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The participation of the Chinese in the community life of Los Angeles

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The participation of the Chinese in the community life of Los Angeles

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Content THE PARTICIPATION OF THE CHINESE IN THE
COMMUNITY LIFE OF LOS ANGELES
A Thesis
Presented to
the Faculty of the Department of Sociology
University of Southern California
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Arts
by
Kira Fong Tom
February, 1944
UMI Number: EP65638
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Dissertation FübilisMng
UMI EP65638
Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author.
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This thesisj written by
..........KIK..EOm..T.OM..................
under the direction of A.JLs Faculty Committee,
and appro ved by a ll its members, has been
presented to and accepted by the Council on
Graduate Study and Research in partial fu lfill
ment of the requirem ents f o r the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
Secretary
Date . . E e . t e . U . a r y ^ . . . l 9 4 4 . .
Faculty Committee
h a irm a n
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter
I# Introduction
Page
II*
Historical background of Chinese
immigration............... »
Present situation of the Chinese
Community in Los Angeles. . . .
Purposes of this study. . . , .
Methods used in study ........
Occupational Participation , , . .
The early Chinese occupations ,
The limitation of Chinese participation
in industry in the later period . . .
Reasons for the scarcity of industrial
participation . .
No distinction given to the American*
born Chinese.....................
The types of Chinese occupation . , ,
Laundry......................* .
Restaurant enterprise. ........
Grocery.....................
Produce, fruit and vegetable . . ,
Chinese curio and art stores , .
Chinese herb business ... . .
Others. ..............
Occupational attitude of the Chinese
Hours and wages . ,
Chinese business methods ......... .
12
15
16
18
19
20
21
22
24
26
29
35
36
40
40
41
44
46
Ill* Participation in Political and related or
ganizations .................
The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Asso
ciation . . . • ................... ♦
Its functions...................
Administration* . .................. .
Sources of revenue, .........
The territorial associations ......
The family organizations and family cliques
The Chinese guilds . . . . . . . . . . .
The tongs ..... . ..................
Meaning and definition of a tong . . .
Development of tongs. .
Various stages. .........
The Kuomintang . .. .. ... .. ..
The Chinese American Citizens^Alliance , .
The Chinese Patriotic Society .... . .
The Chinese Newspapers.......... . . .
IV* Participation in Religion .... ..........
The religious background of the Chinese* .
Ju Ohiao or Confucianism.........
Shih Chiao or Buddhism .........
Tao Chiao or Taoism . ..................
Other "religious practices"........... .
Confucianism as the dominant "Religion". .
50
50
51
51
51
55
57
60
61
61
61
62
66
67
70
73
77
77
77
78
78
78
80
Ill
Christianity............. 85
Mission work in the early oommunity . . 86
The Presbyterian Church .............. 87
The Congregational Church ............ 87
The Methodist Church........... 87
Union meeting of Protestant Churches . 87
Problems confronting the Chinese
Churches ..... .................. 89
Conflicting ideas of the reactionary
and progressive elements . ........ 90
Linguistic problems ............ 90
Denominat ionali s m ................. ♦ 92
Lack of leadership ............ 93
Lack of a well-planned program .... 93
V. Participation in Education.................. 95
Chinese students in the institutions
of higher learning.................. 95
Composition of the Chinese students . . 96
Major studies........................ 98
Number of Chinese students in Los
Angeles......................... 101
Scholastic standing and social
activities ..... ................ 101
Noticeable distinctions between the
China-born and American-born Chinese
students . 103
Chinese students in the public
schools ..... .................... 103
Record in scholarship and in character 104
Relationship with schoolmates of other
races....................... 106
IV
Chinese language schools .................. 107
As a supplementary measure for the
American Schools ..... .............. 108
As a means of family adjustment... 110
As a means of cultural diffusion .... 112
As a means of social gathering... 113
As a means of vocational preparation . . 114
VI. Conclusion........................... 116
Summary . ........................... 122
Effects of war on Chinese l i f e ......... 122
Future outlook ....................... 124
BIBLIOGRAPHY................................... 129
V
LIST OP TABLES
Table Page
I. Chinese Population in* the United States , . . 8
II. Chinese Population, by Geographic Divisions,
1940 .......................... 9
III. Chinese Population on the Pacific Coast .... 10
IV# Sizes of the Five Largest Chinese Populations
in American Cities ............ . # 11
V, Types of Chinese Occupations in Los Angeles . # 24
VI, Distribution of Chinese Students by Courses
in America . . . . . .. .. . . .. . . 99
VII* Distribution of Chinese Students by States. * . 101
VIII* Distribution Chinese Students in Institutions
of Higher Learning in Los Angeles......... * * 102
CHAPTER I
Introduction
"There are no people in America more misunderstood
than the Chinese from the time of *Sand-lot Kearny* to
the present. The Chinese is pictured as a sleepy Oeles-
trlal enveloped in mists of opium fumes, or a halo of
Oriental philosophy, but never as a human being. The pulp
magazines and Hollywood have served to keep this illusion
1
alive.*..
Indeed, since the establishment of the Chinese colo
nies, commonly called "Chinatowns", in America, many per
sons have written at length about them. The literature
which treats purely and directly on Chinese life, with only
a few exceptions, fail to come up to scientific measurement*
The approaches have been made largely from narrow angles of
personal interest, bias, or prejudice, and not from the so
ciological viewpoint. The most misleading accounts of those
stories, so-called "Life in Chinatown", "Adventure in China-
to^m", and stories of that sort, which generally describe
Tong wars, opium dens, secret houses for gambling, and other
criminal undertakings. These writers have obtained most of
their information (or misinformation) from other books, "hear
say" , gossip, and have added to it from interviews with those
1
The Chinese Digest. November 15, 1935; Editorial,p.8*
who have first-hand knowledge on the subject, and then hav
ing attempted to spice it all by taking a trip to Chinatown.
Like the ordinary tourists, they usually believe what the
guide tells them. They get what their preconceived notions
expected. Then they proceed to write their stories about the
same Chinatown that they had learned to know in the movie#
In fact, Chinatown cannot be viewed in an hour or even
a day. It takes months to see it as it really is. Only grad
ually can one become acquainted with the inhabitants and enter
into their private life. The stories those writers wrote about
though not entirely unreal, are very uncommon. There is no
need to deny that there are some unworthy elements in China
town but they are certainly not representative of the Chinese
people. As some writers have selected only a few particular
characters from a special section of Chinatoim, their pictures
are not true of the Chinese life as a whole. The great harm
is that the readers would naturally be led to imagine that
the Chinese are like the pictures given in these books and
to form their judgments about the Chinese accordingly. How
ever, the scandalous vilification cannot change the fact that
the Chinese are a peace-loving and law-abiding people*
It is hardly fair to criticize a race till all the fac
tors which produce their attitude are known. Because the
Chinese do many things differently from the Americans, the
Americans say that they do things the wrong way. For in-
stance, the Americans generally think that the Chinese write
in the wrong direction because the Chinese write from top to
bottom and from right to left of the page. Some Americans
think that the Chinese are queer and uncivilised because they
eat with chop sticks. In the early days the Chinese thought
that Westerners were barbarians because instead of having their
food cut up in little pieces before being brought to the table,
and then being conveyed to the mouth by chopsticks, they have
their meat served in huge chunks, slash at it with knives and
stick prongs into it. These are only a few of the examples of
misunderstanding. "Much race prejudice rests upon misunder
standing and even upon ignorance of the worth and possibilities
2
of the other fellow."
In order to understand a race, one must know something of
its cultural backgrounds. For this reason it is necessary to
view briefly the history of the Chinese immigration in the
United States.
The Chinese people by nature are not an emigrating nation.
There are two reasons for that characteristic. One is that old
customs and family ties hold them to the land of their birth.
The other is that, in the early days, their Emperor and his
government looked with disfavor upon those who went abroad no
2
Emory S. Bogardus, Introduction to Sociology. (Los
Angeles: University of Southern California Press, 1931) p.301
4
matter what their purposes were. Therefore, protection to
those who went abroad in the early days was frequently with
held*
No one knows the exact date when the first Chinese im
migrant, or immigrants came over to the United States. How
ever, it is claimed that "the first Chinese came to this
country in the year of 1820", but the real influx of Chinese
immigration did not begin until after the discovery of gold
in California. The news of the discovery of gold in the Sac
ramento Valley reached Hong Kong. Tales of high wages paid
to laborers gradually spread among the peasantry of the "coolie"
class in South China, particularly in the Province of Kwang-
tong. California was named "Golden Mountain" by the Chinese.
It was so unfortunate that the early Chinese immigrants
to the United States were of the laboring class, who are il
literates. They have made a very unfavorable impression
upon the American public regarding the Chinese people, and
they created misunderstandings between the two peoples. Al
though, today, these "coolies" have been excluded, the ili
ef feet of their presence still rémains.
After 1849, the Chinese immigration to the United '
States began to increase. In spite of the^ rapid increase
of Chinese population, Chinese immigration was favored. The
chief reason for that was, at that time, California was not
yet developed. Its settlements were few and considerable.
With all her wonderful resources she was too heavily handi
capped to make great progress. She lacked water communica
tions and needed a transcontinental railway. Her swamp lands
needed reclamation; her mines, opening; her farms, cultiva
tion; and her industries, developing. All these required man
power for completion. The Chinese were then considered as al
most indispensable. They were mostly assigned to these great
works in California. The Chinese were very valuable general
laborers, being endowed with the natural ability to adopt
themselves to any kind of work that was required#
In July 28, 1868, a treaty was signed between the United
States and China to encourage more immigrants to develop the
West. The result of this treaty was an even greater influx
of Chinese immigrants. In 1880, the peak of Chinese immigra
tion was reached, when they numbered 105,465 in the United
States.
When California reached a much higher stage of develop
ment, a great flood of European laborers migrated into Cali
fornia. The conflicts began when the European laborers dis
covered that they could not compete with the Chinese for low
wages. Organized labor opposed the Chinese. Finally the
whole country yielded to the demand of the Anti-Chinese groups.
In 1882 the American government signed a treaty with China, se
curing the latter* s consent to a temporary suspension of im-
migration of Chinese labor into this country. In 1882 the
first exclusion law against the Chinese was passed by the
Congress. In 1892 a new law required a registration of all
the Chinese already in the United States. Many Chinese who
did not register on account of ignorance were subsequently
deported. Those who were frightened by the constant riots
and the new laws began to return to China. Therefore these
laws worked out successfully not only toward the exclusion
of the Chinese from coming to this bountry, but also in
directly to drive out part of those already in the United
States. Another law was passed in 1892 securing the total
exclusion of Chinese immigration with certain exemptions,
for ten years, but when it expired in 1902, it was renewed
for an indefinite pe riod#
Since the first world war, there has come a large number
of Chinese merchants from the higher classes. Chinese students
have come to study in American colleges and universities. The
coming of these better classes and the going of the laboring
class have improved the general attitude of the American pub
lic toward Chinese.
The Immigration Act of 1924, by excluding aliens inel
igible for citizenship and barring alien wives of citizens,
was stiffer than the previous exclusion laws. From 1880 to
1920, the Chinese population declined to a total of 43,826,
or 41 per cent of the Chinese population in 1880. Naturally
it was expected that the new act of 1924 would reduce
the Chinese population in the United States still fur
ther.
On the contrary, the Chinese population in this
country has increased 15,865 from 1920 to 1940* This
does not mean that the Chinese immigrants were increas
ing, but that there was the increase of the American-born
Chinese.
The following table shows the fluctuation of the
Chinese population in the United States from 1860 to
1940#
TABLE I
Chinese Population in U.S.
(1860-1940)
Census year Total Native Foreign
born
Percent
Native Foreign bn,
1860 34,933
1870 63,199 517 62,686
1880 105,465 1,183 104,282
1890 107,488 2,930 104,558
1900 89,863 9,010 80,853 10.0 90.0
1910 71,531 14,935 56,596 20.9 79.1
1920
61,639 18,532 43,107 30.1 69.9
1930 74,954 30,868 44,086 41.2 58.8
1940 77,504 40,262 37,242
51.9 48.1
Compiled from the U.S. Census, 1940
9
As the Chinese were brought to the United States to de
velop the West, the Pacific coast has naturally been the cen
ter of the Chinese population in the United States. Even to
day more than one half of the total Chinese population are on
the Pacific Coast# The following table shows its distribu
tion, according to the U.S. Census, 1940#
4
TABLE II
Chinese Population - by Geographic Divisions, 1940
Total................................................. 77,504
Geographic Divions:
New England 3,238
Middle Atlantic 16,408
East North Central 4,799
West North Central 1,293
South Atlantic 2,047
East South Central 944
West South Central 1,935
Mountain 2,853
Pacific
43,985
Of all the Pacific Coast States, California represents
approximately 90 percent of the Chinese population#
4
Compiled from U.S. Census, 1940
10
TABLE III®
Paolflo 43,987
Washington 2,345
Oregon 2,086
California 39,556
The Chinese reside mostly in the cities. Like other
nationalities and races, they usually live together. In
every city, if there is a Chinese population, there:is -
always a **Ghihatown". The two most famous "China Towns"
in America are in San Francisco and New York. The one in
Oakland is not well known although the size of the Chinese
population there ranks fourth in the United States. The
chief reasons are that Oakland is generally considered as
a residential district, and because it is so close to San
Francisco that most of the Chinese big businesses are opea>-
ating in the San Francisco Chinatown.
The Chinese population in Los Angeles increased between
1920 and 1930. In 1920 its size was 2,062; it then ranked
fifth place. But in 1930 it increased to 3,009 and occupied
the fourth place. Again in 1940 it increased to 4,736 and
5
came up to third place. The following table shows the dif
ference in the sizes of the five largest Chinese popule.tions
in American cities: -
5
Compiled from U.S. Census, 1940
11
TABLE IV
1920 1930 1940
San Francisco 7,744 16,303 17,782
New York 5,042 8,414 12,753
Oakland 3,821 3,048 3,201
Chicago 2,353 2,757 2,013
Los Angeles 2,062 3,009 4,736
It was in 1906 that the great earthquake in San Francisco
stimulated a large number of Chinese to migrate to Los Angeles#
When the Chinatown in Los Angeles was first established, the
residents were mostly of the laboring class, particularly rail
road workers. Therefore the Chinatown was located near the
Central Station. The railroad line and the railroad yards en
circled two sides of the oommunity. 'Noises and heavy clouds
of smoke ffom the constantly passing trains always hung over
the neighborhood. Indeed it was a very unpleasant place to
live. Many Chinese, particularly those who have families,are
today living outside of Chinatown. For this reason, they have
more contact with Americans, and their children have more asso
ciation with the children of other races by playing together.
* < I
Thus the second generation,Chinese in Los Angeles by far are .
more Americanized than those found in other California cities.
However, the older first generation Chinese are still doing
things in the Chinese ways." Americanization has not done
much for the Chinese immigrants in the past, nor is it doing
much even at the present#
1 2
Environment has not influenced the Chinese attitude
to a great extent because the people are still kept in
isolation. Furthermore, the Chinese immigrants were com
ing from the localities in China where their customs, tradi-
6
tions, and the mode of living are almost the same. There
fore, all the Chinatowns are more or less alike fundamentally*
what is discovered in Los Angeles may apply also to other ci
ties. In other words, the attitude of the Chinese in Los
Angeles may be the common attitude of the Chinese in other
American cities.
At present the Chinese in Los Angeles are not allowed
to live in some neighborhoods. Many apartments would not
rent to the Orientals. Therefore the Chinese either live
in Chinatovm or in the east side of the city. At the
time of the present survey, there are four major Chinese
colonies in this city, where a high degree of concentration
of Chinese stands out conspicuously. They are the "old China
town", the New Chinatown, China City, and the San Pedro Street
District*
The division of the Chinese colony into four separate
sections of Los Angeles is peculiar. This fact alone shows
the disorganisation of the Chinese here. Three years ago
6
More than 90^ of the Chinese immigrants were coming
from the districts in Kwangtung Province, particularly from
Four Districts*
13
there were only two Chinese colonies, the Old Chinatown and
the San Pedro District. Since the construction of the Union
Station which was located in the old Chinatown, many buildings
in that section were torn down. Many Chinese stores had to move
to some other places. The Chinese merchants held urgent meet
ings in the headquarters of the Chinese Consolidated Benefer-
ence Association concerning the new location for Chinatown#
There were different opinions as to where the location should
be. The reason for these conflicting ideas lies deep in their
personal interests. In meeting after meeting, nothing was set
tled; but the time for evacuation was at hand, A group of
Chinese merchants could not wait for a commonly accepted de
cision and they moved to the place that they liked best. Con
sequently the Old Chinatown was broken up into three main sec
tions. The Old Chinatown is still located in North Los Angeles
Street near the Plaza Square, bounded by Sunset Boulevard and
All80 Street on the north and south, and by Main Street and Ala
meda on the west and east. It is so-called Old Chinatown because
it is the original one. Since the Union Station does not occupy
the whole area, there still remain some stores, tongs, family or
ganizations and abo ve all the Chinese Consolidated Beneference
Association, which is the chief organ in guiding and regulating
Chinese affairs. The location of these powerful organizations
determines the official Chinatown among the Chinese#
14
The China City and the New Chinatown came to exist
as the result of the breaking up of the Old Chinatown,
The China City organized by Mrs. Christine Sterling, the
owner of Olvera Street, is now under the control of its
own chamber of commerce. It is situated on North Spring
Street, near Sunset Boulevard.
The China City itself is a small place. Inside the
City one can find many small shops, which generally con
tain one or two rooms. When the China City was first
built, the Chinese merchants of the big concerns objected
to the "cheap" and "undignified" constructions. As a re
action of boycotting Mrs, Sterling's China City, a group
of Chinese merchants organized an Investment company to build
a "better looking" Chinatown. The Chinese public opinion
then was in their favor, so they did not have much trouble
in carrying out their plans. As soon as the grand opening
of the China City took place, a new Chinatown also came in
to existence. This newly established neighborhood is lo
cated on North Broadway, where many coloiflil Oriental build
ings with modern artistic touch are situated#
The San Pedro Street District is not a newly established
section; it is almost as old as the old Chinatown. The par
ticular section is known by two main circumstances, namely, -
the Produce Market and the Chinese residences.
15
The Produce Market Is located between Ninth Street and
Twelfth Street from north to south on San Pedro* The Chinese
residences are scattered throughout the district between Seventh
and Thirty-second Streets - from north to south, and east from
Main Street and west from Central Avenue, The majority of the
Chinese residents consider this section the more favorable dis
trict#
A major purpose of this thesis is to present the particular
participation of the Chinese in the community life of Los Angeles.
The study also attempts to find out to what extent the Chinese in
certain segregated communities have become assimilated with Amer
ican civilization. To what degree are they Americanized? What
are the underlying causes that are hindering or advancing their
progress toward being average American citizens?
Due to the broadness of the subject, this thesis cannot
cover the entire participation of the Chinese in Los Angeles*
Some of the minor types of participations have been deliberately
omitted# A considerable amount of materials is to be used in
a general form without much emphasis upon details and concrete
analysis. However, the writer has tried, as far as possible,
to clarify the situation as it is, hoping that his findings
will give the picture of what the Chinese are actually doing
in this community#
Chinatown may not be a pleasant place for the purpose of
residence, but it is very interesting as an object of study#
16
Indeed it is a good laboratory for sociology students to
study in and to find out what are the social problems that
confront the Chinese community. The real difficulty lies
in convincing the Chinese of the value of such studies so
that they wiH cooperate and give information freely#
This study is a sociological survey of the Chinese com
munity, "A Sociological Survey is an attempt to obtain a sym
pathetic and keen insight into the life which is going on in a
given area, as well as into the forces which have made the area
what it is. Its goal is to penetrate deeply beneath the surface
to put one's fingers on the actual pulse of the oommunity in or
der to obtain a realistic, adcurate, and detailed reading of ex
isting relationships, together with the changes which they have
undergone#" In order to make this survey successful, the
writer has been very careful in choosing his methods#
The materials used in this study were gathered by personal
observations, questionnaires, interviews, and library research.
The personal observations were made by the writer both as a par
ticipant and a non-participant. The questionnaire was not used
mechanically, but rather in a conversational' way# Interviews were
conducted with both the immigrant and American-born Chinese in
7
Vivien Palmer, Field Study in Sociology (Chicago: Uni
versity of Chicago Press, 1928) pp. 50-51#
17
their places of business, in private homes, in the Chinese
language schools, whenever opportunities afforded. But the
interviewing with the older Chinese is rather difficult be
cause they live in a philosophy of "mind their own busi
ness. " If one should inquire too much into their private
affairs, they might take it not as a friendly act but as an
interference#
For Library research, the writer made use of the general
literature concerning Chinese and Oriental immigration, Chinese
philosophy, and the resultant problems in the United States#
Most of the statistical figures in this.paper were taken from
the U.S. Census of 1940#
CHAPTER II
OCCUPATIONAL PARTICIPATION
Pood, clothing, and shelter are the three basic human
needs, without which no one can survive. In order to obtain
these necessities, man must work. People migrated from one
place to another, from their native land to the arctic cold
as well as to the torrid heat just to secure the means of
livelihood.
Chinese emigrants, compelled by economic necessity, are
now found almost everywhere in the world. They are adaptable
to climatic conditions and can endure hardship. They are well
known by their frugal, temperate, and industrious character
istics. In the United States, Chinese immigrants can be found
in every important city, be it in the "icy cold^ of Maine or in
the ^desert heat" of Arizona. No matter where they are, they
must depend upon some means of employment for their livelihood.
Here the question rises as to what occupation they are holding.
By occupation we mean that activity which a person follows
as a means of making a livelihood, either as a proprietor or as
an employee. It has been stated in the preceding chapter that
the early Chinese immigrants were laborers, especially con
tract laborers. Their occupations were confined mainly to
manual work, such as mining, railway construction, farming,
19
fishing, and other industrial work. After the transcontinental
railway was completed, many Chinese were out of work. At the
same time, organized labor opposed them because they would work
for lower wages. As strangers in a foreign land, almost com
pletely ignorant of the native language and customs, the Chinese
were undoubtedly having a hard time to adjust themselves to the
new and antagonistic environment. However they have struggled
against adverse conditions to gain for themselves a livelihood.
Some of them are prosperous, while others barely eke out an ex
istence. . Those who had saved some money started in business,
while those who. had none kept on working. Some of them could
not bear the pressure of racial antagonism, so they went back
to China.
Since the development of the Pacific Coast States, es
pecially California, there was an open market for trade. The
Chinese merchants came over to do business in the port cities.
At first they operated general stores to meet the needs of
the Chinese who were already there, while some did import and
export business. As time went on, the Chinese gradually had
more contact with other races and nationalities, and thus
their occupations extended to other fields. Today the occupa
tional distribution of the Chinese in the United States depends
upon tie geographical location. For instance, near the Mexican
border in the Western States, the Chinese are chiefly engaged
20
in the grocery business. East of Chicago one finds the
Chinese restaurants and laundries predominantly. In San
Francisco and New York City, with the heavy Chinese concen
tration, one will find the Chinese engaged in many lines of
business among themselves.
Unlike San Francisco, the Chinese population in Los
Angeles is scattered in several localities. As a result of
this segregation there is a lack of group solidarity among
the Chinese as a whole. The situation affects their eco
nomic life, particularly the occupational interests. Since
the Chinese are generally securing their employment from their
own people, their chances in getting a job depend upon the ex
tension of the Chinese business. And the extension ofthe Chi
nese business depends upon the number and concentration of
the Chinese population. If they live close together, forming
a community of their own with the spirit of helping each other,
many more business enterprises can be developed. Furthermore,
if the community is large enough, there will be many Chinese
branch offices of different American concerns. All these de
velopments will provide employment to many Chinese. Unfor
tunately, the Los Angeles Chinese community is too small to
support many occupations by itself. Since the community is
not self-sufficient, the people there cannot stand off and
live their own lives. They have to find a place in the American
community. But with the presence of racial, economic, and social
21
discrimination, what chance can they have? In the early
days the Chinese immigrants were welcome to work in dif
ferent lines of industries. Before World War'II broke out,
it was very hard to find any Chinese working in the modern
factories. The scarcity of Chinese employed in industries
is due to the following reasons: —
In the first place, the Chinese laborers in Los Angeles
are for the most part unskilled. They cannot operate a ma
chine well because they are ignordnt of this kind of knowledge.
Since machinery came into use, modern industrialism developed.
The new machinery has not only replaced much human labor,but
also calls for the maximum efficiency of the worker. The
pace set by the machine is one that only the strong and the
skilled laborer can endure. Because of the lack of skill
even the white laborers were found in the group which was
the first to be laid off in time of business depression, and
the last to be taken on when prosperity is around the corner.
If there is a vacancy available, the white workers will be
given the first opportunity.
In the second place, race prejudice has kept the Chinese
away from being employed in the factories. Not only the un
skilled Chinese workers could not find a job, but the skilled
Chinese were also kept idle. Theoretically it is right to
fit the man to the job and the job to the man, but in practice
this is not always done. For instance, if a well-trained
2 2
Chinese applies for a suitable position, he probably would
not get it simply because he belongs to a race subject to
race prejudice. Even if the employer is willing to offer
him the position, tliere must also be considered the rela
tions with the other employees as well as the effect uponi
the customers* That is why the Chinese is at a frequent
disadvantage in securing work, especially white-collar Jobs*
Thirdly, legal restrictions have forbidden many immi
grants to engage in certain kinds of professions* Em
ployees in some industries are subject to these restric
tions* The most conspicuous one is a citizenship qualifica
tion, which automatically exempts the first generation Chi
nese. For example, many air-craft manufacturing industry
refuses to employ anyone who is not an American citizen.
Even many American-born Chinese cannot secure a position.
Many educated young men and -women are eager to find a chance
to make their way in the world. These young people certainly
deserve a chance for they are the descendants of pioneers
who reached California before ninety percent of its present
population crossed the plains. But when they apply for a Job:,
they are given little distinction from the ineligible alien.
Because of the physical earmarks of their ancestry, the aver
age American reacts to them in the same way. This is unfair,
to the second generation Chinese for whom China is a strange
land, and who frequently do not understand the Chinese language.
2 3
The United States is the only country to which they are
loyal and with which they are familiar. All these cir
cumstances are probably due to the influence of the pub
lic schools, the gang, atheletics, movies, etc. Since
they are ignorant of Chinese culture, they cannot expect
to be successful in China. There is no alternative left
for them to choose, but to remain in America and try to
get along. It is the educated class who suffers the most
for they are equipped with special knowledge but can't
find the kind of job that they have been trained to do. It
is not uncommon to find many college graduates who are
second generation Chinese working in their fathers* stores
as manual laborers. If they do not want to be a "family
parasite", they must go out to find a job. But the chances
for employment in Chinatown have been too small to give vo
cational outlets to an ever-increasing number of second and
third generation Chinese. Even though some positions are
available, the first requirement for an applicant is usually
whether he can speak Chinese well. Unfortunately the major
ity of them fail to meet this qualification. Consequently
they are compelled to seek Jobs outside of Chinatown*
According to the present survey, the occupations of
the Chinese, both inside and outside of Chinatown, can be
classified into the following types: —
24
table V
1. Laundry and cleaning business
2,,Restaurant and cafe
3. Fruit and vegetable stand
4. Produce market
5. Chinese Curio store
6. Chinese herb business
7. Grocery
8. Meat market
9. Fish and Poultry
10* Noodle and %ce Cake factory
11* Medical Profession
12* Lawyer and legal interpreter
13, Insurance agent, broker, and notary public
14* Drygoods store
15. Import and export business
16. Hotel and rooming house
17. Chinese book store and printing shop
18. Barber shop
19. Jeweler and watch repairer
20. Bakery
21. Flower shop
22. Pool hall
23. Carpenter, painter, and plumber
24. Chinese sign maker
25. Dress maker
25
26* Preacher and teacher
27* Civil Service worker
28. Domestic Service
29. Factory worker
30. Pedler
Due to the spread of the Chinese population in Los
Angeles and the lack of information to be had from the
Chinese organizations, it is impossible to find accurate
data about some of the occupations. However, the greatest
participations in the above mentioned occupations are in
laundry, restaurant, fruit and vegetable stand, produce
market, Chinese Curio store, Chinese herb business, gro
cery, and domestic service* In the present study, the
writer does not intend to reveal the business situation in
every line but to select the major and more significant ones
for discussion.
For years the Chinese have entered into the laundry
business. That causes many Americans to associate Chinese
with "laundry" and hence they form a false notion that "laundry"
is a characteristic of the Chinese population. The reasons
for so many Chinese participating in laundry business were
many.
First of all, the early Chinese immigrants, for the
most part, were unskilled laborers; they had little or no
training in business and in education. They were almost ig
norant of English. Due to their linguistic handicaps, they
26
encountered much hardship which seemed to have forced some
of them to choose this type of business, in that a small
amount of English vocabulary for daily use would be suffi
cient for them to get along*
Secondly, ih those pioneering days, women were very few,
and hence there was a great demand for laundry workers. Thus
the Chinese started laundries in answer to this demand. On .ac
count of racial prejudice, Chinese laborers had no chance to
compete with the white laborer and could work only in the oc
cupations that the latter did not enter. The Chinese had no
objection to doing"women* s work" as long as it helped them to
earn money. Their sole objective in coming all the way to
the new country was to make money*
Thirdly, the Chinese lacked the outlay of capital to
operate any big business in the early days. Owing to this
handicap, they had to choose a simple form of enterprise to
meet their Individual abilities and financial capacities*
Laundry is the kind of business simple enough for them to handle
and easy enough for them to start. At present, the majority of
Chinese laundry stores are operated on a small scale, generally
equipped with a few irons and some boards and chairs* The stores
are conducted mostly by members of the family and sometimes by
8
"cousins" of the proprietors. Recently most of the Chinese
8
In any Chinatown, people with the same family surname
eall each other "cousins,"
27
laundry stores are doing iron-work only, while the work
of washing is given to the Wholesale laundries*
Fourthly, the Chinese had no opportunity to get a
job with high salary, but they oould get good pay by en
tering into the laundry business. Because of the busi
ness boom after the world war, more people entered into
this kind of business and all enjoyed prosperity. Some
proprietors even operated several stores to help their
brothers, sons, and cousins to make a living.
As this business was getting more popular, the laun
dry shops have spread all over the city. The Chinese first
met their competitors when the Japanese and Koreans en
tered into the same kind of business. However, their com
petition did not affect the Chinese laundry business to a
great extent. In the first place, the ChineseiBd their
reputation as laundry men. In the second place, the popu
lation of Los Angeles was growing rapidly, hence the op
portunity for people to do laundry work had also increased.
The Chinese hand laundry business began to decline
when the American people joined in the competition. In
addition to having the advantage of race preference, the
Americans also have much larger capital for establishing
the big laundry industries* They no longer conduct busi
ness in a shop but in a factory. They use machines to
replace human labor. Naturally the work done by washing
28
and pressing machines is better than that finished by human
hands. Furthermore, these big concerns are using modern
methods to conduct their business, such as advertisement,
decoration, delivery service, and the choice of location,—
while many Chinese are still following their father's way
of management* If the Chinese do not try to improve their
methods, their backward hand laundry will gradually be elim
inated in the future.
According to a statement given by a member of the
Chinese Laundry Association, the number of Chinese laundries
has shown only a slight decrease, but their business situa
tion is getting worse all the time. The reason for the
slight decrease is due to the fact that there is no other
work available to them. When Wong, the laundry man, was
asked why he did not try to change his occupation, he said;
"Surely I want to have a better Job, but what can I do? I've
been in the laundry business for more than twenty years; I am
used to this kind of work. Thought it may not make me rich,
9
it still gives me a. living*
As long as the Chinese are particpating in the laundry
business, they must compete with other races. In face of
9
Interview I*
29
their handicaps, the only way for them to maintain their bus
iness is to reduce the price* Generally, the Americans charge
fifteen cents per shirt, whereas the Chinese charge only ten
cents. Furthermore, they have to work at least twelve hours
a day. Because of the reduction in price, the monthly income
is also simultaneously reduced. In order rto live in harmony
with their small income, many of them are compelled to have
their room and board in the store where they work. In this way
they can save some expenses.
The second major Chinese business in Los Angeles is the
restaurant enterprise which is generally known to the Ameri
can public as a "Chop Suey" house. Before entering into
this discussion, a word of explanation is necessary.
Strange as it may seem, chop suey is not a real Chinese
dish, but an American product. The restaurants in China do
not serve such a dish. In fact, neither the waiter nor the
cook knows anything about it. It is as strange to them as
the American "hot dog". How does chop suey happen to be
known and who introduced it to the American public? Accord
ing to Leong Gor Yun, the story is simple. In 1896 Li Hung-
chang, a Chinese statesman, toured Europe and America, Be
fore his arrival at Chicago, a wealthy Chinese merchant pre
pared, to give a banquet in his honor. The merchant told his
cook to prepare an unusual dish to please him. The cook
30
taxed his ingenuity, and when the time came he served a
special dish for His Excellency. Li liked it very much
and he asked for its name. The cook could not think of
any fancy name off hand, so he said, "Just tell his Ex-
10
cellency that it is Chop Suey." Ever since Li tasted
that dish, he asked for it wherever he went. Thus the fame
of Chop Suey spread with the fame of Li Hung Chong,
Another story concerning the origin of Chop Suey is
told by Charles Dobie. Many years ago, a group of miners
in San Francisco got off from work rather late one night.
All the restaurants were closed but one Chinese cafe, which
never had been patronized by white men before. So they
went in and demanded service. The cook took all he had,
including "left-overs" from his own dinner, seasoned it
properly, then served it. When the miners asked for the
name of that delicious dish, the chef told them it was "Chop
Suey."
Nq matter how it originated, we know that the popular
Chop Suey of today no longer resembles the original dish.
However, it tastes good and contains rich nourishment. Al
though one can hardly find Chinese eating Chop Suey, it is
a most popular dish for many Americans. For the last five
10
Leong Gor Yun, Chinatown Inside Out (New York;
Barrows Mussey Inc., 1936) p, 243,
31
years in Los Angeles, Chinese food is getting more popular
day after day. The reasons are manifold: First, Chinese
food undoubtedly tastes delicious and it is quite different
from American dishes. Secondly, the motion picture has pop
ularized Chop Suey by introducing the name on the screen oc
casionally. The patronage by the Movb Stars of the Chinese
restaurants has also attracted many people to follow their
footsteps* Thirdly, the construction of the Hew Chinatown
and China City with their oriental architecture and atmos
phere attracted many people to take a tour there. The beau
tiful and clean looks of the buildings have softened the
American prejudice against Chinese stores. The flashing
signs of Chop Suey and Chow Mein attract the tourists* at
tention; Curiosity leads them to try Chinese food and
they find it very tasty. Some people go to Chinese res
taurants for the sake of novelty. However, there are many
others who eat regularly in Chinatown, say^ once or twice
weekly. Today the American people are not only eating Chop
Suey, but also ordering various kinds of real Chinese dishes
such as fried shrimps, fried pigeon, almond chicken,. mush
room chicken, etc.
The Chinese restaurants can be classified mainly into
three types, namely, classes A^ B, and C. Class A restau
rants are those located in the Chinese business centers, par
ticularly in New Chinatown. They have a large scale of bus-
3 2
Iness and good decorations. Their main objective is to
serve Occidental customers and an occasional banquet for
Chinese people. During week ends and holidays they have a
very good business. People come to dinner, as a rule, in
groups. Special parties are frequently held in the Chinese
restaurants. Today most of these Class A restaurants are op
erating cocktail lounges from which most of the easy profit
comes. A manager said that the profit they make from selling
liquor alone is almost equal to the amount of selling all
Chinese food put together. The busy hours in these restau
rants are from 6:00 p.m. to 9S00 p.m. People line up from
the front door into the street waiting for their turns.
However, business is rather quiet on week days and they
only hope to make enough to cover e3ç>enses.
The Class B restaurants are those which are scattered in
various parts of the American community. They are operated
on a relatively smaller scale. Delicate dishes for Chinese
banquets are not served. Their customers are mainly, if not
entirely, Americans. Thus the owner Just wouldn't bother to
employ any special cook; he generally prepares the dishes
himself. The number of waiters employed is directly in pro
portion to the size and business of the restaurant. Although
they are located right in the -American community, their bus
iness has never been as good as the other restaurants in
Chinatown.
33
The Class C restaurants may be called the "Coolie Joints"
in China because their customers are mostly men. Any refined
and respectable woman would refuse to dine in this type of
restaurant. . They have a few tables or booths but generally
there is counter service. One may compare this place to the
A-merioan beer Joint, except people go there for food rather
than liquor. There are number of these cafes in the San Pedro
iistrict, near the City Produce Market, The workers in this
narket, be they colored or white, frequently hang around these
small restaurants where they can chat, laugh, and yell freely
as if there were no racial barrier between them. These res
taurants are doing a good business because they serve good
food at a reasonable price#
Of these three kinds of Chinese restaurants, class 0
is the most democratic in nature for they welcome all classes
)f people and treat everybody alike. Class B are most American
ized for they not only serve "American Chinese food" with knife
md fork, but also the atmospheric effects are more American
than Chinese. Class A restaurants, particularly those in New
Chinatown, are the most aristocratic. During week-ends and
:*ush hours, they take no reservations for Chinese banquets,ex
cept for the influential people, because the delicate Chinese
h shes take so much time to prepare and there are so many of
their American customers waiting to be served. Furthermore,
34
raoe discrimination is not nmooiomon. For Instance, Negro
and Filipino customers are, as a rule, not unwelcome. There
is no written sign, but the poor service that is given to
them speaks for itself. In one Instance, a group of Negroes
went to patronize one of the restaurants in New Chinatown and
no one waited on them. The intention was to discourage them
so that they would walk out. But instead, the party remained,
so the waiter had to serve them. In order to discourage them
from coming back, an extra amount of salt was added to the
food to make the taste disagreeable. The writer asked one
restaurant owner why he discriminated thus and he replied:
”I have no prejudice against the Negroes, but I want to keep
my American customers. If there are too many Negroes in my
restaurant, the white customers will go away. I am a busi
ness man and the competition here is so keen. What can I
doI”
In view of the fact shovm. above, this race discrimina
tion is caused by socio-economic reasons. The fact that the
white people do not like to eat their dinners side by side
with the Negroes is due to social reasons, while the fact
that the Chinese do not want to serve Negroes in their res
taurants is purely due to economic reasons. Hov/ever, the
11
Interview, No. 3.
35
other Chinese restaurants outside of New Chinatown welcome
colored people. In fact, those Chop Suey houses on San
Pedro Street and on Central Avenue have more Negro customers
than that of their own race.
Through the popularity of the name "Chop Suey" and the
frequent patronage by the American people, the public begins
to know more about Chinese food. They have learned that
vegetables should not be allowed to cook too long. Many
Americans begin to learn the various kinds of Chinese food
besides Chop Suey and Chow Mien. Their experiences guide
them in selecting delicious dishes* Gradually they learn
the Chinese way of ordedng food - namely, to teH the waiter
the amount they want to spend and let the chef fix the menu.
In this way they have more varieties and probably better food
to eat*
The Chinese restaurants depend a great deal on the Chi
nese grocery stores because they handle most of the Chop
Suey supplies. There are two kinds of grocery stores owned
by Chinese; those that sell both Chinese and American gro
ceries, and those that sell American groceries only. The
former are operated on a much larger scale than the latter*
The nature of these two types of grocery stores is different.
The first kind handles both wholesale and retail business*
They also import various kinds of Chinese canned food, dry
food, rice, peanut oil, soybean sauce, oyster sauce, Chinese
36
liquor, pottery, tea, and all kinds of seasoning products.
Chinese vegetables are also sold there. Most of the store
keepers operate a meat market in the same store. Their cus
tomers consist of both white and colored people, but the
majority are Chinese*
The other kind is the neighborhood grocery and meat
market which locates within the American community. The
customers are mostly Americans, and the Chinese get along
very nicely with them. It seems that many white people
have no aversion to deal with the Chinese in a business
way. So long as the location is convenient, satisfactory
service is rendered, a reasonablë price is charged, and
good value is received, there is no objection* Dr. William
G. Smith gives further reasons in this connection: "The
politeness of the Oriental in this relationship is a fac
tor of considerable importance," furthermore, this "re-
12
lationship does not in any way assume a social equality."
The Chinese are taking an important part in the pro
duce business. The Anti-Alien Land Law drove the Oriental
immigrants from the farms to the cities, and many of them
came to Los Angeles. As their previous work was associated
with agriculture, they chose a new occupation of the same
nature. A considerable number began to operate fruit and
12
William C. Smith, Americans in Process. (Ann Arbor:
Edwards Brothers, Inc., 1937) p. 92*
37
vegetable stands and some entered Into the produce busi
ness, Since then, more and more Chinese participated
in this line.
There are two gigantic wholesale produce terminals
in Los Angeles, namely: the Union Wholesale Terminal Mar
ket and the City Market of Los Angeles. The Union Whole
sale Terminal Market, established in 1903, is the largest
marketing center of fruits and vegetables in Los Angeles,
It plays a very important role in the matter of supplying
millions of people with its produce. It covers a very
large area, namely the whole district bounded by Alameda
Street and Central Avenue on the east and west, and Seventh
and Eighth Streets on north and south, respectively. The
merchants of this Market consist, for the most part, of
Americans. Only a few stores are operated by the Chinese,
who, incidentally, have nothing to do with the management
of this market. The merchants are composed of the so-
called farmers, haulers, "yard dealers" who buy and sell
the incoming commodities right within the market.
The City Market of Los Angeles was established in 1909
at Ninth and Ban Pedro Streets through the united efforts of
three racial groups, including A^aerloans, Chinese, and Japa
nese. With the rapid growth of population in Southern Cal
ifornia and with the new medical advice on balanced diet,
the consumption of vegetables and fruits has been increasing.
38
Consequently, the City Market has also grown in keeping
pace with the new demand. Therefore, in 1924 the market
area was extended to Twelfth Street from its original lo
cation*
There are more Oriental merchants in the City Market
than Occidental. At the beginning the Chinese was the
dominant group*. Later the Japanese gradually cut in and
took the leading place. After the evacuation of the Japan
ese from the defense zone in t 1 b Pacific Coast the way was
opened for the Chinese to make a come back and reassume
the leading role in the City Market again. They grasped
the opportunity and took over the Japanese business. This
produce business is more than a local trade; merchants
sell fruits and vegetables to the out of town districts and
even ship to the eastern markets.
The significance of the produce business is that it
offers many opportunities for employment. Many Chinese
have found various kinds of work in these two markets. It
is extremely difficult to find out the exact number of
Chinese working there, but it has been known that the ma
jority of the workers are of the American-born Chinese,
This gives a considerable amount of vocational outlet to
that unadjusted group. The reasons for the preference
for the second generation Chinese may be stated as follows:
39
In the first place, the marketing business needs men of
strong physique to handle the shipment. It happens that
the second generation Chinese - for the most part - are
physically superior to the first generation. They are
qualified to handle the heavy work. In the second place
this kind of business involves trading with different
groups of people and the means of communication is de-
pedent upon English. As the second generation possesses
linguistic advantages, they have a better chance of being
employed. In the third place, the second generation
particularly the younger group, is willing to work for
less wqges. And in the fourth place, the scope of the
marketing business is wide enough to give various Jobs to
a large group* Finally, some high school and college
students take a part-time job early in the morning or
late in the afternoon.
Workers in the produce market used to have very
long hours. Since the labor union stepped in, the sit
uation has been changed. Now they are working only
eight hours a day. About four to six hours they are
actually busy; the rest of the time they just take it
easy. Their wages are also regulated according to the
union rules*
Another major Chinese business is the art and curio
stores. Some of them are located in Chinatown and some
40
scattered all over the city* Generally speaking, the curio
shops in Chinatown are operated on a small scale* Many of
them open for business after 5:00 p.m., so that this part-
time business does not interfere with the owner's princi
pal occupation.
The art stores outside of Chinatown are operated on
a comparatively larger scale. They have regular business
hours. White employees are engaged to wait on the customers
who are mostly, if not all, Americans. Since the Japanese
curios shops ceased to do business, the Chinese as a whole
are doing pretty good business.
The Chinese herb stores are quite popular in this city.
Many of the retail stores are concentrated in the down-town
business section, while the wholesale companies are situated
in Chinatown. There are thirty-six retail herb stores owned
and operated by Chinese, as listed in the 1943 Los Angeles
classified Telephone Directory* The Chinese herbalists are
recognized as "doctors" by the Chinese people. Many Chinese
believe in herbs as remedies for ailment because they think
herbs are mild and natural. These remedies are usually ad*-
ministered in the form of herb teas. These teas are made
from herbs indigenous to Asia, which are gathered on the
mountains and in the valleys of China, and are imported to
the United States. It is said that more than 3,000 differ
ent species of these herbs are in use, comprising roots.
41
barks, flowers, leaves, berries, and so on. In general,
from ten to sixteen kinds of herbs are used in one prescrip
tion.
The Chinese herb stores are widely patronized by the
American people* The Chinese herbalists generally main
tain nice offices and they employ Americans to manage their
offices. Recently several herb stores have been closed be
cause of the shortage of the imported Chinese herbs as a re
sult of the war*
The largest single Chinese business concern in the city
is the National Dollar Store, which is located on Broadway
near Sixth Street. It maintains a three-floor sizable build
ing and employs approximately fifty persons in the various de
partments. Three-fourths of the emiployees are white people
and one-fourth Chinese. The National Dollar S^ore is a Cor
poration, owned by a group of Chinese. Its main office is
in San Francisco and has many branch stores throughout the
Pacific Coast area and neighboring states.
Besides the above mentioned participations, some Chinese
actors and actresses are taking active parts in the motion
picture profession. Some selected Chinese educated persons,
which includes the members of the diplomatic service, in
structors, pastors, and students, have been invited to
speak at various American organizations. The Chinese artists
have given exhibitions of paintings and drawings to the Amer-
42
lean public*
There is a popular misconception that the Chinese are
willing to work for long hours at exceedingly low wages,
hence they are dangerous to the economic welfare of white
labor. A careful Investigation proves that this is not
true. Although there is no record available to show the
average wage received by the Chinese, It is very rare to
find a Chinese selling his services for $10.00 a week,
even during the time of depression. Before the present
war, there were some Chinese store clerks who received as
little as $60.00 a month, - but in addition to their wages
room and board were provided for them. Above, all that, they
would receive a bonus at the end of the year* Leong Gor
Yun claimed that "the Chinese earned on an average a bet
ter wage than the white workers. It is reliably estimated
that they (in the East, according to 1935 wage scale) earn
13
an average of $25.00 a week." In the opinion of the
writer, when Chinese unskilled labor is compared with
white unskilled labor, the Chinese average earnings are
higher than those of the white laborer. The reverse is
true, however, when a comparison is made concerning the
skilled labor of these two groups.
13
Leong Gor Yun, op. cjt., p. 165
43
Are the Chinese working longer hours? There are two
phases to the answer to this question. On the one hand,
the Chinese, who are employed by the white people, are work
ing eight hourw a day* Any overtime work will be paid for
according to the regulations. In these cases, the answer
will be negative* On the other hand, those Chinese who
are working in the Chinese community do spend, on the aver
age, ten hours a day in the store, but they do not labor
eight hours under pressure as Americans do# It is very com
mon to find the Chinese merchants and the workers chatting
in their stores. They take things easy whenever possible*
Furthermore, they can take time out for a cup of coffee or
tea whenever they feel like it* Many older Chinese prefer
ten hours of work a^la Chinese to eight hours of American
work# Psychologically speaking, they think that they do not
have to give as much energy in ten hours of work with relax
ation in between as they would for eight hours of strenuous
work#
The Chinese people are very industrious* They are not
particular in choosing work, except a few kinds of occupa^
tion against which they have traditionally discriminated,
namely: chiropodist, shoeblack, garbage-carrier, undertaker,
and entertainer. There are certain underlying reasons tha,t
cause these discriminations#
44
The Chinese regard the work of chiropodist, shoeblack,
and garbage-carrier as distasteful# In old China, there was
such an occupation as nail-trimming. People associated with
this profession were looked down upon. They held the lowest
social rank in society. There were not permitted to partici-
14
pate in “Public or Imperial Examinations. Therefore, any
work associated with the human foot is considered cheap and
low. Not only a person himself would lose face but also his
father and his ancestors would likewise be disgraced. The
shoeblack, being so closely related to the foot business, is
also subject to discrimination. Only occasionally one would
find Chinese children shining shoes; no matured Chinese
would think of doing that kind of work. No one wants to
be a garbage-carrier if he can help it. The reason is so ob
vious that it needs no explanation. In China an undertaker
is the most unwelcome person in any social group. In many
tiappy occasions, such as'birthdays and weddings, no one
would like to have an undertaker around. On New Years day
an undertaker must not go to visit any one, not even his
closest relatives, because his presence is a sign of bad
luck. Traditionally, entertainers of allikinds have belonged
to the lowest social ranks#
14
More or less like the present United States Civil Ser
vice. Examinations#
45
The prejudice against the profession of chirpody, shoe-
blacking, and garbage-carrying and undertaking still sur
vives among the Chinese in the United States, but their at
titudes toward the entertainers has somewhat changed#
Twenty years ago, the old businessmen of Chinatown
did not want to modernize their stores or to change their
old signs. They believed that a business sign is to be
permanent. A change would be an offensé against the digni
ty and the reputation of the store. Later, through more
contact with Americans and the growing up of the second gen
eration, this old attitude has gradually died out#
The occupational attitudes of the American-born Chi
nese are somewhat different from those of their fathers#
Most of the Chinese immigrants are not particular about
their work as long as they can make enough money to go home
and retire, but the second generation hold a different view
point. They do not want to filow their father*s footsteps
and go back to China; they would rather stay in the United
States, Their tendency is to leave Chinatown and find a job
in the ‘ ^merloan community. Like the children of other immi
grants, they desire to enter a vocation that would afford a
higher status# They go to trade schools and colleges to pre
pare themselves to do skilled work# On the average, the
standard of living of the American-born Chinese is higher
than that of the first generation. In order to maintain
46
this standard, both husband and wife go to work.
The Chinese methods in business are, to a large ex
tent, different from those of the Americans. The words of
honor play a very important role in a Chinese business tran
saction. The average merchant, regardless of the tricks to
which he may be resorting in the preliminaries, will abide
faithfully by the terms of the final agreement. At this
point, his word becomes as good as a contract. The reputa
tion of the firm and the face of an individual assume marked
importance. To lose face means the end of one's business
career. No wise man would sacrifice his face at any price#
The Chinese do not believe in “high-pressure salesman
ship", nor advertisement. They think a perfect blend needs
no salesmanship talk because the quality speaks for itself#
By being honest in his trade one can gradually build up his
business. Reputation is a primary factor in success and all
the rest is only secondary#
Sometimes the business man sells the merchandise very
cheap to keep the customer if he is a regular customer whom
it would be foolish to offend, or a prospective good customer*
The business man is willing to risk the present for the future,
Personal intimacy means a lot in Chinese business. When
a person wants to start a business enterprise, he will not
choose any one to be his partner aside from his relatives
and friends, if it can be helped. In business transactions
relatives and friends always get special privileges#
47
The Chinese credit system is built on good will,
honesty, and mutual respect. The business man always
gives credit to the first order no matter if it is from
an established firm or a new concern. They.offer credit
as a means of good will. The debtor will pay the old bal
ance when he asks for a second order. There is no definite
date fixed for the payment. • Hence no interest will be
charged. However, a bill will be sent to the debtor once
in a while, for remittance. The end of the year is the
time for all the balance to be cleared.
This credit system is generally practiced among the
first generation Chinese. The American-born Chinese are
often denied this privilege because there is a barrier or
a lack of understanding between them and the first genera
tion. In that case, what will be the adjustments of their
vocational problems?
According to Kazuo Kawai, there are three possible
15
solutions, but each has its difficulties. First, the
second generation might adopt a defeatist attitude by
thinking that they were probably meant to be Just a servile
class and what is the use of trying to do anything. Those
who have accepted a defeatist philosophy form a shiftless
element in the community. Secondly, they may go to the
15
Kazuo Kawai, “Three Roads, and None Easy," Survey
Graphic, May 1926, p. 165.
48
Orient where they will not be racially discriminated. But
their difficulty will be cultural adjustment. Thirdly,
they can remain in the United States and see what they
can do to improve the existing conditions. They intend
to equip themselves well and make distinctive contribu
tions to American life. In addition to these three pro
posals, William C, Smith has pointed out a fourth possi-
16
bility, that is, going to other foreign countries as a
part of a colonization project. Unfortunately, most of
the second generation do not possess a pioneer spirit by
nature and are not serious-minded enough to handle such
a tremendous project.
On the whole, the American-born Chinese have more
difficulty in vocational adjustment than the first genera^
tion because they are frequently the last to be employed
by both Americans and Chinese. Unlike the first genera
tion , they would like to work for their living rather than
to follow in their fathers* footsteps. Both the first and^
the second generations are increasingly paying more atten
tion to doing business with the white group. While the
young Chinese enjoy working in the American community, the
16
William C. Smith. Americans in Process (Edwards
Brothers, Inc.,1937).
40
first generation are. gradually doing more trade with the
white people. At the same time they are also placing em
phasis upon the things that will be useful and acceptable
to their own group*
50
CHAPTER III
PARTICIPATION IN POLITICAL AND RELATED ORGANIZATIONS
Chinatown is, perhaps, the most exclusive of all
alien colonies in America. The Chinese had been left
alone in the early days. In a land that not only de
nied them the rights of citizenship but even the protec
tion of the law, Chinese badly needed to organize them
selves for the purpose of mutual help and self-govern
ment. This was the chief reason for the ascendency
of various associations. Among them, there is one su
preme organ, generally known as the Chinese Consolidated
Benevolent Association.
This association was founded before 1880 in San
Francisco, but there is no record of the exact date. It
was then called Chung Wah Kung Saw which literally means
the meeting hall of the middle kingdom. In those days only
learned and reputable gentlemen or elders from various or
ganizations were elected to office. Later the society was
found in every Chinatown in the United States. Each of
these "governments" is independent, but all are formed
on the same plan. Although it has no legal status, it
still governs the Chinese community with an absolute au
thority that makes its decision the final word#
51
The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association in Los
Angeles is situated on North Los Angeles Street near the
Plaza Square. Because this Association is situated there,
the old Chinatown, although all its major business concerns
are now in the new district, is still recognized by the Chi
nese as the official Chinese center# The functions of the As
sociation may be stated as follows: —
First of all, it serves as a "government" to maintain
peace and order in the Chinese colony. If peace and order
in Chinatown are likely to be disturbed, the Association
takes appropriate action to prevent disturbances. If there
is conflict between the tongs, it acts as a mediator or ar
bitrator*
Secondly, it makes rules and regulations for business
transactions among Chinese. The regulations will be conformed
to the same standard in all cases of the same nature in order
to establish equity and justice. Furthermore, it certifies
documents and witnesses deeds. The Association, when applied
to, sanctions the purchase and sale of a store between Chinese
merchants.
Thirdly, it concerns the rights of the first generation
Chinese who are citizens of the Republic of China. When the
treaty rights of the Chinese citizens are violated, the As
sociation will ask the local Chinese Consulate or the Embassy
at Washington, D.C. for protection^
52
Fourth, the Association has been doing some welfare
work. It operates the Chinese language schools although
the pupils must pay tuition. It helps, to a certain ex
tent, the aged and destitute Chinese to return to China
and provides cemetery grounds for the dead here. Whenever
there is flood and famine in China and sometimes in the
United States, it functions as an agency to raise funds
for relief. Finally, the Association is the chief organ
to direct a patriotic movement#
The highest organ of the administration of the asso
ciation is the executive council which consists of influen
tial merchants and representatives of various organization,
They are supposed to be elected once a year, but for the
last ten years or more, the important figures of the coun
cil have not been changed. There are six officers in
charge of the Association, namely: a chairman, a vice-
chairman, a Chinese secretary, an English secretary, a
treasurer, and an office boy. Ho one wishes to be the
chairman, for there is a heavy burden to shoulder, with
very little compensation. Worst of all, he is only a fig
ure-head. Those who actually run the Association are the
17
so-called "gentlemen" of the Tongs and the Family organ
izations, Unlike the common practice of the other China-
17
The word “gentleman" used here means a Imder or
boss of a certain organization#
53
towns, these “gentlemen" In Los Angeles do not accept the
chairmanship. There are tim main reasons. On the one
hand, there is a tendency to avoid competition among the
rival organizations* On the other hand, they would like
to sit on the fence and criticize some one else Instead of
being criticized. The vice-chairman, the English secretary,
and the treasurer serve purely on a voluntary basis. Only
the Chinese secretary and the office boy are paid*
The revenue of the Association is raised mainly
through the membership fees which are collected annually.
Whether one likes it or not, every Chinese male is a mem
ber of the Association. Fees are also charged for the ser
vice given to business transactions.
If a Chinese buys out a business from his fellow-country
man, both parties, instead of seeing a lawyer, will go to the
Association for approval. After that formality the transac
tion is proclaimed legal. When a Chinese wants to rent a
store which was once occupied by a Chinese, he must pay the
former tenant a prohibitive sum of money for the so-called
18
"basic property right." If that demand is not met, no
Chinese would dare to rent that store. This practice not
only hampers the free movement of Chinese stores, but also
18
Leong Gor Yun, Op. cijL., p. 40
54
Inf rince 8 on the rights of the property owners. The re
cently remodelled buildings in Old Chinatown which were
vacant for two years were not occupied for this very rea
son. The background of this practice is rather signifi
cant*
In the early days, this procedure acted as a means
of protection for those who belonged to the small families
in business. For instance, A had a store in a good loca
tion and was doing a good business, B saw the good
prospects of that particular location and wished to take
it away from A. All he had to do was to go to the property
owner and bid up the rent. Sooner or later A was ordered
to move out. If A belonged to a large family organization,
B would not dare to play such a "dirty trick" on him be
cause the latter* s"cousins" would come to the rescue.
Otherwise, he would be left at the mercy of the landlord*
In order to prevent the large family from taking advantage
of the minority group, the Chinese agreed to set up the
"basic property right." But time has changed. It is im-
peratige that this practice must be changed because it is
no longer justifiable under the new conditions. Today, the
Chinese can depend on legal protection and the long-term
lease* The continuance of this practice is not a matter
of necessity but rather of politics if not of racketeering*
55
The other source of revenue is the collection of "port
duty." It is stated in the bylaws of the Association that
all Chinese under its jurisdiction must each pay a "port
duty" of three dollars on leaving for China. It is pre
sumed that any one ready to go back to the fatherland must
have a "fat pocket." So he should give a little amount to
show his sympathy for the unfortunate ones who are left be
hind.
How has the Association survived through all these
years? Under careful investigation, we find that the
real backbone of the Association is powerful organizations.
Many Chinese business men are in favor of its existence be
cause the Association has its good points as well as bad
ones. What are the powerful organization which are behind
it? They are the territorial associations, the family clans,
and the Tongs from which the "gentlemen" come into existence.
Since they are the pillars of Chinatown politics, an exam
ination of these organizations one by one is necessary.
The territorial associations, known among Chinese as
Hwei Kwoon, are composed of many small groups formed by peo
ple from the same village, precinct, or county. In most
cases, these small groups acting as individual organs are
powerless* but when they consolidate into one unit, they
become very powerful. The number of these associations
varies in different cities and their political significance
is likewise variable. In Los Angeles, there used to be six
56
Independent territorial organizations* namely, - the Ning
Young, Shui Hing, Young Kong Ohow, Sara Yup, and Yen Wo.
Of these, the Ning Young Association is the most influen
tial in Chinatown politics, because it has the largest mem
bership, and hence more representatives in the "Chinatown
Government."
However, none of.the associations is highly organized#
They seldom keep membership records, or collect dues. The
maintenance depends on the contributions of the rich mer
chants and the resourcefulness of their "gentlemen,"
The construction of the Union Station compelled these
associations to move their headquarters from the original
location. For lack of funds, leadership, and interest of
the members, these associations, since then, have ceased to
exist in actuality, but in their minds the Chinese are
still conscious of the territorial identity which is made
possible by the difference in their dialects. Although^
they understand each other, the Chinese of each of these
territorial associations speak a somewhat different dia
lect. In their ordinary conversation, the difference of
dialect creates social distance. By social distance, we
mean "the degree of sympathetic understanding that func
tions between persons, or groups, or between a person and
19
a group."
19
E. S. Bogardus, classlecture*
57
Like "the birds of the same feather flock together", the
Chinese who speak the same dialect feel closer and nearer to
each other. This attitude of the mind has always existed
among the Chinese immigrants and will continue as long as
each group maintains its own dialect.
Overlapping the territorial groups, there are the family
clans. In Chinatown, as a rule, every family surname has its
own association, organized on the basis of identical name.
The family association consists of many, or a few, small groups
called "Pongs", formed according to their village groups in the
fatherland. Some "Fongs" are stronger than others. The small
"Tongs" generally have very little voice in.family affairs,
whle the "gentlemen" of the large "Fongs" dominate the family
association. Not all the "gentlemen" are bad; some of them
are very helpful and gallant. To get anything done in China
town, it is necessary to play politics with them.
Besides the family association of identical surname, there
20
Is another type of family clique. This is the "multi-family,"
association which is formed by a union of several family asso
ciations. Some are formed on the basis of brotherhood sworn
to by their ancestors. For example : the "Four Family Asso
ciation" was organized by the families of Lau, Kwan, Chang,
and Chew because three of their ancestors swore to brother-
20
It has been called by other writers "Super-family
dissociation. "
58
hood in the "Peach Garden" about 200 A.D. for the purpose
of saving the Han Dynasty.
Others were formed on the basis of traditional friend
ship, intermarriage of remote ancestors, neighboring home
districts, or similarity of a radical in the writing of the
surnames. In order to match the large Kung Saw, the minor
ity groups united themselves as one unit. It is obvious that
the real fact behind these "multi-family" associations is the
struggle for power, recognition, and security.
21
There are about sixty different family clans in this
.- try* Members of the same family association are called
"cousins", or "Hing Dai." They are not necessarily blood
relatives, but the consciousness of family solidarity makes
them feel close to each other. In the circle of blood rela
tives at home to all members of the same name throughout'
this country, there lies the strength of the family asso-
dlation.
Members of the family association are supposed to pay
two or three dollars for annual dues, but many of them who
live outside of Chinatown do not pay dues. Only those who
make their living in Chinatown or expect help from the as
sociation pay the yearly dues faithfully. The wealthy mer-
21
Carl. Glick, Shake
Book Inc., 1941) p.237.
with the Dragon (McGraw-Hill
59
chants on their birthdays, the wedding of their sons,
or at the end of a prosperous year frequently donate
a certain amount of money to the family associations
as a means of good will toward the less-fortunate
Woousins" and as a means of paying respect to the fam
ily God or Gods. All these moneys become the trust
fund for the family association. It is administered
by their officers, which consist of a president, a vice-
president, a treasurer, an English secretary, and a
Chinese secretary who also acts as the general manager*
To check the officers, a group of elders are elected as
the board of control. A general election is held once •
a year with the hope that there will be no possible
chance of anyone getting too firm a grip on the money
bags. In time of emergency and distress, the members
can go to their family association for help. They may
get a loan directly or indirectly from it. In case
of unemployment, the Kung Saw can give a recommendation
to its members and sometimes provide them with room and
board* In the past, the family association paid the fare
for the poor, aged members to go back to China. There-
22
Through the mediation of the family association
they may get a loan from the wealthy members*
60
fore, this trust fund forms the basis of social security for
many Chinese*
Most of the family associations are organized on a nat
ional basis, with their headquarters in San Francisco. Their
political importance varies in different districts. Here in
Los Angeles, the Wongs* clan is the largest single family or
ganization, but it is matched by a multi-family association
which is a combination of the Laus, Kwans, Change, and Chews*
These two groups have the largest membership; thus they have
the greatest voice in the Chinatown "government." Over one
half of the officers and councilmen of the Chinese Consoli
dated Benevolent Association are members of these two groups.
Because of competition for domination, these two groups are
rivals. Here is where politics comes in. In order to get
more votes for one's favor, a leader depends on the minority
groups for support. This gives the small family associations
a chance to express themselves. Whether they will rise to
be politically important or not depends on the intelligence,
shrewdness, and even imprudence of their "gentlemen". So
far as known, the Wongs* clan and the "Four Family" associa
tion are holding an even balance of poweri Never has one
been completely dominated by the other.
Other societies are.the trade and craft organizations,
commonly known as guilds. They attempt to control workers
in special fields for mutual advantage in securing employment
61
and favorable wages, protecting their interests, and pro
moting welfare among themselves. However, they have no
political significance. A few of them still exist in Los
Angeles today, namely: the Movie Guild, the Chinese Laun
dry Alliance, and the Chinese Restaurant Association.
Another kind of Chinatown political organization is
the Tongs. This term is very familiar in the minds of the
public. Tongs were made famous by the American newspapers,
A slightest hint of the outbreak of a Tong war is always
front-page news. In spite of the publicity, the facts about
the Tongs have not been made clear. When the Tongs first
became known by the police and the press, their members were
called "highbinders". In the late eighties, the Chinese
term "tong" came into use by the American public.
What is a tong? That term literally means a hall, a
parlor, or a place to meet and talk. It has been defined
by Nora Sterry as "a fraternal/and political organization in
tent upon furthering the interest of its members and imbued
23
with an intense spirit of rivalry toward other tongs.
Unlike the district organizations which restrict member
ship to persons of certain particular districts, the tongs are
opened to any one without drawing a district line. Unlike the
family associations, the tongs do not limit membership to
23
Nora Sterry; "Social Attitudes of Chinese Immigrants,"
Journal of Applied Sociology, j"uly - August, 1923.
62
those who have the same surname. Unlike the trade organizations,
the tongs receive membership from various trades. In fact,"they
cut across all groups and even include as members représenta-
24
tives of other races such as Americans and Filipinos."
tongs came into existence as a check upon any one fam
ily that might become too powerful. It has been known that the
Kwong DackTong, organized in the Barbary Coast about 1870, is
the first society of this kind. Its primary purpose was to
form a solid front for the minority groups to resist the ex
ploitation by the powerful family clans.. Some joined for pro
tection and others joined for revenge. Protection in those days
mainly depended on might, while revenge sought retaliation.
With protection and revenge as their aims, conflict between
tongs and other associations was inevitable.
Following the Kwong Dack's example, another tong, the
Suey Sing, was organized. Due to competition, these two tongs
became rivals. Later they came into Conflict and the first
"tong war" broke out. Since then, many tongs were organized
in San Francisco with their branches scattered all over the
Pacific Coast, The most active period of the tongs was from
25
1917 to 1923.
24
C, N. Reynolds, "The Chinese Tongs," American Journal
of Sociology. Vol. XL, March, 1935, p. 618,
25
Leong Cor Yun, Op. cit. . p, 71,
63
Many tong wars have been fought between rival tongs.
The reasons for the conflicts were quite complicated, but
the primary reason pertained to economic factors. The
tongs fought for their source of income, which in turn
are their means of existence. Another significant cause of
the tong was to save "face". The "face" means a lot
to the Chinese. The face of a member is just as important
as the face of a group. Sometimes a "war® broke out over
injury Inflicted by members of one tong upon members of
another.
There are good tongs as well as bad ones. The bad
tongs are more or less like the American "gangs" and grow
out of similar conditions, operating along much the same
lines. When a tong is controlled by the non-social and
parasitic elements, it tends to be degraded. These para
sitic elements refer to "gentlemen" and "hatchetmen". The
former refer to the leaders, while the latter refer to the
fighters. Other members who join are ordinary people who
become members only when they have been exploited to the
limit of their endurance. No innocent Chinese wants to
join the tong if he can help it. Once he has joined, he
becomes a life member. No one can get out without paying
a heavy price. Thus the membership becomes a regular means
of buying protection. Another source of revenue comes
largely from illegitimate ways, chiefly gambling houses.
64
The tongs, In most cases, do not operate or finance ,
these enterprises, but they receive tribute from all
of them.
The good tongs are legitimate; they perform use
ful functions as the family associations. Within their
own circle, they act as private courts to settle disputes,
they serve in lieu of insurance or mutual benefit asso
ciations, and provide for friendly social intercourse.
While the bad tongs are similar to the American gangs,
the good tongs may be compared with the American clubs.
Recently the tongs have been declining. Since the
severe depression, the "tong war" has gradually disap
peared. The cost of fighting is very heavy. With the
sharp decrease in their income, fighting has to cease.
Another reason is that many old members have passed away
or gone back to China while the young professional fighters
have been forced by the police to take up a trade, or face
imprisonment and even deportation. Public opinion, too,
has its part in bringing the tongs to their senses. The
present Sino-Japanese war has ironed out all internal dis
putes among the Chinese in this country and united them:
for one common purpose - to help China to win the war.
The tongs are undergoing a transformation heading for a
bright future.
65
The development of the tongs passed through three stages.
In the early stage, the tongs were organized on a benevolent
protective basis. As the tongs became larger and stronger,
they engaged in illegitimabe business. Rival tongs competed
with each other and very often they came into conflict. This
constant conflict marked the second stage which transformed
the protective tongs into fighting tongs. Recently the
emergency existing in China called for a unity of all the
Chinese people. As a result, the tongs have been reduced
to the status of fraternal societies engaging mainly in rec
reational, social, and patriotic functions.
There are a few tongs existant in Los Angeles today
but only two of them have political importance. They are
the Bing Kung Tong and the Hop Sing Tong. The former is
composed mainly of business men, while the latter is com
posed mostly of workers of various occupations. Both these
tongs have their headquarters in San FrancisoD, but they
are not subject to the headquarter*s jurisdiction. The
actual number of their membership is not known, because
that is kept secret. Even in the early days, there was
seldom any direct conflict between these two tongs. There
are reasons behind for this fact. The Bing Kung Tong is
relatively larger and richer because it has more members
and many of them are wealthy merchants. Hop Sing Tong,on
the other hand, though not so rich, has more fighters.
66
However, in organization of a "tong war" money must be
raised, fighters mobilized, and bonds arranged in ease
of arrests. Either laok of money or lack of warriors
makes it impossible to conduct an effective "war." An
other reason is that the "tong wars" always disturb peo
ple and ruin business. The Benevolent Association and
the merchants, both tong and non-tong members, will try
every means to prevent any "tong war." These are the
factors which account for the rather peaceful condition
among the tongs in Los Angeles,
The real political organization in Chinatown is the
Kwomintang, the Nationalist Party. Originally it was
called the Tung Meng Hwei, which contributed a great
deal of effort to the overthrow of the Manchu Dynasty in
1911, and the establishment of the Republic in 1912. The
most active period of the Kwomintang branch in Los Angeles
was from 1925 to 1927. During that period the Kwomintang
actually directed the patriotic activities of the Chinese
people. The counter revolution in 1927 caused a split in
the Nationalist Party at home and abroad. In Chinatown
the left wing and the right wing struggled for the control
of the Party, but neither of them succeeded. So there were
two Kwomintang8 in Los Angeles, Since then, the organ!za-
67
tion lost its grip on Chinese affairs. Its membership has
been declining. Until 1938 the right wing was forced to
close up due to lack of funds to maintain its headquarters
on North Los Angeles Street. Even today, when the Chinese
patriotic movement is at its peak, the local Kwomintang is
not very active. Its present stagnant condition is mainly
due to lack of leadership and lack of new blood to refresh
the Party organization.
The second generation Chinese have their own organiza
tions, Most of them are for social and recreational pur
poses, such as the League of Chinese Christian Youth, The
Chinese Youth Association, the Tennis Club, the Lowa Club,
etc, I n addition, they have a large organization of poli
tical nature, known as the Chinese-American Citizens Al
liance, Its headquarters are located next to the Chinese
Consolidated Benevolent Association. Like the other impor
tant associations, it was also organized on a national basis.
Unlike the other associations, its political activities have
more connection with Americans than with its own racial
group. Because of the fact that not very many of its members
can speak Chinese fluently, they use English as their official
language in conducting meetings. However, in addition to the
regular officers, they keep a Chinese secretary to communicate
with other Chinese organizations.
68
The Alliance plays three important roles. In the first
place, it gives a voice to the second generation Chinese in
Chinatown politics. Without the Alliance, the American-born
Chinese would be a group of unorganized individuals, complete
ly ignored and politically discriminated by the first gener
ation. If any of the members were mistreated by a person
or an organization, the Alliance will handle the case for
them#
In the second place, the Alliance practically controls
the votes of its members and it has influence in swinging
the votes of other second generation Chinese in its direc
tion, The Alliance has been urging the Chinese votes to
register and to participate in politics through the exercise
of suffrage. The Chinese voters cannot be bought; they vote
only for those who are friends of the Chinese people. Many
candidates make strong appeals to the Chinese voters and
try to get the solid support of the Alliance. Sometimes
the picture of a candidate is put on the Chinese newspapers
for publicity with a letter of recommendation from the Al
liance.
According to Mr. Thomas Wong# the President of the Los
Angeles Chapter, the Alliance, at present, has approximately
270 members who are eligible to vote. Besides its own mem
bership, there were about 700 American citizens of Chinese
69
ancestry who registered in the Alliance preceding the
last election. The number of Chinese voters is com
paratively small; but when they vote together with one
mind they are significant. Since so many elections
have been won by narrow margins, the politicians will
give careful consideration to the minority group. Dur
ing election time, the candidates for office frequently
try to get the support of the Alliance. Sometimes both
the parties have sent representatives to present their
political platforms to the general assembly of the Alli
ance* The Chinese can make use of the opportunity and
vote for the one who is a friend to the Chinese people.
Although the Chinese males are showing more interest
in exercising their suffrage rights, the women have not
been doing their part in full strength. Perhaps the Chi
nese tradition that woman*s place is at home has some in
fluence on them. In the last convention, a resolution
was passed for the Alliance to form an Auxilliary and to
urge the Woman to participate#
In the third place, the Alliance functions as a be
nevolent association for the second generation Chinese*
The members have to pay five dollars for an annual fee,
and in case of death, the rest of the members will each
contribute at least fifty cents to the family of the de
ceased. This is called the benevolent fund. No matter
how much the Alliance receives from the contributions.
70
26
the amount of &500#00 has been set as the maximum. Each
member's share is the same. This give-and-take proposition
is more or less like life insurance.
Since the Japanese invasion of Chinese soil in 1937
the over-sea Chinese have organized patriotic societies
in very Chinatown throughout the United States, Even the
Chinese women and girls organized the Chinese Women's Anti-
Japanese Association to do their part. In order to consol
idate the movement, the Chinese Patriotic Society was
formed in 1937. It controlled all the Chinese Patriotic
activities in Los Angeles.
All the Chinese organizations as well as individuals
are giving full support to the Patriotic Society, All the
officers, except the general secretary and the office girl,
serve the society on a voluntary basis. Only the general
secretary has regular office hours. Other officers take
turns once a week from 8:00 to 10:00 in the evenings*
The following are some of the activities which the Patrio
tic Society conducts. The first and the most important one
is to raise money to buy medical supplies, ambulances, air
planes, and whatever China needs most. The overseas Chinese
26
Before 1939, the benevolent fund for the family
of the deceased was #1,000.
71
felt the disadvantage of belonging to a weak nation. They
have wished to see China rise to be a world power. With
this in mind, their patriotic feelings are particularly
strong* They give support to the Chinese government with
their "sweat money". Many of them have contributed more than
they could afford. Most of the patriotic fund is raised
among the Chinese themselves. Aside from the occasional do
nations there is a regular monthly contribution of at least
fifty cents per person which all the adult Chinese males must
pay and they are willing to pay. Other means of raising
money is from collecting admissions to some big Chinese shows
on special occasions, such as the "China Night",, the "Moon
Festival" and the like. In these big occasions, the So
ciety has made every effort to appeal to the Americans as
well as the Chinese.
The "Moon Festival" of 1940 was a great success. Thanks
to the Hollywood movie stars, directors, producers, and others
who are members of screenland for their kindly support, a fund
of $80,000 was raised for the United China Relief. A grand
celebration was carried on for three nights consecutively.
In November, 1938, a new campaign was started. The
Chinese families in Los Angeles decided to forego the cele
bration of Christmas by sending to China the money that would
have been spent on gifts. The adopted slogan was "Send Santa
Claus to China", and called the attention of all Chinese fam-
72
.lies in America to do the same thing. They figured that most
’ arailies spend more than ten dollars on Christmas gifts; but
.f that amount was contributed by every Chinese household, it
fould mean a Christmas stocking bulging with medical supplies,
’ ood and clothing for many war-stricken refugees in China.
The Patriotic 8 ociety also directs the publicity work
rhich is to arouse American sympathetic feelings for China's
tause. In this way, the Soeicty is working hand in hand with
:he United China R elief Association. Long before the Pearl
[arbor incident, the 0 hinese Patriotic Societies throughout
;he United States have been advocating the ideas of boycotting
apanese goods and putting an embargo on war materials to the
Lggressor countries. In Los Angeles as well as in San Francisco
:he Chinese even gave radical demonstrations. In one incident
.n 1939, they went to the waterfront at Wilmington to picket
;he ships which were chartered by the Japanese agents to load
ihousands of tons of scrap iron for Japan. The whole Chinese
community, including women and children, participated* They
rere not alone in the picket line; there were Americans, Creeks,
ews, and other volunteers of many nationalities. That demon—
itration was intended to call the attention oftha.Amerlean pub
ic to the seriousness of the embargo question. This received
ation-wide response and directly or indirectly lent an effec-
ive push to the incipient public movement for a United States
mbargo of all war materials to Japan at that time*
73
Working together with all the patriotic societies to
keep up Chinese morale are the Chinese newspapers. Although
there is no Chinese newspaper published in Los Angeles, the
Chinese subscribe to newspapers published in San Francisco.
Many first generation Chinese speak a little English, but
they cannot read English. So the Chinese newspapers are the
only media to inform them about what is going on in Chinatown
and in the world at large. These newspapers are not Ipcal
in scope, but rather cover the Chinese affairs throughtout
the United States. Together with gossip, they control the
public opinion in Chinatown. At present there are five
Chinese newspapers in San Francisco. They have a large cir
culation not only in this country but also in Canada and
Mexico* All these papers are subsidized by Chinese politi
cal factions either in China or in the United States.
The oldest paper is The Chinese World founded in 1891
by a group of political reformers who wanted to introduce
a parliamentary form of government to the Ching Dynasty.
Their attempt failed when they met the opposition of the Em
press Dowager and the Royal family, and they became political
prisoners. They escaped from China to the United States.
They organized the "Constitutionalist Party" and The Chinese.
World is their mouth—piece. After the founding of the Repub
lic in 1911, this party became reactionary. However, the
conservative Chinese are still reading this paper because
74
it was founded by old scholars who identified themselves with
Confucianism.
Another newspaper by the name of Chung 3ai Yat Po.which
literally means Chinese We stern J^ailv, was founded in 18,99.
It was originally published in Los Angeles but moved to San
Francisco. It is the voice of the Chinese Christians. Its
editorials, for the most part, are reserved for moral teach
ings, and hence this paper has a limited circulation.
Next came the Young China, founded in 1909 by the "Revo
lutionists" who supported Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Since 1911, it
has become the official paper of the Kuomintang in America
and is supported by the majority of the Chinese. But since
the Nanking-Hankow split in 1927, the left wing group broke
off with Young China and published their own paper. The Nat
ionalist Daily. Both of these papers are subsidized by the
Kuoraintang in China.
The Chinese Times founded in 1923, is the only paper pub
lished by the American-born Chinese and subsidized by the
Chinese-American Alliance. This paper pays special attention
to the problems of the second generation and Chinatown affairs#
Of these five papers, The Chinese Times and Chung Sal
Yat Po are impartial toward politics in China and always
mind their own business, while the other three papers, being
different in political backgrounds, used to wage bitter poll-
75
tlcal battles in their editorials. Their controversy ceased
with the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war.
Each Chinese store and many Chinese families subscribe
to at least one paper. The paper that one subscribes to re
veals more or less one's political faith.
The arrangement of the Chinese newspapers is quite dif
ferent from that of American papers. Each Chinese newspaper
consists of from six to eight pages,— from the first page to
the last, half of the space is given to advertisement# The
other half is for editorials, news, and literature# In gen
eral, the first page is devoted to editorials; second and
third pages to war news, with special reference to China's
situation; fourth and fifth pages to literature, which in
cludes poetry, classical works, and sensational stories ; and
the remainder to home news, which includes announcements#
Chinese affairs in various cities, the important events in
American communities, and the interpretation of the recent
American laws and orders* There is no chatter box column
nor scandal-sheet in the Chinese paper because, on the one
hand , there are no secrets in Chinatown to be expoed, and
on the other hand, local gossip travels so fast that even
the latest news cannot catch up with it.
The Chinese press plays an important role in Chinatown.
The significant part is to keep people informed about what
is happening in the world. To be more specific, the paper
76
furnishes information concerning governmental orders
which affect the readers. It may be conceded that
the Chinese newspaper as a means of propaganda is un
desirable, whereas as a means of information it is both
beneficial and essential.
77
CHAPTER IV
PARTICIPATION IN RELIGION
In order to understand Chinese participation in reli
gion in this community, a brief review of Chinese religious
backgrounds will be helpful. It is commonly known that there
are three religions, which^are known in Chinese language as
Ju, Shih, Tao#
Ju Ghiao, better known in the western world as Confu
cianism, means the cult of the learned. The word Shih is an
abbreviation for Shih-ohia-mu-ni, the Chinese form of Sakya-
muni, one of the names of Buddha. Therefore, Shi Chiao stands
for Buddhism. Tao, in literary sense, means a way and in a
philosophical sense means "the eternal order of the universe,"
"Tao" is explained by W.E. Soothill as "the eternal and ubi
quitous impersonal principle by which the universe has been
27
produced and is supported and governed." Tao Chiao stands
for Taoism. These three religions claim to teach the order
of the universe as it relates to mankind.
The work of Confucius was to provide China with a mor
al code, hence Confucianism is recognized as the State reli
gion. But Confucianism is too decorous, too reasonable, and
has too little room for the exercise of imagination. It does
not completely satisfy man's urges. It requires Taoism
27
W. E. Soothill, The Three Religions of China.
London! Oxford University Press, 1923, p. 16,
78
and Buddhism to supplement its deficiency* The lack of
spiritual elements in the teaching of Confucius has been
supplied by the more spiritual provision of Buddhism, and
the indefiniteness of Confucius in regard to a continued
existence after death has been met by the more definite
Taoist dogma of immortality. Therefore, the three re
ligions are complementary to each other* As W. E, Soot
hill stated "Confucianism represents the politico—reli
gious and moral side of Chinese life, the community and
the State ranking foremost in the mind of its founder,
Taoism may be considered as standing for the individual,
for the ascetic, spiritualistic and magical side of na
tional life. Buddhism also may be reckoned as individual
istic, and in especial as representing the 'vanitas vani-
tatum* of mundane existence and salvation for the life to
28
come#"
Besides these three recognized religions, there are
other unrecognized but real "religious" practices among
the Chinese people. These practices are animistic and su
perstitious. Host of the common people believe that nature
and all its parts are possessed of spirits. Spirits are
invisible but can be found everywhere, in the air, on the
28
W. E. Soothill, Ot>.c_lt. . p. 25
79
ground, and under the water. These spirits are good or
bad. The benevolent ones are called "shen" ) and
the evil-minded ones are called "kwei" .Every
thing that happens is accounted for by the action of the
spirits. Misfortunes are caused by the fiendish spirits
in one's house, and sickness is caused by a demon within
the body. In order to drive the demons away, exorcism is
practiced. As a rule, the good spirit is stronger than
the evil spirit. Tiierefore, to secure the assistance of
a powerful "shen" is the best means of chasing off the
harmful "kwei." However, the "shen" only gives aid to
those people who are kind, faithful, and honest. The
value of this animistic belief is to cause people to do
good deeds.
Another phase of the animistic attitude is ancestor-
worship. It has been looked upon as the center and nerve
of the Chinese religion. This practice is related to the
virtue of filial piety; children must be devoted to their
parents, living or dead. Death in no sense breaks the bond
between the members of a family, and strangely enough, the
dead members are often considered more important than the
living. "A Chinese may renounce all other gods, but his
29
ancestors he will renounce last and least of all,"
29
J.J.M. DeGroot, Religion of the Chinese. (Mac
millan, New York, 1910) p.86
80
So much for religious backgrounds. The Chinese in I*os
Angeles also believe in various religions, - namely: Confu
cianism, Buddhism, Christianity, and pseudo-Taoism. Only
the Christians have their own churches. Since there is no
temple for the other three religions, it is impossible to
learn the exact number of their members. With the exception
of some of the Christians, all the Chinese worship confuoius
though they are not necessarily Confucianists. Even a Chris
tian pastor likes to quote a passage or two from the teachings
of Confucius in his Sunday sermon to please the congregation.
In turn, they show more respect to that "scholar" preacher
because the Chinese think that any one who has ability to re
cite the words of Confucius is a man of culture. People in
daily conversation or in argument like to quote the words
from "the great Saint" to strengthen their viewpoint.
The popularity of Confucianism is due to the fact that
the Chinese, as a whole, believe in simple and practical things,
Confucius did not teach miracles, hut moral ideas which have
served as means of social control in China for many, many cen
turies, and the Chinese people are used to them. When the
question was asked as to how they worship Confucius, an old
Confucianist replied: "We pay no attention to the theological
phantasies. Forms are not important. We worship Confucius by
following his teachings, and let conscience guide our daily
conduct. We do not preach anything which is too idealistic
81
for human beings to practice, Confucius* teachings em
phasized benovelence and righteousness. * What you do
not want done to yourself do not do to others,* This is
the golden rule that we follow,"30
Judging from Confucius* teachings, one would won
der whether Confucianism is a religion. There are two
phases to this question. On the one hand, Lin Yutang
insists that "Confucianism was not a religion, but it
had certain êelings toward life and the universe that
31
bordered on the religious feeling. On the other
hand, W.E. Soothill maintains that although Confucius
was not a religious founder as Mohammed, he was eminently
a religious leader. "His recognition of an invisible
Power or Powers, originating and controlling men's des
tiny, ... his strenuous advocacy of sacrifice and obe
dience to those powers, his insistence upon the worship
of the departed as if they were present, and the ritual
which he at least edited, all single him out as something
more than a mere philosopher, and give him a place as a
32
religious leader."
30
Interview
31
Lin Yutang, My. Country and My Peoole (New York#
John Day Company, 193775 p,105
32
W.E, Soothill, Op. cit.
8 2
The writer thinks that when Confucianism is identi
fied with ancestor worship and the worship of "Tien"(j^)
it is not a mistake to say that it is a form of religion,
for religion has been defined as "the sum total of be
liefs, sentiments, and practices, individual and social
which have for their object a power which man recognizes
as supreme, on which he depends and with which he can
33
enter into relation,"
Ancestor worship as practiced by the local Chinese
does not go as far as it is carried by their brothers at
home. Instead of worshipping a wooden idol with Incense
they simply hand up the pictures of the dead for remem
brance. To pay their last devotion, the sons and daugh
ters give an expensive funeral at the death of their
parents; sometimes they go beyond what the family can
afford and plunge into debt. Many old-fashioned Chinese
are still' paying attention to the forms of mourning and
other rites. The choice of site and the time for a burial
are of great importance. The bones of the ancestors are
often shipped back to China for by so doing the departed
can enter the ancestors* temple and be woes hipped by
kinsmen in the village*
All Confucianists practice ancestor worship, and
those who worship their ancestors also worship Gonfu-
33
L, de Grandmaison, The History of Religion (St,
Louis:, Herder, 1914) Vol. I, p.3,
83
oius. In other words, they are identical in this respect*
The Confucianists in this community never have been organ
ized but some belong to the Confucian Association in San
Francisco. Once a year, the head office sends a few repre
sentatives to Los Angeles to collect dues from the members
and to ask for contributions from the sympathizers. This
fund is to be used to maintain the Confucian School in San
Francis oo*
The other indigenous religion in China is Taoism, It
stands for natural romanticism. As Lin Yutang puts it, Tao
ism stands for three things: "First, it stands for the re
turn to nature and the romantic escape from the world, and
revolt against the artificiality and responsibilities of
confucian culture* Secondly, it stands for the rural ideal
of life, art and literature, and the worship of primitive
simplicity* Thirdly, it stands for the world of fancy and
34
wonder, coupled with a childishly naive coaaogony," How
ever, Taoism is not very popular with the Chinese abroad be
cause the Taoist pessimistic outlook on life is opposite to
the desire of the money-making overseas Chinese, There is
no place for Taoism to grow in a Metropolitan area like Los
Angeles, People who live in the city are too busy and they
34
Lin Yutang, » p*117.
84
simply have no time to care for that sort of naturalism.
It is foreign and impracticable in the eyes of city folks.
In fact, there is not a single genuine Taoist in this
community, so far as the writer has observed. There are
a few pseudo-Taoists who only believe in mysterious things,
and tell "fortunes" for other people*
Buddhism has a deep influence in Chinese life. To
the Chinese, Buddhism is both a philosophy for the intelli
gentzia and a religion for the common people. The Chinese
scholars treat Buddhism as a system of mental lygiene, while
the common people worship Buddhas as "Gods," They believe
that through the mercy of the benevolent Buddhas they will
receive future blessing. However, most of these people
come to Buddha for assistance; they do not exactly belong
to this religion by inward allegiance and appropriation.
The most popular Buddha is Kwan-yin, the female divi
nity, who is worshipped as the Goddess of Mercy. Some wo
men still worship Kwan-yin in their own homes. Once or twice
a month, they do not eat any meat; it represents an expres
sion of their devotion which is in hafmony with the teachings
of Buddha that "thou shalt not kill," There are some Chinese
women who refuse to eat beef because cows are considered sa
cred animals in India whereBuddhism originated*
There are two small Buddhist temples in the Chinese com
munity in Los Angeles, One is located in the old Chinatown,
85
where the Chinese go to ask for'blessings. The other is
located inside the China City which is opened for American
tourists, and a general admission fee of twenty-five cents
is collected. Both of these temples are operated not by
,any religious groups, but rather by opportunists,
Christianity entered into the Chinese community as
early as 1876, At that time, when most of the Chinese
were ignorant of the English language, the mission began
its work by teaching English, According to the records
of the Chinese Presbyterian Church, it was in April, 1876,
that the Rev, Ira M, Condit arrived in Los Angeles from
San Francisco. He had spent several years in China as a
missionary worker, and became a great friend of the Chinese
people. He purchased a lot and erected a building - a mis
sion house - 20 by 62 feet in dimension, at a cost of fif
teen hundred ($1500.00) dollars. With the help of his two
assistants, Mr. Boo Hoo Fong, and Miss Stewart, a Presbyterian
English School was started on May 21 of that year. Simultan
eously he organized a Chinese Sunday School also.
As time went by, the Chinese realized the handicap of
not knowing the language of the adopted land, so there was
a great demand to learn English. In 1888 another English
School was established by the mission of the Congregational
Church, and later another school by the Methodist mission.
86
These three schools were the seeds of the three recog
nized Chinese churches* The oldest and largest one is the
Chinese Presbyterian Church, which at present has a member
ship of 115, according to Rev* Philip Lee, This church is
located at 631 East Adams Boulevard, This location is sig
nificant for the development of that church because it is
situated in the vicinity of one of theChinese residential
districts* It is claimed to be the most attractive Chi
nese Church in the United States, It was built in two stor
ies with a basement and a large front yard, which covers
more territory than the building itself. There is a well
equipped kitchen and a large dining room which has a capa
city of accommodating 200 persons. The young people make
use of it by having lunch or dinner there occasionally.
The main floor is divided into three compartments. The
Chapel is in the center, while the right wing is used for
administration and the left wing for the choirs. The
whole second floor is used for Sunday school rooms*
The second Chinese church belongs to the Congregation
al denomination and is located at the corner of Crocker
B%reet and Ninth Place. It has a membership of approxim
ately 95, according to its pastor, the Rev. K.N. Leong.
This church building contains two stores, a basement and
a small back yard. The main floor is used for Chapel and
87
administration. The front part of the second floor is
occupied by the Chinese library and the rear is the pas
tor's living quarters. The basement is used for the
Chinese language school on week-days and for the Sunday
school on Sundays*
The Chinese Methodist Church is situated on New High
Street near China City* Because of its small membership
this church, for a long time, had no pastor. Even now,
this Church does not possess a building of its own. The
present location is only a leased store. It lacks the
dignified appearance of a church. It is inconvenient to
conduct Sunday School classes because there is only one
big room without any systematic partitions. In spite of
the handicaps, the church used to have a very active young
people's group. Due to the present war, many young men
have joined the armed forces. At present, this group is
continuously declining in numbers and its activities have
reached to the point of stagnancy*
These churches get together once every three months
for a Union meeting, and the churches take turns in con
ducting the services. One can always find more young peo
ple participating in theUnion meeting.because some of the
older folks are not interested in anything outside of their
own church. Because of the lack of cooperative spirit
among the individual members and the lack of leadership
88
among the officers, the Union has been unable to carry out
any successful program.
Besides the above-mentioned three Chinese Protestant
Churches, there is a Catholic Center located at 1116 North
Figueroa Street near new Chinatown. It has a very limited
membership. Some Chinese Catholics attend the regular Cath
olic Churches. The reasons are that the Chinese Catholic
Center is too far away from the Chinese residential dis
trict, and that there is always a better and more interest
ing program in the larger church*
The Chinese Catholic Center was established recently*
When Bishop Paul Yu-Pin visited Los Angeles three years
ago, a group of Catholic Chinese gathered together to wel
come him. As a result of this gathering, a Chinese Catho
lic Center group was organized, and through the influence
of Bishop Yu Pin, a church was built for them.
The programs of the Chinese Protestant Churches seem
to center around the Sunday services, such as Sunday School
and the sermon. Prayer meetings are held once a week. In
most cases only three or four older men attend the meetings
which have never been popular among the young people's
groups. However, the youth like to attend the choir re
hearsals, because they give opportunities for "dates" and
social intercourse*
Although these churches have been established for a
considerable length of time, their influence an Chinese
B9
life is very limited. The combined membership of all the
Protestant and Catholic Churches does not exceed 300, while
the active members are less than one half of that amount.
There are several problems confronting the Churches.
First of all the Chinese attitude toward Christianity for
the most part is negative, Christianity is treated as a for
eign religion. Many Chinese think that the ceremonies of the
Church are the forms of superstitution ahd the preaching of
miracles are impracticable idealism.
Even though "Christianity as a way of life cm impress
the Chinese, Christian creeds and dogmas will be crushed not
by superior Confucian logic but by ordinary Confucian common
35
sense."
Furthermore, the objection to Christianity to ancestor
worship creates reluctance on the part of the average Chinese,
The Christians regard worship of ancestors as not in harmony
with the teachings of the Ten Commandments, while the Chinese
believe that ancestor worship is a virtue. The average Chinese
do not teach their children to become like the sons of God,
but teach them to behave sanely and to follow the father's foot
steps. Here we find that the Confucianist and Christiqn point
of view differ widely. The ethics of the former is man-centered
and family-centered, while the latter is God-centered.
35
Lin Yu-tang, Pp.^iji. .0,103
90
Among the church members themselves, there are conflict
ing ideas as to what religion should be. The conservative group
believes in the immortality of the soul. They think that Sun
day sermons should emphasize soul-saving. To them forms and
ceremonies are very important. Their religious ideas are
those of a century ago, and they do not seem to practice what
they have preached.
On the other hand, there is the progressive group which
consists mostly of young people, some of whom are not church
members. They think that church leaders should pay more atten
tion to social activities and music. To them the church should
be conducted as a community center with emphasis on the program
of character building, except on Sunday, which is to be devoted
to worship. Unfortunately, the young people do not have very
much influence over the church because they have not been with
the church long and they are unable to render financial sup
port, In each of the Chinese churches, there is a board of
trustees which consists of the pastor, the elders, and those
who give the church financial support, Thit small group is ac
tually in control, and indeed, they are the Church,
The second problem that the churches are now facing is
the language problem. Today, theChinese churches are undergo
ing a transitional period as the first generation are gradually
being replaced by the ever-increasing second generation. The
Chinese language which is formally used in many church groups
is gradually being replaced by English. Take the Sunday School
91
for instance, all, except the mothers* and senior men's
classes, are conducted in English. For the congregation
the pastors like to use both languages in preaching, un
less the pastor, himself, does not have the knowledge of
both.
In the Presbyterian and in the Methodist Churches
both the first and second generations are given opportunity
to undersrand. Sermons and prayers are given in both lan
guages, and so is Scripture reading. In singing hymns,the
congregation sings in different languages; those who know
only English sing in English; those who know Chinese sing in
Chinese; and those who know both languages sing in both.
This presents a rather new kind of musical harmony. This
bi-lingual service was adapted primarily to meet the language
situation. While it has its advantages, there are also some
disadvantages. First, it destroys the primary purpose of wor
ship, for when the sermon is given in Chinese the second gen
eration does not understand, their attention is diverted and
they begin to talk to each other. As the sermon is repeated
in English, the first generation does not understand. Their
minds drift to things other than worship. The second disad
vantage is a lack of continuity of thought from the beginning
to the end. Thirdly, the repetition of the same thing is a
waste of time, especially for those who understand both lan
guages*
92
DenominationalIsm is the third problem. It creates a
disunity among the Christians themselves. The conservative
members of different denominations generally look upon each
other as competitors and even rivals. They think that their
own church is better than others. Instead of giving friendly
advice to each other and trying to solve their common problems,
they criticize each other on unimportant points. This unfor
tunate situation is caused, to a large extent, by Jealousy,
deeply seated sentiment and competition. As the church mem
bers move from one locality to another, they do not attend
the new neighborhood church simply because of the barrier of
denomination. If their own church is too faraway from their
new homes, they would rather stay home than to transfer to
the new church. Consequently, the churches have a hard time
trying to increase their membership*
The young and progressive members do not like the idea
of denominationalism. They favor a union of all Chinese
churches so that the ministers can work together and plan a
better program. However, there are obstacles confronting
this attempt. First of all, the Chinese churches are not self-
supported; they receive financial and administrative support
from the Home Mission Departments of the various denominations*
Therefore, they are underdenominational control. Secondly,
the wish for domination of the influential members of differ
ent churches is a great hindrance to the unification of Chi
nese churches. The church leaders want to maintain their
93
power and are afraid of losing it as a result of unification.
The same may apply to the ministers themselves; the fear of
losing a position makes the minister reluctant toward this
proposal*
The fourth problem the church now faces is leadership.
The majority of the so-called leaders of the church are the
conservative old folks, who possess very little modern edu
cation. They are of the extreme fundamentalist type. To
them modern religious ideas are intolerable. This non-recog
nition of modern ideas has been the means of closing the church
doors to many youthful leaders. The elders must recognize the
fact that the growth of the church must depend upon the young
people. Their participation of the church administration
should be encouraged rather than envied. Young leaders at
tract young followers. Only by having leaders, both old and
young, working harmoniously together will the church become
a real factor in the life of the community*
Finally, there is a lack of well-planned program in the
Chinese church. No definite program of religious education
of social service has been planned. The church program is,
in most cases, centered around the Sunday services. Very
few adults ever attend the Sunday School. It is interesting
to know that the word. Church, as translated in Chineseis
"li-bei-tong" which means "Sunday Hall." It is so-called
94
because the Chinese go to church only on Sundays, During
the rest of the week the church door is closed and one can
not find a soulthere*
These are the most notable problems and the statement
is by no means complete. If the present situation in the
Chinese churches does not improve, the future of Christianity
is not very promising among the Chinese populace*
CHAPTER V
PARTICIPATION IN-EDUCATION
"He who gains knowledge is friend to himself
He who cherishes insight shall prosper
Wisdom is better than gold 36
And insight more desirable than silver."
No other word is better tlian this excerpt to describe
what the Chinese people think of the value of education. In
a Chinese society the scholars rank first and they are re
spected by all other classes of people. The, Chinese are an
xious to send their children to school and give them educa
tion as long as their financial condition can afford it. They
realize that it is better to give their children education
than to will them property, because education is a means
through which one may rise to a high position in society.
This chapter, in dealing with the participation of the
Chinese in education, will be divided into two parts. The
first part will be devoted to the discussion on their parti
cipation in the American schools, while the last part will
discuss mainly their participation in the Chinese language
schools and the importance of these schools to the American-
born Chinese.
The first group selected for discussion here is the
Chinese students in colleges and universities. Before Pearl
36
E. S. Bogardus, History of Bppial Thought(Los Angeles:
Jesse Ray Miller, 129.) p.68
.9 6
Harbor, scores of Chinese students came to the recog
nized American institutions of higher learning from
China every year. According to the Director of the
37
Chinese Students in America, there were 1,348 male
students and 502 female students for the year 1941-42*
Since the present war broke out there is a decrease in
registration* It has been stated that in 1942-43 "the
total number of Chinese students enrolled in 224 North
American institutions of higher learning is 1,402 with
1,324 in the United States, 1 in Alaska, and 77 in Can
ada* Of this total number, 814 came from China and
588 were born In America; 1,005 are men and 397 wo-
38
men. "
Compared with the last two years, there is a de
crease of 24^ or 448 Chinese students. The reasons
are obvious. Since the fall of Hong Kong and Shanghai
the Chinese coast area was completely blockaded. And
following America's entrance into the war there is no
means of transportation in the Pacific for civilians*
Consequently no students have been able to come from
China.
37
Directoryof Chinese Students in America 1942-43
published by Chinese Students’ Christian Associaion in
North America, 347 Madision Avenue, New York City.
38
Ibid., p* 5
97
In this country some Chinese students did not get any
support from home and they had to leave school and
look for a job,— while the American array has drafted
some of them, especially American-born Chinese,
The majority of the American-born Chinese are under
graduates, while those who came from China are mostly
graduate students who already hold their college degrees.
Formerly, liberal arts was the popular subject amont the
Chinese students, but owing to the national demand for
more practical field workers, many students are now tak
ing applied science and technical training*
The Chinese students now major in more than fifty
different subjects. The following chart shows the dis
tribution of Chinese students according to their major
subjects*
98
TABLE VI
39
Distribution of Chinese Students hz Courses
Male Female Total
Agrioultm’e
Architecture
Business
Criminology
Education
Engine er ing-Aeronaut ical
Chemical
Civil
Electrical
General
Marine
Mechanical
Mining and Metallurgy
English and Journalism
Fine Arts - Art
Music
Forrestry
General
Geography and Geology
Home Economics
Industrial Arts
Languages
Library Science
Mathematics and Statistics
Medical Sciences - Dentistry
Medicine
Nursing
Optome try
Pharmacy
Public Health
Veterinary
Military Science
Natural Science - Biology
,Chemistry
General
Physics
Philosophy
Photography
Physical Education
Psychology
Social Sciences Anthropology
Economics
History
Lqw
Political Science
Sociology
Speech and Dramatics
Theology
Undesignated
totals...
39
Ibid.,p.60
21 4 25
12 1 13
57 25 82
1 1
27 <38 65
31
— —
31
19 19
42 1 43
36 1 37
89 1 90
2 2
58 2 60
21
—
21
3 20 23
2 7 9
3 14 17
1 1 2
71 57 128
7 7
1 21 22
3 3
10 2 12
7 4 11
9 4 13
21 1 22
86 10 96
12 12
1 2 3
14 6 20
5 5 10
2
..
2
2 2
30 14 44
49 22 71
18 4 22
23 6 28
7 2 9
1 1
1 4 5
6 11 17
—
1 1
46 8 54
11 3 14
14 1 15
37 5 42
31 37 68
3 3
10 8 18
62 33 95
1,005 397 1,402
99
From the foregoing chart, we find that there are more men
than women attending colleges. It is a common practice in China
that the parents give better educational advantages to their sons
than to their daughters*
This chart also shows that engineering leads in popularity
with 303 students but only 5 in the group are girls. This may
be connected with the idea that woman’s place is in the home
and the fact that well-educated Chinese women would not wish
to work in the factory or out in the field* This may also ex
plain why such a large number of girls major in home economics,
education, music, nursing, sociology, and other subjects. But
it is surprising to find so many girls majoring in Chemistry.
Next to engineering social sciences come second with 194,
while medical sciences and natural sciences tie with 165 each*
The gradual increase of Chinese students in applied
sciences shows the awakening of the Chinese youth. Their under»=*
standing of the nation*s needs is a great asset to the future
reconstruction in China*
The University of C alifornla has the largest number of
Chinese students in attendance. There are mors Chinese resid
ing in California than in any other state. The following chart
shows the geographical distribution of Chinese by States: —
100
TABLE VII
Dlstrlbution of Chinese Students by States*
40
Institutions Male Female Total
Alabama
1 1 1
Arizona 3 14 7 21
California 22 255 119 374
Colorado
4 lë 15
Connecticut
1 12 12
Washington, D, C*
4 15 15
Florida 2 3 3
Georgia
1 1
_
1
Idaho
1 1 1
Illinois
16 55 28 83
Indiana
5 19 3 22
Iowa
5 16 8 24
Kansas
3 2 3 5
Kentucky
1 1
—
1
Louisiana
2 7 4 11
Maryalnd
5 5 6 11
Massachusetts
23 147 40 187
Michigan
8 46 26 72
Minnesota
4 19 , 5 24
Mississippi
1 1 1
Missouri
2 1 2 3
Montana
1 1 1
Nebraska
3 8 8
Nevada
1 2 4 6
New Hampshire 2 2 1 3
New Jersey 6 12 3 15
New York 28 158 69 227
North Carolina 2 3 1 4
North Dakota 1 1 1
Ohio 8 15 7 22
Oklahoma 2 5 — 5
Oregon 3 19 10 29
Pennsylvania
16 31 7 38
Rhode Island 2 6 5
South Caroling 1 1 — 1
Tennessee 3 2 6 8
Texas 1 1 1
Virginia 6 7 3 10
Washington 6 20 3 23
West Virginia 1 1 - 1
Wisconsin 5 21 8 29
Total in U.S. 212 945 379 17324
Alaska 1 1 — 1
Canada 11 59 18 7%'
Grand Total 224 1,005 397 1,402
40
Ibid.. p.57
101
In Los Angeles, there are approximately 145 Chinese
students in the institutions of higher learning. The
present writer has compiled the following table which is
based on the files of the Chinese Student Association of
Southern California and the Directory of Chinese Students
in America, 1942-43.
TABLE VIII
Male Female Total
California Institute of Technology
College of Osteopathic Physicians
15 - 15
and Surgeons 2 2
Los Angeles City College
Curtiss-Wright Technical Institute
2 2 4
of Aeronautics 54
- 54
National School 8 - 6
Occidental College 1 1 2
Pomona College
University of California at
3 2 5
Los Angeles 5 1 6
University of Southern California 25 21 46
Whittier College - 2 2
Woodbury College — 1 1
Total 115 30 143
This table, almost identical with the first chart, shows
the wide difference in number of male and female students and
also shows that there are no girls attending the technical
schools in Los Angeles.
The figures given in the above charts are based on
rough estimates. It is hard to get the exact data because
some students have not registered under any student associa
tion and some of them have not attended school steadily.
The scholastic standing of the Chinese students is rather
high in spite of their language difficulties. It is strange to
find that the students who came from China generally have a
102
higher scholastic record than the American-born Chinese.
Perhaps, this is due to the fact that most of the China-
born students have already graduated from colleges in
China. They are more serious-minded and mentally matured.
However, socially they are not as successful as the Ameri
can born students.
Before the war, the average ■ length of time which the
Chinese students stayed in this country to study was about
three years. In order to acquire advanced knowledge in
such a short period the National Department of Education in
China advised the students not to go abroad until they had
received the A.B. degree or the equivalent training which
will qualify them to enter the graduate schools of America.
This plan has already been adopted for the government
students.
According to Jenning P. Ohu, this plan .has several ad
vantages. "First, it will save the educational cost. Secondly,
it will avoid the danger of many studdnts becoming unfamiliar
with their own country, less appreciative of their own cul
ture and civilization, and therefore less ready to render
their service to it. Thirdly, it will take in only students
who will better judge Western civilization and can thus make
a better selection of what is desirable. Fourthly, it will
include only those students who, because of their maturity,
have already, before coming to America, gained a considerable
103
respect for their own people and who, therefore, upon their
return, mil make their influence more readily felt and
41
their work more productive,"
Unlike the American students, the Chinese have very
few social activities. Most .of their out—of—school activi
ties are academic in nature, such as speeches, academic
discussions, etc. Other activities such as athletics and
social affairs in various forms are rarely participated in
by the China-born students, male or female. The only so
cial gatherings participated in by them are the students’
club or student association meetings. Many of them never
take part in dancing which is almost entirely monopolized
by the American-born Chinese students. The China-born
students enjoy small groups; they like to play Chinese
chess, bridge, Mah-Jong, or to go to an outing with a
few selected friends.
There are some noticeable distinctions between the
China-born students and the American students. The Chinese
students are good listeners whereas the American students
are good talkers. Chinese students are more humble, es
pecially toward the professors. Chinese students like to
talk about world politics while the Ajjj0x»ioans like sports
and amusements. Most of the Chinese are not concerned so
much with their grades as are the average American students.
41
Jennings Pinkwei Chu, Chinese Students in America.
(New York: Teaoberw College, Columbia University Press 1922)
p.OO. ' * f
104
The American students are mechanically inclined and they
master the technical subjects better than the Chinese do,While
the latter are more appreciative of philosophical subjects.As
for the graduate students, the Chinese may not read as exten
sively as the Americans, but they surely study more intensively.
The average Chinese students are more "world-minded," in that,
the writer means that they are less race prejudiced and more
interested in world affairs. Aside from physical ear-marks,
there are more resemblances among the graduate students of
these two groups (Chinese and American) than among the under
graduates*
Another group that participates in education is the facul
ty group in various Ameiioan colleges and universities* In Los
Angeles, there are three Chinese instructors teadiing at: the
University of Southern California, two are teaching at the Uni
versity of California at Los Angeles, and one is teaching at
Pomona College, one at Pasadena Junior College, Most of these
instructors are teaching Chinese language and philosophy.
In regard to the Chinese participation in public educa
tion, there is observation of the laws of California that re
quire boys and girls under the age of eighteen to attend the
public schools unless they have already graduated from high
school. Most of the Chinese chiliren attend public schools
in East Los Angeles, because their homes are located there,'
105
According to their teachers, Chinese boys and girls
are good students, both in scholarship and in character*
Scholastically speaking, they are above the average in
42
school* This does not mean that they are mentally su
perior, There are certain conditions that make them out
standing. First, they have discipline at home. Their
parents pay attention to their school work and use both
positive and negative methods to teach them. Positively,
they encourage the children to study hard by offering
prizes; negatively, they punish the children by cutting
down their allowances, making them stay home to do extra
study or even apply physical punishment when the children
bring home poor report cards. Secondly, the Chinese chil
dren in the schools of these particular districts are com
peting mostly with Mexican and Negro children whose home
environments are below the average American standard*
Chinese children behave very well in schools. They
respect the American teachers. The school authority have
very little trouble in disciplining them. There are very
few truancy cases among them and their attendance is very
regular. They are very appreciative of the help which the
teachers have given them.
42
K,K, Louies, "A Study of American-born and American
reared Chinese in Los Angeles," p,56. An unpublished master's
thesis, the University of Southern California,
106
While the teacher-pupil relationship in the public schools
is generally friendly, the relationship with schoolmates' is
not so good. Racial discrimination is increasing as the pupils
advance from primary schools to high schools, to say nothing
of the colleges and universities. In general, the children
in primary schools have very little race consciousness and
they are not particular in choosing friends. One can always
find that boys of different races play together. As they ad
vance to junior high schools, a consciousness of race differ
ences begins. And that -consciousness grows to blossom v^hen
they enter high school. The American students in high school
are inclined to segregate the Chinese students as a group.
Not only the American students discriminate against the
Chinese but the Chinese students, too, do not like to associate
with Negroes and Mexicans. They look dovm on these two groups
just as the Americans look down.upon the Chinese. Many
Chinese students do not like to go to Jefferson High School
simply because there are so many Negro children there. They
say that the latter dominate everything in the student body
and athletics, and that they are rowdy. Some of the Chinese
change their addresses, either by moving to other places or
by using the addresses of relatives or friends in order to
avoid going to that school.
The most preferable high school for the local Chinese
boys is Polytechnic, because the name of the school is at
tractive to them. Many American-born Chinese boys of today
107
realize that it is better for them to have some technical
knowledge than that of liberal arts, for a Chinese with
technical ability can find a Job more easily. They also
realize that if they cannot secure employment here, they
can go back to China because technical men are badly needed
there*
If the second generation Chinese want to go to China
and desire to make a contribution toward the welfare of
their fellow countrymen, they must, during the days of
youth in America, diligently study the Chinese language*
Even if they wish to be successful and live happily in
America, they should know the language of their own people*
The Chinese acknowledge the superiority of American educa
tion, but they think that for their children to attend the
public schools alone is not enough, because the public
schools do not teach the Chinese language. Therefore, they
have established many Chinese language schools throughout
America* Through these schools, the children may learn not
only the parents' native language, but also some of the
history, traditions and customs of the old country. Through
these schools, the A^erican-born Chinese can better adjust
themselves .tp the environment of the Chinese communities*
It must be remembered that the Chinese schools are
not a substitute for the American schools, but merely a
108
a supplementary measure. This is what, they were intended
to be originally, and they are still holding such a posi-
tioh. The Chinese children go to the language schools af
ter their regular hours in the American schools*
Los Angeles once had seven Chinese Language Schools;
three of them were conducted under the direction of the
Chinese Consolidated Benevolence Association and one each
by the four churches, - the Presbyterian, the Catholic,
the Congregational and the Methodist. Since July 1943, some
of these schools have been temporarily discontinued due to
the fact that they cannot engage a teacher*
At the present time there are only three language schools,
namely: the Presbyterian Church School, the Catholic Chinese
School, and the Congregational Chinese School* The Presby
terian Chinese School is now the largest and is located at
East Adams Boulevard and Stanford Street* Because of the
convenience of obtaining data, the writer will choose the
Presbyterian Chinese Chool for discussion.
With the coming and going of the children, it is impos
sible to have exact data concerning the number and composition
of the pupils. The following statistics are only approximately
correct*
There are about 142 pupils, 94 boys and 48 girls* The
school has its grades from first year of primary up to junior
high school standing. Of the 28 pupils in the junior high
109
grades, only eight are girls. This means that the higher
the grade, the smaller the number of girls. There is some
social significance behind these figures, Chinese love
their children, but they love their sons more. The parents
generally send their sons to school at an earlier age than
their daughters, and the daughters quit school earlier than
the sons. Perhaps the parents' interest in the sons* educa
tion is prompted by a selfish motive, that is, they hope
that the sons who have received higher education will bring
comfort to them and give the family a higher social standing,
The other reason is that the daughters have to stay at home
and help their mothers with the house work.
The age variation is from six to sixteen years old. The
age of the majority is from ten to thirteen. Most of them
started to attend the Chinese school at the age of eight or
nine. Some started as early as six and a few started after
twelve. The highest organ of the Chinese school administra
tion board of dii^ectors and trustees, but the group actually
responsibile for the school administration is the faculty.
The faculty fixes thecurriculum of the school and the prin
cipal arranges the program. The pupils stay in school for
two hours a day, from4:30 p.m. to 6:30 p.m., with twenty
minute recess between classes. They attend school five
days a week. For the lower grades the curriculum consists
of reading and writing. For the upper classmen, they have
reading, penmanship, composition, letter writing, Chinese
history, and geography.
110
43
The functions of these schools are well worth study
ing. The purpose of the school is to teach the children the
language of their parents, and to teach them the customs, tra
ditions and history of their ancestors. Such training and in
formation are undoubtedly valuable to them. Briefly, the func
tions of the Chinese school can be summarized under five head
ings, namely: family adjustment, cultural diffusion, social
and recreational functions, and vocational preparation.
The Chinese school serves as a means of family adjustment
The second generation Chinese have two social heritages, Orien
tal and Occidental. They are Orientals in appearance, but Oc
cidental in nature. In most foreign groiç)S there is a wide
gulf between first and second generations. On the one hand
the children are being Americanized in the American public
schools, while on the other hand their parents are firmly
holding on to their native customs and traditions. As the
children are older, they realize that they are living in two
different worlds. Unfortunately, the differences between the
Chinese culture and that of America is greater than the dif
ferences between the European culture and that of America.
The fact tends to intensify the conflict.
45
The writer has published an article "The Functions of
the Chinese Language School" in Sociology and Social Research
July-August,1941. Vol. XXV, No, 6,
I l l
The absence of a common expression and means of communi
cation complicates the matter more than anything else. The
first generation Chinese can speak very little English due
to the fact that they are working most of the time. They
are rarely given an opportunity to learn English and since
money is more important to the adults, they make no effort to
learn. Many Chinese women of the first generation are complete
ly ignorant of English.
The problem of the Amerloan-born Chinese presents a com
pletely different picture. Chinese language to them is as dif
ficult as English is to their parents. They go to public schools
and study English. They play with the other English-speaking
boys and girls. Since they seldom stay at home, they naturally
have little time to learn Chinese from their parents. The
best thing they can do is to speak half English and half Chi
nese, which leads Leong Gor Yun to say that "they have invented
a new language, a 'Chinglish,' which would defy the most learned
44
scholar or the most practiced aroheologist,"
Since the parents and the children cannot find a common
means of communication, misunderstamdings would naturally be
the result. There seems to be a barrier between them; they
live under the same roof, yet they are spiritually far apart.
44
Leong Gor Yun, Oo.c.it. . p. 117
112
It is known that "the tendency among all races that have
come to America has been for the second generation to
break away from the control of their parents, looking
45
down upon them as ignorant of American ways*" In order
.to fill this gap, the Chinese language school is indispen-
able. It serves as an interceding force that accomplishes
benefits to both sides. Indeed the common language is im
portant in binding the first and second generations closely
together. The language school would give the children a
knowledge of Chinese so that parents and children can under
stand each other better. Thus, the family problems are more
easily adjusted.
The Chinese sobool functions as a means of culture dif
fusion. By that we mean "the spreading of culture patterns
46
and complexes," The Immigrants introduce their culture
patterns wherever they go. The early Chinese immigrants
to the United States were of the laboring class who are il
literates, Even today very few Chinese immigrants are well
educated. They have made a very unfavorable impression upon
the American public. Many Americans still have the notion
that the Oriental people represent an inferior and backward
45
Edward K. Strong, Jr., Second-generation Japanese Pro
blem. (California: 'Stanford University P^^ess, 1934) p.202.
46
E.S. Bogardus, Contemporary Sociology (Los AngelesS
University of Southern California Press, 1932), p,84.
113
race. Living in a country where the Chinese have been
looked down upon and ill-treated, it is easy for the
Chinese to develop inferiority complexes. To prevent the
children from falling into this conviction, it is necessary
fbr them to have a correct knowledge of China and the Chinese
civilization. . The course of Chinese history as taught in the
language school aims to give the children a clear picture of
what China stands for and has accomplished, and to arouse their
appreciation of the Chinese ancient culture and its recent de
velopment. Such knowledge helps the children to see their
parents' viewpoint and to respect their own race.
The school is not only a place to learn Chinese but al
so a place for social gatherings. In spite of the shortage
of recreational facilities and poor equipment of the school
building, the children are glad to attend. This does not
mean that the children enjoy studying in the Chinese, school.
On the contrary, there is a common feeling of dislike in be
ing confined in a class room after having attended American
school all day. Among the older children there is a tendency
to drop out from Chinese schools. However, the small chil
dren prefer the school to their homes because the children
have been very despondent and lifeless at home. The father
always looks so dignified that the children do not feel free
in his presence. On the other hand, there are so many pupils
of different age levels in the school, it is- easy for a child
to find his playmates among them. The children thirst for
group life, and the Chinese school meets this need
114
Since the modern overseas Chinese college students
came to teach in these schools, they brought with them
the new educational methods. Thus the old-barrier be
tween the teachers and pupils is gradually breaking
down. Now the teachers no longer hold a "stick" to
frighten the children. Physical punishment has been
looked upon unfavorably. Instead of hating the teachers,
the children begin to appreciate them. Friendship between
the teachers and the pupils is growing, and the result of
this improvement is a rapid increase in attendance. In
some cases, the children feel more at home in the Chinese
school than in the American school. This is partly due
to the absence of race prejudice and partly due to the
"consciousness of kind." In a word, the children who go
to Chinese school are not so much interested in the course
they study, but in the fellowship they enjoy.
The function of the Chinese school as a means of vo
cational preparation is of vital importance at the present
time. Chinatown is a man's town, dominated by the first
generation Chinese merchants. They still cling to Chinese
ways of doing things. Any one who does not know Chinese
is looked down upon. For the second generation, those
who can master the Chinese language are looked up to with
favor and admiration, but those who are ignorant of the
115
native tongue are called "brainless." And the "brainless"
is not wanted for a better position. He may have received
a distinguished college degree, but that makes no differ
ence. Many college graduates among the American-born
Chinese have no chance to get a satisfactory job in the
Chinese community. Therefore, a good knowledge of the
Chinese language is of help* In many cases it is a nec
essity in securing vocational opportunities. The children
who are brought up with this knowledge, will constitute
an economic asset for the future*
The older generation still controls the Chinese
business, and in order to obtain employment from them,
it is necessary for the younger generation to know the
Chinese language. Even in seeking employment in Ameri
can business firms, a Chinese would have a better chance
if he knows the Chinese and the English language as well*
From the social and economic standpoint, the Chinese
language schools are at present filling a need and
should be considered as necessary. Although there may
be objections to their ways and means, no one can deny
their value. They are of value to the Chinese children,
and directly or indirectly to the community as well* -
116
CONCLUSION
This conclusion will be divided into three parts, namely,
the summary of the findings, the effects of war on Chinese
participation, and the future outlook.
Oocupational oarticlDation: The Chinese immigration
to the United States was due to economic reasons; only a few
cases were due to political persecution. The real influx
began after the discovery of gold in California. In 1880,
the peak of Chinese immigration reached 105,465. The early
Chinese immigrants were confined to manual work, such as
mining, railway construction farming, and so on. Since the
development of ports along the P acific Coast there were
opened markets for trade. The Chinese merchants came over
to do business. At present there are thirty different kinds
of occupations of the Chinese in Los Angeles. The greatest
participation is in laundry, restaurant, grocery, fruit, and
vegetable stand, produce market, curio store, and domestic
service*
The Chinese in Los Angeles are scattered in several
localities. There are four Chinese business centers, namely,
the Old Chinatown, the New Chinatown, the China City, and
Ninth Street Market. This lack of group solidarity affects
the occupational aspect of their economic life because their
chances of employment depend mostly on the extension of
Chinese business which in turn depends on the number and
117
concentration of the Chinese population. Since the Chinese
community is too small to support many occupations by itself,
the Chinese have to get Jobs in the American community. There
they are confronted with racial discrimination and legal re
strictions.
Contrasting with the popular misconception, it has been
found that the Chinese are not working for longer hours and
with lower wages than are other workers. It is fair to say
that when Chinese unskilled labor is compared with white un
skilled labor the average earnings of the Chinese is higher
than that of the white. The reverse is true when comparison
is made between the skilled labor of these two groups.
There is a tendency of the American-born Chinese to seek
Jobs outside of Chinatown, and to try to enter vocations which
would afford a high status.
In regard to business, the first generation Chinese do
not believe in "high-pressure salesmanship." The words of
honor play a very important role in Chinese business transac
tions. The reputation of a firm, the "face" of an individual,
and personal intimacy mean much in Chinese business.
Participation in Political and Related Orgahizations.
Many Chinese organizations developed in order to meet the
needs of the social situation. Among these, the highest govern
ing body is the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association,
The functions of this supreme organ are as follows: First, it
serves as a "government" to maintain peace and order in the
Chinese colony. Secondly, it makes rules and regulations for
118
business transaction among the Chinese. Thirdly, it is
concerned with the rights of the first generation Chinese.
Fourth, it serves as an agency to do some welfare work*
Fifth, it is the chief organ in directing Chinese patri
otic activities. The revenue of the Association comes
from collection of membership fees, "port duty" and ser
vice fees which are charged for the assistance given in
business transactions.
The real backbone of this Association is found in
certain powerful organizations, namely, the territorial
associations, the family associations or family cliques,
the guilds, and the Tongs. The territorial associations
are composed of many small groups formed by people from
the same home towns. Because of lack of funds, leader
ship, and enthusiasm of the members, these associations in
Los Angeles have ceased to exist in form. The family asso
ciations are organized on the basis of identical surnames
while the family cliques are formed by a union of several
family associations. The guilds attempt to control workers
in certain specific fields of work for mutual assistance.
The tongs are fraternal and political organizations which
came into existence as a check upon any one family that
might become too powerful. The development of the tongs has
passed through three stages, namely, the protective stages,
the fighting stage, and the fraternal stage. Most of these
organizations are formed on a nationwide basis. Their mo
tives are the struggle for power, recognition, and security.
119
The real political organization in Chinatovm is the
Kuomintang, which has a connection with the Nationalist
Party in China. However, its Los Angeles branch is not
active, primarily due to the lack of leadership.
The largest organization of the second generation
Chinese is the Chinese American Citizens Alliance. This
Alliance plays three important roles. First, it gives a
voice for the second generation Chinese in Chinatovm. poli
tics. Secondly, the Alliance practically controls the votes
of its members and it has influence in swinging the votes
of other American-born Chinese in its direction. In this
respect, its political activities have more to do with the
Americans than with the Chinese. Third, it functions as a
benevolent association for its members.
The Chinese Patriotic Society was formed since the
Japanese invasion of Chinese soil in 1937. The important
activities of this society are to raise money for China re
lief and to direct the publicity work which is to arouse
the sympathy of the Americans for China’s cause.
Participation in Religion: The religions v/hich the
Chinese in Los Angeles choose to accept are Confucianism,
Buddhism, Pseudo-Taoism, and Christianity. Confucianism
is by far the most popular belief because the teachings of
Confucius are so identical with Chinese moral ideas.
120
The Buddhist temples in the Chinese community are operated not
by any religious group but rather by opportunists whose inten
tions are entirely for profit.
Christianity entered into the Chinese community in Los
Angeles in 1876. At first the missionaries began their work
by teaching English. At present there are foiir Chinese churches,
one Catholic, and three Protestant, namely, — the Presbyterian,
Congregational, and the Methodist. Only the Chinese Catholic
Center was recently built, the other three Protestant Churches
have been established for a considerable time. However, their
influence in Chinese life is very limited. Their combined mem
bership does not exceed 300, and the active members are less
than one half that number. The problems confronting the Chinese
churches are many, but the more important ones are their failure
to arouse the interest of the Chinese public in their work; their
failure to settle differences between progressive and reactionary
elements within a church; the differences between various denom
inations; and, above all, the lack of leadership and well-planned
program.
Participation In Education. The number of Chinese students
attending American colleges and iJnlversities has decreased since
the United States entered the war. At present there are 1,402
Chinese students of whom 814 came from China and 588 were born
in America; 1,005 are men and 397 are women. The majority of
the American-born Chinese are undergraduates, while those who
121
came from China are mostly graduates. The major sourses
of the Chinese students have shifted from liberal arts to
applied sciences and technical training. More Chinese stu
dents reside in California than in any other state. In Los
Angeles, there are approximately 145 Chinese students in the
institutions of higher learning with 115 men and 30 women.
Generally the students who come from China have a higher
scholastic record, than American-born Chinese, but socially
the former are not as successful as the latter. The China-
born students are more humble and less prejudiced than the
American students*
In the public schools, the Chinese are good students
both in scholarship and oliaracter. The relationship between
Chinese pupils and school authorities is good but the rela
tionship with schoolmates is not so friendly. In general,
the children of grammar school age have very little conscious
ness of race differences. Race discrimination begins in
junior highschool and becomes acute in highschool and college*
Although the Chinese recognize the superiority of Ameri
can education, they think that for their children to attend the
public school alone is not enough because the Chinese language
is not taught there. As a supplementary measure, the Chinese
language schools have been established, ' In Los Angeles,
there were seven Chinese schools, but since June, 1943, four
of them have been temporarily discontinued; only the Presby
terian Chinese School and the Catholic Chinese School are
maintaining their regular sessions.
122
There are 142 pupils in the Presbyterian Chinese School,
94 boys and 48 girls. The tendency is that the higher the
grade, the smaller the number of girls. The age range of
the pupils is from seven to sixteen. They go to school two
hours a day and five days a week. Reading and writing are the
only courses for the lowergrades, while the upper classmen
have penmanship, composition, letter-writing, history, and
geography. There are four main functions of the Chinese
language school, which serves as a means of family adjustment
cultural diffusion, social gathering, and vocational prepara
tion. From a social and economic standpoint, the language
school is valuable to the second generation Chinese and to
the Chinese community as a whole*
Effects of War on Chinese Participation, The present
war has directly and indirectly changed many occupations of
the Chinese, First, the evacuation of the Japanese from the
defense zone of the Pacific Coast gave the Chinese an oppor
tunity to gain back some of their former occupations. In
early days, many Chinese were engaged in farming and selling
fruits and vegetables,. Later the Japanese took over most of
the business along this line. The Chinese started a Produce
Market with some Americans. Again many Chinese produce business
men gave up to the Japanese. Other occupations, such as laundry,
grocery, restaurant, and so on were also invaded by the Japanese.
Indeed, the Japanese became the chief competitors of the Chinese
in Los Angeles, As the competitors moved out, the Chinese moved
in.
123
Many Chinese merchants bought the Japanese stores at
a very low price. Today, more Chinese are engaged in farm
ing, produce, and grovery business than ever before. Secondly,
the shortage of man power opens a channel for many Chinese to
get into the defense industries. Because the technical men
get higher wages many Chinese have gone to trade schools to
make themselves better equipped. The significance of this
tendency is the gradual transformation from unskilled labor
ers to skilled workers. This tendency may lead to a change in
Chinese living standards.
The war has had some effects on the various Chinese or
ganizations, Many social clubs have limited their activities
to a great extent. There is practically no outright dispute
among the associations in Chinatovm. They all send represen
tatives to the Chinese Patriotic Society with one common
purpose - to help China and the United Nations win the war.
The chief trend in the Chinese churches is that fewer
young men and more old folks and girls are attending Sunday
services. While the former have joined the armed forces,
the latter go to church for spiritual comfort.
The Chinese participation in education is declining. The
war has put a stop to many Chinese students coming to the
United States, Many American-born Chinese have left school,
either joining the ammed forces or working in the defense
plants. Fortunately, a large number of the Chinese students
have been granted scholarship from the China Institute of
124
America. The scholarship is awarded in accordance with
three criteria, namely, - the immediate importance of the
student*8 field of specialization to China, the student*s
ability and character, and the student’s financial need.
The scholarship fund has kept many Chinese students in col
leges and universities. Furthermore, the Institute has
placed many Chinese students in industrial plants, and in
laboratories and agricultural projects for practical train
ing.
Future Outlook. In view of the past and the present,
the writer may predict a few things concerning the future
participation of the Chinese in the Los Angeles community.
Where shall the Chinese Community be? The writer believes
that the Chinese Residential district will remain along San
Pedro Street between Ninth and Thirty-second streets. In re
gard to business center, the New Chinatown will be the of
ficial one. This prediction is based on the fact that the
present location of the Old Chinatown is in the way of the
Los Angeles Civic Center project. The buildings there must
be removed to clear the way. Most likely, the powerful or
ganizations will move to the New Chinatown section. Further
more, there is a tendency of the main Chinese business to
move in that direction. The Chinese merchants have already
planned to expand the New Chinatown area. When the war is
over, many new buildings will be constructed over there.
The centralization and expansion of New Chinatown means more
125
opportunities of employment for the Chinese. It also means
more opportunities for businessmen to develop new enter
prises. If the Chinatown is large enough, it may induce
a few American firms to open br*anches there, and these
firms will employ Chinese to work for them. Aside from
restaurants, curio stores, and other traditional business,
the Chinese should look for new lines of enterprixe. For
example, they may engage themselves as agents of a cloth
ing company, or a cosmetic shop or shoe company. Other
enterprises, such as drug store, barber shop, printing
shop, sports and camera store, etc., also have a good fu
ture.
However, there will be very little change in the gen
eral occupations on the part of the first generation Chinese
but the tendency will be for more of the second generation
to take lip. mechanical work. Many Chinese who are unable to
find jobs here will go to China to look for a better chance#
In the post-war period, the import and export business
are bound to be good. The restaurant and grocery business
will probably remain the same. The Chinese laundry business
will decline because of failure to compete with the big
American concerns. If the Japanese come back to Los Angeles,
the Chinese in farming, produce, and fruit and vegetable bus
iness will once again face their chief, competitors. There
fore, the Chinese farmers should organize a cooperative so
ciety to secure economic advantage by regulating the condi
126
tions of competition among themselves while at the same time
trying to improve their farming methods. Because the farmers,
produce merchants, fruit and vegetable men are interdependent,
they should try to help one another for mutual advantage.
As one nation to another, China and the United States
have always maintained good friendship. This friendship
has been strengthened further since these two countries be
came allies* The termination of the American extraterritor
iality rights in China a year ago and the present public opin
ion in favor of the repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Act are
the typical examples of promoting good will between these two
nations. If and when the Chinese Exclusion Act is repealed,
the first generation Chinese will be eligible to become citi
zens through a process of naturalization. In this connection,
the Chinese should prepare themselves to meet the forthcoming
privilege. The most important thing for them to do right now
is to plan a program of adult education for the Chinese, in
order that they may learn the American ways and language of
their adopted land. The writer wishes to suggest that this
work should be carried out either by the Chinese Consolidated
Benevolent Association or by the Chinese churches, or through
the combined effort of the two. The present Chinese language
schools have accomodations which can be used for the conducting
evening classes for this purpose*
Furthermore, the three Chinese Protestant churches, to
gether with their Chinese language schools should be united
into one union church and one union Chinese language school.
This consolidation will bring many advantages to the welfare
127
of the Chinese community. Through the united effort of the
union church, a Chinese community center may be established.
This community center should have three buildings. The first
one for the union church; the second building to be for a
Chinese language school and library; the third building
should serve as the social center where a gymnasium, club
rooms, and various kinds of play facilities should be pro
vided. In addition, there should be a playground and a few
patios to beautify the place. When these physical facilities
are available, it is up to the people in charge of the church
and the school to plan and to carry out a program of recrea
tion, character building, and vocational guidance for the
Chinese youth. In the future, we may add a clinic to this
community center. This clinic should be conducted on a co
operative basis. In this way, the Chinese families can
spend the minimum amount of money and get a maximum of medi
cal care.
Will the Chinese be Americanized in the future? The
answer is affirmative, for the passing away of the old and
the increasing of the American-born Chinese confirm this pos
sibility. Furthermore, all the young first generation Chi
nese are capable of being Americanized Just as any other
race. However, no one can expect the immigrants to change
their habit of living over might. Time is necessary for
the gradual readjustment, and meanwhile effort must be made
to promote this accommodation. The question is whether the
128
Americans will give the Chinese equal chances in participating
in the larger American community life. Unless we are going to
do something about it, the race problem is a perpetual one. To
understand this problem, we must put truth in the place of ig
norance, facts in place of prejudice, and substitute^ goodwill
for hatred. In this way will race relationships be improved
and peace among the nations of the world be assured.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
129
I, BOOKS
Bogardus, Emory S., Essentials of Americanization
Los Angeles, University of Southern California
Press, 1923.
_______ Immigration and Race Attitudes. ^ s
Boston, D.C. Heath and Co., 1928
_________ Introduction to Sociology
Los Angeles, J.R. Miller, 1931
Chen, Ta, Chinese Immigration.
Washington: Government Printing Office, 1923,
Chu, Jennings Pinkwel, Chinese Students in America.
New York, Teachers College, Columbia University,1922,
De Grandmaism, L., The History of Religion, Vol.I
St. Louis, Harder, 1914.
DeGroot, J.J. M.^ Religion of the Chinese
New York, Macmillan, 1910.
Dobie, Charles. San Francisco’s Chinatown.
New York: Appleton-Oentury, 1936,
Gibson, 0,, Chinese in America.
Cincinnati: Hitchock and Walden, 1877.
Glick, Carl, Shakà Hands ^ith the Dragon.
McGraw-Hill Book, Inc., 1941,
_________ Three Times I, Bow.
New York: Whittlesey House, 1943.
Leong Gor Yun, Chinatown Inside Oi|t.
New York: Barrows Mussey, Inc., 1936,
Lin Yutang, My Country and My People.
New York: John Day Company, 1937.
Hears, E.G., Resident Orientals on the American Pacific Coast.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1928,
130
Palmer, Vivien, Field Studies inSooiology,
Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1928.
Sandmeyer, Elmer C., The Anti-Chinese Movement in California.
Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 1939.
Smith, Wiliam 0,, Americans in Process.
Ann Arbor: Edwards Brothers, Inc., 1937.
Soothill, W,E.^ The Three Religions of China.
London: Oxford University Press, 1923.
Strong, Edward K Jr. Second-Generation Japanese.
California : Stanford University Press, 1934.
131
II. Periodicals
Cameron, Donaldlna, "San Francisco Chinatown",
Mission Review. Vol. 57, July, 1934,
Click, Clarence, "The Relation between Position and Status
in the Assimilation of Chinese in Hawaii."
American Journal of Sociology. Vol. XLVII, No.5
Mardh, 1942,
Hayer, Norman and Reynold, Charles N., "Chinese Family in
America."
American Sociological Review. Vol. II, October,1937
Kawai, Kazuo, "Three Roads and None Easy."
Survey Graphic. May, 1926,
Lee, R. H., "Chinese in the United States Todje."
Survey Graphic, Vol, 31, October, 1942.
Martin, John M., "New York Chinatown."
ACommonwealf Vol. 17, November, 1932.
Reed, R. B., "Career Girl, Chinese Style,"
Independent Woman. Vol. 2h, September, 1942,
Reynolds, G.N., "The Chinese Tongs."
American Journal of Sociology. Vol. XL. , Mai’ch 1966,
Sterry, Nora, "Social Attitudes of Chinese Immigrants."
Journal of Ap-plied Sooioiogy. - JulyAugust, 1923,
Tom, Kim Fong, "Functions of the Chinese Language School."
Sociology and Social Research. Vol, XXV, No.6,
J uly-Augus t,1941,
.... "Editorial."
The Chinese Digest. November 15, 1935,
132
Other
III. SOURCES
Chen, Wen-Hui Chung, "A Study of Chinese Family Life in Los
Angeles as Compared with the Traditional Family Life in
China." Unpublished Master’s thesis, University of South
ern California, Los Angeles, 1940,
Erwin, James McFarline, "The Participation of the Negro in
the Community Life of Los Angeles." Unpublished Master’s
thesis. University of Southern California, Los Angeles,
1932.
Lee, Mabel Sam, "The Recreational Interests and Participation
of a Selected Croup of Chinese Boys and Girls in Los
Angeles," Unpublished Master’s thesis, University of
Southern California, Los Angeles, 1939,
Louis, Kit King, "A Study of American-born and American-reared
Chinese in Los Angeles." Unpublished Master’s thesis.
University of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1931.
Perry, Neal Clifford, "An Investigation of Certain Aspects
of the Social, Economic, and Educational Status of
Second Generation Chinese and Japanese Graduates of
High School of Fresno, California." Unpublished Mas
ter’s thesis. University of Southern California, Los
Angeles, 1940,
. . . . . Director of Chinese Students in America, 1942-43,
Published by Chinese Students’ Christian Association in
North America, New York.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Tom, Kim Fong (author)

Core Title The participation of the Chinese in the community life of Los Angeles

School Department of Sociology

Degree Master of Arts

Degree Program Sociology

Degree Conferral Date 1944-02

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,social sciences

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c39-396474

Unique identifier UC11313013

Identifier EP65638.pdf (filename),usctheses-c39-396474 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier EP65638.pdf

Dmrecord 396474

Document Type Thesis

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Tom, Kim Fong

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA