although comparatively few Filipinos live on Main Street, they are a factor in its social problems, due to the fact that many of them are attracted there by stores, restaurants, and amusements. The taxi dance hall, in particu lar serves as a kind of social center for them. Mr. Portilla, editor of the Phillipines Star Press at 618 North Spring Street, Los Angeles, was interviewed concern ing the Filipino. Mr. Portilla is a handsome, virile young man, who seemed eager to answer all the many questions asked him. The follov/ing information relative to his race was ob tained from him. The greater number of the Filipinos in Southern Cali fornia come from Hawaii, being attracted here by American wages, which to them represent wealth. Before September 1934 there was no restriction on their entrance to the United States. Now that a limited independence has been granted the Phillipines, a quota has been set which allows only fifty im migrants each year from these islands to enter this country. According to Mr. Portilla there are thirty-five thousand Filipinos in California, and of this number about sixty-five hundred are residents of Los Angeles. The number of Filipino 58 women in the state is unknown; in Los Angeles there are about five hundred. With the exception of those employed as domestics and who live at their place of employment, most Filipinos in Los Angeles live in the district bounded on the Fast by San Pedro Street, on the West by Figueroa Street, on the North by Temple Street, and on the South by Third Street. The principal Filipino business establishments are located near the inter section of First and Main and First and Los Angeles Streets. These are chiefly barber shops, pool halls, employment agencies, and stores for the sale of Filipino products. There are comparatively few occupations open to Filipino men. Most of those who live in the city are in some form of domestic service. They work as houseboys, cooks, and chauf feurs in private homes. A few are employed as janitors, cleaners, or doormen in apartment houses and hotels. For employment of the kind mentioned the average wage is fifty dollars monthly. Sometimes this includes board and room; often it does not. Prior to the depression the usual wage for work of this class was from one hundred to one hundred twenty-five dollars per month. Most of the Filipinos living outside the city work as fruit pickers in citrus districts, and in the vegetable fields of the Imperial Valley. For this work they are paid on a piecework basis which enables some of them to earn as much as 59 four or five dollars a day. In Los Angeles the Filipinos often live together in groups of four or more. Such a group will rent an apartment, and take turns doing the cooking and housework. If one or two members are unemployed, the others will give assistance with food and lodging until employment can be found. Very few Filipinos are on public charity. Filipinos in this state are, as a whole, a law-abiding group. Most of the crimes in which they are involved result from passion, and have as principals only members of their own race, plus occasionally, a taxi dance hall girl. As a race they are inclined to spend their money as it is earned, principally on women and for clothes. It is the habit of Filipinos to return home vdien they begin to grow old. One rarely sees a grayhaired one here. The impelling urge for this homewarl trend is not defined. It is said not to be a religious one, and as most of them have little money, it is not because they can quit work and live well in their own country. The homeless man. In many, if not all, large American cities, there is a section referred to in hobo parlance as the "stem" or the "main drag." It is generally the abode of those homeless, unattached persons, either transient or sta tionary, whose meager resources, or complete destitution com pel them to live at a low economic level. 60 Although. Main Street cannot perhaps be called the "stem" of Los Angeles* it is in that section of the city where the necessities of life may be procured at comparatively small cost, or possibly by asking for alms. A considerable portion of its population is therefore composed of vdiat may be termed the homeless man. The term "homeless man" was used in this paper to des ignate generally all types of unattached men (or women) who live outside the usual family circles, with no well-established local connections. In this group may be found the man who has fallen from a more prosperous station in life, the able-bodied worker without a family, the hobo, the tramp, and the bum. The last three terms are used rather synonymously by some, but among homeless men themselves, each has a different meaning, as is shown by the following definitions given by St. John Tucker, formerly the president of the "Hobo College" in Chicago: "A hobo is a migratory worker. A tramp is a migratory non- worker. A bum is a stationary nonworker. In order to better understand the case of the homeless man, or the hobo, tramp, or bum, as he is sometimes indiscrimi nately called, his function as a member of society, and the causes of his condition may properly be considered. o Cited from an undisclosed source by Nelson Anderson, The Hobo (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1923). p. b t : 61 The homeless man is not infrequently regarded as an outcast, an undesirable member of society. Upon closer exami nation of his case, this view of him, as a class, cannot be justified. The work which he performs is a necessary part of the productive processes. St. John Tucker, before quoted says further: Upon the labor of the migratory worker all the basic industries depend. He goes forth from the crowded slave markets to hew the forests, build and repair the railroads, tunnel mountains and build ravines. His is the labor that harvests the wheat in the fall, and cuts the ice in the winter.^ Nonproducers, to be sure, are in the ranks of the home less man, but they are by no means confined to his class. If a method could be devised for accurately determining the con tribution which each member of society makes toward the col lective wealth, and allotting to him his proper share, it is not unlikely that some who now enjoy an abundance of economic goods would be greatly reduced in circumstances. One thing may be said in favor of the bum; he is modest in his demands. Regarding the industry of the homeless man He Is Anderson says: "In spite of all that has been said to the contrary, the hobo is a worker. He is not a steady worker, but he earns most of the money he spends."^ 2 Loc. cit. ^ Ibid.. p. 41. 62 The condition of the homeless man is due to a multi plicity of causes. Some are clearly external to the individ ual, being inherent in the social constitution. Others, at first si^t at least, appear to be entirely personal. Closer scrutiny frequently reveals that personal defects often may be ultimately traced to environment. Indeed, an inquiry of this kind, pursued far enough might raise questions of philosophy and theology far beyond the scope of this paper. Failure, actual or so-called, as well as poverty, are characteristic of the homeless man. It may not be too much of a digression from the subject to inquire, at this point, into the meaning of the word success (the antonym of failure), and its possibilities of attainment for the great mass of men. Success may be conceived of as the accomplishment of a purpose, great or small, worthy or unworthy. In its more com mon acceptation, the notion the word appears to signify is that of superiority. The successful man is usually the one who is superior to others, either in ability or position, or #10 has a larger income or greater wealth than the majority. But superiority necessarily implies inferiority. In every competitive activity, where there is a winner there must also be a loser. And though a group, or society as a whole may advance, the distinction which accrues to the superior person is, by its relativity, so limited that it can only be pos sessed by a comparatively few individuals. 63 The organization for production necessarily requires a relatively large number of the more common jobs, in order that there may be a comparatively few positions. Even though the ability and industry of all men were equal, some would be com pelled to do the humbler tasks. Bodily exertion on the part of someone is necessary to maintain the life of every individ ual. There is irksome ana monotonous work to be done in the world. Whatever one man does not do of such work must be done by another. To the homeless man falls a share of such work and to him should belong the recognition which such service merits, however humble it may be. It was Charles Kingsley who said that his greatest desire was to find his place in the world, even though it were only a sweeper of chimneys. The destitution of the homeless man, as well as of other workers in general in old age, and in periods of sick ness, accident, and unemployment, is frequently said to be due to nonsaving habits. Saving has frequently been lauded as a cardinal virtue without considering the necessity of spending. Saving requires curtailment of the purchase of consumer goods on the part of the saver. If the money so saved is merely hoarded it represents, for its owner, potential future enjoy ment of economic goods, and while it remains unspent is of no social benefit. If the savings are invested, they may bring a return to their owner, but their earning power, as well as the earning power of all capital and the profits of the 64 entrepreneur must ultimately depend upon the purchase of con sumer goods by someone. To the extent that the sale of con sumer goods is decreased, to the same extent interest and profits must ultimately diminish. One individual or a group may, through abstinence, accumulate capital and attain economic independence as a result of the earning power of that accumu lated capital* Abstinence on the part of all, however, simply means a lowering of living levels and stagnation of production. What one spends another gets; the earnings both of capital and of labor, as well as the profits of industry and trade, depend upon spending. There are various economic causes which tend to create the migratory worker. Harvesting and crop moving in certain agricultural regions create a seasonal demand for the services of the itinerant worker. Building and construction projects, particularly those in out-of-the-way places, often require the importation of labor from other localities. Fishing, sheep shearing, ice harvesting, and lumbering are other occupations employing the transient toiler. Layoffs or the closing down, in periods of slack business or depression, of establishments which ordinarily provide regular employment are further causes of migrations. Personal reasons, and circumstances peculiar to the individual, of course, are also responsible for the itinerant. Wanderlust causes the youth to leave home in search of new 65 experiences and adventure. During one of those amateur radio programs which have, of late, become quite the fashion, one of the aspirants for fame and fortune declared that he was a hobo. Asked what a hobo was he replied, "A hobo is a tourist without funds." The peregrinations of the globe-trotter and of the hobo, in many cases, may both be due to the same basic urge. Personal crises, inability to make personal adjustments, and racial or national discrimination are among the other rea sons TAdiy men leave home. Meager resources and occasional emplosnnent often reduce the homeless man to a state of pauperism. Under such circum stances he becomes a problem, not only to himself, but to others as well. He cannot well be allowed to starve. The pressure of economic wants may cause him to resort to ques tionable or even criminal activities. Some of the methods used to "get by" have been described in the preceding chapter. One method often used by communities in dealing with the homeless man is that which in the parlance of the street is known as "passing the buck." That is, the problem is shifted by the authorities of one city or locality to another by adopting measures designed either to keep the migrant away, or to make life so unpleasant for the destitute sojourner that he will leave voluntarily. Establishment of a so-called "bum blockade" at the Galifornia State border by the "foreign legion" of the 66 Los Angeles Police Department bas recently been resorted to in order to halt the ingress of indigent transients to the city* Homeless and destitute men found wandering about the streets are arrested as vagrants, and Jail sentences imposed in the hope that they will leave town* Manifestly such meas ures are no solution of the problem. While they may relieve the situation locally, they bring resentment on the part of other communities, and from those subjected to such treatments. The presence of an undesirable element in the ranks of the homeless man should not bring censure upon all members of the class. Crime on Main Street. Crimes, in the legal sense at least, are creatures of the state. IVhether or not an act or omission is a crime depends upon the existence or nonexistence of a law declaring it to be so* In this paper the legal sig nification of the word has been adopted* It was used to de note any act or omission, irrespective of its seriousness, which is regarded by the law as a public offense in contra distinction to wrongs which affect individuals only. Statistics relating to crime in Los Angeles have gener ally not been so segregated as to afford much information con cerning the Main Street area in particular. Interviews with members of the police department were the principal source of the information given in this paper on the subject. Being in 67 constant personal contact with various types of offenders they manifestly have an opportunity to acquire knowledge of facts inaccessible to the layman. No exhaustive treatment of the crime situation on Main Street is possible in a paper of this length. Only those phases vhich, to the investigator, seemed of special impor tance have been considered. They are vagrancy, prostitution, and homosexuality. Vagrancy. According to its derivation and more extended sense, the term vagrant seems to be applicable to anyone who travels from place to place, and who has no fixed habitation, _t.e^. a wanderer. In statutory law, it is often defined so as to include certain classes of offenders against good order, who, as such, may be punished by fine or imprisonment, or both. Ample evidence of "man's inhumanity to man" is found by an examination of some of the early English statutes re lating to vagrancy. In 1530 the first of a series of vagrant acts was passed. . . . Able-bodied mendicants were to be whipped until they were bloody, returned to their domicile, and there whipped until they put themselves to labor. ... By the second act of the series it was provided that vagrants were to be first mutilated and then hung as felons.° The landowners held absolute power, and before they yielded to the burden of feeding the starving they 5 Henry Pratt Fairchild, Outline of Applied Sociology (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1916], pp. 169-17%^ 68 seriously addressed themselves to the task of extermina tion. The preamble of the third act stated that in spite of the 'great travel' and 'godly statutes' of Parliament, pauperism had not diminished, therefore, any vagrant brought before two justices was to be adjudged the slave of his captor for two years. He might be compelled to work by beating, chaining, or otherwise, be fed on bread and water, or refuse meat, and confined by a collar of iron about his neck. For his first attempt at escape his slavery became perpetual, for his second he was hanged.6 Although the treatment given the vagrant at the hands of the law has been greatly ameliorated, modern statutes, in some instances at least, are so framed that the homeless man, merely because of destitution, is frequently liable to arrest Section 647 of the Penal Code of the State of Cali fornia says in part: Every person (except a California Indian) without visible means of living who has the physical ability to work, and who does not seek employment, nor labor when employment is offered him; or Every beggar who solicits alms as a business; or • • • • • • # # # # # # # * # # * # # # * # • • • • • • Every person who wanders about the streets at late or unusual hours of the night, without any visible or lawful business; or. Every person who lodges in any barn, shed, shop, out building, vesel, or place other than such as is kept for lodging purposes, without the permission of the owner or party entitled to the possession thereof, . . . is a vagrant and is punishable by a fine of not exceeding five hundred dollars ($500.00), or imprisonment in the County Jail not exceeding six months, or by both such ^ Brooks Adams, The Law of Civilization and Decay (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1895), pp. 202-203. 69 fine and imprisonment. Upon examination of this statute, it is apparent that considerable discretion may be exercised by the police and the judiciary in its enforcement. In a locality such as Main Street, particularly in times of depression, a number of men could probably be found, almost any day or night, who might be regarded as potential offenders. The homeless man is ordinarily placed in a disadvanta geous position when he is brought before a court of justice as a vagrant. His poverty, as a rule, prevents him from em ploying private counsel. The administration of justice, in such cases, is likely to become a routine process, wherein the circumstances surrounding each individual case are not fully brought to light. Such experiences do not tend to soften any anti-social attitudes he may have. In Los Angeles, persons suspected of being vagrants are arrested by that detail of the Police department known as the vag squad. Offenders charged with drunkenness, beg ging, fighting, and evading railroad fare, as well as felons and others are also taken into custody by it. Delinquent boys are detained and turned over to juvenile hall. When the peace is disturbed by radical demonstrations the vag squad is some times called in to assist. Lt. Larnihan, who is in charge of this detail, was in terviewed concerning its work, and from him the following 70 information was obtained. The vag squad of the Los Angeles Police Department is composed of twenty-three men. Dressed in plain clothes, they work in pairs, each team having a district which it patrols. Much of their work is done on Main Street, although the freight yards and other points vdiere migrants enter the city are also watched. Their work is sometimes done on foot, but it is de sirable that each team be equipped with a car, as it makes for quick transportation of those arrested. Otherwise the offi cers may have to wait for forty minutes or more for the patrol. In the office of the city hall there is a police tele type, through which passes a paper ribbon resembling a ticker tape. Upon this appear descriptions of wanted men and of crimes committed. A number of telephones are also employed. A file is kept containing descriptions of suspects and criminals. Some of these have been arrested and convicted al most scores of times. They usually confine themselves to some special form of criminality or combination of such types. For example, one man has been arrested almost always for narcotic addiction and forgery. The work of the police department is so organized that special experience or training is necessary to acquire pro ficiency in a particular branch. Uniformed officers from the radio cars or other details are unable to make many arrests when first transferred to the vag squad. Its members, after 71 a number of years work in it, acquire the ability, it is said, to recognize various criminal or near criminal types. Certain officers on the vag squad are particularly qualified for specific duties. One member is said to have the appearance of a banker. He has been very successful in ar resting beggars, thirteen having been taken into custody by him in one evening. Persons arrested by the vag squad are variously classi fied on the record book by the police as **vag roamer,” "vag sleeper," "vag idle," "vag late hours," "vag dissolute," etc. The "vag roamer" is a person whose appearance suggests that he is without funds, and vAio, upon being questioned, can give no address, means of livelihood, or other evidence that he is a substantial member of the community. The "vag sleeper" is one vâio is found sleeping on pri vate property without the owner*s permission. The "vag late hours" is a man, poorly dressed and with out visible means of support, who is found wandering late at night in a part of the city where he apparently does not belong. Such a person, arrested in the Wilshire district would proba bly be booked as a "vag late hours." On Main Street or East Fifth Street he would probably pass unnoticed. The "vag dissolute" is often a drunk. Not infrequently he will be found urinating in the street, or if a degenerate, exposing the organs of sex. Arrests for this offense are not 72 frequent. Evading railroad fare is an offense for which numerous arrests are made. Men are taken from the freight trains as they enter the city, and are charged with vagrancy. The vag squad averages about one hundred arrests daily. More of these result from drunkenness than from any other cause. Ninety per cent of such arrests are made on Main Street between the Plaza and Seventh Street, on Los Angeles Street between First and Seventh Streets, and on East Fifth Street from Main Street to the depot. The following report of vag squad arrests and disposi tion of cases for the month of January, 1936 further illus trates the work of this detail of the police department. TAG SQJ J AD ARREST FOR MONTH OF JANUARY 1936; Total arrests 2803. Felony arrests 22. Drunk 1282. Drunk and M.T. 25. (Medical treatment needed). Drunk PP 3. (drunk on private property). 7ag Roamer 791. (vagrants who have no place of habita tion or employment). Tag Roamer quar. 3. (vagrants quarantined because of disease). Evading RR fare 474. (men picked off the freights). Tag sleeper 14. (men sleeping on private property without owner’s permission). 73 Tag idle 1. Tag dissolute 1. (exposing the private parts; urinating in the street, etc.). Begging 95. Tag late hours 6. (vagrants arrested late at night in high class districts). Fighting 4. Runaways 80. (delinquent hoys; later turned over to Juvenile hall). DISPOSITION OF JANUARY 1956 GASES: Days in Jail 13,122. Days in jail suspended 1,443. Dollars or days in jail #10,841 x 4,475. Complaint refused 6. Gases dismissed 6. Bail forfeit 2. ($40.00). Released to jury 1, Released to immigration service 3. Released to psychopathic ward 1. Cases handled by detention bureau 22. Cases handled by Juvenile bureau 1. Prostitution. In the earlier days of Los Angeles, women of the "oldest profession" were permitted, within a cer tain district, to carry on their activities, subject to general 74 regulations, without molestation. This so-called "red-light district" was not legally defined, but its boundaries were established rather by tradition and custom only. According to information given by some of the older residents of the city, it was in the neighborhood now known as Chinatown, and on or near Commercial Street. The women usually conducted their trace in individual rooms or "cribs," which were rented to them for a percentage of their earnings. \Yhite women, Negroes, Chinese, and other races offered them selves at prices from fifty cents up. Inmates of cribs were given a smear test for venereal disease every second day, but due to the number of contacts a girl might have in a single night, It was no guarantee against infection. The segregated district of Los Angeles was abolished with the result that prostitution was scattered to various places throughout the city. According to police officers it is found today in the best, as well as in the worst districts. Main Street, because of its poverty, probably has less of it than more prosperous localities. Although this paper is particularily concerned with Main Street, an inquiry relative to prostitution as it exists there, involves a more or less general discussion of the sub ject. There appear to be two general methods, by v/hich prosti tution is at present carried on in Los Angeles. 75 Under one arrangement women are placed in hotels or rooming houses to work on a percentage basis, and consequently must share their earnings with the proprietors of such estab lishments. It is manifestly difficult for an investigator, who is preparing a paper of this kind, to obtain dependable information as to the manner in which this commerce is carried on. Persons familiar with the intimate details of its opera tion would obviously be reticent. Stories of how money is paid by the operators of disorderly houses to officials in re turn for protection are common enough. It is not the purpose of this inquiry to investigate such irregularities, if any there are. Consequently this study will be confined to those aspects of prostitution concerning which more or less accurate knowledge can be secured. Using anoliier method, some prostitutes carry on inde pendently, or free lance, so to speak. These may be conven iently divided, according to prices, into two main groups. For the more exclusive class. Main Street evidently does not offer the best field of endeavour. Some observations concern ing them, derived from the experiences of members of the vice 7 squad, may be worth recording. The more refined of the shady ladies usually live alone ^ Interview on February 8, 1936, with Lieutenant Greenhill of Los Angeles Police Department Vice Squad. 76 in an apartment in a well-established apartment house area. In many cases the rent of the dwelling, and much of the cost of maintenance of the women themselves is contributed by one man, customarily known as a "daddy." This gentleman labors under the false belief that all the favors of the young woman in question are reserved for him. It is his custom to call once or twice a week to receive them. Meanwhile the girl is "working on the side" to augment her income. The more exclusive girls do not solicit on the street; rather those who visit them are sent by prior customers. It is not considered good form for the visitor to call without a previously made appointment. He is expected to make a formal engagement. Only a very ordinary street walker is ready to carry on at a moment’s notice. The girls speak of a visit by a man for sexual purposes as "turning a trick." One girl may casually remark to another, "I turned a twenty-five dollar trick this morning.” Meaning, of course, that she had relations with a man for a fee of twenty-five dollars. The contact is on a refined and friendly plane, with no mention of fees in advance. The customer is expected to make a free will contribution of not less than ten dollars. In the case of an unusually desirable girl, or a very long visit, the offering may amount to fifty dollars. There are several departures from the conventional 77 methods of operation. One arrangement is where a woman has an established clientele of seven or eight very solvent men. In this situation she can pose merely as an attractive woman with a fairly wide circle of friends. Married women living with their husbands sometimes place their names and telephone numbers "on call" with the bellboys of leading hotels. ViThen a male guest desires to contact an amiable woman, he is given a name and telephone number by the bellboy. The woman is expected to pay a fee for this service; if she fails to do so her name is stricken from the list. The cheaper and more common prostitutes are often re ferred to as "street walkers." They commonly contact male pedestrians on the street, or sometimes get into a man’s car while he is waiting for the signal to change. According to the talk of the street, the standard charges of such women appears to be two dollars. Prostitutes who have a good earning capacity are said generally to be attractive women, with no stigmata of their occupation discernible to the average person. The average age has been estima te a at about twenty-two years. Many begin the practice earlier in life, and at thirty the earning power of even the more exclusive ones has usually so diminished that they must descend to less lucrative levels. Some of the demoted women live in cheap rooming houses, make 78 contacts in public parks, and entertain one or two men a day for the modest sum of one dollar. Police have arrested women of sixty years for this offense, although it is unusual. Almost all the girls have a man who to them is a genu ine lover. To the police he is simply a pimp. He acts some what in the capacity of a business manager, receives the bulk of the woman’s cash earnings, and in return is supposed to give her his love. When her attractiveness begins to fade, the pimp usually leaves her for a younger and fresher girl. The majority of "sporting women" have been married at least once. It is not uncommon for them to have one or two children enrolled in private schools, and they are said to faithfully pay tuition and other necessary expenses and to visit them regularly. Police report that men in all stations in life are founa with prostitutes when arrests are made. In one instance, a seventy year old minister, who, at the time, was pastor of a Los Angeles church, was taken into custody. In the opinion of the officers, 95 per cent of the cus tomers of prostitutes are married men. One reason given for this is that single men have more time and a better opportunity to seek sexual gratifications with young women than married men have. Apparently, it is the pressure of circumstances beyond their control, rather than predetermined choice, which, in the 79 beginning causes the majority of women to sell their favors. Once initiated, easy money causes them to continue the prac tice. The records reveal that the majority of prostitutes booked by the police give their occupations as waitress, ste nographer, or beauty parlor operator. This, perhaps, may be explained by the fact, that in the first two occupations named, at least, contact with men is frequent. The effects of prostitution are far-reaching. The moral aspect is so obvious as to need no comment. One of the out standing physical effects is the spreading of venereal dis eases, which bring suffering, not only to the parties to the act, but to innocent persons as well. The number of prostitutes who have venereal disease can only be estimated. Although the health department does not concur in their opinion, veteran police officers do not be lieve that many prostitutes of the more exclusive class are so afflicted. They generally carry on in an environment which permits them to take prompt prophylactic measures. In addition they make a rapid but skilled and fairly thorough examination of the prospective customer prior to the act. If he appears to be diseased, he is rejected. The occasional or clandestine prostitute, or the woman who submits to male attentions merely for the sake of the sensation involved is more likely to have venereal disease. Women of this type are referred to by the police as "beer hall 80 hounds" because they frequent tawdry beer gardens. In many cases, these women, while drunk, have sexual relations with several acquaintances in one evening. Any antiseptic measures are usually delayed until the following morning, when they are almost useless. Several years ago seventy-two prostitutes were arrested at Los Angeles harbor. An examination of these women for venereal disease showed that sixty of the seventy- two had positive reactions. When youth and maximum earning power are gone, the out look for the prostitute is generally an unhappy one. The practice, of course, has its ill effects upon the women who follow it, as well as upon their customers. Late hours and the considerable amount of drinking which is a concomitant of the practice, as well as the frequency of sexual relations, cause them to lose their attractiveness at a comparatively early age* At thirty many of them are afflicted with syphilis, tuberculosis, or have become narcotic addicts. Police say that prostitutes are especially inclined toward opium, many of them smoking a pipe regularly. Courtesans number their fair share among suicides. T¥hen earning power and health have vanished self-destruction seems the best solution of their problem. Often suicides who are young women, listed by the newspapers as motion picture extras, are really prostitutes who have found life unbearable. Before leaving the subject, the local treatment of 81 prostitution will be briefly considered. An ordinance of the City of Los Angeles makes it unlawful for any woman "to so licit any man for money to have carnal intercourse with her, ..." or for any person to resort to any house, room, or building in the city for the purpose of having sexual in tercourse with a person to vhom he or she is not married. Violation of the provisions of this ordinance is punishable by a fine of not more than five hundred dollars, or by impris onment in the city Jail for a period of not more than six months, or by both such fine and imprisonment*^ The police have devised methods whereby they are able to apprehend women who are for sale. The officers usually v/ork in teams of three. Except in rare instances they do not make arrests unless at least two officers are present. They neces sarily work in plain clothes. From many sources information is obtained as to the activities of prostitutes. By observation, the correctness of these "tips" is ascertained, as far as possible. When it ap pears that a woman is entertaining men for a price, the police are ready to act. If the woman who is being observed is a street walker the police permit her to offer herself to them, and then ar rest her on a charge known as offering. In other instances ^ Ordinance No. 49354 N.S. 82 the arrest is made after the woman has taken a man to her room. About sixty arrests per week are usually made. The majority of the girls plead guilty to the charge, which is a misdemeanor. The average sentence is thirty dol lars or fifteen days. As soon as the fine is imposed, the offenders apparently feel they must return to work to make up the loss suffered. One officer arrested a certain girl once a day for seven days. He said that she was back at her trade before he could return to arrest her. Another girl known to the police has been arrested for offering and resorting one hundred and seventy-five times in the past ten years. A few years ago all girls arrested were tested for both of the principal venereal diseases. If they were found to be infected they were committed to Los Flores Hospital, and con fined there until treatment had been administered. While this system was in vogue, any man arrested for resorting also was compelled to take the same tests. As the results of these tests were not available until the lapse of forty-eight hours these men were detained for that length of time. This caused a number of divorces, for the wife was almost certain to learn of the charge on which her husband was held. In the event that the man was venereally infected, he was required to re port until he also had been cured. The appropriation for these tests and hospitalization of the girls has been discontinued. Now a girl who is 83 diseased is merely fined or jailed for a few days, and then is freed and may continue spreading disease. Homosexuality. Lieutenant Lester of the Juvenile De tail of the Los Angeles Police Department furnished the fol lowing information relative to homosexuality. The Lieutenant seems unlike the popular concept of a police officer. About six feet in height, slender in build, and of scholarly man ner, he has the appearance of a junior lecturer in a college economics course. Quiet and friendly, he speaks rapidly and with no hint of reserve. According to Lieutenant Lester, homosexuality, as it exists On Main Street, is chiefly found in the section between First and Sixth Streets. To the police connected with this branch of law enforcement it seems very prevalent; the Lieu tenant doubts that such practices are of very great importance in the general sex situation in this locality. The term "homosexualist," in this paper was applied to those persons who demand such satisfactions to distinguish them from those who submit to the practice. The homosexualists found on Main Street may be divided into two classes. One group is comprised of nonresidents who come to Main Street from other parts of the city or county for the purpose of contacting young men and boys in this district. 84 They are men, usually of mature years, having an em ployment which pays them a fair salary. They are the best customers of what may be termed the male prostitutes. The members of the other group reside on Main Street, and generally have a small settled income, for exan^le, a war pension. The smallness of their incomes compels them to live in "two bit flop houses," and to patronize cheap restaurants and shows. This type seeks the less desirable kind of boy, and often pays in creature comforts instead of cash for the services rendered him. The boys who submit to the attentions of the homosexu alists may also be placed in two general classes, namely, transients and Los Angeles residents. The majority belong to the first class. They are youths, aged seventeen to twenty-one, who find themselves stranded in the city. They live in cheap "flop houses," and in due time are approached by homosexualists, or themselves signify their willingness to submit to such practices. In some instances it appears that procurers or pimps make the contact between homosexualist and prostitute. Usually these procurers are men who have themselves catered to such desires, and hence are familiar with the methods of making contacts and of arranging other details. Boys in this class usually demand cash for their services. Boys of the second group are usually from twelve to 85 fifteen years of age, and are approached by a homosexualist while visiting the Main Street district. The pervert will treat his prospective victim to shows, food, and other gifts, and then attempt to entice him to his room. Boys of this kind are usually enmeshed because of their innocence, and as a rule have but one such experience. Occasionally, if they are inherently perverted, this initiation arouses interest, and they eventually become confirmed perverts. The charges for homosexual gratifications range from fifty cents to five dollars. The average is from one to two dollars for each act. If a youth is clean looking, handsome, and well-dressed he may receive larger fees than the poorly dressed, unkempt boy. The youths who gain a living by supplying homosexual satisfactions often reach a point where they prefer to vic timize, rather than satisfy their patrons. This takes the form of robbery. The homosexualist is usually an effeminate defenseless person, and the boys feel that he will not resort to legal recourse. Generally the robbery is accomplished by the use of a "sap stick" or brass "knuckles" after the pair have gone to a room, ostensibly for the purpose of performing the per verted sex act. The victim is slugged into unconsciousness and left. Being aware of their danger, the homosexualists attempt 86 to thwart robbery by secreting their money in the room prior to the arrival of the boy. The latter often succeeds in his purpose by a ruse. He suggests, that in order to allay sus picion, he will go first to the rendevous, arranging for his customer to meet him there in a quarter of an hour. During this interval the boy almost tears the room apart, searching for his victim’s hidden money. As experience has taught him the usual hiding places of an average hotel room, be usually succeeds in finding his loot. In another method used, the boys work in pairs. One of them goes to the room with the homosexualist, and in a few minutes his accomplice comes in secretly, or is let in by the other. Together they slug and rob their victim. Occasionally those who have been robbed appeal to the police. Because of the embarrassment it entails, it is not often done. The police try to eradicate homosexual practices, not only as a thing bad in itself, and prohibited by statute, but also because it leads to other crimes. Due to the "easy money" they enjoy, the youths who gratify such vices, soon refuse to work at any other employ ment. They begin to feel that they are clever, sophisticated, and beyond the need of work. Soon they are engaged in the practice of "rolling" the degenerates. For these robberies they are seldom punished. As their ego and confidence increase 87 they graduate to other "jobs," such as robbing people on the street, and holding up stores and filling stations. Thus homosexuality is responsible for recruits to the ranks of violent and dangerous criminals. Catering to the desires of the homosexualists has other effects on the lads. They become evasive, pathological liars, and generally irresponsible. Stories of prominent people ad dicted to the vice cause them to believe in the dignity of their occupation, and that they and their patrons are super human. Thus fortified they are unlikely to quit these prac tices by which they can easily procure a living. Away from Main Street homosexual practices are fairly common among business and professional men of the city. These are more difficult to apprehend and convict. They usually go with their "lover" to another county, to a mountain resort, or similar place, and are rarely caught, often their attach ment is more permanent than that of the Main Street homosexual, and the boy in question is usually about twenty-one years of age. CHAPTER IV THE ESTHETIC LIFE OF MAIN STREET Main street amusements in general. Ccanmercialism is an outstanding characteristic of Main Street recreations. They not only serve as a means of entertainment to their pa trons, hut they also form part of the street’s economic life. Their influence is by no means confined to Main Street. The taxi dance halls and the burlesque shows, for example, attract customers from an area of considerable size, and thus, along with the other diversions, affect the surrounding community as well. Whether or not money is necessary to procure entertain ment depends largely upon one’s tastes. To the man of intel lectual pursuits life offers many enjoyments without a price. Through books, even in solitude, he may find contentment. On the other hand the lower pleasures are often the most costly. The inhabitEint of Main Street may, within a compara tively short distance,find certain kinds of recreation which cost little or nothing. If he confines himself to Main Street, and is without funds, he is likely to find his quest for amuse ment considerably hampered, especially if he happens to be "carnally minded." He may idle away time at the Plaza, tramp the streets, or even make his way into the taxi dance halls during the free admission period in the early evening. If he 89 is interested in religion he may attend the services at the missions. But to enjoy the pastimes usually regarded as amusements he usually must have some money. Although Los Angeles has a number of parks, the Plaza is the only one on the part of Main Street covered by this study. It will be described in a subsequent chapter. Many of the other parks can be reached from Main Street by the street car as well as by the automobile. The commercialized amusements, prominent among which are the theatre, the beer parlor, and the dance hall, to the Investigator, appeared the only ones on Main Street inq)ortant enough to deserve special mention. Consequently this chapter of the paper is occupied by a description of them. The reader will probably be impressed by the unwhole someness of much of the entertainment of Main Street. It should be remembered, however, that similar attractions of fered elsewhere, although in more elegant or genteel surround ings, are intended to gratify the same basic desires. On Main Street the setting is cheaper, and some of the artificial con ventions removed. The homeless man, too, does not have the benefit of the wholescane interests which family ties and established connec tions in the community tend to create. Often he seems to live in an inner solitude which prevents a full emotional develop ment. Friendships, if he has any, are likely to be as 90 superficial as they are transient. Under such circumstances sensual pleasures have a greater appeal. Main Street theatres. The position which Main Street once held in the community is recalled by a glance at the history of some of its theatres. Names celebrated in the theatrical world have been associated with certain of the street’s show houses. The old Grand Theatre, formerly the Childs’ Opera House, erected on Main near First Street, is or rather was, a landmark. Built by 0. W. Childs, one of the pioneers of Los Angeles, it was "the first really creditable theatre" of the city. It was opened May 24, 1884, with Mile. Rhea, in "The School for Scan del." ^ince that time many famous per sonages have trod its stage. Among them were Edwin Booth, Helena Modjeska, Robert G. Ingersoll, Nat Goodwin, Roscoe (Fatty) Arbuckle, and Ferris Hartman. It was the local house of the Orpheum circuit for a time. On April 6, 1936, the cur tain fell for the last time, and shortly after wreckers began the demolition of the old building. The Follies Theatre, formerly the Belasco, at 337 South Main Street, was, in its day, another of the city’s leading theatres. A press notice in the Los Angeles Examiner of September 17, 1911, says in part: Richard Walton Tully’s new drama of Hawaii, ’The Bird of Paradise’ . . . was given its first production at the 91 Belasco last Monday night. . . . The triumph of Bessie Barriscale .. . has been com mented upon by thousands. Lewis Stone , . • . David Landau, . . . Howard Hickman, . • • and Richard Vivian, . . . are only four in a re marks dly effective cast. Charles Murray, Hobart Bosworth, Burr McIntosh, and Richeird Bennett, according to newspaper advertisements, have appeared on the Belasco stage. It is now the home of a bur lesque show whose slogan is "Burlesque as you like it." The Burbank Theatre, on South Main near Sixth Street was leased for a number of years by Oliver Moroseo. Modjeska, Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Drew, Richard Bennett, Marjorie Rambeau, Margaret Illington, Edmund Lowe, and Florence Rockwell are some of the stars who have played there. At the present time a burlesque show displays feminine loveliness in a most re vealing way for the delight of the masculine eye. A colored sign on the front announces the slogan, "Where Life Begins." The efforts of Main Street theatrical producers, par ticularly the proprietors of the burlesque shows, and the honky-tonks, to provide entertainment, have been somewhat restricted by laws directed against alleged immoral shows. A local ordinance prohibits . . . the showing or exhibiting of any entertainment, show, play, or scene which is obscene, or indecent, or lewd, or which has for its subject or theme sex degen eracy or sex perversion, or sex inversion.^ ^ Ordinance No. 60587. 92 Offenders may be punished by a fine of not more than five hundred dollars, or by imprisonment in the city jail for a period of not more than six months, or by both such fine and imprisonment. One or two police details visit the shows given in the city for the purpose of making arrests when the offerings are lewd or obscene. If female performers expose their breasts fully, the show is likely to be halted. The club women of Los Angeles hire representatives who attend shows of doubtful character. When such a show passes what is considered the limit of decency, the club women demand that the vice squad interfere. Officers then visit the thea tre in question, and if it appears that a conviction can be obtained, arrests are made. Usually, both the cast and the producers are arraigned. As it is difficult to prove the ef fect of the show on public morals and as the best legal talent is employed, convictions are hard to obtain. Main Street theatres, as they are today, will next be considered. Although other theatres sometimes present vaudeville acts in connection with other entertainment, the Hippodrome, at 320 South Main Street, is the only one on the street which can be properly termed a vaudeville house. It is advertised as a family theatre, presenting six acts of standard vaude ville, with features, serials, news, and comedies, giving, in 93 all, three hours of entertainment. The show is continuous, commencing at eleven fifteen a.m. and ending at one p.m. Pro grams are changed twice a week. The prices are ten and fifteen cents. The Olvera Street theatre at No. 21 Olvera Street pre sents stage productions, each of which sometimes runs for weeks or months at a time, and attracts numbers of tourists and visitors to that street. Theatres on Main Street devoted exclusively to the showing of motion pictures number about twelve. On rare oc casions some of them present a stage attraction in addition to the films. Bright colored posters are frequently used, as well as a display of still pictures> to advertise the offerings. Fur ther exploitation of special features is sometimes affected by employing persons, dressed in a manner suggestive of the char acter of the film to be publicized, to perform in the lobby, or in the street in front. On one occasion a young woman re clined in a glass case near the street to attract attention. This expedient seemed to accomplish its purpose. Quite a few of the pictures exhibited are made by lead ing producers and feature well-known stars in the cast, the films having been first released in theatres of the better class before appearing on Main Street. The Western thriller, the melodramatic serial which leaves the characters in peril. 94 and the audience in suspense at the end of each chapter, the sex picture with its asserted expose of vice, and the gang ster film, also contribute to the Main Streeter’s entertain ment. The following list of titles taken from the posters advertising the various offerings is fairly representative: Charlie Chaplin in The Immigrant. Buffalo Bill, Jr. in The Fighting Cowboy. The Phantom Empire, A Mascot Serial. John Wayne in The Dawn Rider. Buck Jones in Forbidden Trail. Harry Carey in Wagon Trail. Richard Dix in The Arizonian. Richard Barthelmess in Midnight Alibi. James Cagney and Pat O’Brien in Devil Dogs of the Air. Claudette Colbert in She Married Her Boss. The Last Mile, Dillinger, Public Enemy No. 1. Footlight Parade. Sex Maniac, Truth About Love Killers. Is Your Daughter Safe? The Love Mart. The usual price of admission to these motion picture theatres is ten cents; in some instances it is only five cents. Some remain open all ni^t, thus affording shelter for persons who otherwise might have none. 96 There are two types of shows, more or less peculiar to Main Street, namely, the burlesque show and the honky-tonk. As the readers of this paper (being persons for whom cheap or vulgar entertainment has no appeal) are not likely to be fa miliar with them, a detailed description of these attractions seems proper, in order that Main Street life may be adequately portrayed. The burlesque show. There are three burlesque shows on Main street at the present time. Motion pictures and a stage presentation make up the offerings of these theatres. The performance is continuous, beginning at about one p.m. and ending at about eleven p.m. Three to four stage shows are given each day, each one lasting about one hour and fif teen minutes. Pictures are shown in the interim between the stage attractions. It has also become the practice to give a Saturday mid night show, vhere, according to the advertisement of one of the proprietors, "You see the thrills before they are elimi nated. " Admission prices range from ten cents for balcony seats at the matinees to seventy-five cents for the boxes and front rows in the evening. The foyer is adorned with pictures of the principals and chorus girls, the costumes of the female members of the troupe being conspicuous because of their brevity. 97 - ^ : 3 L - ' fcCMEÜ® MAm STREET THEATRES 97 Prominence is given to featured performers called "strippers*” The reason for the name will probably be surmised; if not, it will appear later. The performance of the burlesque show consists of a succession of scenes, each complete in itself, and having no connection with the one which precedes or follows* Orchestra music and scenery, the latter in some cases quite colorful, lend assistance to the actors* Lively dances by the chorus girls and songs by the principals comprise the opening ensemble. The orchestra in this scene is sometimes placed upon the stage also* The scenes which follow usually begin with what may be termed an episode. In this the comedians and other principals of the cast take part in skits, or in dialogues put forth their "gags,” and jokes* The lines are often so contrived as to have a double meaning* The literal significance of the words is innocent, but the other construction, which is quite apparent to anyone except a person of childlike innocence, is quite the contrary. No specimens will be given here, lest the sensibilities of the reader be offended. The climax, which is reached at the end of the scene, usually causes considerable laughter in the audience* The stage lights go out and the actors hurry off the stage. Immediately following, one of the featured girl "strip dancers," fully clothed, appears on the stage and sings a song* 98 She retires and the chorines enter and sing the chorus of the same song as they execute a dance number. When the girls have finished and made their exit, the dancer again comes on and does the first part of her dance* During the progress of her motions about the stage she gradually unfastens her clothing, and by the time she makes her exit her dress has fallen to her waist* The audience usually indicates its approval by ap plause. During the following part of her act she entirely re moves her dress and is clad only in shoes, brassiere and a covering about her waist* In some instances she appears a third time and gives the most sensational performance of all, it being Oriental in character. Burlesque audiences seem to be appreciative of this kind of dancing and frequently demand an encore* The lady responds sometimes by merely appearing and acknowledging the applause, or she may only wave some intimate portion of her clothing from the wings. If the audience becomes too insist ent in its demands for a reappearance the house li^ts are tumea on. This usually has the effect of silencing the ap plause, and the show is allowed to go on* The stage offering ends with the final ensemble of all the cast upon the stage. Women, as well as men, attend the burlesque shov/s, al though the latter, of course, are in the majority. The age of the audience varies from boys who appear to be in their teens to men whose appearance indicates that they are in the late stages of life. 100 The honky-tonk* In Los Angeles, the honky-tonk seems to be an amusement confined to Main Street. Dancing girls are its chief attraction, although some other form of entertain ment is sometimes presented in connection with the female per formers. On account of police interference, the business of the proprietors of these shows has received frequent setbacks dur ing the past several years. Their establishments have been raided and closed by the police, fines and Jail sentences imposed, both upon the operators and performers, yet they re open again time after time. There were once three honky-tonks on Main Street between First and Sixth Streets. At the pres ent writing all such places on Main Street are closed, but because they have formed a part of its life in the past, and may reappear in the future, they have been treated in this paper. The honky-tonk show consists of a series of perform ances, each of which requires an extra admission charge, and by promising to be more alluring than the last, tends to arouse greater curiosity and sexual desire. An ordinary storeroom, divided into compartments, serves as a place of business. The first price of admission is usually ten cents, sometimes it is more, sometimes less* Various devices are employed to attract the passerby* Large pictures of the girl 101 dancers, scantily clad, are sometimes placed in a recess fronting the street, together with signs indicating the kind of show given. At other times a magician or other entertainer does an act for the amusement of the public, after which the girls appear in person. The "spieler” then gives a description of the dance performed by each member of the troupe* These dances are of a kind particularly enjoyed by men. The words of a certain side show "barker" relative to the dance of one of the enter tainers of his organization are apropos here* Said he, "This is the dance that John the Baptist lost his head over, and a good many other Johnnies have lost their heads over it since." More recently the street advertisements simply represent that the show inside is an expose of underworld life along with a dancing girl presentation. After he pays the first admission price, the customer is ushered into a room immediately behind the ticket office. During the past few years some of the proprietors have here provided a kind of museum or other freakish attraction. Others use this room only as a place for the customer to wait until time for the next show, if he comes in after a perform ance begins. Exhibitions are usually given at intervals of fr<an twenty to thirty minutes. The first act of the girls consists of so-called art poses, followed by dances, or it may be simply dancing alone. 102 Many of the girls are shapely and attractive and their cos- ttHnes generously reveal their charms. Music is supplied by musicians in person or by a phonograph. After the first presentation is over, the girls are re called to the platform or stage as it may be. The man in charge informs the spectators that there is another department of the show conducted by the girls, who, ^ says, receive the admission charges. Here, it is asserted, they remove more of their clothing and execute dances much more exciting than any heretofore seen. The hearers are further told that this per formance is no Sunday School picnic, that it is intended for red-blooded men over twenty-one, etc. They are requested to tell nothing of what they will see, as that would be detri mental to themselves and to the management. Men connected with the establishment often mingle with the patrons and act as "come-ons" by telling what the show is like and professing eagerness to attend. Admission to this department ranges from twenty-five cents to one dollar. Those who do not care to at tend simply walk out. In this next show each girl*3 costume is made up only of shoes, panties, and brassiere. Little movement of the feet is required in the dances, the motion being principally of the shoulders and hips, the latter suggestive of sexual pleasures. Some of the girls look enticingly at the spectators in the course of their entertaining as the latter crowd near the 103 platform. This exhibition is followed by still another. This time, it is stated, the girls will entertain in their dressing room, with even fewer clothes and more exciting dances. The cost is greater than before, but some of the patrons are often induced to pay another extra charge, the amount being from fifty cents to two dollars. This is, as a rule, the final act, and usually differs little from the preceding one. In one instance customers were urged to attend still another at traction, but, quite contrary to expectation, it turned out to be a collection of wax figures and pictures showing the ef fects of venereal olseases. One person familiar with Main Street honky-tonks fur nished the following information concerning these attractions of a few years ago. At one location, after the initial show by the dancers, a two dollar charge was made for the next one. In this, the girls were bare from the waist up. Only a railing separated them from the customers, who were permitted to feel as well as see. Five dollars was extracted for the next stage, in which the promise made by the management that "there won*t be anything between you and the girls, and you can let your con science by your guide" was fulfilled. In another place a pri vate dance was given for three dollars. The investigator was unable to ascertain whether or not 104 sexual intercourse was ever permitted in the honky-tonks. It is not unreasonable to suppose that it occurred at other times and places between the girls and the patrons. The beer parlor. On Main Street the beer parlor fills a demand that, in more exclusive sections is supplied by the night club. It affords the Main Street sojourner or the cas ual visitor an opportunity for recreation similar in kind, but perhaps not in quality, to that offered by the "bright spots" elsewhere. Because of the dual nature of some of the Main Street establishments, one may be puzzled in attempting to classify them. Many places sell both liquor and food in such quanti ties and operate in such a manner that they may be called either a restaurant or a beer parlor. An attempt will be made to describe those places where generally some form of enter tainment is offered along with the other goods and services. The beer parlor supplies not only alcoholic beverages, food, and entertainment, but serves also as a kind of social center* Over the door of one of the Main Street places ap pears the following: "Ye who enter here on refreshment bent-- shall welcome be and forth with blessings sent." Stopping to analyze this statement it may be said that the customer "on refreshment bent" may gratify his desires at a reasonable cost. Beer and wine can be purchased at five cents a glass. For a moderate sum, even the habitual drinker. 105 as a rule, can attain a state of alooholically induced ec stasy, or "happy insensibility," as he may desire. According to police officers, cheap wine, which can be purchased for fifteen cents a pint on Main Street, is one of the favorite drinks among those who have little money to spend for intoxi cants. Two "shots" of whiskey, taken with a large drink of this cheap wine are said to make the drinker "goofy," that is, he loses control of himself, and becomes totally irresponsible for his acts. The "blessings" derived from the drinks sold, like many other joys, are often followed by unpleasant consequences. Not only is there the penalty of the "morning after," but the inebriate may fall into the hands of the "rag pickers," as the vag squad is sometimes referred to on the street. Twelve hundred and eighty-two of the 2,802 arrests made by this de tail of the police department during the month of January, 1936, were for drunkenness. One of the larger Main Street beer parlors presents two shows nightly for the amusement of its patrons. This is a kind of miniature girl revue, consisting of song and dance numbers by the principals and chorus, along with Jokes and repartee between the master of ceremonies and other members of the troupe. The dance floor and the orchestra are at the disposal of the visitors at various times during the evening. There is no admission or cover charge but the guests are 106 expected to buy drinks during the course of their stay. In some of the other beer parlors there is a dance floor and orchestra; others are without such facilities. In these, how ever, some form of musical entertainment is usually given, such as an Hawaiian or "hill-billy" orchestra, or the like, or, in some cases, only a singer accompanied by a piano. Oc casionally a girl does an Oriental dance for the delight of the male customers. In some of the places visited the "hat" was passed by the performers at the conclusion of their turn, in others a beer mug or other receptacle was placed near a sign bearing the words, "Feed the Kitty." In the beer parlor, as in the taxi dance hall, the casual visitor to Main Street, and the homeless man, provided they have money, may find companionship. At a number of the beer parlors young women are in attendance to greet the lonely man and to encourage him to buy drinks both for him and them selves. Nor is the relation always a distant one. Under the warming influence of the liquor the ladies at times become generous, not only with conversation, but their caresses as well. During the later hours of the evening, the "mirth and fun" sometimes grows "fast and furious." The taxi dance hall. The taxi dance hall is another of the various commercialized entertainments of Main Street. For the benefit of those readers who may not be familiar with this term, an explanation will be given. 107 Almost all the patrons of this type of public dance hall are men who visit them unaccompanied by women companions; therefore the proprietors of these establishments hire girls and young women to act as hostesses and dancing partners for their male customers. These halls are sometimes called dancing academies by their operators and the hostesses referred to as instructors. It is true that dancing lessons are given in some of them, but such instruction is not their principal busi ness . The financial ability to pay the prices asked is gen erally the only requisite necessary to dance, or form an ac quaintance with the young women. Men who desire their society buy tickets, each entitling them to one dance of about one and one-half minutes duration, for ten cents apiece, and without introduction select the lady of their choice. The girls re ceive one-half of the purchase price of the tickets, the other half going to the proprietor. A number of these halls are provided with a counter or tables, or both, where food, ginger ale, coca cola, soda water, and other soft drinks are sold. Those who avail them selves of the society of the hostesses while partaking of the beverages "must pay for their fun." In the majority of these halls, twenty-five cents is the smallest charge for a drink of any kind when a girl is in attendance; some cost as much as fifty cents. For exan^le, a bottle of soda water which can 107 E D I T I O N ^ WAGreaièr/ c }/e w HARLEM smm z SHOWS jnonE ^ r BEAUTES STAGE HARLEM SCAMDJUS E D I T I O N BEAUTIES STAGE i n ORE HARLEM SCANDALS MA.IK STREET THEATRE ADVERTISEKEHTS 109 be purcliased elsewhere for five cents, costs twenty-five cents if the man desires the company of one of the girls. Forty per cent of the money received from the drinks goes to the girls, the balance to the "house." As a little calculation easily shows, a full evening*s entertainment can be quite ex pensive for the customer, and equally lucrative for the host ess and the proprietor. Taxi dance halls are found at various locations in the city of Los Angeles. At the present time seven are operating on, and in the proximity of Main Street. Four of these cater chiefly to Filipinos, although Caucasions and other races also frequent them. The other three, as a rule, are attended only by white men. In the Main Street area, all taxi dance halls are lo cated in the second or upper floors of buildings designed for other tenants as well, such as theatre or store buildings. Direct entrance from the street is provided for by a stairway. Seats are placed around the dance floor for those vdio attend, and also upon a raised platform adjoining, which is occupied by the orchestra. The girls either stand or sit in a space reserved for them. The soft drink department is sometimes situated in an adjoining room. Some of the halls offer free admission and dancing for a half hour or so after starting time « After the free period 110 the admission charge for men is usually ten cents. In some establishments women and their escorts are admitted for fifty cents, the admission entitling the couple to the privilege of dancing. Dancing begins at from 7:30 to 8:30 p,m. and ends at one p.m., except on Saturdays, vdien the closing hour is twelve o*clock. A city ordinance requires Sunday closing. Prior to 1929 regulations relative to taxi dance halls were less strict than now. Dancing was often quite "conti nental" in character, even approaching the "shimmie" of post war days. In the soft drink department booths, instead of tables, were used, in which ardent demonstrations of affection were indulged in by some, along with the beverages. In 1929 articles appeared in a Los Angeles newspaper describing conditions in the taxi dance halls. The accounts given were unfavorable to say the least. Shortly thereafter all such dance halls in the city were closed for a time. At length, after more stringent regulations had been formulated, they were allowed to reopen. The dance hall detail of the Los Angeles Police Depart ment was organized to directly supervise the taxi dance halls of the city. It is composed of two male officers and one policewoman. Its primary object is to build up the morale of the girls employed as dancers, and to protect them from ex ploitation. Their occupation is of such a nature that they Ill are exposed to many temptations, and the work of the police is intended as a protection against these hazards. This detail has its office in room 68 of the City Hall, where, every day except Sunday, between 5:30 and 7:30 p.m. girls are registered, complaints received and as far as pos sible adjudicated, and other details of the work attended to. At 7:30 p.m. the detail leaves the office and spends the re maining part of its time on duty in the work of inspecting the various taxi dance halls of the city, or in other related duties. The work is usually finished at one or two o’clock in the morning, although it sometimes continues until three o’clock or later. Before she is permitted to work in a taxi dance hall, a girl must be registered in the office of the dance hall de tail. She is interviewed as to her name, alias, age, address, names of parents or other relatives and their addresses, last school attended, and last place of employment. This informa tion, together with the girl’s photo, is recorded on a card, and filed for future reference. Since 1930, some four or five thousand girls have been registered; at the present time be tween three and four hundred are on the active list. Any girl over twenty-one years of age, with no criminal record, is eligible for registration. In cases of doubt as to age, a careful check is made to determine whether she is over twenty-one. Provided her conduct is satisfactory, a girl’s 112 registration is good for an indefinite period without any re port from her, unless she is away for more than two days from her place of employment. In this event she must report to the police before returning to work, and if the absence was caused by illness, a physician’s certificate attesting that fact must be presented. The girls are permitted to change from one hall to an other, provided due notice is given their enq)loyers and the dance hall detail. Flitting from one place of employment to another is discouraged, because, it is asserted, the Filipino halls are each frequented by a different crowd with its fa vorites among the taxi dancers, and when changes are made by the girls, fights among the customers may follow. Various types of girls work in the taxi dance halls; for this reason few generalizations concerning them can be safely drawn. As a class they appeared to the investigator to be pretty, attractively dressed, and pleasant to meet. It even occurred to him that Mohammed might have given a more glowing description of his heaven, had it been possible for him to view feminine charms such as some of the Main Street hostesses possess. Nearly all the taxi dancers are white. A few of them are Mexicans or Indians, or of mixed racial origins. As be fore remarked, no girl is eligible for this occupation in the Los Angeles halls if she is under twenty-one. Some of them 113 appear to be in their thirties; the majority are in their twenties. According to a member of the dance hall detail a few of the dancers are university graduates, many have a high school education, and nearly all have attended high school for at least one or two years • It appears that dancing, to many of the hostesses is merely an occupation, although in some cases friendship and even romance may develop between them and certain of the pa trons. Various devices are used by some of the girls to in duce the susceptible customer to spend freely, such as the making of engagements to be kept before or after working hours. The lady in some instances keeps her tryst, in others those # 1 0 court her favors are doomed to disappointment, being "stood up" in the language of the street. The earnings of the dancers is, of course, variable, depending upon their individual attraction and knowledge of the vulnerable points of the customer, general business con ditions, and in some instances, mere good fortune. According to their own statements, the income of some of the girls, in the so-called era of prosperity, was as much as eighty or one hundred dollars per week. At present some of them may earn only a few cents for a night’s work; the average income has been estimated at about sixteen dollars per week. One taxi dance hall has a rule that no girl whose earnings average less than twelve dollars per week will be 114 retained. Inability to find other employment was the reason given by a number of girls interviewed for their entry into the dance hall life. In these days, when work in other occu pations is often difficult to find, it is easy to understand why girls who might prefer other vocations seek this means of livelihood. In some instances dancing augments the income received from other work. No attempt was made to personally investigate the lives or activities of the taxi dancers when away from their places of employment. The dance hall detail reports that many of them have no contacts with customers, except during working hours. According to statements of the girls themselves some are wives and mothers; others say they are divorced or living apart from their husbands. Naturally, some do not have high moral standards, and in spite of measures taken to prevent it, clandestine prosti tution, to a certain extent occurs. Other occupations, of course, provide opportunities for this practice. The men who attend the halls catering to white men will first be considered. Among them, there is diversity, as in the case of the dancers. Judged by appearances, their ages vary from that of men in their early twenties to those of sixty years or more. In public places of this sort, one finds, of course, the uncouth person, as well as the courteous one* 115 As far as the investigator could observe there is little row diness in the white halls, the order maintained in them being comparable to other places where the general public congre gates, Men are generally escorted to the street if their con duct becomes objectionable. The appearance and manner of the majority of the customers indicate that they belong to the working class. Various reasons may be assigned for the attendance of white men at the taxi dance halls. Since no formalities of any kind are required, acquaint since s are easily made, even by the retiring man, which, in some cases, lead to more intimate relations. Men who possibly could not, because of advanced years or other handicaps, find favor in the sight of young women, can here enjoy their society, if only for a brief time, on a commercial basis. It is true that the costs are rather high, but even the man of small income can afford it once in a while. For those men who have little but time to spend, tJiese halls can provide a sort of socisil center. One of the customers, in conversation with the investi gator, expressed the following opinion: Most men who attend these dance halls realize that the relation between them and the girls is a commercial one, and are, therefore, on guard against feminine blandishments. In other situations they are more inclined to trust the fair sex, and as a result, are more likely to be the victims of designing women. 116 Because of the special problems they present, some ob servations concerning the Filipino dance halls will be given. The attraction they have for the brown men is evident when it is considered that there are few women of their own kind in this country, and that money is the only requisite necessary to form acquaintances with pretty white girls. From what could be collected from expressions of the girls themselves, and from those who frequent these places, it appears that, in some cases, the dancers have a genuine regard for certain of the Filipinos; in other instances the hostesses encourage the attentions of the customers merely for what they can get. Mr. Portilla, in the interview before referred to, stated that the Filipino, in his relations with the taxi dancer, seeks romance and sincere love, while she sees in him only an opportunity to plunder. If he wishes to take her to a party or other entertainment he must first buy all her dances for the evening. This, in addition to the other expenses of entertaining, is, for him, a sizeable sum to spend. Often a girl will encourage the attentions of from five to fifteen Filipinos at one time. Each will make the highest bid of which he is capable, and the girl will reap rather a rich har vest. Information received from other cources indicates that Mr. Portilla’s statements, as to some of the taxi dancers is 117 correct. It imist not be supposed, however, that such prac tices are common to all of them. In these dance halls, where men of the temperament of the Filipinos gather, and where rivalry for the favors of the hostesses arises, trouble may start suddenly and with little warning. Officers state that the Filipinos are hot tempered, a.nd bear a resemblance, in their quarrelsome and volatile dispositions, to monkeys. Guns are rarely used by the Filipinos, the usual weapon being a knife with a blade about six inches long. Many are so contrived that the blade extends itself and locks in position at the touch of a button on the handle. Another favorite weapon is a dagger with a blade about four inches long, made from a surgeon’s scalpel. This is often carried in the lining of a tie, inside a shoe, or in the top seam of the trousers. To prevent disturbances in the Filipino halls, their proprietors, as well as the police, have adopted precautionary measures. The operators employ special police to maintain order, and admission is refused to certain of the Filipinos known to be trouble makers. Police officers visit these halls every two or three weeks for the purpose of making a "shake down," a systematic search of all the customers present for concealed weapons. As an average, two or three, out of one hundred men so searched, are found to be aimed. In spite of this vigilance, fights occasionally occur 118 in the Filipino halls, the participants being, in some cases, severely, or even mortally wounded* The trouble is frequently caused by a disagreement over one of the girls* Sometimes each contestant gathers his friends about him, and a fight ensues in the street after the dance is over* After this section of the paper was written, it was read aloud by one of the dancers to a number of the other girls assembled in the dressing room of one of the better halls, attended by white men only. Some of the girls criti cized the paper in that it did not give them a "break," as they expressed it. A distinction should be drawn, they de clared, between the girls who work in the Filipino halls and those en^loyed in establishments of the better sort. This, in the opinion of the investigator, should be brought to the at tention of the reader. The frailties of some of the girls should not bring reproach upon all of them. CHAPTER V THE EDUCATIONAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE OF MAIN STREET Educational Facilities of Main Street. There are no public schools in the section of Main Street covered by this study. The Moler Barber College at 223 South Main Street and the American Barber College at 516 South Main Street train students of the barber trade. This locality seems to be a good one for such trade schools. Men who are will ing to submit to the efforts of untrained beginners, or to the work of the more advanced students, must be found in order that the necessary experience may be acquired. The financial circumstances of many of the Main Streeters are such that they develop sufficient courage to seat themselves in a barber chair, knowing that even the razor is to be wielded by a novice. In the initial department the services are free; for the work of the advanced students a charge is made. Haircuts cost from twelve to twenty-two cents. For a shave the price is from eight to seventeen cents. There are few, if any children, residing on Main Street. Although many youthful persons are among its per manent or transient inhabitants, the majority of them appear to be past the age of the elementary or secondary schools. The number of adults on the street, interested in lifelong learning or in cultural attainments could not well be 120 ascertained. It is the guess of the investigator that they are decidedly in the minority. The person who wishes to pursue private study can pur chase reading material on Main Street at comparatively little expense. Several of the stores place a counter near the street, loaded with second hand volumes priced at five and ten cents each. V/orks on a wide variety of subjects may be found among these offerings. Text books of comparatively recent date on science, law, business training, and other topics, as well as copies of the classics and of popular fiction, can be purchased at these prices. The Los Angeles Public Library, within easy reach of Main Street, has a large collection of books, newspapers and magazines for the use of those viio care to avail themselves of its facilities. The Plaza should perhaps be mentioned as a factor in the intellectual life of Main Street, although to do so is quite likely to excite a smile among those who are familiar with it. Though the doctrines expounded there may be absurd or pernicious, they nevertheless represent basic philosophies of life and of social institutions. A further discussion of the Plaza will be given later in this chapter. The Churches. Two churches of the Roman Catholic faith are on Main Street. The oldest of these is the Church of our Lady, the Oueen of the Angels, situated opposite the Plaza. The other is Santa Vibiana Cathedral on Main near 121 Second Street. The reader is presumed to he generally familiar with the doctrines, organization, and work of the Roman Catholic Church, consequently no discussion of these subjects will be presented in this paper. Scarcely a block away from the historical old church of Our Lady of the Angels stands the modern Plaza Community Episcopal Church, one of fifty-five regularly organized churches of the Latin American Mission.^ The local insti tution has a membership of more than three hundred, all of whom are Mexicans. Services are conducted in Spanish. Reverend B. E. Garcia is pastor. Attached to the Church is the Plaza Community Center, which has, for many years, served the Mexican people of Los Angeles. The programs of the two institutions are supplemental to each other. Both are housed in a modern "Class A" structure at 125 Marchessault Street. Recreational, social, and educational features are provided, as well as medical and dental clinics. Legal advice and aid are also given, in many cases, by the legal department of the center in co-operation with private at torneys. A home for Latin American orphans and half-orphans is maintained at No. 72 West Alegria Street, Sierra Madre, i Interview on April 21, 1936, with Miss Katherine B. Higgins, Executive Secretary of the Plaza Community Center. ISE California. It cares for about twenty children, ranging in ages from fifteen months to seventeen years. The Missions. There are three missions on Main Street, namely, the Union Rescue Mission, the Peniel Mission, and Christ* s Faith Mission. The Union Rescue Mission is at 226 South Main Street. Its slogan is **Don* t Beg or Steal, Come to Us. It was incorporated December 23, 1907 under the laws of the State of California. Its purposes, as stated in its articles of incorporation, are ”to conduct an evangelistic work in promulgating the Gospel of Jesus Christ, to extend financial and physical assistance to those in need, etc.” The following quotation taken from its publication, ”Ii[ission News,” further shows its objects. Our main business is preaching the gospel .... For 44 years we have, as Christian business men, struggled with this problem of maintaining a mission where all could come who are in need and to which all could contribute with a feeling of trust and security that their money was being honestly and wisely and ju diciously expended. Our work is so general that it meets the needs of the homeless man, completely. We give him a double chance to refind himself, to restore himself to a useful place in life, and best of all to find Christ as a personal Savior. The mission is supported entirely by free will offerings. These come from individuals who contribute 2 Interview on January 23, 1936, with members of the staff of the Union Rescue Mission. 123 by tithing, and from various Protestant Churches in and near Los Angeles. The building which houses the mission has an audi torium which seats three hundred and twenty-nine persons, where four religious services are conducted daily. People from thirteen churches participate in the meetings. All are welcome, but the majority of the worshippers are indigent men* Programs are also broadcast over a local radio station* The mission has a dining hall in the basement which seats three hundred and fifteen persons* Free meals are served after the meetings to those who attend them* The principal items of food are bread and milk, and a thick soup containing beans and many other vegetables. Attendance at the religious services is required in order to obtain food. In various parts of the building there are dormitories where beds are furnished free. In all, one hundred and seven men can each be given an individual bed. In bad weather men are allowed to sleep in the chairs of the auditorium downstairs. In some wards there are lockers for clothing and other belongings. In company with a member of the staff, the investigator inspected the sleeping quarters. They appeared to be clean and well kept, although in some rooms the ventilation did not appear to be adequate. Only white men are admitted to the sleeping quarters. 124 Experience has shown that the entry of Negroes or Mexicans causes friction. %en they apply for aid, they are directed to missions maintained for their races in other sections of the city. No inebriates are allowed in the sleeping rooms, but they may attend the services and are given food. Before he is given a bed, every man must pass a "short arm" inspection, that is, an examination by a medical person. This is intended to reveal whether he is suffering from venereal or other infectious or contagious diseases. If so, he is refused a bed and is sent to a dispensary or other place for treatment. If the indigent passes the physical inspection he is assigned a bed. Before retiring he must take a hot shower bath and don a clean nightgown provided by the mission. The older men are placed in wards distinct from those occupied by the younger ones. Lights are turned off at ten thirty p* M., and a watchman makes the rounds every half hour. Disturbances are rare. At six thirty A. M. the mission opens, and the men are expected to leave soon after. No lounging in the sleeping quarters is allowed during the day or evening. A man can stay at the mission four nights only, although he may continue to eat at the mission table as long as he wishes. Other services are provided in addition to food and lodging. Medical aid may be obtained free, clothing is 125 repaired and haircuts given gratis. The guide declared that the men helped are depression victims, not professional hums. Most of them are American born, and well educated. Ages range from twenty to forty- five. It is asserted that ninety-five per cent of them are rehabilitated if they accept Christ. The Peniel Mission, "An House of Prayer for All People," at 227 South Main Street,^ is one of a chain of many Peniel missions established in principal cities of the United States. The Main Street Mission will be fifty years old next November eleventh. It was originally housed in the old Natick House at First and Main Streets. The building it now occupies was built for its work, and has been its home since 1894. The purpose of the mission is to carry on religious work in a manner similar to that of the Salvation Army, to convert the unsaved, and to train religious workers. Services are held every day, with prayer meetings at twelve noon, and a gospel meeting on the street in the evening at eight o'clock. A Sunday School, with a member ship of one hundred eighty-five children meets weekly. The mission receives no outside financial support, and no salaries are paid to workers. All money obtained 3 Interviewed Mrs. Ella S. Melody, editor of the "Peniel Herald." 126 as rentals is spent in the conduct of the enterprise. Once a month, or so, a luncheon is given at the mission in connection with a church meeting, at which time, the attendance is said to be always excellent. No regular meals are served, but lAhen worthy cases are brought to the attention of the mission authorities they are sent to near by restaurants for free meals. There are no wards or dormitories as some of the other missions have. There are, however, one hundred and ten rooms, each with a single bed, which are rented to men only at two dollars per week. Â number of rooms are occupied free of charge by tenants who are unable to pay. The Plaza. Forum of the Proletariat. The Plaza is the birthplace of Los Angeles, and "was once the very heart of the city commercially, socially, and historically. It is now designated by the Automobile Club of Southern California as Historical Landmark No, 156 of the State of California* The student of the early life of Los Angeles may find, in the locality of the Plaza, a number of buildings and places of historical interest. On the East side of Main Street, opposite the Plaza, stands the Church of Our ^ John Stephen McCroarty, "The Plaza Beautiful," article in the Los Angeles Times. September 12, 1926. 127 Lady the Queen of the Angels. It was built in 1818, and is the oldest church in the city. Overlooking the little park from the South, on the Northeast corner of Plaza and Main Streets, is the old Pico House, another landmark. Southeast of the Plaza and adjoining Los Angeles Street on the East is a small parcel of land, now occupied by a parking station and some small structures. This was formerly "nigger alley," now vacated, notorious in the early days of the city. . . . on both sides it was lined with saloons, gambling halls and dives of all sorts, frequented by men and women from all parts of the world. Murder was a common thing in nigger alley before 1870. In 1855, there were five murders in twenty-four hours here, and it was here, in 1871, that mobs killed innocent Chinese in the infamous Chinese massacre.5 East of the Plaza lies Chinatown, where, in the earlier days, "ladies of pleasure" were allowed to ply their trade. Some of the old buildings formerly used as "cribs" are still standing. A part, if not all, of Chinatown will eventually be cleared away to make room for the proposed union terminal railway station at the Plaza. Olvera Street and some of its historical associations have been described in another chapter. The Plaza is circular in form. On a pedestal in its center, surrounded by an artificial pool, stands a statue Article in Los Angeles Times, November 15, 1931. 128 of Felipe de Neve, the city's founder. Benches have been placed along the walks within the park, and around its circumference, next to the sidewalk, a low brick wall has been built in such a manner as to afford a place to sit also. Lawns, shade trees, and shrubs growing within its boundaries add comfort and attractiveness. An underground rest room has also been provided. The Plaza, perhaps, should be listed as one of the few non-commercial recreational centers of Ivïain Street. It has, however, little to offer in the way of recreation, unless listening to speeches and conversing with one* s fellows is regarded as a form of diversion. Being situated in the Mexican section of Main Street it is largely used by them as a social center, although they are by no means the only race to be found there. The Plaza is more than a place to sit down. It is also a sort of forum of the proletariat. In Los Angeles, public speaking is forbidden by a local ordinance within a certain area in the downtown district, in which area Main Street is included. This rule is relaxed in favor of certain religious organizations, which are allowed to hold street meetings in front of the buildings they occupy. At the Plaza, however, the curbstone speaker is generally allowed to talk as he pleases, although he is sometimes under police surveillance. 129 Except in cases of special demonstrations, the Plaza, as a rule, is comparatively quiet during week days. An occasional street evangelist may come there during the week to deliver a message. On a Sunday afternoon, when the weather permits, the scene is quite different. Gradually a motley crowd assembles from divers places, and the speak ing begins. Upwards of ten speakers may be heard unburdening themselves simultaneously. Religion and politics are the principal themes. The zealot, burning with a desire to preach salvation to a lost and sinful world, reminds his hearers that after death comes the inevitable judgment, and urges them to repent while there is yet time. A few feet away the liberal or radical, vdio rejects what he sometimes calls the "pie in the sky" doctrines of the religionists, decries the existing worldly order, and offers his plan for improvement. The speakers differ as to race as well as in view point. Among them are Mexicans, Negroes, and lA/hites. Religious and political harangues are delivered in Spanish as well as in English. Some of the Sunday visitors to the Plaza sit quietly on the benches and take no heed of the barrage of words. Others stand or sit in groups about the speakers, to listen silently, to applaud occasionaly, or to utter expressions 130 of derision and scorn. The attitude of the listeners toward those who preach the gospel is frequently an unsympathetic one. Despite the heckling of members of their audience, the street evangelists are usually unruffled. They seem to feel that the sinner is to be pitied rather than despised, because of his unbelief. Probably the best way to convey to the reader an impression of the Plaza, is to describe a typical Sunday afternoon session. Words are entirely inadequate to do this, even though they might be commanded by a master of description. Only a sound motion picture camera could por tray all the sights and sounds vhich may be seen and heard there on such an occasion. To attempt to see all is as futile as to try to watch at once all the acts of a three ring circus. The following is an account of a small part of what was observed by the investigator on two Sunday afternoon visits to the Plaza during the month of April 1936. Religion was the topic of more than one-half of the total number of speakers present on both occasions. Some of these held services in groups of three or four or more, and were apparently associated with some sort of religious organization. Gospel songs were sung in unison by them after which each member came forward and talked to a small assembly of bystanders. Other speakers appeared to be BEE A. SC’ jKSS AT THE PLAZA -O N A SUNDAY AFTERNOON 132 free lancing, so to speak, being individuals to whom the Plaza provided an opportunity to gratify their desire to preach to their fellows unhampered by church conventions. The religious doctrines generally proclaimed were of the evangelical kind, emphasizing the need of what is often called "the old-time religion." The sinfulness of man, the vicarious blood atonement of the master, and the certainty of eternal punishment for those who reject him were points dwelt upon at length. "We are here to lift up Jesus to a lost and dying world," said one speaker. "He is the only hope of man in this world. Without Jesus there is no hope," The hopeless and sinful condition of the world was further enlarged upon. Another warned, "It'll take all the time you've got to get ready to meet God." Sometimes the efforts of the evangelists were directed personally toward certain of their hearers. The investigator observed one group crov/ded so closely around someone crouched on the curb that he could not be seen. Upon inquiry it was learned from a spectator that the person who was the object of the crowds* attention was being converted. This pro ceeding caused rejoicing on the part of the religionists and merriment among a part of the crowd. The former began to sing a song of praise, in which the latter joined in derision, the whole terminating in a sort of mournful howl. 133 The penitent at last arose, and v/ith one hand raised aloft, stood gazing upward as if in a daze. One of the spectators informed the investigator that the newly made convert was addicted to the use of strong drink. At one spot a woman was trying out her powers of persuasion upon a middle aged man who appeared to be absolutely untouched by her words. The longer she pleaded the more earnest she became. Beads of perspiration appeared on her face as she talked faster and louder. "Jesus Christ died for you, an old sinner like you," she shouted at her prospect. "The devil has got you so blinded that you cannot receive the gospel of Jesus Christ. The devil's got you fooled, the devil's hooked you," she yelled. "You're facing hell unless you repent." "Give him hell, sister Ferris." "Chase the devil out of him, sister Ferris," came from members of the crowd. All the woman's efforts were for naught. Her subject was antagonistic to the end. Other speakers were as vigorously denouncing religion and the Bible as the evangelists were in upholding them. "The church is the most damnable thing in the world," said one. "A bunch of political thieves." Another man, named Kelly, spoke of "that dirty, filthy immoral book called the Bible," and referred to the Christian as "a living fossil embedded in a rock of faith." He offered for sale, at ten cents each, pamphlets entitled, "New Atheist Poems." 134 Questions of politics and economics were by no means neglected by the curbstone orators. One of the more vigorous of these was a man who appeared to be in his fifties. Accord ing to his own statement he lived in Pasadena and had been talking at the plaza for the past several months. Although he was possessed of a strong voice, a vocabulary adequate to express his meaning clearly, and a forceful delivery, he drew a smaller crowd than some of the other talkers. As a student of Karl Marx and Friedrick Engels, he informed his hearers that he was trying to give them the benefit of his years of study. Release of the workers from the thralldom of capitalistic slavery was his ultimate purpose. On the day of reckoning, he declared, when the oppressor stands before the court of labor, he will receive the same sort of harsh treatment that is now given to the worker in the tribunal of the plutocrat. He reiterated that the struggle was one of class against class. Conditions are not improving he averred. The un employment problem is greater now than v^hen Roosevelt took office. The increasing misery will finally become so acute that capitalism will, in the end, be abolished, irrespective of anything that he or the other speakers might say. "This capitalistic system," he said, "stinks to high heaven. The catarrh of ignorance keeps us from smelling it." Labor, he further declared, is a commodity which the 135 4 w f i CUHHSTOKE SPEAKERS AT t h e PLAZA 136 worker has to sell; its price, like the price of other commodités is determined by supply and demand. The machine, by displacing the worker, tends to create an oversupply of labor, and thus lowers wages. The church, the radio, the newspapers, and the "mental prostitutes," who are both the result and the support of capitalism, were vigorously denounced. Political, as well as economic organization, the speaker said, is necessary to combat the evils imposed upon the workers. To employ either method of carrying on the struggle without the other, was declared to be analogous to fighting with one hand tied. Another man, who drew a larger crowd, was selling copies of the western worker; the Western organ of the Communist Party, U.S.A., during the course of a long drawn out talk on political and economic topics. He had a number of newspaper clippings from which he read aloud, afterwards commenting upon the contents. He also professed to answer questions concerning the Townsend Plan, Father Coughlin, and kindred topics. Needless to say, his stand was Communistic. All the speeches overheard by the investigator, other than those of a religious nature, were directed against alleged political and economic evils of the day. Governor Merriam was referred to as "a bald headed rat from Iowa, who teaches a Sunday School class at Long Beach." Mayor Shaw 137 was spoken of in decidedly uncomplimentary terms. Both were declared to be tools used by capitalism in its oppression of labor. Besides the regular Sunday afternoon gatherings, the Plaza is also used as a place for special meetings, such as the annual May Day demonstrations, and other assemblies designed to protest against war and Fascism. A handbill advertising one such meeting said in part: "It is true that Imperialist wars are a product of capitalism, that only by overthrowing capitalism can there be an end to all wars, but it is also true that the toiling masses can prevent imperial ist war by their militant action." Hunger marches and other parades are sometimes attempted at the conclusion of these special meetings at the Plaza. Police are usually present to maintain order. CHAPTER VI CONCLUSION The Importance of the Economic Life. In the intro duction to this paper it was stated that the improvement of society by influencing human action should be the aim of the practical sociologist. Just what constitutes improvement and what the ultimate social objectives should be are questions which involve considerable controversy. Fundamental religious and moral concepts and principles must be critically examined in order to rightly ascertain the true purpose of life, either from the individual or collective viewpoint. It is beyond the scope of this study to attempt this, or to enter into a discussion of what the highest good is. Neither was the paper intended as a disser tation on the social pathology of the Main Street area. The investigator believes, however, that in the fore going brief and imperfect sketch of Main Street life, evidence has been presented which shows the existence of conditions which will generally be considered undesirable. Without attempting to offer any panacea for human ills, either on Main Street or elsewhere, the investigator ventures to emphasize what has before been pointed out by able reasoners, namely, the importance of the economic life. The demand for such wants as food, shelter, and 139 clothing is so urgent and so basic that all other social activities are largely contingent upon the gratification of these primary desires. Population problems, the esthetic life, education, and even religion are profoundly affoctod by economic activities. The economic organization exercises a marked effect upon social institutions and social attitudes. The influence of business upon government, and the tendency to measure a man's worth by his ability to accumulate wealth by acquisitive processes are examples of this. The poverty of Main Street is discernible to the most casual observer. To what extent that poverty is responsible for crime and personal degradation cannot be accurately de termined. Offences such as prostitution and vagrancy, in many cases, appear to have economic origins. Others, such as homosexuality, are probably due to inherent personal defects. Regardless of the other ills which the economic inadequacy of Main Street may occasion, the alleviation of poverty such as exists there is a primary task for those who are concerned with the improvement of society. A few remarks concerning plans for economic betterment are therefore in order. Schemes for Betterment. The efforts of philanthrophic agencies such as the Goodwill Industries and the missions of the Main Street area are highly commendable, but they do not, in the opinion of the investigator, adequately meet 140 the problem. They serve to lessen the pain, rather than cure the disease. The problem is general, not merely local. Such proposals as The Townsend Plan, Social Credit, the League for Social Justice, of Father Coughlin, and other plans for economic betterment are evidences of a growing conviction, on the part of many, that a more abundant life is possible for all, and that the doctrines of the economy of scarcity are gradually losing ground. Regardless of the efficacy of the means suggested by these various movements to attain the goal, they are instrumental in developing a consciousness of a worthy social objective. When the end is clearly conceived, the means by which it is to be attained may be modified, as experience reveals shortcomings or suggests improvements. Natural resources, together with capital equipment and labor to utilize those resources, are necessary to achieve the abundant life. These are present, in a large measure, in our country. The possession of these things, however, does not insure an economy of abundance. Adequate organization for production and equitable distribution of the products of industry are also essential. Self interest on the part of some, unreasoning adherence to precedent on the part of others, retard social progress. Plans for betterment are too frequently condemned, not for the reason that upon careful analysis they have been 141 found unworkable, but because they encroach upon the "rights" of a small minority, or are in conflict with outworn princi ples. The just rights of the many are paramount to the un reasonable demands of the Few. The heritage of the past is the foundation of present and future attainments, but that which is bequeathed to us by our predecessors should not be regarded as an immutable fetish. Main Street is one characteristic product of the social order under which we live. Evils such as exist there can be properly remedied by strengthening the inherent weaknesses of the present system. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY A. BOOKS Anderson, NeIs, The Hobo. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1923. ^02 pp. _______, Urban Sociology. New York: A. A. Knopf, 1928. 414 pp Bartlett, D. W., The Better City. A Sociological Study of a Modern City, tos Angeles : Neuner Company Press, 19ÜT. 24Ô pp. Bogardus, E. S., Introduction to Sociology. Los Angeles: University of Southern CalTTornia Press, 1917. 343 pp. Burgess, E. W., The Urban Community. (no other information on card). Carver, T. N., Human Relations. New York: D. C. Heath Co., 1923# 302 pp. Carbaugh, Harvey Clarence, Human Welfare Work in Chicago. Chicago: A. C. MeClurg and Company, léÏ7. 262 pp. Case, Clarence Marsh, Outlines of Introductory Sociology. New York: Ear court Brace and Company, 1924. 980 pp. _______, Social Process and Human Progress. New York: Haroourt Brace and Company, 1931. 336 pp. Chapin, Francis Stuart, Field Work and Social Research. New York: Century Company, 1920. 224 pp. Earp, E. L., The Social Engineer. Cincinnati, Ohio: Jennings and Graham, 1^11. 326 pp. Ellwood, Charles Abram, Methods in Sociology. Durham, N. C.: Duke University Press, 1933. 214 pp. Fairchild, H. P., General Sociology. New York: J. Wiley and Sons, 1932. 634 pp. _______, Outline of Applied Sociology. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1916. 353 pp. Gist, Noel Pitts, Urban Society. New York: Thomas Crowell Company, 1933. 724 pp. 144 Lindberg, George Andres, Social Research; A Study in Methods of Gathering Data. New Ÿork: Longmans’* 6reen and Company, rS“ 29. 380 pp. Mackmurdo, A. H., The Human Hive ; Its Life and Law. London: Watts and Comp any, 1926. 309 pp. McClenahan, B. A., The Urban Neighborhood. (No other infor mation given). Navin, Robert Bernard, Analysis of a Slum Area. Washington, D. C. : Catholic University of America, 1934. 96 pp. Park, R. E. , The City. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925. 239*^. Richmond, Mary Ellen, Social Diagnosis. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 19i7. 5Ï1 pp. B. OTHER SOURCES (no attempt will be made to give a complete list of the in dividuals, institutions, and organizations contacted in the preparation of this paper. Manifestly many contacts were so transitory and relatively unimportant that it would not be possible to include them all. Therefore only those that seem especially significant will be included). Armstrong, Detective Hay, Desk, Los Angeles Police Department Vice Squad. California State Health Department, State Building, Los Angeles, California. Carpenter, Mrs. Maria, Superintendent of God’s Mission, 235 Aliso Street, Los Angeles, California. Christ’s Faith Mission, 321 S. Main Street, Los Angeles, Cali fornia. Eldridge, Mr. T.E., Superintendent of Los Angeles Mission, 218 Boyd Street, Los Angeles, California. Greenhill, Lt. R. S., In Charge Prostitution Detail, Los Angeles Police Department Vice Squad. 145 Kennedy, Lt. I.C., In Charge Taxi Dance Hall Detail, Los Angeles Police Department. Larihan, Lt. John, In Charge Los Angeles Police Department Vagrancy Squad. Lester, Lt. L., In Charge Juvenile Detail, Los Angeles Police Department. Los Angeles City Health Department, Temple and Main Streets, Los Angeles, California. Los Angeles City Prosecutor’s Office, Los Angeles City Hall, Los Angeles, California. Los Angeles County Charities, 434 S. San Pedro Street, Los Angeles, California. Payne, Bill, Proprietor Belmont Grill, 5th and Main Strqets, Los Angeles, California. Portilla, Mr. A. J., Editor "Phillipines Star Press." Smith, John, Los Angeles City Health and Sanitation Inspector. Union Rescue Mission, 2Z6 S. Main Street, Los Angeles, Cali fornia. Volunteer’s of America Home, 3rd and Main Street, Los Angeles, California. In addition to these contacts a suitable number of visits were made to: Taxi Dance Halls Pawn Shops Honkey Tonks Restaurants Beer Parlors Moving Picture Theatres Burlesque Shows Hotels and "flop" houses

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The improvement of human society by influencing human action should be the ultimate purpose of the practical sociologist. Improvement implies a change for the better, and when attempted by man requires consideration of what constitutes a desirable objective, and of the means whereby it is to be attained. One of the primary steps in the process of accomplishing the desideratum is to acquire a knowledge of conditions as they are.

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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

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Asset Metadata

Creator Herbold, Paul (author)

Core Title Sociological survey of Main Street, Los Angeles, California

School Department of Sociology

Degree Master of Arts

Degree Program Sociology

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag beer parlour,burlesque show,Churches,clothing,Crime,dance hall,Dwellings,education,homeless,Homosexuality,honky-tonk,Income,Missions,OAI-PMH Harvest,populations,prostitution,Restaurants,Slavery,Social Sciences,theatres,vagrancy

Place Name California (states), Los Angeles (city or populated place), Los Angeles (counties), Main Street (roadway), USA (countries)

Format application/pdf (imt), ii, [2], 2-145 leaves : ill., map ; 28 cm. (aacr2)

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Case, Clarence M. (committee chair), Thompson, M.M. (committee member), Young, Earl (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m17

Unique identifier UC11313313

Identifier EP65552.pdf (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c39-341619 (legacy record id),usctheses-m17 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier EP65552.pdf

Dmrecord 341619

Document Type Thesis

Format application/pdf (imt),ii, [2], 2-145 leaves : ill., map ; 28 cm. (aacr2)

Rights Herbold, Paul

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA